Source: European Parliament
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Source: European Parliament
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Source: European Parliament
Question for written answer E-002738/2025
to the Commission
Rule 144
Alicia Homs Ginel (S&D)
Climate change is a reality that endangers the health and lives of workers in Europe. Accidents at work increase by up to 17 % during heatwaves, and heat stress is becoming a danger that can exacerbate previous illnesses and cause sudden deaths.
When it comes to heat-related deaths in the workplace, Europe is currently witnessing the fastest rate of growth globally: 42 % since 2000, according to the ILO. That is the highest rate in the world.
It is not enough to rely on companies’ desire to protect workers from the heat. We need decisive action by the EU institutions, including a directive that guarantees safe working conditions during heatwaves. For this, however, we need high-quality and complete data.
In view of this:
Submitted: 4.7.2025
Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)
SINGAPORE, July 11, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — DexLab, the leading Solana-native token launching & tooling platform, today announced the launch of its fully independent Asia-Pacific subsidiary CaLab. Built on DexLab’s battle-tested technical infrastructure, CaLab will operate as a regional powerhouse focused on serving APAC markets while maintaining technological interoperability with its parent platform.
A Strategic Regional Play with Technical Pedigree
CaLab’s strategic debut on Raydium exemplifies DexLab’s innovative “one-core, multi-market” approach – maintaining technological continuity through shared infrastructure while enabling regional specialization. The APAC-focused platform inherits DexLab’s battle-tested architecture that currently manages over 189K+ in token assets, but will implement three key localization layers: (1) fully localized interfaces supporting languages in APAC regions at launch, (2) region-specific compliance modules addressing varying regulatory frameworks, and (3) culturally adapted growth mechanisms including localized influencer partnerships and community incentive structures.
DexLab’s Evolution: From Minting to Comprehensive Token Orchestration
The parent platform continues its transformation into Solana’s most sophisticated token management solution, now developing:
1. End-to-End Token Lifecycle Tools. Moving beyond basic issuance, DexLab now enables:
2. Social-first Tokenization. DexLab will open Telegram-native Interfaces as a social-layer gateway allowing users to create, manage, and interact with tokens via bot-driven UI — no wallet connection required.
3.. Embedded Orderbook SDK as the Next-Gen Trading Infrastructure.: DexLab will provide a plug-and-play orderbook interface, enabling any project to embed CLOB trading directly into their own sites — powered by DexLab’s backend for execution and settlement. The upcoming Orderbook SDK implementation will revolutionize meme coin economics by:
Market Implications
Industry analysts note the bifurcated strategy positions DexLab uniquely – DexLab Core attracts sophisticated projects needing institutional-grade tooling while CaLab captures APAC’s explosive retail demand through localized accessibility.
“Where regional DEXs typically fork codebases, we’re demonstrating true technical scalability,” the DexLab development team stated. “This isn’t fragmentation, it’s controlled expansion with shared DNA.”
About DexLab
As Solana’s pioneering meme launchpad behind iconic tokens including Bonk, Slerf, and Ponke – along with Trump&Biden-themed assets – DexLab originally facilitated 95% of the network’s early token launches, generating $532M in trading volume. Today, DexLab has matured into a complete institutional-grade token management solution, offering end-to-end lifecycle tools built natively on Solana.
Contact:
Dennis
dennis@dexlab.space
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A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/1e0edac9-e43b-4a5d-876e-dc4caa964e85
Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)
Extraordinary General Meeting of Helix Shareholders Scheduled for August 4, 2025
SOUTH SAN FRANCISCO & BOSTON, July 11, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Helix Acquisition Corp. II (“Helix”) (Nasdaq: HLXB), a special purpose acquisition company (“SPAC”) sponsored by Cormorant Asset Management, and TheRas, Inc. (d/b/a BridgeBio Oncology Therapeutics) (“BBOT”), a clinical-stage biopharmaceutical company advancing a next-generation pipeline of novel small molecule therapeutics targeting RAS and PI3Kα malignancies, today announced that the registration statement on Form S-4 (File No. 333-288222) (as amended, the “Registration Statement”), filed by Helix and BBOT, relating to the previously-announced business combination among Helix, BBOT, and the other parties thereto (the “Business Combination”), has been declared effective by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”).
The extraordinary general meeting of Helix shareholders in connection with the Business Combination (the “Extraordinary General Meeting”) will be held on August 4, 2025. The proxy statement/prospectus relating to the Extraordinary General Meeting will be mailed to Helix’s shareholders of record as of the close of business on the record date of June 30, 2025.
The parties anticipate that the Business Combination will close in August 2025, subject to satisfaction of the conditions to the closing of the Business Combination.
About TheRas, Inc. (d/b/a BridgeBio Oncology Therapeutics) (“BBOT”)
BridgeBio Oncology Therapeutics (BBOT) is a clinical-stage biopharmaceutical company advancing a next-generation pipeline of novel small molecule therapeutics targeting RAS and PI3Kα malignancies. Initially formed as a subsidiary of BridgeBio Pharma, Inc. (Nasdaq: BBIO), BBOT has the goal of improving outcomes for patients with cancers driven by the two most prevalent oncogenes in human tumors. For more information, visit bbotx.com.
About Helix Acquisition Corp. II (HLXB) (“Helix”)
Helix Acquisition Corp. II (Nasdaq: HLXB) is a special purpose acquisition company (SPAC) formed for the purpose of effecting a merger, capital stock exchange, asset acquisition, stock purchase, reorganization, or similar business combination with one or more businesses. Helix Acquisition Corp. II raised $184 million in its initial public offering on February 9, 2024. Helix is sponsored by affiliates of Cormorant Asset Management and is headquartered in Boston, Massachusetts.
Additional Information and Where to Find It
As previously disclosed, Helix, BBOT and Helix II Merger Sub., a Delaware corporation and wholly-owned subsidiary of Helix (“Merger Sub”), entered into a definitive business combination agreement, dated as of February 28, 2025 (as amended by Amendment No. 1 to the Business Combination Agreement, dated as of June 17, 2025, as it may be further amended, restated, supplemented or otherwise modified from time to time, the “Business Combination Agreement”), pursuant to which, subject to the satisfaction or waiver of the conditions therein, the parties thereto will consummate the Business Combination. Upon closing of the transaction, the company will be renamed “BridgeBio Oncology Therapeutics” (“PubCo”). The Business Combination will be submitted to shareholders of Helix for their consideration. The Registration Statement, which was declared effective by the SEC on July 10, 2025, includes a proxy statement/prospectus that is both the proxy statement of Helix and a prospectus of PubCo relating to the shares to be issued in connection with the Business Combination (the “Proxy Statement/Prospectus”). The definitive Proxy Statement/Prospectus will be mailed to Helix’s shareholders of record as of June 30, 2025, the record date established for voting on the Business Combination. Helix, BBOT and/or PubCo may also file other relevant documents regarding the Business Combination with the SEC. This press release does not contain all the information that should be considered concerning the Business Combination and other matters and is not intended to provide the basis for any investment decision or any other decision in respect of such matters. Before making any voting or investment decision, Helix’s shareholders and other interested persons are urged to read the Proxy Statement/Prospectus and other documents filed in connection with the Business Combination, because these documents will contain important information about Helix, BBOT, PubCo and the Business Combination. Shareholders will also be able to obtain free copies of the Registration Statement, the Proxy Statement/Prospectus and other documents filed with the SEC, once available, without charge, at the SEC’s website located at www.sec.gov, or by directing a request to Helix Acquisition Corp. II, c/o Cormorant Asset Management, LP, 200 Clarendon Street, 52nd Floor, Boston, MA 02116.
Participants in the Solicitation
Helix, BBOT, and their directors and executive officers and other persons may be deemed to be participants in the solicitations of proxies from Helix’s shareholders in respect of the Business Combination and the other matters set forth in the Registration Statement. A list of the names of such persons, and information regarding their interests in the Business Combination and their ownership of Helix’s and BBOT’s securities are contained in the Proxy Statement/Prospectus. The Proxy Statement/Prospectus may be obtained free of charge at the SEC’s website located at www.sec.gov, or by directing a request to Helix Acquisition Corp. II, c/o Cormorant Asset Management, LP, 200 Clarendon Street, 52nd Floor, Boston, MA 02116.
Forward-Looking Statements
Certain statements included in this press release that are not historical facts are forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements generally are accompanied by words such as “believe,” “may,” “will,” “estimate,” “continue,” “anticipate,” “intend,” “expect,” “should,” “would,” “plan,” “predict,” “potential,” “seem,” “seek,” “future,” “outlook” and similar expressions that predict or indicate future events or trends or that are not statements of historical matters. These forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, statements regarding estimates and forecasts of other financial and performance metrics and projections of market opportunity; expectations and timing related to the success, cost and timing of product development activities, including timing of initiation, completion and data readouts for clinical trials and the potential approval of BBOT’s product candidates, including the progress and results of the ONKORAS-101 and BREAKER-101 clinical trials and the expected dosing of the first patient with BBO-11818; the clinical and therapeutic potential of BBO-8520, BBO-10203 and BBO-11818; the size and growth potential of the markets for BBOT’s product candidates; the therapeutic and curative potential of BBOT’s product candidates; financing and other business milestones; potential benefits of the business combination; and expectations relating to the business combination, including the proceeds of the business combination and the financing and BBOT’s expected cash runway and the timing of the closing of the business combination. These statements are based on various assumptions, whether or not identified in this press release, and on the current expectations of BBOT’s and Helix’s management and are not predictions of actual performance. These forward-looking statements are provided for illustrative purposes only and are not intended to serve as and must not be relied on by an investor as a guarantee, an assurance, a prediction, or a definitive statement of fact or probability. Actual events and circumstances are difficult or impossible to predict and may differ from assumptions. Many actual events and circumstances are beyond the control of BBOT and Helix. These forward-looking statements are subject to a number of risks and uncertainties, including changes in domestic and foreign business, market, financial, political, and legal conditions; the inability of the parties to successfully or timely enter into definitive agreements with respect to the business combination or consummate the business combination, including the risk that any regulatory approvals are not obtained, are delayed or are subject to unanticipated conditions (such as any SEC statements or enforcements or other actions relating to SPACs) that could adversely affect the combined company or the expected benefits of the business combination, or the risk that the approval of the shareholders of Helix or any other condition to closing is not obtained; failure to realize the anticipated benefits of the business combination; risks relating to any legal proceedings that may be instituted against Helix, the combined company or others following the announcement of the business combination, risks relating to the uncertainty of the projected financial information with respect to BBOT and the combined company; risks related to the approval of BBOT’s product candidates and the timing of expected regulatory and business milestones; ability to negotiate definitive contractual arrangements with potential customers; the impact of competitive product candidates; ability to obtain sufficient supply of materials; global economic and political conditions; the effects of competition on BBOT’s future business; the amount of redemption requests made by Helix’s public shareholders; and those factors discussed in documents Helix has filed or will file with the SEC. Additional risks related to BBOT’s business include, but are not limited to: uncertainty regarding outcomes of BBOT’s ongoing clinical trials, particularly as they relate to regulatory review and potential approval for its product candidates; risks associated with BBOT’s efforts to commercialize its product candidates; BBOT’s ability to maintain its existing agreements with third parties and to negotiate and enter into new definitive agreements on favorable terms, if at all; the impact of competing product candidates on BBOT’s business; intellectual property-related claims; BBOT’s ability to attract and retain qualified personnel; and BBOT’s ability to source the raw materials for its product candidates.
If any of these risks materialize or Helix’s or BBOT’s assumptions prove incorrect, actual results could differ materially from the results implied by these forward-looking statements. There may be additional risks that neither Helix or BBOT presently know or that Helix and BBOT currently believe are immaterial that could also cause actual results to differ from those contained in the forward-looking statements. In addition, forward-looking statements reflect Helix’s and BBOT’s expectations, plans, or forecasts of future events and views as of the date of this press release and are qualified in their entirety by reference to the cautionary statements herein. Helix and BBOT anticipate that subsequent events and developments will cause Helix’s and BBOT’s assessments to change. These forward-looking statements should not be relied upon as representing Helix’s and BBOT’s assessments as of any date subsequent to the date of this press release. Accordingly, undue reliance should not be placed upon the forward-looking statements. Neither Helix, BBOT, nor any of their respective affiliates undertake any obligation to update these forward-looking statements, except as required by law.
No Offer or Solicitation
This press release shall not constitute a solicitation of a proxy, consent or authorization with respect to any securities or in respect of the business combination, or an offer to sell, or the solicitation of an offer to buy, any securities. No offering of securities shall be made except by means of a prospectus meeting the requirements of Section 10 of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, or an exemption therefrom, nor shall any sale of securities in any states or jurisdictions in which such offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful prior to registration or qualification under the securities laws of any such jurisdiction be affected. Neither the SEC nor any securities commission of any other U.S. or non-U.S. jurisdiction has approved or disapproved of the business combination contemplated hereby or determined that this press release is truthful or complete. Any representation to the contrary is a criminal offense.
BridgeBio Oncology Therapeutics Contact:
Idan Elmelech
Senior Vice President, Strategy & Business Development
Contact@bridgebiooncology.com
(650) 405-7021
Helix Acquisition Corp. II Contact:
Caleb Tripp
Chief Financial Officer
(857) 702-0370
Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)
11 July 2025
LEI: 2138003QW2ZAYZODBU23
LSE Code: 3BRS
WISDOMTREE MULTI ASSET ISSUER PUBLIC LIMITED COMPANY
(a public company incorporated with limited liability in Ireland)
WISDOMTREE Brent Crude Oil 3X Daily Short SECURITIES
ISIN: IE00BLRPRK35
PROPOSED AMENDMENT TO THE PRINCIPAL AMOUNT OF THE AFFECTED SECURITIES
ADJOURNMENT OF MEETING OF THE ETP SECURITYHOLDERS
THIS DOCUMENT IS IMPORTANT AND REQUIRES YOUR IMMEDIATE ATTENTION. If you are in any doubt about what action you should take, you are recommended to consult your independent financial adviser.
