Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
BEIJING, June 10 (Xinhua) — More than 90 percent of Central Asians have positive impressions of China, according to a survey conducted by researchers from Lanzhou University from April 1 to May 15 this year in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
As the joint construction of the Belt and Road continues to advance, the importance of Central Asia is becoming more obvious amid the rapid changes in the international structure, according to a press conference held recently at Lanzhou University on the report on China’s image in Central Asia.
According to the report, China’s overall image in Central Asia shows a positive development trend. Residents of the region have high hopes for promising cooperation with China in the field of scientific and technological innovation and the development of new quality productive forces.
The purpose of the survey, as reported on the official website of Lanzhou University, is to analyze and evaluate the results of friendly cooperation between China and the five Central Asian states.
“It is of particular value that Central Asians deeply agree with the concept of a community with a shared future for China and Central Asia, which brings positive energy to the stable joint construction of the Belt and Road,” said Sha Yongzhong, vice-president of Lanzhou University, at a press conference.
The China Central Asia Image Research Report was developed by the China Central Asia Big Data Institute of Lanzhou University. The survey participants were residents of five Central Asian countries aged 18 to 65. More than a thousand valid questionnaires were received in Chinese, English and Russian.
According to the report, more than 90 percent of respondents view China as “a country that has contributed to global development” and “a responsible country that actively participates in world affairs.”
A similar number of respondents believe that China has had a “very large” or “quite large” positive influence on the development of their countries’ economies. More than 96.2 percent of Central Asians positively assess China’s role in the development of their countries in the energy and infrastructure sectors.
“I hope that the publication of this report will provide new opportunities to stimulate friendly interaction between China and Central Asian countries, especially in the fields of education, culture and tourism,” said Chen Yiyi, deputy director of the institute, in an interview with the Zhongxinshe news agency. -0-
Source: United Kingdom UK Parliament (video statements)
The Defence Committee will hold an evidence session with outgoing Chief of the Defence Staff Admiral Sir Tony Radakin on the work of the Chief of the Defence Staff, at 3pm, on Tuesday 10 June.
The session will be wide-ranging, covering Defence Reform, the Strategic Defence Review, recruitment and retention and the readiness of the Armed Forces.
The treatment and experiences of personnel are likely to be discussed, including the unacceptable behaviours towards women and ethnic minority personnel.
Secretary-General of ASEAN, Dr. Kao Kim Hourn, held a luncheon meeting with members of the Norwegian Parliament, led by Hon. H.E. Åslaug Sem-Jacobsen, in Oslo, Norway, on 10 June 2025. During the meeting, Dr. Kao commended the active participation of Norwegian parliamentary members as AIPA Observers and for their contributions to advance green and blue economic cooperation. Dr. Kao also expressed his appreciation for Hon. Sem-Jacobsen’s participation in the Women Parliamentarians of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (WAIPA) Women’s Political Leaders Forum, at the 45th AIPA General Assembly in October 2024, which reaffirmed ASEAN and Norway’s shared commitment in gender equality, sustainability, and inclusive growth. Dr. Kao further underscored the importance of ASEAN–Norway collaboration in aligning legislative and executive priorities and reaffirmed ASEAN’s support for deeper engagement with the Norwegian Parliament through AIPA.
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Secretary-General of ASEAN, Dr. Kao Kim Hourn, met with H.E. Erna Solberg, Deputy Leader of AIPA-Delegation from the Norwegian Parliament, in Oslo, Norway, on 10 June 2025. Dr. Kao welcomed Norway’s strong commitment in ASEAN as a Sectoral Dialogue Partner and AIPA Observer, highlighting its active role in promoting sustainability, peace, and inclusive development. He acknowledged Norway’s support for green shipping development in ASEAN and encouraged stronger cooperation in other areas such as political-security and economic spheres. Dr. Kao also reaffirmed ASEAN’s support for enhanced collaboration with the Norwegian Parliament through AIPA, particularly in aligning executive and legislative priorities for regional peace and prosperity, among others.
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The Monetary Policy Rate (MoPR) was unchanged at 1.9 percent of the previous week, for a paper maturing on 18 June 2025. The summarised results of the auction held on 10 June 2025, are attached below:
Home » Latest News » Longport car park set for resurfacing, trees, bike parking facilities and more
As part of our Canterbury Connected project, paid for from government money, we are improving some of our car parks to make them more welcoming.
Longport car park is next to see some action. This currently understated car park next to a World Heritage Site is in need of some TLC so it is more in keeping with its location and environment.
The site will be fully resurfaced and relined, trees and a hedge will be added, cycle parking and storage will be installed and visitor welcome information will be provided.
Work will start next Monday (16 June) and will take around eight weeks. Part of the car park will be closed initially and then we will move to a period of full closure from Monday 7 July for the resurfacing and relining.
We apologise in advance for any disruption this work will cause but believe the end result of creating a better welcome in this important area of the city will be well worth it.
Suffolk County, NY — Congressman Nick LaLota (Suffolk County)proudly announced Kerry Yeung, a student at Half Hollow Hills High School East, as the 2025 winner of the Congressional Art Competition for New York’s First Congressional District. This year’s theme, “Service Above Self,” called on students to honor those who dedicate their lives in service to others. Kerry’s work is inspired by the true story of Sir Nicholas Winton, who saved 669 innocent children during WWII.
“Kerry’s artwork is more than a display of exceptional talent—it’s a powerful tribute to Sir Nicholas Winton’s bravery and humanity,”said Rep. LaLota. “By honoring a man who saved hundreds of Jewish children from the horrors of the Holocaust, Kerry’s piece reminds us that the fight against antisemitism requires both courage and compassion. Her work captures the spirit of ‘Service Above Self’ and reflects the enduring values of justice, empathy, and moral leadership that our district proudly upholds.”
2025 Congressional Art Competition Winner, entitled “669,” by Kerry Yeung, Half Hollow Hills High School East
Background:
Kerry Yeung’s winning piece, entitled “669,” is inspired by the true story of Sir Nicholas Winton, who saved 669 innocent children during WWII. She used colored pencils to sketch his face and body and then overlaid this with acrylic paints. Additionally, she printed articles about his story and glued them onto the canvas to highlight his significance as an unsung hero.
As the First District’s winner, Kerry’s artwork will be displayed in the U.S. Capitol for one year, alongside winners from across the country. The winning artwork is featured onHouse.gov‘s Congressional Art Competition webpage, https://www.house.gov/educators-and-students/congressional-art-competition. Kerry was also recently honored in a national reception in Washington, D.C.
The Congressional Art Competition is an annual nationwide initiative that gives high school students the opportunity to showcase their creativity and express their perspectives through visual art. Since 1982, the competition has celebrated the artistic achievements of young artists across the country. Each spring, Members of the U.S. House of Representatives host district-wide contests to recognize and encourage local talent. The winning artwork from each district is displayed in the U.S. Capitol for one year, where it is viewed by thousands of visitors, lawmakers, and staff. The 2025 competition continues this tradition of highlighting student talent and fostering creativity in the next generation of American artists.
The Council and European Parliament have struck a deal on detergents that will make them safer to use and cause less harm to the environment. It will improve their biodegradability, enable the reduction of harmful substances and improve information on the label, without extra red tape.
Health Minister, Dr Aaron Motsoaledi, has praised the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement during the 4th Health Working Group meeting of the Group of 20 (G20) held in Johannesburg.
This significant international treaty, supported by 124 member states on 20 May 2025, is only the second international health treaty approved by the World Health Organisation (WHO) since its establishment in 1948.
The agreement’s adoption follows three years of intensive negotiation launched due to gaps and inequities identified in the national and global COVID-19 response.
It aims to boost global collaboration to ensure a stronger, more equitable response to future pandemics.
Delivering the welcome address on Tuesday morning, Motsoaledi celebrated the momentous achievement and emphasised the importance of collective action in ensuring global health security.
“Your presence here today is a testament to our collective commitment to global health security,” he said.
Motsoaledi stated that the agreement results from the diligent efforts of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Body (INB), which was established to develop a legally binding framework for pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response.
“The stark lessons of the COVID-19 crisis fuelled our collective resolve to forge a more robust and equitable framework, one that ensures international cooperation and protects all nations from the devastating impact of future pandemics,” the Minister told the attendees.
South Africa, playing a pivotal leadership role as a co-chair of the INB, worked alongside partners from France and the Netherlands, while acknowledging contributions from vice-chairs representing Brazil, Thailand, Egypt, and New Zealand.
The Minister stated that the four key pillars of the agreement are designed to fundamentally transform the global response to health emergencies.
The agreement emphasises the importance of equitable access to pandemic-related health products, the establishment of a global supply chain and logistics network, and the creation of a coordinating financial mechanism to strengthen pandemic response capabilities.
In addition, the agreement highlights a holistic “One Health” approach, which stresses the connections between human, animal, and environmental health, which is now a central focus of global pandemic strategies.
The Minister said the agreement incorporates a Pathogen Access and Benefit-Sharing (PABS) system, requiring pharmaceutical companies to contribute 20% of production during pandemics in exchange for access to critical pathogen data.
This mechanism aims to ensure that all nations benefit from scientific advancements, especially in times of crisis.
“As an active participant and representative member for the African region, I can say with certainty that we see this agreement as a crucial step towards rectifying the deep-seated imbalances in access to life-saving pandemic products that were so painfully exposed during the recent crisis.”
Although Motsoaledi has acknowledged the agreement’s adoption as a significant success, there is still much work ahead.
“While we celebrate the adoption of the Pandemic Agreement, our work is far from over. We are now entering a critical new phase.”
He urged immediate engagement in further discussions regarding the PABS system, to convene the Intergovernmental Working Group before 15 July 2025.