If you have sold or transferred all of your WisdomTree Brent Crude Oil 3X Daily Short Securities (the “Affected Securities”) of WisdomTree Multi Asset Issuer Public Limited Company (the “Issuer”), please send this document, together with the accompanying form of proxy, at once to the purchaser or transferee or stockbroker, banker or other agent through whom the sale or transfer was made, for onward transmission to the purchaser or transferee.
The Issuer wishes to announce that the Meeting of the holders of the Affected Securities scheduled for Friday 11 July 2025 at 11:00 a.m. (the “Original Meeting”) has been adjourned, in accordance with paragraph 20 of Schedule 7 of the Trust Deed, for lack of a quorum. The adjourned meeting will be reconvened on 11:00 a.m. on Friday 1 August 2025being a date not more than 30 days after the Original Meeting, and will be held at the offices of Apex IFS Limited in 2nd Floor, Block 5, Irish Life Centre, Abbey Street Lower, Dublin 1, D01P767, Ireland (the “Adjourned Meeting”).
The Adjourned Meeting is being held to consider certain amendments to documentation, made under the powers set out in clause 2 of schedule 7 of the master trust deed of the Affected Securities, required to effect a reduction in the principal amount of the Affected Securities from USD 0.114 to USD 0.0114. This follows the price of the Affected Securities falling below 500 per cent. of its current principal amount on Friday 13 June 2025, and is designed to maintain the normal trading and operations of the Affected Securities. Full details of the Proposal and Extraordinary Resolution are set out in the notice dated 18 June 2025
Under article 11.5 of the Issuer’s Articles of Association, no further notification is required for the Adjourned Meeting. Holders of the Affected Securities are therefore directed to the original notification, including the circular dated 18 June 2025, and also a revised form of proxy for the Adjourned Meeting, which are available on the website of the Issuer at https://www.wisdomtree.eu/en-gb/resource-library/prospectus-and-regulatory-reports#tab-2A942D42-5AA1-4008-9080-3C2DADB050A7.
Holders of the Affected Securities should note that a duly completed voting instructions already made in respect of the Original Meeting will NOT continue to be valid for the Adjourned Meeting. Holders of the Affected Securities should therefore not rely on any voting instructions already made in respect of the Original Meeting and should therefore make arrangements to vote again on the matters being considered, in order to participate in the Adjourned Meeting.
Holders of the Affected Securities are advised to check with any bank, securities broker or other intermediary through which they hold their Affected Securities when such intermediary would need to receive instructions from a holder of Affected Securities in order for such holder of Affected Securities to participate in the Adjourned Meeting by the deadlines specified in this circular. The deadlines set by any such intermediary and each ICSD for the submission instructions will be earlier than the relevant deadlines specified in the circular.
In relation to the delivery instructions or obtaining voting certificates or otherwise making arrangements for the giving of voting instructions, in each case through the ICSDs, holders of the Affected Securities should note the particular practice and policy of the relevant ICSDs, including any earlier deadlines set by such ICSD. The deadlines set by any intermediary or by the ICSDs will be earlier than the deadlines set out in the circular.
In accordance with normal practice, The Law Debenture Trust Corporation p.l.c., as trustee, expresses no opinion as to the merits of the Proposal, the terms of which were not negotiated by it. It has however authorised it to be stated that, on the basis of the information contained in the original circular and in this document (which it advises holders of Affected Securities to read carefully) it has no objection to the form in which the Proposal and Notice of Meeting are presented to holders of Affected Securities for their consideration.
Holders of the Affected Securities will be notified of the outcome of the Adjourned Meeting shortly thereafter.
Source: European Central Bank
11 July 2025
Ms Schnabel, abstracting from the still-open question of tariffs, would you say that developments since 5 June support the idea that the ECB is in a good place, weakening the case for another move?
Yes, we are in a good place. Disinflation is proceeding broadly as expected, even if services inflation and food inflation remain somewhat elevated. We are now close to having successfully tackled past inflation shocks, which is good news. Over the medium term, inflation is projected to be at 2% and inflation expectations are well anchored. In view of this, our interest rates are also in a good place, and the bar for another rate cut is very high.
Let me explain. First, I see no risk of a sustained undershooting of inflation over the medium term. Core inflation is projected to be at target over the entire projection horizon. The low energy price inflation is likely to be temporary, and the fear of the exchange rate appreciation putting downward pressure on underlying inflation is exaggerated in my view, as the pass-through is likely to be limited. In fact, this appreciation also reflects the new growth narrative in Europe, meaning there is a positive confidence effect, which attracts capital and lowers financing costs.
Second, the economy is proving resilient. Economic growth in the first quarter of 2025 was better than expected. Sentiment indicators have also surprised to the upside – the composite Purchasing Managers’ Index rose again in June. And it’s noteworthy that manufacturing has continued to improve, with, strikingly, all the forward-looking indicators having continued their upward trend – new orders, new export orders, future output are all at three-year highs. This suggests that we’re seeing more than just frontloading. Moreover, the labour market remains resilient, with unemployment at a record low and employment continuing to grow. It seems that the uncertainty is weighing less on economic activity than we thought, and on top of that, we’re expecting a large fiscal impulse that will further support the economy. So overall, the risks to the growth outlook in the euro area are now more balanced.
It sounds like you see no grounds for the ECB to seriously consider further easing, even if it were to wait before moving again.
There would only be a case for another rate cut if we saw signs of a material deviation of inflation from our target over the medium term. And at the moment, I see no signs of that.
Is the potential cost of an unnecessary cut high enough to outweigh risk management arguments for a so-called insurance cut?
I don’t think that risk management considerations can justify another rate cut. Domestic inflation is still elevated and inflation expectations of households and firms are tilted to the upside. Additionally, a more fragmented global economy and a large fiscal impulse pose upside risks to the inflation outlook over the medium term. Therefore, from today’s perspective, a further rate cut is not appropriate.
I would also warn against fine-tuning monetary policy to incoming data. For example, it would be risky to base a monetary policy decision solely on the evolution of energy prices, because we’ve seen oil prices fluctuate between USD 60 and almost USD 80 since March alone. We should remain firmly focused on the medium term and on core inflation. This is also in line with our updated monetary policy strategy, which says that we need to be agile to recognise fundamental changes in the inflation environment, but that we can tolerate moderate deviations from target if there’s no risk of a de-anchoring of inflation expectations.
We don’t yet know the final tariff outcome, but observers expect Europe to get away with a general 10%, along with individual tariffs on certain sectors and some exceptions for others. If you share this view, what impact on growth and inflation do you expect?
Indeed, it looks like tariff negotiations are moving towards our baseline scenario. But of course, there remains uncertainty about the outcome of the negotiations. Tariffs have a dampening effect on economic activity in the short run. However, if the negotiations are concluded successfully, this will lower uncertainty, which would support consumption and investment.
As regards inflation, I see a net inflationary effect over the medium term, because the dampening effect from a weaker global economy and potential trade diversion is likely to be offset – or even overcompensated – by supply-side effects, which are not included in our standard projection models. This includes cost-push shocks rippling through global value chains, supply chain disruptions and the loss of efficiency from a more fragmented world.
You said the bar for another rate cut is very high. Is that because we’re approaching accommodative territory? Or are we already in it?
I think we are becoming accommodative. If you look at the latest bank lending survey, you see 56% of banks reporting that interest rates are boosting the demand for mortgages, while only 8% say they’re holding demand back. Moreover, the natural rate of interest may have increased recently due to the historic shift in German fiscal policy. This is also reflected in financial markets, where real forward rates have moved up, which reflects the expected higher demand for capital, including from the private sector. That means that, for a given level of the policy rate, our policy becomes more accommodative. And this is what’s also reflected in the pick-up in bank lending.
What other indicators do you rely on to gauge your level of accommodation?
We look at general economic developments, which also reflect the restrictiveness of our monetary policy. And as I said, the economy has proven more resilient than we had thought.
You described the pass-through of the EUR/USD exchange rate as limited. Can you be more specific? Is there a point at which this suddenly changes?
I find the debate about the exchange rate appreciation exaggerated. I do not remember people having a similar concern when the exchange rate was moving towards parity in early 2025. And this did not prevent us from cutting rates further. If you take a longer perspective and look at the past two decades, we’ve had comparable or even larger appreciations with a rather limited impact on inflation.
There are reasons to believe that the pass-through may be limited this time as well, especially to underlying inflation. First, the source of the shock matters. In this case, the stronger exchange rate is also a reflection of a positive confidence effect and investors’ belief that the euro area’s growth potential may be higher than thought. Moreover, you see a rebalancing of investors into the euro area, which tends to lower financing costs, counteracting the tightening effect of the exchange rate.
Second, more than half of our imports are invoiced in euro, which reduces the pass-through. Firms may also use the occasion of lower import costs to protect their profit margins rather than pass these lower costs on to consumers.
Finally, the impact of the exchange rate on competitiveness and foreign demand is mitigated by the high import content of our exports.
But to get back to your second question, we do not target the exchange rate and we do not respond to any particular exchange rate level. Exchange rates enter our projection models via the assumptions, and we know that they can change in either direction at any point.
So further appreciation is manageable indefinitely, as long as it remains reasonably gradual?
We always have to monitor what is happening. I don’t like to make very general statements about what could happen. At the moment, it’s manageable.
You recently said that the estimate of the impact of higher fiscal spending incorporated into the projections is “relatively conservative”. What’s being underappreciated? Is it the timing? The composition of the spending?
I see several aspects. The first is indeed timing. We’ve been positively surprised by the frontloading of spending plans by the German government. It seems they’re determined to deliver on their promises. The second aspect is fiscal multipliers. They could be higher than assumed depending on how the money is spent. Generally, they tend to be higher when the money is spent for investment. And the details of defence expenditures also matter: what share is going to be sourced domestically, and what share is used for R&D-related expenditures? A third, very important point is that our models may not fully capture the complementarity between public and private investment – that is, that private investment is being crowded in by public investment. Just recently, a group of large German corporations announced that they are planning a large investment programme, which would amplify the positive effect of public spending.
How much potential do you see for a stronger-than-anticipated fiscal impulse to alter the inflation outlook and thus your policy calibration in the second half of this year?
The fiscal measures are going to play out mainly over the medium term, not the short term. But inflation could eventually pick up if the economy hits capacity constraints, also due to demographic developments, which will accelerate over the coming years.
Your remarks seem to confirm that the ECB is not unhappy about the fact that the US dollar has been weak. Do you see a risk that the public discussion could provoke a US reaction the ECB needs to worry about?
The current situation risks undermining the exorbitant privilege of the US dollar, a privilege the United States has enjoyed over many decades, which has led to lower financing costs for American households, firms and the government. This offers a historical chance for the euro area to foster the international role of the euro as a global reserve, invoicing and funding currency, to reap some of those benefits. But there are three important prerequisites. The first is a revival of euro area growth. The second is safeguarding the rule of law and security, including in military terms. And the third is a large and liquid EU bond market.
On the savings and investment union, how can the ECB – while staying within its mandate – play a stronger role in highlighting how structural inefficiencies in cross-border capital flows impede monetary policy transmission and private risk sharing?
We’ve been very vocal about the savings and investment union. The President has given several speeches and the Governing Council has issued its own communication on the topic. This is because integration is closely related to our mandate. Our monetary policy is more effective in an integrated market. Integration improves monetary policy transmission by increasing private risk sharing and fostering convergence. This is firmly within our mandate. But let me also stress that the savings and investment union is about more than financial integration. It’s about fostering innovation and economic growth. This concerns not just the availability of capital, especially risk capital, but also the possibility for firms to scale up within the Single Market. We know that the internal hurdles within the Single Market are very high – some estimates show they’re much higher than the tariffs that we may be facing from the United States. So, one important part of the savings and investment union is to reduce these barriers within the Single Market. I think the 28th regime for innovative companies is a very promising proposal to allow those companies to scale up easily all over Europe. The ECB can only inform the debate through speeches and analysis, but in the end, progress will depend on the political will of governments.
Back to the United States, where Donald Trump is calling daily on Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell to resign. In the past 24 hours, we’ve had new speculation about who the next Fed Chair might be. Even if Powell stays to the end of his term, there could be an announcement long before that, and his intended successor may start to make public pronouncements about his intentions that lead to market repricing and an even stronger euro. Does this worry you – and more broadly, are you concerned about any other changes that could disadvantage Europe if a more “Trumpy” Fed Chair emerges?
The current discussion is testimony to the importance of central bank independence, and the Federal Reserve is leading by example. It’s very dangerous when you have direct interference by governments in monetary policy, because this can destroy the trust that has been built over decades. One concrete advantage of independence is that it reduces risk premia. By challenging Fed independence, risk premia may move up, which would increase rather than lower interest rates. Overall, I would never underestimate the institutional resilience of the Fed, so I remain optimistic.
Does this optimism also reflect the fact that you just had the opportunity to speak with Chair Powell at the ECB Forum on Central Banking in Sintra, Portugal?
Absolutely.
As excess liquidity continues to decline, are you observing any emerging signs of segmentation, whether across jurisdictions or across bank tiers, in the transmission of short-term interest rates?
There are no signs of segmentation. In fact, with quantitative tightening (QT) proceeding, market functioning has improved because collateral scarcity has gone down. Our new operational framework can deal very well with the heterogeneity across the euro area. Any bank can access our operations at any time, at the same rate, for the amount that they need, based on a broad set of eligible collateral. So far, the banks’ recourse to our operations has been rather limited because excess liquidity is still abundant, and that is also reflected in market funding being more favourable than our operations. Over time, excess liquidity is going to go down, and eventually the situation will change and more and more banks will access our operations. We are observing that process very carefully.