“Finalising a robust and equitable PABS annex is the ultimate litmus test of our collective commitment. It is the essential next step to transform the Pandemic Agreement from a document of principles into a functional, life-saving tool for justice and our shared global health security.”
He has since called for continued collaboration and commitment to safeguarding global health for everyone.
This important week-long meeting began this morning and will conclude on Friday, 13 June 2025.
The event brings together health leaders, experts, and policymakers from the world’s largest economies, invited nations, and international organisations. – SAnews.gov.za
South Africa is closely monitoring the emergence of a new COVID-19 variant, known as Nimbus or NB.1.8.1, associated with a rise in cases in certain regions of Asia.
This is according to Health Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi, who addressed the 4th Health Working Group meeting of the Group of 20 (G20), which is underway in Johannesburg.
Motsoaledi said the World Health Organisation (WHO) has designated this “a variant under monitoring” due to its growing presence.
India is the latest country to experience a surge in new COVID-19 cases due to the emergence of the new variant, NB.1.8.1.
According to the Independent, infections have been confirmed in several Asian countries, including Thailand, Indonesia and China.
In addition, the United Kingdom Health Security Agency reported the first 13 cases of this variant in England last week.
“I wish to reassure this esteemed gathering that South Africa has robust surveillance systems in place.
“Our National Institute for Communicable Diseases (NICD) manages a comprehensive sentinel surveillance programme that systematically tests for key respiratory viruses, including SARS-CoV-2, influenza, and RSV. Currently, our data show very low SARS-CoV-2 activity,” Motsoaledi explained.
South Africa is currently experiencing a seasonal rise in influenza, but the country is well-prepared to manage the situation, he said.
“Crucially, the new variant remains a descendant of the Omicron lineage. This means that current recommendations for updated SARS-CoV-2 vaccines are still effective. Therefore, at this stage, no specific new public health actions are required from the public.”
Motsoaledi said government continues to promote good hygiene practices, including handwashing, covering coughs, and staying home when feeling unwell.
“These simple measures are effective in reducing the spread of all respiratory illnesses. We will continue to monitor the situation closely through our established networks and will report any significant changes.”
Meanwhile, he called on the attendees of the meeting to work together with “renewed urgency and unwavering resolve”.
“Let us build a future where solidarity, equity, and cooperation are the cornerstones of our global health architecture.”
The week-long Health Working Group meeting began on Tuesday and will conclude on Friday.
It brings together health leaders, experts, and policymakers from the world’s largest economies, invited nations, and international organisations.
The plenary sessions will build on lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic and address ongoing barriers to accessing countermeasures, particularly in low- and middle-income countries.
There will be a focus on prioritising the expansion of local and regional manufacturing capacity, especially in regions like Africa.
Delegates will also explore opportunities for technology transfer, sustainable financing, and regulatory alignment to ensure timely and equitable access to life-saving tools during health emergencies. – SAnews.gov.za
International Relations and Cooperation Minister, Ronald Lamola, is visiting Changsha, Hunan province, to participate in the Ministerial Coordination Meeting of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).
Founded in 2000, FOCAC seeks to enhance economic cooperation and promote sustainable development in Africa through mutual respect, equality, and collaborative efforts that benefit all parties involved.
The purpose of this week’s meeting is to discuss the implementation of the outcomes of the 2024 FOCAC Summit, which was held in Beijing in 2024.
According to the Global Africa Network, the summit held last year led to the signing of several bilateral agreements in areas such as industrialisation, trade, technology, and agricultural modernisation.
To ensure effective implementation of the desired cooperation between China and Africa, 10 key measures and areas of collaboration have been identified.
The FOCAC Action Plan for 2025 – 2027 outlines cooperation across 10 partnership areas, which include trade prosperity, industrial chain cooperation, connectivity, and development collaboration.
This significant gathering coincides with the commemoration of FOCAC’s 25th anniversary, highlighting the enduring partnership between Africa and China.
“Our participation reflects our strategic priority to strengthen bilateral and multilateral relations within this important framework,” Lamola said.
The meeting will be immediately followed by the 4th China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo (CAETE), from 12 – 15 June 2025, where further avenues for economic collaboration and mutual prosperity will be advanced.
Twenty South African companies will exhibit their products and engage with Chinese investors with a view to opening further avenues for the export of South African products to China. – SAnews.gov.za
As winter’s chill sets in, communities across the North West are urged to stay vigilant amid severe weather and strong, fire-spreading winds.
“Freezing weather is upon us and an increasing dependence on indoor heating techniques like paraffin stoves, heaters and open fires are likely to be the order of the day,” the North West Provincial Government (NWPG) said in a statement.
The provincial government is urging community members to exercise extreme caution to avoid disastrous domestic and wildfires.
The South African Weather Service (SAWS) has reported that cold weather will continue in the coming days, bringing a mix of snowfall at higher elevations, strong winds, severe thunderstorms, and extremely low daytime temperatures.
The SAWS has issued level 9 warning in the Eastern Cape and levels 5 and 6 warning for certain areas in KwaZulu-Natal for Tuesday.
In addition, the N2 highway has been closed in the southern regions of KwaZulu-Natal due to snowfall, as adverse weather conditions persist in parts of the province.
Families are encouraged not to leave children unattended near open flames or heating devices, and to practice safe fire behaviours during the winter season.
“These conditions significantly increase the potential for uncontrolled fires, both in domestic settings and across open velds.
“Strong winds, in particular, can propel and rapidly spread veld fires, putting lives, property, and natural ecosystems at great risk.”
In addition, the provincial government cautioned that using heating appliances and open flames indoors during extremely cold weather often leads to accidental domestic fires, particularly in informal settlements.
Residents and communities are encouraged to take additional precautions during this winter season and to follow these guidelines:
Avoid leaving fires, candles, or stoves unattended.
Use heating appliances safely and keep them away from flammable materials.
Do not start fires in open areas, especially on dry, windy days.
Report any signs of veld fires immediately to local disaster management or emergency services.
Meanwhile, disaster management teams led by the Provincial Disaster Management Centre are on high alert and ready to respond to any eventuality.
“Let us all do our part to stay warm and safe and protect our communities from unnecessary fire disasters this winter.” – SAnews.gov.za
Public Works Deputy Minister Sihle Zikalala has, during a media briefing on Tuesday, set the record straight regarding the appointment of the Independent Development Trust (IDT) Chief Executive Officer, Tebogo Malaka.
The Deputy Minister said he had noted with “deep concern” media articles which appear to have been deliberately planted and arranged to defame and tarnish his image, disguised as concerns about issues of governance in the IDT.
The IDT is a Schedule 2 State-owned entity, which manages the implementation and delivery of critically needed social infrastructure programmes on behalf of government. It reports to the Minister of Public Works and Infrastructure, who is the shareholder representative.
Addressing the media in Pretoria, the Deputy Minister explained that when he was appointed as Minister in March 2023, the appointment of the CEO had already been processed by the IDT Board with the concurrence received from his predecessor.
He said the recommendation to appoint Malaka as CEO had already been submitted to Cabinet for final processing when he joined the department.
“As the Minister, I withdrew the matter due issues that were emerging at the time about the entity and had to deal with the issues of due diligence,” Zikalala said.
He added that also informing his decision to withdraw the matter were allegations related to the office lease at the IDT, which was an issue that had been in the public domain long before his arrival in the department.
“I had to ensure that there is no conflict of interest. During the period of my arrival at the department, I found the IDT plagued by challenges and infighting among the board members, which defocussed the entity from its primary mandate of delivering social infrastructure to communities,” Zikalala said.
According to the Deputy Minister, at the time of his appointment as Minister, there were serious concerns about governance affairs of the IDT.
“As Minister at the time, I held a number of meetings to refocus the board to its governance and fiduciary duties, these efforts to focus the board on governance issues did not yield expected results.
“I am the first Minister to task the board of the IDT to investigate the matter of the office lease and to give a report after six months,” Zikalala said.
The Minister said he was committed to serving with integrity, transparency and accountability. – SAnews.gov.za
The Road Traffic Management Corporation (RTMC) has called on motorists to take extra caution when driving on the roads as icy cold weather conditions have gripped the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal.
The South African Weather Service (SAWS) warned of widespread rain with disruptive snow over escarpments of the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal on Tuesday.
“The RTMC advises travellers in affected areas to delay their trips until the situation improves.”
Travel routes are also affected with the N2 from Ingeli towards Kokstad in KwaZulu Natal being closed due to snow.
The R58 Barkley East and West towards Barkley Pass was also closed due to snow.
Heavy rains with strong wind were reported in Umzimkhulu and Ixopo KwaZulu Natal and this could lead to flash flooding in low lying areas. Motorists are advised to switch their headlights on to increase their visibility.
Motorists should heed the following road safety precautions when driving on the road:
Decrease your speed and leave yourself plenty of room to stop. You should allow at least three times more space than usual between you and the car in front of you.
Brake gently to avoid skidding. If your wheels start to lock up, ease off the brake.
Turn on your lights to increase your visibility to other motorists.
Keep your lights and windshield clean.
Use low gears to keep traction, especially on hills.
Do not use cruise control or overdrive on icy roads.
Be especially careful on bridges, overpasses and infrequently travelled roads, which will freeze first. Even at temperatures above freezing, if the conditions are wet, you might encounter ice in shady areas or on exposed roadways like bridges.
Do not pass snow ploughs and sanding trucks. The drivers have limited visibility, and you are likely to find the road in front of them worse than the road behind.
Do not assume your vehicle can handle all conditions. Even four-wheel and front-wheel drive vehicles can encounter trouble on winter roads. – SAnews.gov.za
Headline: ICC joins Business Call to Action to accelerate global cooperation for our oceans
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As the largest business association in the world, the International Chamber of Commerce is proud to be a convener of this important call to action, bringing the voice of the global business community to the United Nations Ocean Conference.
The call is convened by an unprecedented coalition of business networks, supported by signatories, including 80 businesses with a combined turnover of over €$600 billion and 2 million employees. In anticipation of the upcoming 2025 United Nations Ocean Conference in Nice, France,the call builds on the experience of leading businesses and organisations already advancing a sustainable blue economy. It emphasises the intrinsic connection between land and sea, highlighting the contribution and interdependencies between coastal and marine environment and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.
This call is directed at all economic actors, whether directly or indirectly connected to the ocean, and includes:
A call to action for businesses to expedite maintaining ocean health through business actions, such as contributions to ocean science, monitoring and reducing environmental impacts, incorporating ocean considerations into their climate and nature roadmaps and investing in blue solutions.
A call to action for policy makers to pursue ambitious science-driven policies and measures that stimulate sustainable business action and to jointly address land and ocean for enhanced global resilience
With this Business Call to Action, companies and business networks urge policymakers to:
Agree to adopt and implement international agreements: champion strong, sustainable outcomes for existing and upcoming ocean-related agreements,
Invest in ocean science and support strong science-policy interfaces,
Acknowledge and embed into policies the links between ocean, nature and climate,
Help all actors to collectively adapt to sea-level rise,
Develop robust and innovative finance mechanisms,
Raise awareness to encourage all actors to care for the ocean, even those based on land.
This business declaration is still open to new signatories. For information on signing this declaration please contact
The Business Call to Action is convened by global and leading business networks including International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), United Nations Global Compact (UNGC), World Economic Forum (WEF), We Mean Business Coalition (WMB), Business for Nature (BfN), Mouvement des Entreprises de France (MEDEF), UN Global Compact Network France and Association française des Entreprises pour l’Environnement (EpE).
In the face of US President Donald Trump’s wavering commitments and Russian President Vladimir Putin’s inscrutable ambitions, the talk in European capitals is all about rearmament.
To that end, the European Commission has put forward an €800 billion spending scheme designed to “quickly and significantly increase expenditures in defence capabilities”, in the words of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.
But funding is only the first of many challenges involved when pursuing military innovation. Ramping up capabilities “quickly and significantly” will prove difficult for a sector that must keep pace with rapid technological change.
Of course, defence firms don’t have to do it alone: they can select from a wide variety of potential collaborators, ranging from small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to agile start-ups. Innovative partnerships, however, require trust and a willingness to share vital information, qualities that appear incompatible with the need for military secrecy.
That is why rearming Europe requires a new approach to secrecy.
A paper I co-authored with Jonathan Langlois of HEC and Romaric Servajean-Hilst of KEDGE Business School examines the strategies used by one leading defence firm (which we, for our own secrecy-related reasons, renamed “Globaldef”) to balance open innovation with information security. The 43 professionals we interviewed – including R&D managers, start-up CEOs and innovation managers – were not consciously working from a common playbook. However, their nuanced and dynamic approaches could serve as a cohesive role model for Europe’s defence sector as it races to adapt to a changing world.
How flexible secrecy enables innovation
Our research took place between 2018 and 2020. At the time, defence firms looked toward open innovation to compensate for the withdrawal of key support. There was a marked decrease in government spending on military R&D across the OECD countries. However, even though the current situation involves more funding, the need for external innovation remains prevalent to speed up access to knowledge.
When collaborating to innovate, firms face what open innovation scholars have termed “the paradox of openness”, wherein the value to be gained by collaborating must be weighed against the possible costs of information sharing. In the defence sector – unlike, say, in consumer products – being too liberal with information could not only lead to business losses but to grave security risks for entire nations, and even prosecution for the executives involved.
Although secrecy was a constant concern, Globaldef’s managers often found themselves in what one of our interviewees called a “blurred zone” where some material could be interpreted as secret, but sharing it was not strictly off-limits. In cases like these, opting for the standard mode in the defence industry – erring on the side of caution and remaining tight-lipped – would make open innovation impossible.
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Practices that make collaboration work
Studying transcripts of more than 40 interviews along with a rich pool of complementary data (emails, PowerPoint presentations, crowdsourcing activity, etc.), we discerned that players at Globaldef had developed fine-grained practices for maintaining and modulating secrecy, even while actively collaborating with civilian companies.
Our research identifies these practices as either cognitive or relational. Cognitive practices acted as strategic screens, masking the most sensitive aspects of Globaldef’s knowledge without throttling information flow to the point of preventing collaboration.
Depending on the type of project, cognitive practices might consist of one or more of the following:
Encryption: relabelling knowledge components to hide their nature and purpose.
Obfuscation: selectively blurring project specifics to preserve secrecy while recruiting partners.
Simplification: blurring project parameters to test the suitability of a partner without revealing true constraints.
Transposition: transferring the context of a problem from a military to a civilian one.
Relational practices involved reframing the partnership itself, by selectively controlling the width of the aperture through which external parties could view Globaldef’s aims and project characteristics. These practices might include redirecting the focus of a collaboration away from core technologies, or introducing confidentiality agreements to expand information-sharing within the partnership while prohibiting communication to third parties.
When to shift strategy in defence projects
Using both cognitive and relational practices enabled Globaldef to skirt the pitfalls of its paradox. For example, in the early stages of open innovation, when the firm was scouting and testing potential partners, managers could widen the aperture (relational) while imposing strict limits on knowledge-sharing (cognitive). They could thereby freely engage with the crowd without violating Globaldef’s internal rules regarding secrecy.
As partnerships ripened and trust grew, Globaldef could gradually lift cognitive protections, giving partners access to more detailed and specific data. This could be counterbalanced by a tightening on the relational side, eg requiring paperwork and protocols designed to plug potential leaks.
As we retraced the firm’s careful steps through six real-life open innovation partnerships, we saw that the key to this approach was in knowing when to transition from one mode to the other. Each project had its own rhythm.
For one crowdsourcing project, the shift from low to high cognitive depth, and high to low relational width, was quite sudden, occurring as soon as the partnership was formalised. This was due to the fact that Globaldef’s partner needed accurate details and project parameters in order to solve the problem in question. Therefore, near-total openness and concomitant confidentiality had to be established at the outset.
In another case, Globaldef retained the cognitive blinders throughout the early phase of a partnership with a start-up. To test the start-up’s technological capacities, the firm presented its partner with a cognitively reframed problem. Only after the partner passed its initial trial was collaboration initiated on a fully transparent footing, driven by the need for the start-up to obtain defence clearance prior to co-developing technology with Globaldef.
How firms can lead with adaptive secrecy
Since we completed and published our research, much has changed geopolitically. But the high-stakes paradox of openness is still a pressing issue inside Europe’s defence firms. Managers and executives are no doubt grappling with the evident necessity for open innovation on the one hand and secrecy on the other.
Our research suggests that, like Globaldef, other actors in Europe’s defence sector can deftly navigate this paradox. Doing so, however, will require employing a more subtle, flexible and dynamic definition of secrecy rather than the absolutist, static one that normally prevails in the industry. The defence sector’s conception of secrecy must also progress from a primarily legal to a largely strategic framework.
Sihem BenMahmoud-Jouini ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.
On June 9, the Madleen, a UK-flagged civilian ship carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza, was stopped by Israeli forces in international waters, about 200 kilometres off the coast.
The Freedom Flotilla Coalition had organised the voyage, setting sail from Sicily on June 1. The vessel’s 12 passengers included climate activist Greta Thunberg, European Parliament member Rima Hassan, two French journalists and several other activists from around the world.
The Israeli military boarded the ship and diverted it to the Israeli port of Ashdod. The aid it carried — baby formula, food, medical supplies, water desalination kits — was confiscated. All passengers were detained and now face deportation.
This interception has sparked international condemnation. Importantly, it also raises questions about whether Israel’s actions comply with international law.
it must be formally declared and publicly notified
it must be effectively enforced in practice
it must be applied impartially to all ships
it must not block access to neutral ports or coastlines
it must not stop the delivery of humanitarian aid to civilians.
If even one of these conditions is not met, the blockade may be considered illegal under customary international humanitarian law.
The fifth condition is especially important here. According to a comprehensive study of international humanitarian law conducted by the International Committee of the Red Cross, the parties to a conflict must allow the rapid and unimpeded delivery of humanitarian relief to civilians in need.
A blockade that prevents this could be in breach of international law.
Israel and Egypt have imposed a blockade of varying degrees on Gaza since 2007 when Hamas came to power. Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz claims the purpose of the blockade is to “prevent the transfer of weapons to Hamas”. Critics say it amounts to collective punishment.
The Madleen was operating in compliance with three binding International Court of Justice orders (from January 2024, March 2024 and May 2024) requiring unimpeded humanitarian access to Gaza.
Freedom of navigation
International law also strongly protects the freedom of navigation, particularly in international waters beyond any state’s territorial limits.
There are only a few exceptions when a country can lawfully stop a foreign ship in international waters – if it is involved in piracy, slave trading, unauthorised broadcasting, or the vessel itself is stateless. A country can also stop a ship if it is enforcing a lawful blockade or acting in self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter.
So, if Israel’s actions do not fully meet the international legal requirements for enforcing a blockade during wartime, it would not have the right to intercept the Madleen in international waters.
Protections for humanitarian workers
More broadly speaking, international humanitarian law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention, protects civilians during conflict. This protection extends to people delivering humanitarian aid, so long as they do not directly take part in hostilities.
To be considered directly participating in hostilities, a person must:
intend to cause military harm
have a direct causal link to that harm, and
be acting in connection with one side of the conflict.
Bringing aid to civilians, even if politically controversial, does not meet this legal threshold. As a result, the Madleen’s passengers remain protected civilians and should not be treated as combatants or detained arbitrarily.