Even if market function still appears smooth, are there any early indicators you’re watching especially closely?
We are closely monitoring the functioning of money markets, and we have a whole range of indicators for that, but at the moment, we don’t have any concerns.
On a related subject, as balance sheet reduction continues, do you see any risk that at some point it could impair monetary policy transmission or disrupt market functioning?
Not at all. It’s important to understand the functioning of our operational framework, which is designed in a way that ensures smooth monetary policy transmission. In line with our decision, the monetary policy bond portfolios under the asset purchase programme (APP) and the pandemic emergency purchase programme (PEPP) are going to be run down to zero. At some point, once the ECB balance sheet is growing again, we will provide a significant part of banks’ structural liquidity needs via structural operations, namely longer-term lending operations and a structural bond portfolio. But these are distinct from quantitative easing (QE), which remains a tool for exceptional circumstances that is going to be used more sparingly in the future.
With sovereign spreads generally contained for now, do you view the current pace of the APP rundown as appropriate?
Yes. It’s running smoothly in the background and our experience with our gradual and predictable approach has been very positive.
What could trigger a change in the pace?
To change the pace of QT, you would need to have a monetary policy argument. And we said that our unconventional tools are to be used when we are near the effective lower bound, based on a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis. This is not our situation today. Hence, the plan is to run down the monetary policy bond portfolios to zero. The provision of liquidity for the implementation of our monetary policy won’t be done via QE – which is a stance instrument – but rather via our weekly lending operations and, at a later stage, the structural operations, once excess liquidity has declined to the point where demand for additional central bank liquidity begins to rise.
The time lag between the cut-off date for the technical assumptions and the publication of the projections is quite long, and in this volatile world it seems that this delay could compromise the reliability of the projections. Is this approach still justified?
This lag is mainly due to organisational reasons, especially when we are running the projection exercise together with the entire Eurosystem. There is a huge machinery to be managed, with many people to be coordinated, and the outcome then has to be incorporated into the material sent to the Governing Council. The timelines are already very tight. But more fundamentally, your question reveals a common misunderstanding about our projections. In the strategy assessment, we stressed the importance of the uncertainty surrounding our baseline projections. This uncertainty stems from the assumptions, and it also comes from more fundamental uncertainty, like the outcome of tariff negotiations. But it’s a mistake to focus only on the point estimates. What the projections give you is not just this number – which is almost certainly wrong and may change from day to day – but a range of plausible outcomes. This range is what we should focus on, because the point estimates alone may be misleading if you do not also consider the uncertainty.
To what extent is the return to 2% inflation in 2027 contingent on regulatory measures like the EU’s new emissions trading system ETS2, and does this raise credibility risks if those inputs prove unreliable?
In general, projecting energy prices is complicated. We are using futures prices in our staff projections even though they are not necessarily a good predictor of energy prices. Here we have an additional complication in that the new ETS has its own uncertainties, such as when it will come and how large its effects are going to be. And this brings me back to the point that we should focus on core inflation, acknowledging that whatever happens with respect to energy – as we’ve seen in the recent inflation surge – may feed into core inflation, especially when prices rise.
In concluding the strategy assessment, the ECB committed to act forcefully or persistently in response to large, sustained inflation deviations. What criteria would lead you to conclude that it’s appropriate to act forcefully or persistently?
The strategy assessment implies that we can tolerate moderate deviations from our inflation target as long as inflation expectations are firmly anchored. But when we see a risk of a sustained deviation from the target in either direction that could de-anchor inflation expectations, we will act appropriately forcefully or persistently, depending on the situation at hand and based on a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis. What this means is that first, we have to be agile in order to detect a fundamental shift in the inflation environment. We were lacking this agility at the time of the recent inflation surge, as it took us some time to recognise that we had shifted very quickly from a low-inflation environment to a high-inflation one. We want to be more agile to be able to react to such a change more rapidly. Second, we have to pay a lot of attention to inflation expectations – not just market-based inflation expectations, because these may be subject to a “monkey-in-the-mirror” problem and may merely reflect our own thinking. It’s important to look at a broad set of indicators, including household and firm inflation expectations. And in fact, if you look at the Consumer Expectations Survey, you see that household inflation expectations reacted relatively early to the change in the inflation environment. So, this can give us useful signals.
And the word “sustained” means extending into the medium term?
I’m always talking about the medium term, as this is what matters for our monetary policy. But sustained means that it’s not just temporary, and we all know that it’s difficult to judge whether something is temporary or not, but we will have to deal with that in the future.
In the wake of the strategy assessment, does anything change about the weights you attach to model-based outputs, your judgement or real-time indicators?
What I think is changing is our approach to data dependence. Over the past few years, data dependence played a very important role: the incoming data served as a cross-check to verify whether the data were in line with the projected decline in inflation over time. This allowed us to cut interest rates at a time when domestic inflation was still elevated. Now we’ve entered a new phase in which we are using incoming data to assess whether there could be a sustained deviation of inflation from target over the medium term. Scenario analysis helps us to navigate the uncertainty that we are facing, and the incoming data can tell us which scenario is most likely to materialise. Of course, projection models have their shortcomings, and we have to continuously improve the models, as we’ve done over recent years. For example, in our analysis of the impact of tariffs on economic activity, trade policy uncertainty played a very important role, but now we’re seeing that the economy is more resilient than we expected. This could be an indication that the impact of trade policy uncertainty is smaller than thought. Another example is the modelling of the supply-side effects of tariffs, which are currently not in our projection models.
How do you evaluate the prospects for Germany to emerge from the economic doldrums?
Germany has been facing severe structural weaknesses and a loss in competitiveness. To escape stagnation, it will have to implement growth-enhancing policies. The fiscal package is one important ingredient. But just spending money will not be enough. First, you have to make sure that the money is spent wisely, meaning on investment, not consumption. Second, the spending has to be accompanied by comprehensive structural reforms, including of the social security system, especially given demographic developments. We see a clear turnaround in sentiment in the German economy. But now the German government has to deliver. I see a chance to escape low growth, and this chance should not be wasted.
So, you share the optimism expressed by Bundesbank President Joachim Nagel earlier this week?
Yes, I’m also optimistic.
And with regard to the change in the German attitude towards fiscal spending, what do you think the implications are for euro area growth and inflation?
Germany is in a situation in which it can expand its government spending, because it has fiscal space. If done properly, this can help increase potential growth, which would also have positive spillovers to the rest of the euro area. This may go along with higher interest rate costs, but if potential growth increases at the same time, this is manageable.
Traditionally, we’ve had the core, rather fiscally conservative countries of the euro area on the one hand, and the more fiscally relaxed periphery countries on the other. Do you see this division being blurred as a consequence of the new German fiscal attitude?
Germany is in a very different position from countries like France and Italy. Those countries are facing much more difficult decisions. When they want to increase defence spending as foreseen, they will have to reduce their spending elsewhere, which is politically very demanding. So, I think the difference in the fiscal situations is still there.
When you speak publicly, how do you balance your own preferences and own views with the need to represent the ECB and its institutional interests?
One always has to strike the right balance, but I believe that the transparency about the diversity of views within the Governing Council is a feature, not a bug. It enhances our credibility. It also helps market participants better understand the discussions in the Governing Council and detect certain shifts in policies before the decision has been taken. That ultimately helps the transmission of our monetary policy. I have always been loyal to our collegial decisions, and I try to explain their rationale in public. But of course, when I see important new narratives that are relevant for the monetary policy discussion, I express my views. I explain them in comprehensive speeches based on empirical analysis, and I hope that that helps the debate.
Source: Thales Group
Headline: Thales recognized for Aviation Innovation with the successful deployment of an Approach Spacing Tool (AST) in Hong Kong, China
Thales is making significant strides in the aviation and Air Traffic Management industry with its innovative Approach Spacing Tool, a technological breakthrough that optimizes aircraft arrival spacing, promoting more efficient and sustainable air travel. Fully integrated with Thales’ TopSky-ATC solution, this advanced tool has been deployed in Hong Kong China and globally to support Air Navigation Service Providers (ANSPs).
Source: Amnesty International –
Responding to a National Assembly-approved amendment to the Cambodian Constitution that allows for the revocation of Khmer citizenship, Amnesty International’s Regional Research Director Montse Ferrer said:
“As the proposal moves closer to becoming reality, anyone who speaks out against or opposes the ruling party will be at risk of having their citizenship revoked. We are deeply concerned that the Cambodian government, given the power to strip people of their citizenship, will misuse it to crackdown on its critics and make them stateless.
“Revoking citizenship can violate many rights, including the rights to a nationality, to enter your own country and to take part in the conduct of public affairs. Without citizenship, people may not be able to access healthcare, get a job, go to school, migrate or get married. Stateless individuals often face social exclusion, discrimination and are at risk of exploitation and abuse. For many Cambodians, their Khmer citizenship is akin to their identity.
“Despite this repressive amendment moving forward, it comes against a backdrop where the Cambodian authorities have completely failed to safeguard the independence and integrity of the country’s courts – a failure further compounded by the Constitutional Council stating an amendment was possible. Judicial independence is key to safeguarding people’s rights including the right to nationality and reversing a culture of impunity. This has enabled the government’s authoritarian practices to continue unchecked, such as its persecution of opposition leaders, activists and independent journalists.
“Revoking citizenship often violates human rights, and when done in a way that renders people stateless is a dangerous step that is prohibited under international law. Revoking a person’s citizenship must not become a political tool to silence and intimidate critical voices, and Cambodian authorities must immediately reverse the amendment, end their authoritarian practices and uphold their international human rights obligations and the rule of law. The international community should publicly condemn the Cambodian government’s heinous proposed amendment to the constitution.”
Source: Amnesty International –
Reacting to the news that the Greek Parliament voted to suspend the registration of asylum applications from people coming by boat from North Africa for three months and to return them to their country of origin, Adriana Tidona the Migration Researcher of Amnesty International said:
“These shameful proposals flagrantly violate international law, will do nothing to improve conditions for refugees and migrants already in Crete and Gavdos– and will only punish people seeking protection. Denying the right to seek asylum based on how someone arrives is discriminatory and violates the core principles of refugee protection. International law strictly prohibits returning people without first assessing their circumstances. The Greek government should immediately reverse this decision.
“The Greek authorities also announced their plan to establish a detention facility in Crete, and to and detain those entering irregularly. If implemented, this proposal is likely to lead to situations of automatic and therefore arbitrary migration detention, in violation of EU and international law.
“As guardian of EU law, the European Commission must urgently demand a reversal of the measures, and trigger infringement procedures if necessary. If EU institutions do not swiftly and firmly condemn these measures, they would not only be compromising basic tenets of EU and international law, but also efforts to deliver on a Common European Asylum System.”
Background
On 11 July the Greek Parliament voted in favour of the amendment. The vote follows a recent EU mission to Libya to discuss migration cooperation which resulted in the delegation being denied entry to Eastern Libya, declared ‘persona non grata’ and ordered to leave.
Since the beginning of 2025 there has been an increased number of arrivals to the Greek islands of Crete and Gavdos from Libya. An NGO report published on 7 July, highlighted the lack of first reception and accommodation conditions in Crete.
In 2020, Greece adopted similar measures to those approved in response to increased arrivals at the borders with Türkiye, suspending asylum and proposing returns for those crossing. At the time, Amnesty International reported cases of pushbacks, beatings and arbitrary detention and even deaths and injuries resulting from the use of live ammunitions. That scenario must not happen again.
In his speech to the Parliament yesterday, the Greek Prime Minister also announced his country’s intention to cooperate with the Libyan authorities to halt migration flows to Greece. As Amnesty International has warned, the EU’s ongoing support for Libyan authorities to halt departures has led to tens of thousands of people being intercepted at sea and forcibly returned to detention centres in Libya.
Source: UNISDR Disaster Risk Reduction
Venue
Third United Nations Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries
Background
Building resilience and disaster risk reduction (DRR) are key enablers to the achievement of sustainable development, particularly in Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDCs). These countries grapple with persistent developmental challenges, while possessing geographies that leave them disproportionately vulnerable to natural hazards. The impacts of climate change, including droughts, heatwaves, wildfires, floods, and melting glaciers, among others, negatively affect people’s livelihoods, access to water and sanitation, agricultural production, infrastructure systems, biodiversity and, ultimately achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
LLDCs are not only impacted by disasters within their own borders, but their supply chains and economies also suffer consequences from disasters in neighboring transit countries. Moreover, desertification and land degradation, dependency on natural resource-based commodities, border closures, rising food and energy costs, and debt burden, as well as socio-economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, all have had a dramatic effect on the resilience of LLDCs.
In light of these circumstances, the Programme of Action for LLDCs (2024-2034) highlights as its fourth Priority Area “Enhancing Adaptive Capacity, Strengthening Resilience and Reducing Vulnerability to Climate Change and Disasters”. This emphasis acknowledges the importance of building economies and societies in LLDCs that are resilient to current and emerging disasters, external shocks and the adverse impact of climate change and environmental degradation. To this end, the Programme of Action commits to targeted action on climate adaptation; disaster risk reduction; access to climate change finance; capacity building and technology transfer; resilient infrastructure development; loss and damage; and halting and reversing biodiversity loss.
While LLDCs have been making efforts to implement the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015-2030, they continue facing numerous resource and capacity challenges that limit the fulfillment of their commitment to DRR. The new Programme of Action for LLDCs seeks to ensure that sufficient domestic, external, public and private resources are mobilized to meet the growing investment and spending needs of LLDCs, while emphasizing the need to build more resilient societies, including through capacity development, technology transfer and international cooperation.
Moving forward, LLDCs need enhanced engagement and support from development partners – in the North and South – to complement national and regional efforts towards regionwide resilience. Additional support and improved access are critical to ensure adequate financing for resilient infrastructure projects, including building resilient trade and transport systems and improving capacity for risk management, including though regional integration. Greater efforts are also needed to mobilize stakeholders and to create proactive plans for identifying and addressing future risks. A focus on regional collaboration is not just a means to mitigate risk but an opportunity to improve cooperation and build long-term partnerships with transit countries.
Objectives of the side event
Against this background, the side event will bring together representatives of LLDC governments, the UN system and partners to discuss the way forward to implement the disaster risk reduction and resilience building commitments and targets outlined in the new Programme of Action. The event will inform the next concrete steps to support the coordinated implementation of the risk reduction and resilience building aspects of the Programme of Action for LLDCs (2024-2034).
Discussions will center on the following strategic objectives across the five priority areas of action identified in the new Programme of Action:
enabling increased financing, technical assistance, capacity building and transfer of technology, including to avert, minimize and address loss and damage
furthering principles for resilient infrastructure, including through cooperation at regional level, and enabling investments from public and private partners
Speakers will identify good practices as well as policy, capacity and resource gaps that must be addressed to ensure the full implementation of the Programme of Action for LLDCs (2024-2034) in a manner that supports resilient and risk-informed development in the LLDCs.
Source: UNISDR Disaster Risk Reduction
8:00-9:00am EST– virtual via MS Teams
Background
Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDCs) face unique challenges in disaster risk reduction (DRR) due to their geographical constraints, which can limit access to international markets and infrastructure networks. Reliance on shared river systems makes flood management dependent on international cooperation, as upstream water releases can trigger downstream flooding. These countries also face heightened vulnerability to drought and water scarcity, having to coordinate with upstream countries on water needs and lacking direct access to maritime water sources. Being landlocked also delays access to resources and international aid during disasters, with high reliance overland or aerial routes. Additionally, their geographic isolation complicates the management of cross-border hazards like forest fires, and they often depend on neighboring countries for climate data and early warning systems. These vulnerabilities are compounded by the increase in climate-related disasters, as well as economic and social pressures, which exacerbate the impacts of disasters on LLDCs.
Despite commitments to implement the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, LLDCs continue to face significant capacity and resource gaps. Data from the Sendai Framework Monitor highlights the critical importance of focusing on LLDCs within the DRR agenda. LLDCs experience some of the highest disaster-related impacts, with an average mortality rate of 2.38 per 100,000 population, significantly exceeding the global average of 0.82. Moreover, LLDCs report 3,022 affected people per 100,000 population and endure a direct economic loss of 1.85% of their GDP, a significant strain compared to many other countries. These countries also face extensive infrastructure damage, with an average of 32,670 critical units destroyed or damaged between 2014 and 2023. These figures underscore the urgent need for tailored DRR strategies that address the unique geographical and economic vulnerabilities of LLDCs, emphasizing resilient infrastructure development, enhanced regional cooperation, and increased access to resources and support.
The need to increase disaster risk reduction efforts in LLDCs has been recognized by UN Member States during the development of the Awaza Programme of Action for Landlocked Developing Countries 2024-2034, to be adopted at the Third UN Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDC3) in Awaza, Turkmenistan in August 2025. The Programme of Action notably include, for the first time, Priority Area 4 on “Enhancing adaptive capacity, strengthening resilience and reducing vulnerability to climate change and disasters”, with subchapters on Adaptation, Disaster Risk Reduction and Resilient Infrastructure, among others.
Objective
This Think Resilience Dialogue will unpack the disaster risk reduction and resilience building elements of the Awaza Programme of Action and discuss key areas of work that are of particular significance to LLDCs, to support delegations as they prepare for the Third International Conference on LLDC3.
Guiding Questions
How can LLDCs further mainstream a risk-informed approach to sustainable development in line with the Awaza Programme of Action, particularly in critical sectors such as energy, transport and infrastructure? What opportunities and obstacles lie ahead in achieving this integration?
How can building resilience, particularly through disaster risk reduction and climate adaptation, strengthen the business case for investment in LLDCs? What synergies between trade, resilient infrastructure, and sustainable development should be prioritized to enhance investment and cooperation?
How can regional cooperation on disaster risk management, including on transboundary risks, be enhanced to support LLDCs in implementing the disaster risk reduction components of the Awaza Programme of Action? What successful models of cooperation can be scaled to improve resilience in LLDCs?
Source: Government of India
Source: Government of India (4)
Indian stock markets ended lower on Friday, weighed down by rising global trade tensions following fresh tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump on Canadian imports.
Investor sentiment was also dented by a sharp selloff in IT stocks after Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) reported weaker-than-expected earnings for the first quarter (Q1) of FY25.
The Sensex dropped 689.81 points, or 0.83 per cent, to close at 82,500.47. Similarly, the Nifty index slipped 205.4 points, or 0.81 per cent, to settle at 25,149.85.
“The domestic market experienced a negative close due to a sober start to the Q1 earnings season and an escalation in tariff threats by the US to impose a 35 per cent tariff on Canada,” Vinod Nair of Geojit Financial Services said.
“Investors may continue to focus on quarterly earnings for a buy-on-dips strategy; however, in the near term, the current premium valuations and global headwinds like muted spending and tariff uncertainties may restrain fresh inflows,” he added.
Among the 30 stocks on the Sensex, TCS, Mahindra & Mahindra, Tata Motors, Bharti Airtel, HCL Technologies and Titan were among the top losers, declining up to 3.5 per cent.
On the positive side, Hindustan Unilever, Axis Bank, Sun Pharma, NTPC and Eternal were the top gainers.
Broader markets also came under pressure. The Nifty MidCap index declined 0.88 per cent, while the Nifty SmallCap index lost 1.02 per cent.
Sector-wise, IT and auto stocks were the biggest drags. Both the Nifty IT and Nifty Auto indices fell nearly 1.8 per cent each.
TCS’s disappointing quarterly numbers weighed heavily on the IT pack. Other sectors such as realty, oil & gas, media, energy, banking, metal, and consumer durables also ended in the red.
However, some pockets of the market remained resilient. The Nifty FMCG and Pharma indices closed with gains, lending some support to the overall market.
Experts noted that the markets traded under pressure on Friday, shedding over half a per cent, dragged down by weak cues.
“The session began on a negative note following disappointing results from IT major TCS, which worsened further due to profit-taking in heavyweight stocks across other sectors,” said Ajit Mishra of Religare Broking Limited.
He added that sentiment remained subdued due to ongoing uncertainty around tariff-related issues and a weak start to the earnings season.
Meanwhile, market volatility saw a slight uptick. The India VIX, which indicates investor sentiment and market volatility, rose 1.24 per cent to end at 11.81.
–IANS
Source: Government of India
Source: Government of India (4)
At the World Audio Visual and Entertainment Summit (WAVES 2025) in Mumbai, India did more than host a global gathering—it defined the future of storytelling. Leaders from the worlds of technology, media, and culture converged to witness a defining moment: India’s confident emergence as a global creative powerhouse.
Inaugurating the summit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi delivered a vision that resonated far beyond the venue. He described WAVES not just as an acronym, but “a wave of culture, creativity, and universal connectivity.” India, he said, is not merely a country of over a billion people—it is a land of over a billion stories waiting to be shared with the world.
Framing the Orange Economy as India’s next growth engine—rooted in Content, Creativity, and Culture—the Prime Minister called on global creators and investors to recognize this as the moment to “Create in India, Create for the World.” As digital platforms continue to evolve, he noted a paradox of modern media: “The screen may be getting smaller, but the scope is becoming infinite. The screen is getting micro, but the message is becoming mega.”
This expansive vision was reflected throughout WAVES 2025. With India rapidly becoming a hub for film production, digital content, animation, gaming, music, fashion, and live experiences, the summit showcased the full spectrum of its creative and commercial potential.
One of the major highlights was YouTube CEO Neal Mohan’s announcement of a ₹850 crore investment to accelerate India’s creator economy. He cited a thriving content ecosystem with more than 15,000 Indian YouTube channels crossing one million subscribers, declaring, “India isn’t just leading in music and film—it’s now a Creator Nation.”
Joining Mohan were international creators Mark Rober and Gautami Kawale of Slayy Point, who emphasized the global appeal of Indian narratives. Kawale highlighted how culturally rooted regional content has found universal resonance, while Rober pointed to AI-powered dubbing and localization as key to making STEM content cross linguistic and cultural boundaries.
Adding to the momentum, Adobe CEO Shantanu Narayen hailed India as “the world’s next creative superpower.” With more than 100 million content creators and 500 million OTT consumers, India, he said, is not only consuming but now shaping global creative trends. Demonstrating Adobe’s generative AI platform Firefly, Narayen underscored the importance of ethical AI, content authenticity, and creator attribution in building a sustainable global media landscape.
WAVES 2025 marked a turning point where ancient storytelling traditions, cutting-edge technology, and a billion ambitions converged. From reels to rituals, and scripts to software, India’s creative economy is not only ready for the world—it is already shaping it.
Source: Government of India
Source: Government of India (4)
In a push towards sustainable freight transport, the government on Friday launched its first-ever electric truck (e-truck) incentive scheme under the PM E-DRIVE initiative, marking a significant step in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s green mobility vision.
Announced by Union Minister for Heavy Industries & Steel, H.D. Kumaraswamy, the scheme offers financial incentives for N2 and N3 category electric trucks, aiming to reduce emissions and promote cleaner transport alternatives. While diesel trucks account for just 3% of vehicles, they contribute a staggering 42% of transport-related greenhouse gas emissions, making this shift crucial for India’s environmental goals.
Under the scheme, electric trucks with gross vehicle weight (GVW) ranging from 3.5 tonnes to 55 tonnes will be eligible for incentives. The maximum subsidy is set at Rs 9.6 lakh per vehicle, provided as an upfront discount and reimbursed to manufacturers via the PM E-DRIVE portal on a first-come, first-served basis.
The initiative includes strict warranty guidelines to ensure reliability: five years or 5 lakh km for batteries, and five years or 2.5 lakh km for vehicles and motors. A mandatory requirement for scrapping old, polluting trucks adds to the scheme’s environmental impact.
With an estimated deployment of 5,600 e-trucks, including 1,100 in Delhi alone under a Rs 100 crore allocation, the scheme targets key sectors like cement, steel, ports, and logistics. Leading manufacturers such as Tata Motors, Ashok Leyland, and Volvo Eicher are already active in the space, boosting domestic capabilities under the Atmanirbhar Bharat vision.
In a strong signal of CPSE leadership, SAIL has committed to procuring 150 e-trucks and aims to make 15% of its hired fleet electric.
The scheme is expected to lower logistics costs, reduce carbon emissions, and significantly improve air quality, aligning with India’s net-zero emissions target by 2070 and the vision of a Viksit Bharat by 2047.
Source: Government of India
Source: Government of India (4)
The Department of Telecommunications (DoT) has expanded its ‘Sanchar Mitra Scheme’ across India, transforming it from a pilot project into a national programme to empower youth as digital ambassadors.
Initially piloted in select institutions, the scheme will now engage student volunteers — called Sanchar Mitras — to spread awareness on digital safety, cyber fraud prevention, EMF radiation, and responsible mobile use.
Volunteers will receive training from the National Communications Academy–Technology (NCA-T) and DoT’s Media Wing, gaining exposure to advanced telecom technologies like 5G, 6G, AI, and cyber security. Students from telecom, electronics, computer science, and cyber security streams will be nominated through local DoT offices.
Sanchar Mitras will conduct community outreach, work with NGOs, and promote safe digital practices. Outstanding volunteers may get opportunities such as internships, project participation, and representation at events like the India Mobile Congress and the International Telecommunication Union (ITU).
The first outreach under the expanded scheme was held at BSNL Bhawan, Guwahati, by Assam LSA in partnership with 18 engineering institutions including IIT, IIIT, and NIT.
Sunita Chandra, Advisor, Office of DG Telecom, highlighted the aim of connecting DoT initiatives with citizens through student engagement. Assam LSA Head Suresh Puri outlined the scheme’s pillars — Connect, Educate, Innovate — while Hemendra Kumar Sharma, DoT Spokesperson, stressed the need for grassroots awareness to tackle digital fraud.
Union Minister Jyotiraditya M. Scindia recently launched the nationwide roll-out, describing the initiative as a step towards India’s leadership in “Democracy, Demography, Digitisation, and Delivery.”
Source: Government of India
Source: Government of India (4)
WAVES 2025 has significantly energized the country’s creative economy, often referred to as the Orange Economy also. This initiative aims to foster economic activities that convert ideas, creativity, rich and diverse cultural expressions and heritage into tangible goods and services. The creative economy spans a wide range of industries including music, film, design, publishing, gaming and many more creative pursuits. This mission amply demonstrates how cultural and creative assets can also be leveraged to fuel the nation’s economic growth.
India, a land of over 143 crore people, is also home to a billion stories and storytellers, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in his address at this grand ceremony. He said, every village, street, river and mountain echoes with unique tales and perspectives. Indian art and music, deeply spiritual in nature, reflect this storytelling spirit, where every note and rhythm carries a soul whether in a devotional bhajan or a modern composition.
The country’s creative legacy, from the pioneering film Raja Harishchandra in 1913 to global milestones like RRR winning at the Oscars, highlights the growing influence of Indian cinema and cultural expressions. From Guru Dutt’s poetic visuals to AR Rahman’s soulful music and Rajamouli’s epic narratives, Indian creativity continues to resonate across the world.
The rise of India’s creative economy powered by content, creativity and culture, is truly transforming the country into a global hub for film, digital content, gaming, fashion, music and live performances. This sector holds immense potential to significantly contribute to India’s GDP.