International law also sets out how civilians detained in conflict situations must be treated. Under the Fourth Geneva Convention, detainees must be given access to medical care, lawyers and consular representatives. They must also not be punished without fair legal processes.
In response to the ship’s interception, the Hind Rajab Foundation, a nonprofit advocacy group, has filed a complaint with the UK Metropolitan Police War Crimes Unit. The complaint alleges a number of breaches of international humanitarian law, including forcible detention, obstruction of humanitarian relief, and degrading treatment.
Previous flotilla intercepted
This is not the first time Israel has stopped an aid ship and faced accusations of violating the law of the sea and humanitarian law.
In 2010, the Israeli military raided a flotilla of six ships organised by international activists aiming to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza and challenge the blockade.
Violence broke out on the largest vessel, the Mavi Marmara, resulting in the deaths of nine Turkish nationals and injuries to dozens of others. The incident drew international condemnation. Israel agreed to ease its blockade after the incident.
A fact-finding mission established by the UN Human Rights Council found that Israel violated a number of international laws and that its blockade was “inflicting disproportionate damage upon the civilian population”.
This is not just a political or moral issue – it’s a legal one. International law lays out clear rules for when and how a country can enforce blockades, intercept vessels and treat civilians.
Based on these rules, serious legal questions remain about Israel’s handling of the Madleen and its passengers.
Shannon Bosch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The video of a Los Angeles police officer shooting a rubber bullet at Channel Nine reporter Lauren Tomasi is as shocking as it is revealing.
In her live broadcast, Tomasi is standing to the side of a rank of police in riot gear. She describes the way they have begun firing rubber bullets to disperse protesters angry with US President Donald Trump’s crackdown on illegal immigrants.
As Tomasi finishes her sentence, the camera pans to the left, just in time to catch the officer raising his gun and firing a non-lethal round into her leg. She said a day later she is sore, but otherwise OK.
Although a more thorough investigation might find mitigating circumstances, from the video evidence, it is hard to dismiss the shot as “crossfire”. The reporter and cameraman were off to one side of the police, clearly identified and working legitimately.
The shooting is also not a one-off. Since the protests against Trump’s mass deportations policy began three days ago, a reporter with the LA Daily News and a freelance journalist have been hit with pepper balls and tear gas.
British freelance photojournalist Nick Stern also had emergency surgery to remove a three-inch plastic bullet from his leg.
In all, the Los Angeles Press Club has documented more than 30 incidents of obstruction and attacks on journalists during the protests.
Trump’s assault on the media
It now seems assaults on the media are no longer confined to warzones or despotic regimes. They are happening in American cities, in broad daylight, often at the hands of those tasked with upholding the law.
But violence is only one piece of the picture. In the nearly five months since taking office, the Trump administration has moved to defund public broadcasters, curtail access to information and undermine the credibility of independent media.
International services once used to project democratic values and American soft power around the world, such as Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and Radio Free Asia, have all had their funding cut and been threatened with closure. (The Voice of America website is still operational but hasn’t been updated since mid-March, with one headline on the front page reading “Vatican: Francis stable, out of ‘imminent danger’ of death”).
The Associated Press, one of the most respected and important news agencies in the world, has been restricted from its access to the White House and covering Trump. The reason? It decided to defy Trump’s directive to change the name of the Gulf of Mexico to Gulf of America.
Even broadcast licenses for major US networks, such as ABC, NBC and CBS, have been publicly threatened — a signal to editors and executives that political loyalty might soon outweigh journalistic integrity.
The Committee to Protect Journalists is more used to condemning attacks on the media in places like Russia. However, in April, it issued a report headlined: “Alarm bells: Trump’s first 100 days ramp up fear for the press, democracy”.
A requirement for peace
Why does this matter? The success of American democracy has never depended on unity or even civility. It has depended on scrutiny. A system where power is challenged, not flattered.
The First Amendment to the US Constitution – which protects freedom of speech – has long been considered the gold standard for building the institutions of free press and free expression. That only works when journalism is protected — not in theory but in practice.
Now, strikingly, the language once reserved for autocracies and failed states has begun to appear in assessments of the US. Civicus, which tracks declining democracies around the world, recently put the US on its watchlist, alongside the Democratic Republic of Congo, Italy, Serbia and Pakistan.
The attacks on the journalists in LA are troubling not only for their sake, but for ours. This is about civic architecture. The kind of framework that makes space for disagreement without descending into disorder.
Press freedom is not a luxury for peacetime. It is a requirement for peace.
Peter Greste is Professor of Journalism at Macquarie University and the Executive Director for the advocacy group, the Alliance for Journalists’ Freedom.
In reality, the competition is the latest chapter in FIFA’s long-running quest – going all the way back to 1960 – to create a global championship that would determine which club really is the best in the world.
As always, the litmus test for success will come from the fans. So far, things are not going well on that front. Falling prices on Ticketmaster bode ill for the competition. Just days before the games were due to begin, FIFA slashed prices for the opening match: MLS club Inter Miami against Egypt’s Al-Ahly. Reports suggest that less than a third of tickets at the 65,000-seat venue for the opener, Hard Rock Stadium in Miami, had sold – despite the likely presence of soccer superstar Lionel Messi.
Of course, the declining number of tourists coming to the U.S. since the second inauguration of Donald Trump – and the president’s recently announced travel ban affecting 19 countries – hasn’t helped encourage fans of the global game to the U.S., even if none of the competing clubs come from one of those countries.
FIFA vs. UEFA
So, given all the problems and controversies, why is FIFA so invested?
As someone who has long researched the nexus of soccer, money and power, I see the World Club Cup as part of a struggle between UEFA, the European governing body that runs the Champions League – currently seen as the pinnacle of soccer club competition – and FIFA, which wants to supplant the Champions League with its own competition.
UEFA’s power stems from hosting the world’s biggest clubs. Only one club from outside Europe appears in soccer data website Transfermarkt’s list of the 50 most valuable squads – with Palmeiras from Brazil squeaking in at 50.
Top players in their prime rarely quit Europe to play on another continent – the high-profile names that opt to play in the U.S. or Saudi leagues tend to be veterans cashing in on their name.
Meanwhile, the world’s soccer talent flocks to European clubs. It’s not just that big clubs like Real Madrid, Liverpool or Bayern Munich that can pay top dollar for the star players – less storied clubs like Brentford, Real Sociedad or VfB Stuttgart have the wherewithal to fish in the global player market.
The wealth and status of these clubs form the muscle behind UEFA. And the jewel in the UEFA crown is the Champions League, an annual competition that brings together the best clubs in Europe.
A game of two halves
While UEFA also has its own national competition, the Euros, its pull is nowhere near as great as FIFA’s World Cup.
This division – with FIFA dominating the international team competition and UEFA the club competition – dates back to the 1960s and the early years of mass television.
When the 1966 World Cup was hosted by England, it was one of the very first global sports events, watched by an estimated audience of 400 million people worldwide.
The 1970 World Cup, a legendary event in the eyes of boomer soccer fans, established the four-year ritual that surpasses even the Olympics as a global sporting event.
At this time, UEFA’s Euros were barely a competition at all. The 1968, 1972 and 1976 editions – played in Italy, Belgium and Yugoslavia, respectively – each had only four teams and only four or five games.
UEFA had by then established its role in club competition. The European Cup, as the Champions League was then called, started in 1955.
Ferenc Puskas of Real Madrid scores his team’s sixth goal during the European Cup final against Eintracht Frankfurt at Hampden Park in Glasgow, Scotland, on May 18, 1960. Keystone/Getty Images
Witnessed by a crowd of 128,000 at Hampden Park in Glasgow, Scotland, the more important statistic was the estimated 70 million television audience in Europe.
The 1968 final at London’s Wembley Stadium, when Manchester United overcame Benfica in honor of the “Busby Babes” – Manchester players who died in a 1958 Munich air disaster while traveling home from a European Cup game – saw a TV audience of 270 million.
A history of failure
The ambition to create a club world cup to rival the European Cup goes back to the 1950s. Soccer powerhouses Brazil and Argentina in particular promoted the idea that the top clubs in Europe should face off against the top South American teams.
The resulting Intercontinental Cup ran from 1960 to 2004, with the top teams from UEFA and CONMEBOL, the South American soccer federation, taking part.
But played in midseason, it barely made an impression on the fans.
In 2000, FIFA created the Club World Championship, with eight teams drawn from the five international federations.
It also attracted little love, and the 2001-to-2004 editions had to be canceled for lack of financial backing.
In the early years, it seemed like an excuse to emulate the Intercontinental Cup, and the first three winners were South American. However, since 2006, all the winners bar one – Brazil’s Corinthians in 2012 – have been European.
Europe is ‘on the beach’
Then, in 2017, Gianni Infantino, the FIFA president, announced plans to expand the competition and move it to the summer. With 32 teams, the competition will look more like the World Cup and will receive a lot of TV coverage.
The fact that it will be free to watch will help. So too will the presence of Messi.
Yet the overwhelming feeling going into the competition is that, like its predecessors, the revamped FIFA club competition is destined for failure.
With the European domestic leagues all completed and the Champions League final – the unofficial marker of the end of the soccer season – having taken place on May 31, players and fans appear to be “on the beach,” to use a favorite phrase of soccer commentators.
Ultimately, FIFA’s revamped World Club Cup faces the same issues that beset its forerunners: European teams are overwhelmingly tipped to win.
Rather than the global soccer “solidarity” that FIFA hopes, the competition sets to reinforce the dominance of European clubs – and of Europe’s governing body when it comes to club competition.