With the world looking for new stories, India stands ready to offer a rich blend of science, fiction, courage and imagination. The message is clear for the creators of the country- dream big, invest in talent and share the soul of India with the world.
WAVES 2025 is also expected to unlock a 50 billion dollar opportunity for India’s media and entertainment sector by 2029. The summit held from 1 May to 4 May at Jio World Convention Centre, Mumbai, attracted over 10,000 delegates, 1,000 creators, 300 companies and more than 350 startups.
This initiative alone recorded business transactions worth over Rs. 1,328 crore with more than 3,000 business-to-business meetings held over three days. Adding further value to the summit, the Maharashtra government signed MoUs worth Rs. 8,000 crore during the event. Among these, MoUs worth Rs. 1,500 crore each were signed with the University of York and the University of Western Australia. The state’s industries department also inked MoUs valued at Rs. 3,000 crore with Prime Focus and Rs. 2,000 crore with Godrej.
WAVES 2025 marks a turning point, launching the Global Media Dialogue with participation from 25 countries to promote international collaboration. The event also featured the WAVES Bazaar, a digital marketplace with over 6,100 buyers, 5,200 sellers and 2,100 creative projects. At the event, a landmark report by Boston Consulting Group titled ‘From Content to Commerce’ spotlighted India’s booming creator economy. It has revealed that the creative economy related activities drive over 350 billion dollar in consumer spending, which is a figure projected to cross one trillion dollar by 2030.
With around 2.5 million active creators, India hosts one of the world’s youngest and largest digital communities. Yet, only 8-10% currently monetise meaningfully, pointing to a vast untapped economic opportunity. Creators now influence over 30% of consumer purchases through diverse content forms like short videos, tutorials and live streams. Genres like comedy, film and fashion dominate, but sectors like gaming, wellness and finance are also rapidly growing.
The report positions India as a global content studio, powered by its linguistic diversity, cultural depth, and digital talent. With a 40-60% cost edge in animation and VFX and 25% of Indian OTT content viewed overseas, India is emerging as a hub of cultural diplomacy and soft power.
Importantly, the creator economy is expanding beyond Gen Z and metros, reaching smaller towns, regional markets and multilingual audiences. Brands are shifting from traditional ads to creator-led campaigns, while new revenue models like virtual gifting, live commerce and fan funding are empowering creators financially.
WAVES 2025 showcased this evolution as more than entertainment. Creators are now key drivers of commerce, culture and innovation. With supportive policies, investor’s interest and educational initiatives, India’s creator economy is poised to become a global force. The white paper on India’s Live Events Industry also highlighted the sector’s strong momentum and evolving consumer trends. Growing at a steady 15% annually, the industry added 13 billion dollar in revenue in 2024 alone.
A notable shift is the rise of event-based tourism with nearly half a million fans traveling across cities to attend live shows. There’s also increasing demand for premium, curated experiences while tier-2 cities like Shillong, Vadodara and Jamshedpur are fast emerging as new cultural hubs.
At WAVES 2025, Shantanu Narayen, CEO of Adobe highlighted India’s emergence as a global hub of creativity powered by digital tools and generative AI. With over 100 million content creators and 500 million OTT consumers, Narayen described India as the world’s next creative superpower. He showcased Adobe’s Firefly AI models and stressed ethical AI, content authenticity and creator attribution as vital for sustainable growth.
On the occasion, YouTube CEO Neal Mohan announced a 850 crore dollar investment to accelerate India’s creator economy, citing over 15,000 Indian channels with more than one million subscribers. Joined by global creators Mark Rober and Gautami Kawale (Slayy Point), Mohan underlined YouTube’s role in taking Indian stories global. India isn’t just leading in music and film, it’s now a creator nation, he said. Kawale shared how regional Indian content, when rooted in culture, has universal appeal, while Rober spoke about the power of STEM content crossing borders through AI-enabled dubbing and localization.
Mark Read, CEO of WPP, described the advertising industry’s one trillion dollar global footprint and its shift towards AI-led storytelling. He unveiled WPP’s open video production platform and shared a campaign featuring Shah Rukh Khan to demonstrate hyper-personalized content creation using motion AI. AI is not replacing creativity, it is expanding it, Read said, outlining the role of MSMEs and digital tools in democratizing access to quality advertising.
Without doubt, WAVES 2025 marked a transformative moment for India’s creative economy, positioning the country as a global powerhouse of content, culture and innovation. From unlocking multi-billion-dollar opportunities to showcasing India’s rich storytelling traditions, the summit underscored the vast potential of the Orange Economy in shaping the future of commerce and cultural influence. With strong government backing, global collaborations, technological advancements like AI and growing investor confidence, India is not just participating in the global creative revolution, it is also in a position to lead it. As the world increasingly turns to stories that inspire, inform and connect, India stands ready to rise with its immense creative potential.
Source: Government of India
Source: Government of India (4)
As the world observes World Population Day 2025 with the theme “Empowering young people to create the families they want in a fair and hopeful world,” India is preparing for a demographic exercise- Census 2027 -which promises to be the country’s first fully digital population count and the first to include comprehensive caste enumeration since Independence.
The Ministry of Home Affairs officially notified the upcoming Census on June 16, 2025. This vast exercise will continue India’s unbroken legacy of systematic population counts that began more than 150 years ago. The Indian Census remains the single largest source of statistical information on the demographic, social, and economic characteristics of the people.
Historically, India’s census tradition dates back to ancient times, with early references in Kautilya’s Arthashastra and Ain-e-Akbari under Emperor Akbar. The first modern population census was carried out between 1865 and 1872, with the first synchronous census taking place in 1881. Since then, every decade has built upon this foundation to generate crucial data for governance and planning.
Post-Independence Developments
After Independence, the Census has grown in scale and scope, guided by the Census Act of 1948 and the Census Rules of 1990. From pioneering field checks in 1951 to technological advances in tabulation and digitisation in subsequent decades, the Census has continually evolved.
Notably, the Census 2011, the last completed enumeration, engaged over 2.7 million enumerators covering 640 districts, 5,924 sub-districts, 7,933 towns, and more than 6 lakh villages. It was conducted in 16 languages and integrated with the National Population Register.
Caste to be Counted for the First Time in Decades
In a major shift, the upcoming Census will include caste enumeration for all citizens — a step taken to ensure more comprehensive socio-economic mapping. Since Independence, only Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have been officially counted. States have often conducted separate caste surveys with varying transparency, prompting the Centre to integrate caste data collection within the main census to safeguard social harmony and data accuracy.
India’s First Digital Census
Census 2027 is set to be the most technologically advanced so far. For the first time, enumerators will use mobile applications for data collection, supported by a dedicated multilingual Census Monitoring and Management Portal. Citizens will also have the option for online self-enumeration, offering convenience and broader participation.
More than 35 lakh field functionaries will be trained to conduct the digital census, which will include in-built data validation systems to ensure accuracy.
Operational Details
The census will be carried out in two phases. For most parts of the country, the reference date will be the midnight of March 1, 2027. However, for the Union Territory of Ladakh, snow-bound regions of Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, and Uttarakhand, the reference date will be October 1, 2026.
Continuing Legacy, Embracing Innovation
Over the decades, the Census has provided invaluable insights for scholars and policymakers alike. From the first quality checks in 1951 to migration studies in 1971 and the full digitisation of data in 2001 and 2011, India’s census operations have continually adapted to changing needs.
The Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) of 2011 was a notable milestone, employing handheld electronic devices for enumeration and resolving over one crore claims and objections, setting a precedent for digital approaches.
Significance for India’s Young Population
With nearly 65% of Indians under the age of 35, the data gathered will be crucial in designing policies for education, employment, and family planning. The new digital and caste-inclusive approach aims to make governance more responsive and equitable.
Source: ForeignAffairs4
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Layla Khoo, PhD Candidate, Public Participatory Contemporary Art, University of Leeds
My project A Virtuous Woman is both an artwork and a piece of ongoing research into the role of participatory artwork in heritage sites. As such, the artwork was always intended to be dynamic, responding to the ways in which people wanted to take part.
The artwork was inspired by the embroideries of the ancient noble women commissioned by one of the most notable women in Elizabethan court and society, Bess of Hardwick, four of which are on display at the National Trust property, Hardwick Hall. The new work was intended to be a reimagining of the missing fifth embroidery, made from recycled fabrics donated by the National Trust staff and volunteers.
Visitors to the hall could take part in sewing, cutting and adding their own expressions through embroidery. But after two participants added the name of author J.K. Rowling to the piece and another embroidered a line of stitches through both instances, things became complicated.
A protest was staged at Hardwick Hall and the artwork became the centre of a media storm. I have been subject to accusations and abuse online for displaying the work complete with these conflicting pieces of participation and the National Trust have received a barrage of complaints. So where does this leave participatory arts, the artists who create and facilitate them and the sites which commission and host them?
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Participatory arts have to consider not only the freedom of expression of the artist, but of every person who participates. Both the National Trust and I had to attempt to balance the expressions of participants in a political polarised climate, while witnessing a media fallout when groups and individuals disagree with the choices made.
Participation with the artwork took place between April and November 2024. Throughout this time, the work prompted discussion and debate around the subject of virtues and the women that visitors felt upheld these values.
Thousands of people added their embroideries. In total 186 words of virtue or value, and 804 names were added to the piece. Some were embroidered by more than one person (a few stitches, or a letter each), some participants embroidered more than one contribution, and many virtues and names were repeated multiple times.
The Hardwick Hall team and I had previously agreed that no names would be censored or removed from the work, and that participants would not be allowed to unpick each other’s embroidery. However, while not encouraged, participants would be allowed to interact with and adapt the embroidery of other participants.
In August 2024, a complaint was raised after two people added Rowling’s name to the piece. The author has sparked controversy in the last few years as a result of her “gender critical” views, which many see as transphobic (a claim which Rowling denies), while others see her as a figurehead for women’s rights. A participant then embroidered a line of stitches through both instances of the name on two separate panels (in the colours of the trans pride flag), while leaving the name clearly visible.
We now needed to consider whether staff, volunteers and visitors might feel offended, unsafe or unwelcome when encountering the recognition of a person seen by some as harmful. We also needed to think about the dismissal of someone admired by others for their cultural influence and beliefs.
At the request of the National Trust, the project was “paused” for a month while advice was taken on the most appropriate way forward. Staff were prepared through workshops run by the National Trust team on how to deal with potentially difficult interactions with participants.
I was asked by the National Trust team if I was willing to remove any embroidered names from the work, including repetitions. I said I was not, as participants had taken part in good faith and were expecting to see their contribution in the completed work.
The Hardwick Hall team and I agreed that all names would remain, and all subsequent names added would not be subject to censorship. We agreed that the lines stitched through Rowling’s name would also remain. I felt that removing them would remove an act of protest – a valid act of participation – and that leaving it on display would demonstrate the difficulties and friction involved in creative expression and participation in our often-polarised society.
Many participants saw Rowling’s crossed out name while embroidery was still taking place, and some responded by adding her name again. Participants discussed cancel culture, polarised views and the complexity of the people they admire.
When the artwork was complete, Rowling’s name appeared seven times – twice with a line stitched through, five times unaltered. The completed artwork was placed on display at Hardwick Hall in January this year.
On May 24, the Women’s Rights Network (WRN) posted a thread on X detailing a visitor complaint regarding the crossing out of Rowling’s name. They called for the National Trust to add a statement to the artwork, explaining why the crossing out remains on display. Members of the WRN subsequently carried out a protest on site and created a short film explaining their position.
On May 31, two visitors to Hardwick Hall cut away the line of stitches and posted images and video of themselves doing so on X.
The subsequent mainstream media coverage, blog posts and widespread social media attention resulted in threats of further activism.
The National Trust initially covered the work to protect it, but then removed it from display on June 4, as there was now also a risk to other artworks and collection items at Hardwick Hall, and to the staff and volunteers on site.
The National Trust released a statement on X, which appeared to do little to answer questions being raised. There are now growing calls for commentary from me, as the artist responsible for the work, to explain what has happened, how decisions were made and where I stand both on the actions taken and the wider gender debate this speaks to.
I believe that the arts are in a unique position to tackle difficult subjects, and participatory arts can provide an opportunity for more voices to be heard. But with this approach comes the inevitable balancing act of where freedom of expression ends and causing harm begins.
Consideration must be given to intention versus impact. Making these editorial and ethical choices creates a changing power dynamic. The participants have been invited to take part and do so in a way that is meaningful to them in what they believe to be the overall context of the work.
In participatory arts, the artist is part author, part facilitator of the expressions of others. The commissioning body or hosting site then holds the ultimate control, in being able to choose whether to display the work created.
My part in the decision to allow the stitching through of Rowling’s name essentially comes from a shared belief in singer Nina Simone’s view that “an artist’s duty … is to reflect the times”.
In my opinion, the acts of protest and activism in the crossing out of the name and the removal of that crossing out epitomise the lack of tolerance for other people’s views and beliefs that is becoming prevalent in our increasingly polarised society. As such, I think it is entirely appropriate to display these actions in the artwork. This polarisation and intolerance has been compounded in the subsequent outpouring of online vitriol and demands for what this work should and should not represent.
Both acts of activism changed the artwork, and disregarded the previous participant’s contribution. The difference is that the crossing out took place while participation was invited and expected – the removal of that crossing out was not. As the artist responsible for the artwork I have faced increasing demands not just to clarify the events leading to this point, but also to openly share my views on the actions taken by all parties. However, an artist sharing their opinion is not simple, or necessarily safe.
In its recent report, Freedom of Expression in the Arts (a five-year project aiming to tackle the culture of fear and intimidation some artists face for expressing their views) found that artists are increasingly afraid to express themselves on dangerous topics for fear of backlash from the public and cancellation of work opportunities by commissioning bodies.
My own experience has shown that social media is neither the place for nuanced, balanced, nor reasonable debate. I have been accused of transphobia for allowing the inclusion of Rowling’s name in the first place, and called (among other things) a “gender traitor” for allowing her name to be crossed out. But when a commissioning body or host site cancels a work which speaks to these debates, how else are artists able to speak out?
In a comment sent to The Conversation, a National Trust spokesperson said: “A Virtuous Woman is formed of people’s views from a variety of age groups, life experiences and beliefs … We understand that everyone may not agree on all the names included, but they are the choices of individual participants. Everyone is welcome at the National Trust, and the artwork reflects the diversity of the community and individuals we serve. Our approach is to make space for a variety of creative and personal responses to the collections and to encourage conversation.”
At the time of writing, I have been told that the redisplay of a projection of the artwork and explanatory panels is under review and is unlikely to take place until September 2025. Participatory arts hold up a mirror first to those who take part, and then again in the reception and judgement of subsequent viewers. The difficulty comes when we don’t like what it reflects.
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Layla Khoo receives funding from the Frank Parkinson Scholarship for her PhD research.
– ref. My artwork, A Virtuous Woman, has become the centre of a protest – it shows how our polarised society can affect art – https://theconversation.com/my-artwork-a-virtuous-woman-has-become-the-centre-of-a-protest-it-shows-how-our-polarised-society-can-affect-art-260349
Source: ForeignAffairs4
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Colm Murphy, Lecturer in British Politics, Queen Mary University of London
Last week, the MP for Coventry South, Zarah Sultana, made an audacious decision. Having already lost the Labour party whip for opposing the two-child benefit cap, Sultana announced she would co-lead a new left-wing party with Jeremy Corbyn, who was expelled from Labour in 2024.
From one angle, her decision may seem simple. Discontent with Keir Starmer’s Labour government, on everything from welfare cuts to Gaza, has never been higher, and Sultana is a vocal critic. Yet, launching a (still unnamed) new party is bold. It tackles head-on an old and vexing question for socialist critics of capitalism in the UK.
In 1976, the socialist theorist Ralph Miliband (yes, Ed and David’s dad) described the faith in Labour’s capacity to become a socialist vehicle as “the most crippling of all illusions”. But socialists who agree with Miliband senior then have an almighty problem.
Writing months after the 2019 defeat of Corbyn’s Labour party, the veteran “New Left” academics Colin Leys and Leo Panitch echoed Miliband in their book Searching for Socialism. But they also saw few immediate alternatives with “any prospect of electoral success”. This, they wrote, is the “central dilemma” for British democratic socialists.
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The reaction to Sultana’s announcement from the British left has been accordingly mixed. Leaks revealed that Corbyn’s team was caught off guard. Responses from prominent potential supporters were reserved. Momentum, the left-wing grassroots organisation, hastily distributed the pamphlet Why Socialists Should Be in the Labour Party.
It’s too early to know whether these issues are teething problems or portents. But the barriers to Sultana’s venture are formidable. What would it take for a new left-wing party to succeed? What would “success” even look like?
A careful reading of political history can help us answer these questions. This is not the first time that new parties have emerged from Labour factionalism. Many readers will be aware of the 1981 departure of the “gang of four” Labour figures, who founded the Social Democratic party (SDP) that later merged with the Liberal party to form the Liberal Democrats.
Nor is it the first time that smaller parties have appeared on Labour’s left. Between 1920 and 1991, the Communist party of Great Britain was a potent force in the trade union movement. From the 1990s to the 2010s, several vehicles contested local and national elections against Labour, from the Socialist Alliance to Left Unity.
Each of these iterations had its historical peculiarities. But stepping back, we can identify three recurring challenges that any left-wing insurgent party must confront.
First, they must agree on an electoral strategy and purpose, given the institutional brutality of British democracy. The UK has some proportional elections, including in Scotland and Wales (expected to be next contested in 2026). Councils are also possible avenues of influence.
But there is no avoiding the fact that legislative and executive power is hoarded in the House of Commons, elected by first past the post. Labour will discourage possible defectors by warning that a split in the left vote will let in the right. Neil Kinnock, Labour’s former leader who found himself fighting off the SDP while trying to evict Thatcher in the 1980s, dubbed Sultana and Corbyn’s venture the “Farage assistance party”.
Left of Labour parties are often aware of the risk. Indeed, far left activists have in the past advocated voting Labour, with “varying degrees of (un)enthusiasm”.
Advocates of a new party will note that Labour is only polling in the low 20s, suggesting a pool of ex-Labour voters potentially interested in shopping around. However, there are others it could torpedo too.
One recent poll on support for a hypothetical Corbyn-led party – which we should take with some salt – found that its 10% support comes partly from eating into the Green vote. An electoral arrangement with the Greens, on the other hand, may require shared policy platforms, raising the question of why a separate party is needed.
A poll from More in Common conducted specifically about a Sultana-Corbyn party found 9% of Labour voters and 26% of current Green voters saying that would vote for such a party.
The Socialist Labour party (SLP) – founded in 1996 by the prominent trade unionist Arthur Scargill in reaction to Tony Blair’s New Labour – is the obvious cautionary tale. Scargill wanted a purer, better Labour party. Yet, Labour looked set to kick out an 18-year-long Conservative government.
Scargill could not convince many sympathetic activists to join. As historian Alfie Steer argues, the SLP instead became dominated by socialists hostile to the Labour party. The party could not overcome the resultant contradictions in its purpose and collapsed into acrimony.
The SLP also illustrates the second key consideration: timing. The SLP struggled partly because it launched just as Labour was sweeping triumphantly into power. Sultana’s timing is arguably more astute. She has waited for Starmer’s bubble to burst and for disillusionment to fester.
However, the broad left within Labour has also just found its voice by rebelling against government policy. The temptation for a risk-averse Labour activist may be to leap onto this critical bandwagon without taking the more dangerous step of defecting.
Read more:
The mistakes Keir Starmer made over disability cuts – and how he can avoid future embarrassment

The final challenge is securing institutional durability without debilitating splits. It is telling that Sultana felt compelled to include Corbyn’s name despite his reported reservations.
Sultana herself has an impressive political profile, especially on TikTok. Any new party will rely heavily on prominent spokespeople to force it into the national conversation. Yet, such vehicles can become trapped by their dependence on individuals. The Respect party of the 2000s, for example, was reliant on the charismatic but polarising figure of George Galloway.
The fledgling party will also need a lasting structure that determines how candidates are selected and policy is formed. This risks dragging it into dreaded constitutional debates. It is already reportedly divided over the existence of co-leaders.
Intra-party democracy is off-putting to outsiders. But as constitutional scholar Meg Russell argues, it speaks to fundamental questions about the extent, and limits, of democracy. Such disputes have frequently wracked the left (and the radical right, as Reform’s recent constitutional changes show).
To what extent should policy be “democratically” decided? Should a new party limit who can join, and if so, on what criteria? How will leaders be selected? From the CPGB to the SLP, these questions have proven divisive in the past. They could easily prove so again.
The new party faces severe challenges, but it would be unwise to write it off completely. In a volatile context, it has a chance to make its mark if it is clear in its strategic electoral purpose, cultivates an institutional and activist base and times its interventions astutely. But the obstacles to success are enormous – and with Reform currently polling top, the risks are high.
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Colm Murphy is currently a member of the Labour Party, but he is writing purely in an academic capacity.
– ref. What would it take for a new British left-wing party to succeed? – https://theconversation.com/what-would-it-take-for-a-new-british-left-wing-party-to-succeed-260599
Source: ForeignAffairs4
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Frances Fowle, Personal Chair of Nineteenth-Century Art, History of Art, University of Edinburgh
In 2018 an oil painting of a nude by the Italian artist Amedeo Modigliani broke a world record when it sold at Sotheby’s for US$157.2 million (£115.2m). It was created in 1917, at a time when Modigliani was unable to sell his pictures for more than a few francs.
Johnny Depp’s new film Modi: Three Days on the Wings of Madness explores the artist’s struggle to sell his work, and the tension that existed between his own idealism and the need to be commercially minded.
The film also addresses Modigliani’s mental instability, brought on by self-medication while suffering from tuberculosis. He took refuge in hashish and alcohol (including absinthe), and this movie pulls out all the stops when it comes to visualising the horrors and hallucinations that afflicted him as the illness progressed and the drugs took hold.
Set against the background of Paris during the first world war, the action takes place over three days in 1916. It takes its inspiration from Modigliani – A Play in Three Acts by Dennis McIntyre and remains remarkably faithful to the plot.
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This revolves round Modigliani’s friendship with the artists Chaïm Soutine (Ryan McParland) and Maurice Utrillo (Bruno Gouery); his tempestuous relationship with the English poet and writer Beatrice Hastings (Antonia Desplat); and his reliance on the art dealer Léopold Zborowski (Stephen Graham). It is Zborowski who sets up a much-anticipated meeting with an important collector, Maurice Gangnat (Al Pacino).
Modigliani, brilliantly and energetically portrayed by Riccardo Scamarcio, comes across as a passionate, idealistic and irresistible genius. However, he is also haunted by ghosts, and a slave to his drug addiction, perhaps echoing Depp’s own past.
Depp’s film – his second as director – never loses pace. In one scene Modigliani plunges through a stained-glass window. In another he shocks potential buyers by setting fire to a painting; in a third he trashes his studio, destroys his most recent sculptures and slashes several canvases.
The title of the film, Modì, was the artist’s nickname, but is also a play on the French word maudit, meaning cursed. As a young man Modigliani was an avid reader of the German philosopher Nietzsche, whose own descent into madness was punctuated by periods of lucidity.
Nietzsche saw no clear distinction between dreaming and waking, and the film reflects this in the way in which hallucination, memory and reality become confused. Modí masks his increasing pain with alcohol, drinking with his artist friends Utrillo and Soutine in the seedy Bateau Lavoir in Montmartre.
Of Belarusian extraction, Soutine, like Modigliani, was a Jewish outsider. In 1916 the two artists occupied neighbouring studios in La Ruche, a down-at-heel artists’ residence in the 15th arrondissement of Paris. Before he achieved commercial success, Soutine lived in abject poverty, forced to sleep rough in stairways and on park benches. He suffered from depression and anxiety, and his internal turmoil is reflected in his highly expressive work.
The third member of the triumvirate, Maurice Utrillo, also suffered from mental health issues, and took up art to ward off depression. The movie alludes to this as the reason he was unable to enlist during the war. Instead, he spent regular periods in hospitals and mental institutions and painted many of his views of Paris from postcard images.
Modigliani, too, tried to join up, but was refused due to poor health. In the film this memory sparks an episode of disturbing hallucinations, featuring walking wounded with horrific injuries, and a plague doctor doubling as a spectre of death, a leitmotif for Modigliani’s own fear of dying.
Following such nightmarish episodes, Modigliani turns to Beatrice Hastings, who adopts the role of carer (and, as the film implies, substitute mother) as well as lover. She was however, motivated as much by Modigliani’s genius, as by her own burgeoning career as a poet, literary critic and co-editor of the British avant-garde magazine The New Age.
In the film she is frustrated by Modigliani’s idealism. She encourages him to be more pragmatic and commercially minded and berates him, not for embracing life, but for constantly “running from death”.
She is also the artist’s muse, the model for his “masterpiece”, a reclining nude, and an unfinished sculpted head of a woman. Both are cinematic devices; there is no evidence that Beatrice ever posed nude, while the sculpted head was produced in 1911-12, before the two had even met. Despite this, both works play a central role in the film’s denouement, sparking the artist’s falling out with Zborowski.
The climax of the movie is the artist’s much-anticipated meeting with Gangnat, a rich industrialist and significant figure in art history, whose collection included 160 works by Auguste Renoir. The meeting, predictably, is a disaster, but, even though he leaves without a penny, Modigliani has the last word: “I am much richer than you, Monsieur Gangnat,” he insists, “You have merely existed…I have lived”.
Was Modigliani as idealistic as the film portrays? Possibly, but perhaps not, for by 1916 he had already met a new and influential dealer, Paul Guillaume, who would ensure a commercially successful future, not only for our hero, but also for Soutine and Utrillo.
In the end, the film is an enjoyable romp, even if it is in danger of downplaying Modigliani’s importance as an artist in favour of the more sensational aspects of his life.
And yet it is undeniable that his life really did read like a film script. He died of tuberculosis in January 1920 at the age of 35. Two days later his common-law wife, Jeanne Hébuterne, pregnant with their second child, took her own life. Soon after, however, thanks to dealers such as Zborowski and Guillaume, the importance of Modigliani’s work was finally recognised, and today he is remembered as one of the most significant artists of his generation.
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Frances Fowle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Johnny Depp’s new film about Modigliani is in danger of downplaying his importance as an artist – an art expert’s verdict – https://theconversation.com/johnny-depps-new-film-about-modigliani-is-in-danger-of-downplaying-his-importance-as-an-artist-an-art-experts-verdict-260340
Source: ForeignAffairs4
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Daniel Drage, Associate Professor of Environmental Health, University of Birmingham

Most UK rivers are contaminated by a chemical called trifluoroacetic acid (TFA). This is a type of human-made chemical known as perfluorinated alkyl substances (PFAS), often called “forever chemicals”.
This widespread contamination highlights the extensive scale of work required to remove synthetic forever chemicals from our environment.
Many PFAS are known to be toxic (including associations with altered liver and thyroid function and various cancers). PFAS all contain at least two carbon-fluorine (C-F) chemical bonds, one of the toughest bonds to break so they tend to be persistent. Once they are released to the environment, they don’t easily degrade.
The PFAS class incorporates a vast but unknown number of different chemicals – estimates vary from around 5,000 to 6.5 million. TFA is just one of many PFAS.