Stefan Szymanski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Presidents Xi Jinping and Donald Trump at the G20 Summit on July 7, 2017, in Hamburg, Germany. Mikhail Svetlov/Getty Images
On June 5, U.S. President Donald Trump held a phone call with Chinese President Xi Jinping. It marked the first direct conversation between the two leaders since Trump began his second term — and the first since tensions sharply escalated in 2025’s U.S.-China trade war.
After the call, Trump was quick to frame it as a success for his administration, posting on social media that it led to “a very positive conclusion for both Countries.” He later told reporters that Xi had agreed to resume exports of rare earth minerals and magnets to the U.S. — allaying the fears of the auto industry, which had previously warned that parts suppliers were facing severe and immediate risks to production.
The presidential phone call also yielded an invitation for Trump and first lady Melania to visit China, an invitation that Trump reciprocated.
But aside from the easing of some trade tension and surface-level niceties, the call conveyed subtle messages about an imbalance in the bilateral dispute. As an expert on U.S.-China relations, I believe these subtleties point to Xi having the upper hand in U.S.-China talks and also using Trump as a foil to burnish his own image as a strong leader at home and abroad.
A rare earths ace
The Trump-Xi call should not distract from the fragile state of China-U.S. relations — and the willingness of Beijing to play its “rare earth materials card.”
Although China and U.S. delegations reached a 90-day tariff truce in Geneva on May 12, negotiations between the two countries remain ongoing. As many observers have noted, deep-rooted and structural differences — such as disputes over currency manipulation, export subsidies and other nontariff barriers — continue to cast a long shadow over the prospects of U.S-China trade talks.
Beijing, in turn, accuses the U.S. of breaking the Geneva agreement first and blames Washington for rolling out a wave of discriminatory measures against China after the talks, including new export controls on artificial intelligence chips, a ban on selling electronic design automation software to Chinese companies, and plans to revoke visas for Chinese students.
Trump’s order banning American companies from using AI chips by China-based Huawei — issued just one day after the Geneva agreement on May 12 — was seen by many in Beijing as directly countering the spirit of the agreement. Indeed, it may well have prompted Beijing to delay the resumption of rare earth exports to the U.S. in the first place.
Aside from the actual effect of the resumption of rare earth exports, Trump’s apparent priority given to the issue signals to Beijing just how reliant the U.S. is on China in this regard — something that would not have gone unnoticed by Xi.
Xi never came calling
Just one day before the June 5 call, Trump wrote on social media: “I like President XI of China, always have, and always will, but he is VERY TOUGH, AND EXTREMELY HARD TO MAKE A DEAL WITH!!!”
His conversation with the Chinese leader would have further reinforced Xi’s tough image — not just for a Chinese audience, but for international observers as well.
This was certainly encouraged by how China described the call. According to China’s official statement, Xi “took a phone call from U.S. President Donald J. Trump” – the subtle implication being that it was Trump who initiated the call.
This framing promotes the idea that Xi holds the upper hand. The Chinese statement also highlighted that the Geneva talks were “at the suggestion of the U.S. side,” implying that China did not back down in the face of Trump’s trade pressure — and that it was Trump who ultimately blinked first.
China’s message is particularly significant given that, as the U.S.-China trade war intensified in April, Washington believed it could gain “escalation dominance” by imposing tariffs on Chinese goods — perhaps underestimating China’s ability to retaliate effectively and assuming Beijing would be eager to negotiate.
Throughout the trade standoff, Xi refrained from initiating contact with Trump, and in the end, it was Trump who reached out.
This undoubtedly enhanced Xi’s image back home — and potentially undermined Trump’s negotiating posture.
The official Chinese statement following the talks noted: “The Chinese side is sincere about this, and at the same time has its principles. The Chinese always honor and deliver what has been promised. Both sides should make good on the agreement reached in Geneva.”
Those words appear aimed at signaling to the international community that it is the U.S. — not China — that failed to uphold its end of the Geneva agreement.
The second-to-last paragraph of the Chinese statement on the phone call noted: “President Trump said that he has great respect for President Xi, and the U.S.-China relationship is very important. The U.S. wants the Chinese economy to do very well. The U.S. and China working together can get a lot of great things done. The U.S. will honor the one-China policy. The meeting in Geneva was very successful, and produced a good deal. The U.S. will work with China to execute the deal. The U.S. loves to have Chinese students coming to study in America.”
While much of this language may be standard diplomatic rhetoric, it clearly aims to box in Trump as the supplicant in the current dispute and implies that he is moving closer to China’s positions, including key nontrade issues like U.S. visas for Chinese students.
A game of telephone?
Aside from the optics or broader question of who is “winning” the dispute, the Trump-Xi call has certainly eased some tensions on both sides — at least temporarily.
For the U.S., concerns over rare earth supplies were alleviated. Since the call, it has been reported that China has issued temporary export licenses to companies that supply rare earth materials to America’s three largest automakers.
For China, Trump’s remarks seemingly helped reduce anxiety over issues such as Taiwan and student visa restrictions.
But given the deep and fundamental differences between the two countries on trade and economic matters — and recalling how trade negotiations repeatedly stalled and restarted during Trump’s first term — there is good reason to believe that future talks could face similar setbacks.
But what is clear now, especially compared with the trade war during Trump’s first administration, is that Beijing appears better prepared and more skilled at leveraging its rare earth exports as a bargaining chip.
In many ways, Trump faces the greater pressure in his handling of Xi. Should talks collapse, any resulting supply chain disruptions could lead to rising inflation, market volatility and economic woe for the U.S. — with the associated risks of political fallout ahead of the midterm elections. Xi will know this and, in rare earth materials, has an ace up his sleeve to pull out when needed.
Indeed, Trump may find himself needing to reach out to Xi again in the future in an effort to revive troubled trade negotiations. But doing so would only reinforce Xi’s image as the tougher and more dominant figure.
Linggong Kong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Ice baths are everywhere in modern fitness culture. From professional athletes to weekend warriors, many swear by the post-workout plunge, hoping the icy shock will ease soreness, calm inflammation and help their bodies bounce back faster. But recent research from the Netherlands reveals a surprising downside: those freezing dips might actually slow muscle growth.
When you expose your body to cold, like during an ice bath, your blood vessels constrict. This can reduce swelling, flush out waste products from your workout and ease the muscle soreness that occurs a day or two after intense exercise. That post-workout ache is a sign that your muscles are repairing. So when it fades, it feels like you’re ready to hit the gym again, which helps explain why ice baths are so popular.
But there’s a twist. The very inflammation that causes soreness is also part of how your muscles heal and grow. Shut it down too soon and you might be holding back your progress.
In the recent study, researchers at Maastricht University tested how cold temperatures affect nutrient delivery and muscle-building signals. Twelve healthy young men each did a strength workout using just one leg. Immediately afterwards, each immersed that leg in 8°C water for 20 minutes, while the other leg sat in 30°C water (the “control”). The scientists then measured blood flow and tracked how the muscles used protein to see how the cold affected recovery and muscle-building processes.
The results were clear: right after the ice bath, blood flow in the cold-exposed leg dropped by about 60% compared with the warm-water leg.
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Even three hours after the workout, blood flow to the muscle that had been cooled was still noticeably lower. Since muscles rely on blood to deliver nutrients, such as amino acids and oxygen, this meant they were getting less of what they needed to grow. In fact, the researchers found about 30% less of the building blocks of protein being used by the muscle.
After strength training, blood flow to your muscles normally increases – a response known as hyperemia. This rush of blood brings important nutrients like amino acids, oxygen and insulin, all of which help to trigger the muscle-building process.
But when you expose your muscles to cold right after a workout, the blood vessels tighten – a reaction called vasoconstriction – which limits how much of those nutrients get through. That means your muscles may miss out during an important window for growth and recovery.
After a workout, a bit of inflammation is actually a good thing – it signals your body to start the repair process. Immune cells release special proteins called cytokines – chemical messengers that help spark muscle repair.
But cooling the muscles too soon, like with an ice bath, can reduce this natural response. It dampens the signals and slows the activation of those repair cells, which may lead to slower progress and less muscle growth over time.
Not all ice baths are equal
Most athletes who use ice baths jump in within minutes after a workout, usually soaking in water between 8°C and 15°C for ten to 20 minutes. This is the standard protocol, although coaches and athletes often adjust the timing and temperature, depending on their goals.
Waiting at least an hour before taking an ice bath might be a smart move as it gives the body time to initiate important muscle-building signals and absorb nutrients without interference. Also, using milder cold water (around 15°C) is gentler on blood flow compared with very cold water. That means it can still help ease soreness without slowing muscle growth as much as colder temperatures might.
How often you use ice baths makes a difference too. In the Maastricht study and others like it, participants used cold plunges after every workout, which led to less muscle growth over time. But if you save ice baths for especially tough days, like during competitions or intense training weeks, athletes can avoid some of those negative effects while still getting recovery benefits when they need them most.
If the goal is to stay sharp and recover quickly – rather than building maximum muscle – then a slight drop in muscle growth might be a fair trade-off for feeling fresher and bouncing back faster.
There’s still a lot we don’t know about ice baths and muscle growth. Most studies so far have focused on young men, so it’s unclear if women, older adults or people with muscle loss due to health conditions respond the same way. More research is needed to understand how cold therapy affects different groups of people.
Most research so far has focused on soaking just one arm or leg, but full-body ice baths might cause different reactions in the body, such as changes in hormones like adrenaline and cortisol, that could affect how muscles adapt. Bigger studies are needed to figure out the best timing, temperature and how different people respond to cold therapy.
The allure of ice baths is understandable: who doesn’t want to feel less sore after a gruelling training session? But current data should serve as a cautionary tale – muscles need blood, nutrients and even inflammation to grow. By plunging immediately into icy water, athletes risk dampening the very signals that drive muscle growth.