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TFA enters the environment from different sources. It’s used to make blowing agents (used to make things like expanded foams and plastics such as packaging materials), pesticides and pharmaceuticals. So it is intentionally used for some useful applications.
But it can also be produced unintentionally as a by-product from various processes that involve “pre-cursor” PFAS chemicals. The biggest environmental source of TFA is as a by-product from manufacturing “F-gases” or flourinated greenhouse gases – these are used as refrigerants instead of CFCs (chlorofluorocarbons) and HCFCs (hydrochlorofluorocarbons) which are known to cause ozone depletion.
While F-gases may not deplete ozone, they are greenhouse gases with extremely high global warming potential with some several thousand times more potent then CO₂. An F-gas called fluoroform has a global warming potential of 14,800. This means that when fluoroform is released into the atmosphere, it will trap 14,800 times more heat for an equivalent amount of CO₂.
TFA is highly persistent so it resists most forms of physical, chemical and biological degradation. TFA is also highly mobile so it can enter waterways and move around them easily, while remaining in the environment for hundreds of years. This is why it’s now accumulating and cropping up in our environment more often, contaminating our rivers, food and even our wine.

TFA has been found in rivers across the globe including the US, China, Germany and Switzerland. These findings have triggered joint research between environmental charity Fidra and scientists at the University of York to sample water from and analyse the TFA levels in 32 UK rivers, streams and lakes. They found TFA present in 31 of the 32 sites investigated, including an exceptionally high level in the River Kelvin, Glasgow (the second highest recorded globally to date). This is approaching levels where TFA has been previously observed to start having adverse effects on aquatic organisms.
Apart from its major source being as a breakdown product from the production of greenhouse gases (and knock on climate change effects), the presence of TFA in our environment represents a genuine threat to human and environmental health.
Currently there is no guidance for safe levels of TFA in drinking water, and it is not something that is measured. However, if it is present in our rivers and lakes, then there is a potential pathway for it to enter our drinking water. This needs to be addressed so that our levels of exposure, and the level of threat that TFA poses, can be assessed by scientists, industries and regulators.
While evidence is limited on human toxicity of TFA, studies dating back more than 25 years have highlighted its potential effects on aquatic organisms, including effects on development of zebrafish, as well as various algaes, which act as important food sources in aquatic ecosystems. Studies on mammals have that continuous TFA exposure could lead to shown increased liver sizes (suggesting the possibility of a significant underlying, unknown medical condition) and potential disruption to reproductive hormones, causing fertility and foetal development issues.
The EU’s chemical regulator, the European Chemicals Agency is responsible for ensuring chemical safety in Europe. They suggest TFA poses a low threat if exposure is short term. However, longer-term exposure effects remain unknown. With other PFAS, recommended weekly maximum intakes have been substantially reduced as knowledge has advanced.
While TFA pollution continues unabated, levels in the environment beyond those 32 rivers – and in our food and drink – remain difficult to quantify. It is also hard to confidently suggest methods to reduce personal TFA exposure. However, work by myself and colleagues has shown that exposure to many PFAS can be reduced by filtering tap water with activated carbon or charcoal filters. Other researchers have suggested that this could be an effective way to remove TFA from drinking water, as long as filters are changed regularly.
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Daniel Drage has previously received funding from the Natural Environment Research Council, DEFRA, Environmental Protection Agency of Ireland. He is an Associate Professor at University of Birmingham and an Honorary Research Fellow at the University of Queensland.
– ref. What’s the forever chemical TFA doing in the UK’s rivers? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-forever-chemical-tfa-doing-in-the-uks-rivers-259411
Source: ForeignAffairs4
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University
Washing your feet might not top your list of daily priorities – but it should.
While most of us shower regularly, our feet are often forgotten. Letting water run over them isn’t enough. To keep them healthy, you need to actively wash your feet with soap and water, paying close attention to the soles and the spaces between your toes. This helps remove sweat, dead skin and microbes that build up throughout the day and helps prevent infections, irritation – and that all-too-familiar smell.
Feet, particularly the spaces between toes, are a breeding ground for bacteria and fungi. Thanks to socks, shoes, and sweaty soles, they spend most of the day in a warm, humid environment that’s perfect for microbial growth. This can lead to common conditions like athlete’s foot, fungal nail infections, and bromodosis (smelly feet).
Sweat itself doesn’t smell. But when bacteria break down sweat on your feet, they release smelly compounds called volatile fatty acids (VFAs). Staphylococcus bacteria are key players here, feeding on amino acids in sweat and producing isovaleric acid, which smells distinctly cheesy or sour (fun fact: it’s the same compound found in certain cheeses).
A study found that 98.6% of bacteria on the soles of participants’ feet were Staphylococci, and the intensity of foot odour was directly linked to how much of this bacteria was present.
Good foot hygiene isn’t just about avoiding odour, though; it also helps prevent infections. Athlete’s foot, a fungal infection, thrives in the damp space between your toes. It causes itching, redness, cracked skin and sometimes blisters. And despite the name, you don’t have to be an athlete to get it. The infection spreads easily in communal places like swimming pools, showers and changing rooms, particularly if you go barefoot.
If left untreated, the fungus can spread to the toenails, making them thick, yellow and brittle. Catching it early makes treatment much easier.
Read more:
Fighting fungal nail infections: simple steps for healthier toenails
Bacterial infections are also a concern, especially when Staphylococcus or Pseudomonas enter through small cuts or cracked skin. Washing regularly helps reduce the number of bacteria living on the surface, lowering the risk of infection for anyone with vulnerable or damaged skin.
If you have diabetes, foot care becomes even more important. People with diabetes are more prone to ulcers and infections and wounds often heal more slowly, particularly when blood sugar levels are poorly controlled.
Read more:
Five ways to save your legs – by a vascular surgery specialist
This is due to several factors: poor circulation means less oxygen and fewer nutrients reach the site of the wound, the immune response is weaker, and inflammation may persist. Nerve damage (diabetic neuropathy) in the feet can also mean that injuries go unnoticed – and untreated.
According to Diabetes UK, daily foot washing is a key part of diabetes care; not just to reduce infection risk, but to check for any early signs of damage, such as redness, swelling, or breaks in the skin.
If you’ve been in closed shoes all day, or exercising, a proper wash is a good idea. For most people, once a day is enough, particularly during warm weather.
But not everyone needs to scrub their feet daily. The skin is home to a healthy community of beneficial microbes that defend against harmful bacteria and support the skin’s natural barrier. Overwashing, particularly with hot water or harsh soaps, can strip these helpful organisms and remove natural oils, leaving skin dry, irritated and more prone to cracking.
This is especially problematic for people with skin conditions like eczema where the skin barrier is already weakened.
The use of antibacterial soaps can also disrupt the skin’s microbial balance, killing off friendly bacteria and potentially encouraging the growth of more harmful, antibiotic-resistant strains. Some scientists also suggest that excessive hygiene might reduce the immune system’s exposure to everyday microbes; exposure that helps build a healthy immune response.
Here’s how to do it right, according to NHS guidance:
use warm (not hot) water and a mild soap
wash thoroughly, paying close attention to the soles and between the toes
dry your feet completely, including the spaces between your toes
apply moisturiser to keep the skin soft and less likely to crack — but skip the areas between the toes, as added moisture there can encourage fungal growth
inspect your feet regularly for any signs of redness, swelling, or blisters — vital for those with diabetes.
If you notice persistent itching, unusual odours, or signs of infection, speak to a pharmacist. They can recommend over-the-counter treatments or refer you to a podiatrist if necessary.
Whether you’re active, managing a chronic condition, or just trying to stay fresh in summer, proper foot hygiene matters. It might seem like a small step – but it makes a big difference to your overall health.
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Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. From athlete’s foot to smelly soles: why daily washing is key to healthy feet – https://theconversation.com/from-athletes-foot-to-smelly-soles-why-daily-washing-is-key-to-healthy-feet-259301
Source: ForeignAffairs4
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Geoff Beattie, Professor of Psychology, Edge Hill University
It was US president Harry S. Truman who, in the years just after the second world war, kept a little wooden sign on his desk which read: “The buck stops here!”. It emphasised his willingness to accept ultimate responsibility for his decisions and actions as president, even the ones that didn’t quite work out.
This phrase has since become emblematic of presidential accountability and leadership. Truman wasn’t interested in trying to pass the buck, not as a man and certainly not as president.
Interestingly, the sign was made in the Federal Reformatory (prison) at El Reno, Oklahoma, suggesting an implicit moral dimension to this issue of responsibility and accountability. We’re all accountable for our actions, whoever we are, but the president above all.
But how things seem to have changed with Donald Trump in the White House.
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Trump continually takes personal credit for any perceived successes as president – fixing global tariffs, Nato members paying more, the Middle East (even taking credit for things that were completed before he took office). But he makes sure that any failures are immediately attributed elsewhere.
He frequently positions himself as surprised or “blindsided” by unpopular decisions, which are always somebody else’s doing, somebody else’s fault. Subordinates are held responsible. He is not averse to pointing the finger directly at them, and often in public, high-profile settings.
That great loyal Trump supporter, defense secretary Pete Hegseth, for example, has recently been in the firing line for being personally responsible for pausing the delivery of missile shipments to Ukraine. US defence officials had apparently become concerned that weapons stockpiles were becoming low, as they needed to divert arms to Israel to help in the war with Iran.
But the pause in supplying some weapons to Ukraine announced by the Pentagon on July 2 was a hugely unpopular decision that resonated around the world. Hegseth was blamed.
Some have suggested that having loyalists such as Hegseth in critical positions like secretary of defense is highly strategic, and not just for the more obvious reasons. You could argue that having loyal supporters with delegated but overlapping authority is highly advantageous when it comes to the blame game.
Trump can publicly distance himself when things go wrong (as he did here), claim a degree of surprise, and swiftly change course. That way he is publicly reasserting his role as leader without admitting fault.
It is also noteworthy that Trump often reverses these decisions made by his subordinates in high-visibility environments, which suggests a determined pattern of strategic image management.
It’s a simple set of moves – you allow a subordinate to initiate a controversial decision, then you rein it in publicly and reassert your authority, thus showcasing your resolve. In other words, delegation to loyal insiders like Hegseth becomes a useful buffer against political fallout.
Loyal insiders still stay loyal (for the foreseeable future at least). They won’t sling mud, like some might in their position. So Trump can appear masterful.
But of course, there’s more to this than everyday political shenanigans. Personality plays a major role. Some psychologists have argued that not internalising failure is psychologically beneficial.
If you take credit for success but externalise failure, that makes you resilient (and happy). But there are clearly limits to this, and there’s a darker side.
People with high levels of narcissism (“I like to be the centre of attention”; “I am an extraordinary person” – both items on the narcissism personality inventory, a method of measuring personalities) often avoid accountability because they perceive themselves as superior to others. But only, it should be noted, in certain “key” aspects of life.
In the words of Jean Twenge and W. Keith Campbell, authors of The Narcissism Epidemic: “Narcissists think that they are smarter, better looking and more important than others, but not necessarily more moral, more caring or more compassionate.”
Narcissistic individuals tend to externalise blame to protect their fragile self-esteem and maintain their self-image. They may refuse to admit fault because doing so threatens their grandiose concept of self.
Individuals exhibiting Machiavellian traits, characterised by manipulativeness and a lack of empathy, are also more prone to shifting blame. They may deflect responsibility to serve their self-interest, which is clearly a highly manipulative manoeuvre. You just do whatever is required.
Research also indicates that individuals with low conscientiousness, one of what are considered the “big five” personality traits, are less likely to accept responsibility for their actions. They may be somewhat careless or irresponsible in their work or actions, and when mistakes do occur – which they will – they blame external factors or other people.
In other words, certain personality traits are associated with a tendency to avoid accountability and responsibility.
It has been said that Trump’s inner circle consists of loyal sycophants who, even when it’s cringeworthy for outsiders, publicly praise him to amplify and protect his self-image. He needs this from them.
But they have another use as well. When things don’t go so well, they take it on the chin for him. That’s almost part of the job description. When things go wrong, his inner circle all understand the buck really stops with them.
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Geoff Beattie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Why Trump blames decisions on others – a psychologist explains – https://theconversation.com/why-trump-blames-decisions-on-others-a-psychologist-explains-260877
Source: European Investment Bank
No fewer than 475 employees of the European Investment Bank (EIB) Group joined in yesterday’s Pride Run, Luxembourg’s yearly event that celebrates diversity, inclusion, and equality. The participation of EIB Group colleagues more than doubled from last year’s edition, further underlining the importance of the topic amongst staff. The 5km and 10km Pride Runs bring together companies, associations, friends, families, and all individuals committed to supporting the LGBTIQ+ community, striving to create a safe and open space where everyone can express themselves freely, while celebrating diversity.
On behalf of the EIB Group, I want to extend my heartfelt support to the entire LGBTQI+ community, and to celebrate the spirit of equality, inclusiveness, and resilience that Pride represents.” said European Investment Bank Vice-President Robert de Groot. “A lot of progress has been made, but from recent events it is clear that we need to continue our work. At the EIB we stand firmly on the side of European values like equality, diversity and inclusion. Let us celebrate Pride Week not just with colour and joy, but also with conviction and purpose. With pride, solidarity – and unity.”
The EIB Group is committed to the EU’s motto United in Diversity, underlining the principles of equity, human dignity, non-discrimination and respect for human rights. We put diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) at the heart of who we are and what we do. We believe that fostering an inclusive, diverse workplace makes us a more innovative and effective organisation, helping us achieve our core mission of improving lives and promoting sustainable growth.