For people who want to maximise muscle size and strength, it might be best to skip the ice bath or delay it by at least an hour. But for athletes facing tough competition schedules who need to recover quickly, carefully timed ice baths can be a helpful tool. Ultimately, each athlete must weigh the benefits of feeling less sore against the possibility of slower muscle growth and adjust how they use cold therapy based on their personal goals and training demands.
Michelle Spear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The new musical film Juliet and Romeo arrives on screen with lavish visuals, saccharine pop songs and a reworked Shakespearean plot that tries to dazzle. With its vivid colour palette and dreamy masquerade aesthetic, this is Verona as filtered through a Eurovision lens: glittering, melodramatic and frequently overwrought.
Writer and director Timothy Scott Bogart and composer Evan Kidd join a lineage of Romeo and Juliet adaptations that blend music with spectacle. Who could forget Harold Perrineau’s drag rendition of Young Hearts Run Free as Mercutio in Baz Luhrmann’s Romeo + Juliet (1996)? More recently, the stage show & Juliet (2019) used the iconic songwriting of Max Martin for a jukebox musical meets feminist retelling of the tragedy. So where does Juliet and Romeo fall in comparison?
Let’s begin with the fair, before turning to the foul. Shot on location in the real Verona, Juliet and Romeo makes excellent use of its scenery, with inventive sets and clever staging that breathe some vitality into its world.
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Verona’s jewel tones, candlelit street parties and endless twisting streets grant the film its fairytale quality. There’s a tactile richness to the production design that occasionally feels immersive, evoking a heightened world somewhere between Shakespeare’s imagined Verona and a perfume advert. The array of fight, dance, and crowd scenes are well-choreographed and the camera often moves with an energetic theatricality that hints at what the musical could have been.
Unfortunately, the music doesn’t keep pace. While the pop soundtrack is relentlessly inoffensive – think bubblegum ballads and power choruses – it lacks the lyrical bite or emotional weight needed to sustain a tragedy.
With sugary harmonies and banal lyrics, these numbers evoke more Eurovision than Elizabethan drama – not inherently a bad thing, but in this case, it results in emotional flatness. For example, a number like Better Than This, led with verve by Martina Ortiz Luis as Veronica, stands out slightly with its charming melody and joyful choreography. It’s a moment of brightness that briefly lifts the energy. But even that slips into the overall sameness of the score. At its best, the music is cutesy; at its worst, it’s filler.
The trailer for Juliet & Romeo.
The character work is similarly uneven. Juliet (Clara Rugaard) emerges as the most compelling figure – wry, self-aware, and played with just enough spunk to avoid cliché. Romeo (Jamie Ward), by contrast, is a forgettable boy-band archetype, rebelling weakly against a domineering father (Jason Isaacs channelling medieval Lucius Malfoy) and contributing little beyond brooding charm.
Derek Jacobi’s gravitas is squandered on narration and playing the hapless Friar Lawrence. Juliet and Romeo opens with a flurry of historical exposition delivered by Jacobi: medieval Italy, papal politics, the splintering of city-states, and the threat of “mighty Rome” coming for Verona. It’s an ambitious – if unnecessary – reframing that sets up a late-stage twist that gestures toward a sequel.
The supporting cast is also a mix of intriguing choices and tonal confusion. Mercutio’s (Nicholas Podany) subplot, involving his own forbidden love and tense relationship with an adoptive Montague patriarch, hints at deeper parallels to the central couple, but is never fully developed. The apothecary (Dan Fogler), bafflingly, gets a solo about alchemical experiments that feels lifted from a mid-tier Disney sequel. Meanwhile, the nurse (Sara Lazzaro), usually a comedic gem, is stripped of humour entirely.
The Mask I Wear from Juliet & Romeo.
A standout number comes from Rebel Wilson’s Lady Capulet and Verona’s women, who lament in The Mask I Wear about the constraints of femininity in well-arranged harmony. Yet the song’s emotional resonance is blunted by underwritten character arcs. The women sing beautifully, but we barely know why they’re angry.
In the end, Juliet and Romeo is a musical that strains to be meaningful but never earns its emotional crescendos. It gestures toward political intrigue, feminist revision and star-crossed romance, but settles for spectacle. Still, with its sparkling visuals and glossy score, for fans of unapologetic musical fanfare, there’s some joy to be found in the glitter.
Emily Rowe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alex Newman, Postdoctoral Research Associate, Sustainability Assessment at the Grantham Centre, University of Sheffield
Tomatoes could be grown at an industrial scale using heat generated from burning household waste in Essex, UK. Jenoche/Shutterstock
A new project in Bradwell, Essex, aims to change how we grow food and how we deal with our rubbish. Slated to begin operations in 2027, the Rivenhall greenhouse project could become Europe’s largest low-carbon horticulture facility.
The idea is to close two loops at once. By processing most of Essex’s household waste, the region’s reliance on landfill can be reduced – this cuts the amount of biodegradable waste decomposing to release methane (a greenhouse gas far more potent than carbon dioxide). Also, by diverting the energy from that waste to grow food locally, less produce will need to be imported from regions increasingly vulnerable to climate-related stresses like drought and water scarcity.
The giant greenhouse will sit next to the Rivenhall integrated waste management facility, operated by waste company Indaver. Household waste will be incinerated on site, producing steam. Some of that steam will drive turbines to generate electricity and power the greenhouse. The rest of the steam will heat the greenhouse at a constant temperature all year round.
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To further reduce greenhouse gas emissions, a carbon capture system (separates CO₂ from other gases in exhaust streams) will extract around 20,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide annually from the incinerator’s flue gases. Rather than releasing this into the atmosphere, the captured carbon dioxide will be piped into the greenhouse to enhance plant growth.
Still, the scale of carbon capture is modest and not a quick fix. The 20,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide expected to be captured annually represents less than 10% of typical emissions from similar-scale waste facilities.
The facility will include 13 hectares of artificially lit greenhouse space for winter growing and a vertical farm (growing crops in stacked layers) converted from a former RAF hangar to grow leafy greens. In theory, this creates a resilient, year-round food production system largely decoupled from fossil fuels and climate-sensitive imports.
Burning waste to grow tomatoes might sound counterintuitive. Incinerators still release emissions after all. As a method of electricity generation, incineration of waste has a higher carbon footprint than burning coal. But in the context of current waste management and food import practices, it may make sense.
According to the UK government’s Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs, around 30.8% of England’s household waste went to landfill in 2023 (around 8 million tonnes). Landfill emissions (primarily methane) are not just large – they’re long-lived and hard to capture.
Rivenhall’s model claims to reduce total greenhouse gas emissions by roughly 20% compared to landfill. When electricity, heat, and food outputs are factored in, and carbon capture included, emissions per kilogram of tomato could be substantially lower than those from conventional imports or fossil-powered greenhouses.
But low-carbon status is not a badge that companies claim, it’s a result that needs to be verified. In lifecycle assessment (a method for measuring the environmental impacts of a product, service, or system, and the focus of my research), low-carbon status only applies if net emissions per kilogram of tomato are demonstrably lower than those from the realistic baseline.
That baseline, be it landfill, composting, anaerobic digestion, or recycling, must be clearly defined. If incinerated waste includes material better suited to recycling, the claimed benefits narrow or vanish.
The success of this particular project hinges not just on technical integration, but on accurate emissions accounting and efficient performance of carbon capture systems.
According to the waste hierarchy, the most sustainable strategy for reducing waste-related emissions is not incineration, but waste prevention and reduction. Energy recovery is better than landfill, but less preferable than eliminating waste altogether.
The bigger picture
In the Netherlands, greenhouses often run on combined heat and power systems. In Canada, some horticultural operations use industrial waste heat. But Rivenhall’s scale and its tight integration with waste management infrastructure makes it unusual. If it works, it could serve as a blueprint for how regions can simultaneously tackle food security and waste while keeping the environmental cost of consumption closer to home.
Beyond greenhouse gas emissions, there are other environmental considerations. Even modern incinerators produce air-polluting nitrogen oxides and particulates, which must be rigorously controlled to avoid human health problems such as lung disease. To comply with the UK’s biodiversity net gain rules, natural habitats and wildlife populations around this site must be enhanced, not degraded.
While delivering on its technical promises, Rivenhall must also prove that its low-carbon credentials are more than just hot air. Even so, projects like this are no substitute for upstream solutions like waste prevention, reduced consumption and circular design.
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Alex Newman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Francesco Grillo, Academic Fellow, Department of Social and Political Sciences, Bocconi University
Shutterstock/Coffeemil
I believe we Europeans feel far too safe. Europe’s political and economic leadership in the world, which was still unchallenged at the beginning of the century, has long since ceased to exist. Will the dominant cultural influence of Europe be maintained? I think not, unless we defend it and adjust ourselves to new conditions; history has shown that civilisations are all too perishable.
It is astonishing how much these words used in 1956 by Konrad Adenauer, one of the founding fathers of the European Union, still sound valid today. They perfectly define the current state of the union. Europeans are still struggling to adjust to new conditions – and the conditions to which they need to adjust also continue to change dramatically.
The battle for technological leadership is the current version of this struggle. Success in this domain could transform Europe, yet the continent remains complacent about its decline into backwardness. The European commission itself calculates that of the 19 digital platforms that have more than 45 million EU users, only one (Zalando) is from the EU.
Information is (economic and political) power and losing control means to gradually lose both market share and the ability to protect European democracies. Brussels has produced a mass of regulation on digital services, yet American digital platforms are getting away with what European leaders themselves call the manipulation of democratic elections, with very little repercussions. Elon Musk’s X, was banned in Brazil for less – refusing to ban accounts accused of spreading misinformation.
This decline, however, has been slow enough to lull European leaders into complacency about the future.
Meanwhile, Donald Trump has a point when he laments that the European Union has been slow to engage in the negotiations he imposed on trade. Indeed, even on trade – one of the very few areas in which the European Union has a mandate from the member states to deal directly with third parties – progress is generally stuttering. The commissioner in charge has to constantly find a common denominator with the agendas of 27 member states, each of which has a different industrial agenda.
Europe’s decision-making processes are sub-optimal. Indeed, they were built for a different age. There is no shared voice on foreign policy – the EU has been able to say far less on Gaza than individual countries like Spain or the UK, for example. This may have the practical consequence of eroding the “moral leadership” that should still be Europe’s soft advantage.
Crisis of confidence
Europe’s failure to respond to real-world changes is due to sub-optimal institutional settings. However the current paralysis in the face of clear need for action may be due to an even more fundamental question of trust in its own capabilities.
On one hand, there still seems room for complacency. As Stanley Pignal, the Charlemagne columnist for The Economist, recently put it, Europe can take a moderate amount of satisfaction from its continued status as a place where people are free to pursue “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness”. Yet, it is evident that the institutions needed to concretely achieve those objectives are crumbling: healthcare systems and welfare; robust and independent media; energy and military autonomy in a world without order.
On the other hand, Europe is increasingly resigned. A global poll taken by Gallup International shows that when responding to the question “do you think that your children will live better than you?” seven of the most pessimistic countries of the world are from the EU. Only 16% of Italians and 24% of French respondents answered “yes” to this question.
According to Ipsos, less than half of young Europeans feel prepared to enter the job market. And they blame the education system for that. The picture may well be even worse now – this survey was taken in 2019, before the pandemic, war in Europe and, more importantly, AI made the picture even more uncertain.
Europe has no alternative, as even far-right and far-left parties seem to acknowledge. Note that France’s Rassemblement National and Italy’s Lega no longer talk about exiting the EU but about changing it from the inside. Individual nation states simply do not have the minimum scale to even try to take leadership in a world looking for a new order.
In a world abandoned by the US, Europe stands a real chance. However, it urgently needs to be creative enough to imagine new mechanisms through which EU institutions take decisions and EU citizens have their say. This in turn requires an entire society to somehow recover the reasonable hope that decline is not inevitable (although we also must be aware that it may even nastily accelerate).
Finally, young people are absolutely crucial in the process. The rhetoric of “listening to them” must now be replaced by a call for them to govern. They are today what Karl Marx would have probably defined as a class – with very specific demographic, cultural, economic and linguistic characteristics. These must be turned into a political agenda and a new vision of what Europe of the future could look like.
The challenges ahead for the European Union will be the subject of the forthcoming conference on the Europe of the future in Siena, Italy. This will feed into a seven-point paper that will be discussed with EU institutions.
Francesco Grillo is associated to VISION think tank.
President Donald Trump’s promise to eliminate taxes on tips may sound like a windfall for service workers — but the fine print in Congress’ latest tax bill tells a more complex story.
The idea started getting attention when Trump raised it during a 2024 campaign stop in Las Vegas, a place where tipping is woven into the economy. And the headlines and press releases sound great — especially if you’re a waiter, bartender or anyone else who depends on tips for a living. That may be why both Democrats and Republicans alike broadly support the concept. However, like most of life, the devil is in the details.
I’m a business-school economist who has written about tipping, and I’ve looked closely at the language of the proposed laws. So, what exactly has Trump promised, and how does it measure up to what’s in the bills? Let’s start with his pledge.
The promise of money that’s ‘100% yours’
Back in January 2025, Trump said, “If you’re a restaurant worker, a server, a valet, a bellhop, a bartender, one of my caddies … your tips will be 100% yours.” That sounds like a boost in tipped workers’ income.
But when you look at the current situation, it becomes clear that the reality is far more complicated.
First, the new tax break only applies to tips the government knows about — and a lot of that income currently flies under the radar. Tipped workers who get cash tips are supposed to report it to the IRS via form 4137 if their employer doesn’t report it for them. If a worker gets a cash tip today and doesn’t report it, they already get 100% of the money. No one really knows what percentage of tips are unreported, but an old IRS estimate pegs it at about 40%.
What’s more, the current tax code defines tips only as payments where the customer determines the tip amount. If a restaurant charges a fixed 18% service charge, or there’s an extra fee for room service, those aren’t tips in the government’s eyes. This means some tipped workers who think service charges are tips will overestimate the new rule’s impact on their finances.
How the new bills would affect tipped workers
The “Big Beautiful Bill” would create a new tax code section under “itemized deductions” This area of the tax code already includes text that creates health savings accounts and gives students deductions for interest on their college loans.
What’s in the new section?
First, the bill specifies that this tax break applies just to “any cash tip.” The IRS classifies payments by credit card, debit card and even checks as “cash tips.” Unfortunately for workers in Las Vegas, noncash tips, like casino chips, aren’t part of the bill.
While the House bill limits the deduction to people earning less than US$160,000 the Senate bill caps the deduction to the first $25,000 of tips earned. Everything over that is taxed.
Second, the current House bill ends this special tax-free deal on Dec. 31, 2028. That means these special benefits would only last three years, unless Congress extends the law. The Senate bill does not include such a deadline.
Third, the exemption is only available to jobs that typically receive tips. The Treasury secretary is required to define the list of tipped occupations. If an occupation isn’t on the list, the law doesn’t apply.
I wonder how many occupations won’t make the list. For example, some camp counselors get tips at the end of the summer. But it’s unclear the Treasury Department will include these workers as a covered group, since counselors only make up a proportion of summer camp staff. Not making the list is a real problem.
And while the new proposal gives workers an income tax break, there’s nothing in either bill about skipping FICA payments on the tipped earnings. Workers are still required to contribute slightly more than 7% in Social Security and Medicare taxes on all tips they report, which won’t benefit them until retirement. This isn’t an oversight — the bill specifically says employees must furnish a valid Social Security number to get the tax benefits.
There are a few other ways the legislation might benefit workers less than it seems at first glance. Instituting no taxes on tips could mean tipped employees feel more pressure to split their tips with other employees, like busboys, chefs and hosts. After all, these untipped workers also contribute to the customer experience, and often at low wages.
The specifics of any piece of legislation are subject to change until the moment Congress sends it to the president to be signed. However, as now written, I think the bills aren’t as generous to tipped workers as Trump made it sound on the campaign trail.
Jay L. Zagorsky does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Stewart Edie, Research Geologist and Curator of Paleobiology, Smithsonian Institution
Even bivalves looked different during the time of the dinosaurs, as these fossils of an ultra-fortified oyster, left, and armored cockle show.Smithsonian Institution
The fallout was immediate and severe. Evidence shows that about 70% of species went extinct in a geological instant, and not just those famous dinosaurs that once stalked the land. Masters of the Mesozoic oceans were also wiped out, from mosasaurs – a group of aquatic reptiles topping the food chain – to exquisitely shelled squid relatives known as ammonites.
But bubbling away on the seafloor was a stolid group of animals that has left a fantastic fossil record and continues to thrive today: bivalves – clams, cockles, mussels, oysters and more.
What happened to these creatures during the extinction event and how they rebounded tells an important story, both about the past and the future of biodiversity.
Surprising discoveries on the seafloor
Marine bivalves lost around three-quarters of their species during this mass extinction, which marked the end of the Cretaceous Period. My colleagues and I – each of us paleobiologists studying biodiversity – expected that losing so many species would have severely cut down the variety of roles that bivalves play within their environments, what we call their “modes of life.”
But, as we explain in a study published in the journal Sciences Advances, that wasn’t the case. In assessing the fossils of thousands of bivalve species, we found that at least one species from nearly all their modes of life, no matter how rare or specialized, squeaked through the extinction event.
Statistically, that shouldn’t have happened. Kill 70% of bivalve species, even at random, and some modes of life should disappear.
Most bivalves happily burrow into the sand and mud, feeding on phytoplankton they strain from the water. But others have adopted chemosymbionts and photosymbionts – bacteria and algae that produce nutrients for the bivalves from chemicals or sunlight in exchange for housing. A few have even become carnivorous. Some groups, including the oysters, can lay down a tough cement that hardens underwater, and mussels hold onto rocks by spinning silken threads.
We thought surely these more specialized modes of life would have been snuffed out by the effects of the asteroid’s impact, including dust and debris likely blocking sunlight and disrupting a huge part of the bivalves’ food chain: photosynthetic algae and bacteria. Instead, most persisted, although biodiversity was forever scrambled as a new ecological landscape emerged. Species that were once dominant struggled, while evolutionary newcomers rose in their place.
The reasons some species survived and others didn’t leave many questions to explore. Those that filtered phytoplankton from the water column suffered some of the highest species losses, but so did species that fed on organic scraps and didn’t rely as much on the Sun’s energy. Narrow geographic distributions and different metabolisms may have contributed to these extinction patterns.
Biodiversity bounces back
Life rebounded from each of the Big Five mass extinctions throughout Earth’s history, eventually punching through past diversity highs. The rich fossil record and spectacular ecological diversity of bivalves gives us a terrific opportunity to study these rebounds to understand how ecosystems and global biodiversity rebuild in the wake of extinctions.
The extinction caused by the asteroid strike knocked down some thriving modes of life and opened the door for others to dominate the new landscape.
The rebound from the extinction wasn’t so straightforward. Some modes of life lost nearly all their species, never to recover their past diversity. Others rose to take the top ranks. Genera is the plural of genus. Adapted from Edie et al. 2025, Science Advances
While many people lament the loss of the dinosaurs, we malacologists miss the rudists.
These bizarrely shaped bivalves resembled giant ice cream cones, sometimes reaching more than 3 feet (1 meter) in size, and they dominated the shallow, tropical Mesozoic seas as massive aggregations of contorted individuals, similar to today’s coral reefs. At least a few harbored photosymbiotic algae, which provided them with nutrients and spurred their growth, much like modern corals.
An ancient fossil of a rudist from before the last mass extinction. These bivalves could grow to a meter high. Smithsonian Institution
Today, giant clams (Tridacna) and their relatives fill parts of these unique photosymbiotic lifestyles once occupied by the rudists, but they lack the rudists’ astonishing species diversity.
Mass extinctions clearly upend the status quo. Now, our ocean floors are dominated by clams burrowed into sand and mud, the quahogs, cockles and their relatives – a scene far different from that of the seafloor 66 million years ago.
New winners in a scrambled ecosystem
Ecological traits alone didn’t fully predict extinction patterns, nor do they entirely explain the rebound. We also see that simply surviving a mass extinction didn’t necessarily provide a leg up as species diversified within their old and sometimes new modes of life – and few of those new modes dominate the ecological landscape today.
Like the rudists, trigoniid bivalves had lots of different species prior to the extinction event. These highly ornamented clams built parts of their shells with a super strong biomaterial called nacre – think iridescent pearls – and had fractally interlocking hinges holding their two valves together.
An ancient fossil of a pearly but tough trigoniid bivalve from the last mass extinction. The two matching shells show their elaborate hinge. Smithsonian Institution
But despite surviving the extinction, which should have placed them in a prime position to accumulate species again, their diversification sputtered. Other types of bivalves that made a living in the same way proliferated instead, relegating this once mighty and global group to a handful of species now found only off the coast of Australia.
Lessons for today’s oceans
These unexpected patterns of extinction and survival may offer lessons for the future.
The fossil record shows us that biodiversity has definite breaking points, usually during a perfect storm of climatic and environmental upheaval. It’s not just that species are lost, but the ecological landscape is overturned.
Many scientists believe the current biodiversity crisis may cascade into a sixth mass extinction, this one driven by human activities that are changing ecosystems and the global climate. Corals, whose reefs are home to nearly a quarter of known marine species, have faced mass bleaching events as warming ocean water puts their future at risk. Acidification as the oceans absorb more carbon dioxide can also weaken the shells of organisms crucial to the ocean food web.
Findings like ours suggest that, in the future, the rebound from extinction events will likely result in very different mixes of species and their modes of life in the oceans. And the result may not align with human needs if species providing the bulk of ecosystem services are driven genetically or functionally extinct.
The global oceans and their inhabitants are complex, and, as our team’s latest research shows, it is difficult to predict the trajectory of biodiversity as it rebounds – even when extinction pressures are reduced.
Billions of people depend on the ocean for food. As the history recorded by the world’s bivalves shows, the upending of the pecking order – the number of species in each mode of life – won’t necessarily settle into an arrangement that can feed as many people the next time around.
Stewart Edie receives funding from the Smithsonian Institution.
The 1,100-page bill would slash incentives for green technologies such as solar, wind, batteries, electric cars and heat pumps while subsidizing existing nuclear power plants and biofuels. That would leave the country and its people burning more fossil fuels despite strong popular and scientific support for a rapid shift to renewable energy.
The bill may still be revised by the Senate before it moves to a final vote. But it is a picture of how President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans want to reshape U.S. energy policy.
As an environmental engineering professor who studies ways to confront climate change, I think it is important to distinguish which technologies could rapidly cut emissions or are on the verge of becoming viable from those that do little to fight climate change. Unfortunately, the House bill favors the latter while nixing support for the former.
However, the House bill rescinds billions of dollars that the Inflation Reduction Act, enacted in 2022, devoted to boosting domestic manufacturing and deployments of renewable energy and batteries.
Deployments would be hit even harder. Wind, solar, geothermal and battery projects would need to commence construction within 60 days of passage of the bill to receive tax credits.
In addition, the bill would deny tax credits to projects that use Chinese-made components. Financial analysts have called those provisions “unworkable,” since some Chinese materials may be necessary even for projects built with as much domestic content as possible.
Wind turbines and solar panels generate renewable energy side by side near Palm Springs, Calif. Mario Tama/Getty Images
Efficiency and electric cars
Cuts fall even harder on Americans who are trying to reduce their carbon footprints and energy costs. The bill repeals aid for home efficiency improvements such as heat pumps, efficient windows and energy audits. Homeowners would also lose tax credits for installing solar panels and batteries.
For vehicles, the bill would not only repeal tax credits for electric cars, trucks and chargers, but it also would impose a federal $250 annual fee on vehicles, on top of fees that some states charge electric-car owners. The federal fee is more than the gas taxes paid by other drivers to fund highways and ignores air-quality and climate effects.
For new nuclear plants, the bill would move up the deadline to 2028 to begin construction. That deadline is too soon for some new reactor designs and would rush the vetting of others. Nuclear safety regulators are awaiting a study from the National Academies on the weapons proliferation risks of the type of uranium fuel that some developers hope to use in newer designs.
The House-passed bill would protect government subsidies for existing nuclear power plants, like the one in the background, while limiting support for wind turbines. Scott Olson/Getty Images
The bill would end tax credits for hydrogen production. Without that support, companies will be unlikely to invest in the seven so-called “hydrogen hubs” that were allocated a combined $8 billion under the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law in 2021. Those hubs aim to attract $40 billion in private investments and create tens of thousands of jobs while developing cleaner ways to make hydrogen.
The repealed tax credits would have subsidized hydrogen made emissions-free by using renewable or nuclear electricity to split water molecules. They also would have subsidized hydrogen made from natural gas with carbon capture, whose benefits are impaired by methane emissions from natural gas systems and incomplete carbon capture.
As Congress deliberates on the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, the nation’s energy agenda is one of many issues being hotly debated. Kevin Carter/Getty Images
Summing it up
The conservative Tax Foundation estimates that the House bill would cut the Inflation Reduction Act’s clean energy tax credits by about half, saving the government $50 billion a year. But with fewer efficiency improvements, fewer electric vehicles and less clean power on the grid, Princeton’s Jenkins projects American households would pay up to $415 more per year for energy by 2035 than if the bill’s provisions were not enacted. If the bill’s provisions make it into law, the extra fossil fuel-burning would leave annual U.S. greenhouse gas emissions 1 billion tons higher by then.
No one expected former President Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act to escape unscathed with Republicans in the White House and dominating both houses of Congress. Still, the proposed cuts target the technologies Americans count on to protect the climate and save consumers money.
Daniel Cohan receives funding from the Carbon Hub at Rice University.
Source: United States of America – Department of State (video statements)
Spokesperson Tammy Bruce leads the Department Press Briefing at the Department of State, on June 10, 2025.
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The Secretary of State, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate, is the President’s chief foreign affairs adviser. The Secretary carries out the President’s foreign policies through the State Department, which includes the Foreign Service, Civil Service and U.S. Agency for International Development.
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Source: United States Department of Defense (video statements)
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth commemorates the 81st anniversary of the D-Day landings by American and Allied troops during a ceremony at Normandy American Cemetery in Colleville-sur-Mer, France. June 6, 2025.
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When LGBTQ+ patients are unsure if they can be open about their identity and related health needs, it becomes more difficult for them to access high-quality health care.
In our recently published research, my colleagues and I found that how LGBTQ+ people are treated at the doctor’s office has a measurable effect on whether they stay up to date with lifesaving preventive care like flu shots, colorectal cancer screenings and HIV testing.
Results of affirming care
We examined how LGBTQ+ adults rated their health care provider across three areas: LGBTQ+ cultural competency, such as if providers used inclusive language on forms and in person; LGBTQ+ clinical competency, such as their doctor’s knowledge on all aspects of their health; and experiences of discrimination, such as being told to seek care elsewhere.
After analyzing survey data on the experiences of more than 950 LGBTQ+ adults from across the U.S., we saw that three clear patterns emerged.
First, 34% of participants reported having positive health care experiences – meaning their providers were culturally and clinically competent about LGBTQ+ health needs, and did not discriminate against them. These patients were more likely to be up to date on at least one preventive service recommended by the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force, compared to those receiving neutral or discriminatory care.
Second, 60% of participants reported having neutral experiences, when their providers were clinically competent about LGBTQ+ health needs and didn’t discriminate against them, but were not culturally competent. These patients were 43% less likely to get an HIV test compared to patients reporting affirming care.
Third, 6% of participants reported experiencing discrimination, when their providers were neither culturally nor clinically competent on LGBTQ+ health. These patients were 24% less likely to get a colorectal cancer screening compared to patients reporting affirming care.
Most LGBTQ+ adults in our study reported neutral or even discriminatory care, which leads to avoidable health risks and higher costs for the health system. This provides additional evidence that being supportive of LGBTQ+ patients has measurable improvements for health outcomes.
Fear of discrimination can lead to delayed and missed diagnoses.
Why preventive care matters
Preventive care saves lives and saves money. When diseases like colorectal cancer or HIV are caught early, treatments are often simpler, more effective and less expensive.
When LGBTQ+ patients are made to feel unwelcome or unsafe, we found that they are less likely to get routine preventive care, ultimately driving up long-term costs across the health system. States like North Carolina and Georgia that have more health systems participating in the Human Rights Campaign’s Healthcare Equality Index, which evaluates policies and practices around LGBTQ+ care, had higher rates of LGBTQ+ patients reporting positive care experiences compared to states with few participating health systems, such as Tennessee and Alabama.
Our team has continued the work independently to ensure that the over 1,250 participants who already shared their experiences and data would not have this information sit idly.
Our findings reinforce what many LGBTQ+ patients already know – nonjudgmental and competent care is not a luxury, but a public health necessity.
Nathaniel M. Tran received funding from the National Institute on Aging and Vanderbilt University.