Background information
The European Investment Bank (ElB) is the long-term lending institution of the European Union, owned by its Member States. Built around eight core priorities, the EIB finances investments that contribute to EU policy objectives by bolstering climate action and the environment, digitalisation and technological innovation, security and defence, cohesion, agriculture and the bioeconomy, social infrastructure, the capital markets union and a stronger Europe in a more peaceful and prosperous world.
The EIB Group, which also includes the European Investment Fund (EIF), signed nearly €89 billion in new financing for over 900 high-impact projects in 2024, boosting Europe’s competitiveness and security.
High-quality, up-to-date photos of the EIB Group’s headquarters for media use are available here.
Source: European Parliament
Priority question for written answer P-002764/2025
to the Commission
Rule 144
David Cormand (Verts/ALE), Cristina Guarda (Verts/ALE), Majdouline Sbai (Verts/ALE), Jutta Paulus (Verts/ALE), Lena Schilling (Verts/ALE), Sara Matthieu (Verts/ALE), Tilly Metz (Verts/ALE), Martin Häusling (Verts/ALE), Rasmus Nordqvist (Verts/ALE), Villy Søvndal (Verts/ALE), Kira Marie Peter-Hansen (Verts/ALE), Saskia Bricmont (Verts/ALE), Anna Strolenberg (Verts/ALE), Kai Tegethoff (Verts/ALE), Nela Riehl (Verts/ALE), Damian Boeselager (Verts/ALE), Michael Bloss (Verts/ALE), Marie Toussaint (Verts/ALE), Bas Eickhout (Verts/ALE), Pär Holmgren (Verts/ALE)
An article published on 1 July 2025 states that pollution with per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) is creating a food and water crisis in Europe[1]. It points to serious problems with the Commission guidelines on PFAS in drinking water. Trifluoroacetic acid (TFA), which is a degradation product of PFAS, and in particular of pesticides and PFAS F-gases, is found in high concentrations in drinking water. Technical guidelines adopted by the Commission in August 2024[2] recommend an approach under which high levels of TFA in drinking water may not be considered non-compliant.
It is important to note that, so far, removing TFA from drinking water has proven nearly impossible, or prohibitively expensive. Without taking action to reduce pollution at source, TFA concentrations will continue to increase and the toxic and polluting effects will be difficult to reverse.
Submitted: 8.7.2025
Source: European Parliament
Priority question for written answer P-002767/2025
to the Commission
Rule 144
Arkadiusz Mularczyk (ECR)
In response to Germany’s measures aiming at pushing migrants from third world countries into neighbouring countries, Denmark, the Netherlands, Austria, Switzerland, Luxembourg, France and Czechia have reintroduced border controls with Germany. Belgium has announced plans to reintroduce targeted border controls with Germany starting in 2025.
Germany has implemented controls with Poland, while Prime Minister Tusk has been under pressure to do the same. Instead, Polish citizens have taken it upon themselves to attempt to block illegal German pushbacks of migrants across the border.
There have been numerous reports of German authorities (such as German border control and German police) illegally moving groups of mostly military aged men into neighbouring countries. These actions are evidenced by multiple videos shared on social media platforms.
Given the above:
Submitted: 8.7.2025
Source: European Parliament
The European Parliament,
– having regard to its previous resolutions on Ukraine and on Russia,
– having regard to the Hague Conventions, the UN Charter, the Geneva Conventions and their additional protocols, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the European Convention on Human Rights, the UN Convention Against Torture, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the UN Convention on the rights of the child,
– having regard to the Association Agreement between the European Union and its Member States, of the one part, and Ukraine, of the other part(1), and to the accompanying Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area between the European Union and Ukraine, signed in 2014,
– having regard to all relevant resolutions by the UN General Assembly and Security Council, in particular UN General Assembly Resolution ES-11/7 adopted on 25 February 2025,
– having regard to the NATO Washington Summit Declaration of 10 July 2024 and the Hague Summit Declaration of 25 June 2025,
– having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas Russia has been waging a brutal, illegal, unprovoked and unjustified full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine since 24 February 2022;
B. whereas Russia’s aggression against Ukraine did not begin in February 2022, but in 2014, with the illegal occupation and annexation of Crimea and parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, with severe humanitarian, economic and ecological consequences and resulting in regional instability; whereas Russia could stop the brutal and unjustified war of aggression at any time;
C. whereas the UN General Assembly, in its resolution of 2 March 2022, immediately qualified the Russian war against Ukraine as an act of aggression in violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, and, in its resolution of 14 November 2022, recognised the need to hold Russia accountable for its war of aggression and legally and financially responsible for its internationally wrongful acts, including by making reparation for the injuries and damage caused;
D. whereas thus far in 2025, Russia has deployed over 20 000 drones against Ukraine, or around 3 500 per month, representing a 350 % increase compared to the 2024 monthly average; whereas Russia has killed over 1 050 civilians and injured 4 300 more, constituting clear evidence that it actively targets civilians, including ambulances and rescue personnel, in contrast to Ukraine’s defensive actions; whereas the recent attacks on Kyiv and Dnipro were the second deadliest and the deadliest attacks on these cities since the start of Russia’s invasion, starkly conflicting with Russia’s claims that it is interested in peace;
E. whereas, as a reaction to Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, the EU has adopted 17 sanctions packages of unprecedented scope against Russia and continues to adopt sanctions against Russia with a view to definitively undermining its capacity to continue waging its illegal war of aggression against Ukraine; whereas the circumvention of sanctions, including through Russia’s shadow fleet and the incomplete implementation of sanctions, remain a major enabler of Russia’s war of aggression; whereas despite these and other sanctions, Russia continues to wage its war of aggression against Ukraine;
F. whereas the US has again halted supplies of crucial military assistance to Ukraine;
G. whereas Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has caused the largest forced displacement of civilians in Europe since the Second World War, with 10 million Ukrainians – mostly women and children – displaced, including 7 million who have found refuge abroad(2);
H. whereas Russia continues unabated to commit heinous war crimes against innocent civilians; whereas according to the Ukrainian authorities, approximately 16 000 Ukrainian civilians are known to be currently detained in Russia and the temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories, although the real figures are likely to be significantly higher; whereas more than 70 000 Ukrainians – including civilians, children, and military personnel – are officially listed as missing;
I. whereas the Russian authorities have systematically carried out enforced disappearances against large numbers of Ukrainian civilians, detaining individuals with no military affiliation on baseless and fabricated charges, with their fate and whereabouts remaining unknown, leaving their families in agonising uncertainty; whereas enforced disappearances by Russia are part of a widespread, systematic and coordinated assault on Ukraine’s civilian population;
J. whereas, according to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, at least 29 civilians have died in custody in Russian detention facilities, and 170 have been executed in areas under Russian control since February 2022;
K. whereas throughout the process of enforced disappearances, the Russian authorities have consistently failed to inform the families of the fate or location of their loved ones; whereas multiple responses from various authorities have likewise failed to provide any meaningful information;
L. whereas the Russian authorities have systematically employed torture and other forms of inhumane and degrading treatment against numerous illegally detained Ukrainian civilians; whereas the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine has found evidence of Russia using rape and sexual violence as means of torture against both male and female detainees;
M. whereas Russia refuses to disclose the number of Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs) it currently holds; whereas the Russian authorities are blatantly failing to meet their obligations under the Geneva Conventions to allow international representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to visit prisoners and to transmit the relevant information to the ICRC, state authorities and the families of POWs;
N. whereas Ukrainian POWs and civilian captives are subjected to torture, including starvation, beatings, various types of coercion, physical, sexual and psychological violence and denial of medical care and legal representation;
O. whereas Ukraine and international bodies have documented hundreds of executions of Ukrainian POWs by Russian forces since February 2022; whereas the Office of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine is investigating the execution of 268 Ukrainian POWs (208 on the battlefield and 59 in the ‘Olenivka’ prison); whereas the increasing number of executions and available evidence suggests that these crimes are not isolated incidents but part of a systematic and deliberate policy, constituting serious violations of international law and human rights, and war crimes under the Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statute;
P. whereas Ukraine and Russia have conducted 65 prisoner exchanges since February 2022, resulting in the release of 5 757 people, including three large-scale exchanges in May 2025, with an additional 469 individuals released outside formal exchange mechanisms;
Q. whereas since the occupation and annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia has systematically targeted Crimean Tatars with politically motivated prosecutions, enforced disappearances, intimidation and harassment; whereas Crimean Tatar leaders, journalists, civil society activists and religious figures have faced disproportionate repression, including under the guise of anti-extremism and anti-terrorism charges; whereas these actions amount to violations of international human rights and humanitarian law and aim to erase the identity and presence of the indigenous Crimean Tatar people;
R. whereas Russia, while posturing as a defender of the Christian faith and values, has been conducting mass and systematic violations of religious rights in occupied Ukrainian territories, with the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church banned outright, at least 47 Ukrainian religious leaders killed and more subjected to torture, and religious property willingly targeted and destroyed by Russian forces; whereas in parallel Russia weaponises the Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate as a tool to tyrannise and control religious communities and the Ukrainian population more broadly;
S. whereas the torture and killing of Ukrainian journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna in Russian captivity highlights the grave and growing dangers faced by Ukrainian journalists held by Russian forces; whereas others, including Iryna Danylovych, Dmytro Khyliuk, Iryna Levchenko and Heorhiy Levchenko, remain in detention under life-threatening conditions;
T. whereas according to the ‘Bring Kids Back UA’ initiative and the Yale Humanitarian Research Lab (HRL), since February 2022 around at least 20 000 and possibly up to 35 000 Ukrainian children have been forcibly deported to Russia and Belarus or detained in temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories, with only 1 366 returned and 637 confirmed dead; whereas the real figures are assumed to be much higher, as these transfers and deportations continue; whereas the HRL’s Ukraine Conflict Observatory has had its funding cut as of 1 July 2025 by the Trump administration, jeopardising the continuation of its work;
U. whereas the ICC has been conducting an investigation into the situation in Ukraine since 2 March 2022 and on 17 March 2023 issued arrest warrants for Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation, and Maria Lvova-Belova, so-called Commissioner for Children’s Rights in the Office of the President of the Russian Federation, for the war crime of unlawful deportation of Ukrainian children, followed up by additional arrest warrants against Russian officials issued on 24 June 2024; whereas the EU supports the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression that is being established in the framework of the Council of Europe;
1. Condemns, in the strongest possible terms, Russia’s unprovoked, illegal and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine; demands that Russia immediately cease all military activities in Ukraine, fully withdraw from Ukraine’s internationally recognised territory, end forced deportations, release all detained and deported Ukrainians and compensate Ukraine and victims of war crimes; reiterates its condemnation of Belarus’s direct involvement in Russia’s brutal war of aggression against Ukraine;
2. Confirms its unwavering commitment to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, within its internationally recognised borders and reiterates its policy of non-recognition of Ukrainian territories temporarily occupied by Russia; strongly underlines Ukraine’s inherent right to self-defence, in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter, which entails the right to strike military targets on Russian soil;
3. Reaffirms its unwavering solidarity with the people of Ukraine in their heroic defence of their nation, their land, and our shared European values; reiterates its belief that a strong, independent and democratic Ukraine is vital for Europe’s security, stability and prosperity; calls for the EU and all its 27 Member States to substantially enhance the effectiveness and accelerate the delivery of military support to Ukraine in order to allow Ukraine to legitimately defend itself against Russia’s escalating attacks on cities and civilian infrastructure across the country, and to put Ukraine in the strongest possible position for negotiations;
4. Condemns Vladimir Putin’s ongoing revisionist and imperialist rhetoric and ideology, and treacherous propaganda; denounces the systematic attempts by the Russian Government to erase Ukraine’s history, culture, language and identity; in this regard strongly condemns the persecution of Ukrainian artists, as exemplified by the imprisonment and torture of Mariupol military orchestra members and their being subjected to inhuman treatment, and calls for their immediate and unconditional release;
5. Stresses that Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has shattered peace and stability in Europe and gravely undermined global security; underscores that Russia remains the most significant and direct threat to European security;
6. Strongly condemns the execution of Ukrainian POWs by Russian forces, constituting war crimes and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions; is appalled by the abduction, incommunicado detention, torture, and killing of Ukrainian journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna by the Russian Federation, illustrating the extreme brutality and systematic cruelty perpetrated by Russians against Ukrainian civilians and POWs; demands that the Russian Federation immediately cease the mutilation and removal of organs from the bodies of deceased civilians and POWs;
7. Reiterates that Russia bears sole responsibility for its war of aggression and that there can be no impunity for violations of human rights, war crimes, or other breaches of international law committed by Russian forces and officials; expresses deep outrage at Russia’s brutal attacks on civilians and the indiscriminate targeting of civilian infrastructure; stresses that the systematic and deliberate targeting of civilians and, in particular, the deportation of children may constitute a genocidal strategy orchestrated and executed by the Russian Government;
8. Fully supports the ICC’s ongoing investigations into the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by Russia; welcomes the recent agreement between the Council of Europe and Ukraine on the establishment of a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine; emphasises that all those responsible for war crimes perpetrated in Ukraine must be held accountable and stresses that justice is essential for any sustainable peace; expresses its utmost concern about the US sanctions on the ICC and its prosecutors, judges and staff, which undermine all its ongoing investigative and prosecutorial work and constitute a serious attack on the system of international justice; calls on the Commission to urgently activate the Blocking Statute and on the Member States to urgently step up their diplomatic efforts in order to protect and safeguard the ICC as an indispensable cornerstone of the system of international justice;
9. Reiterates its condemnation of Russia’s forcible deportation, illegal detention and inhumane treatment of countless Ukrainian civilians; demands that Russia immediately provide families with accurate information regarding the whereabouts and state of health of detainees and calls for the immediate release of all the Ukrainian civilians currently held captive by the Russian authorities; underscores that the forced displacement, unlawful detention and mistreatment of Ukrainian civilians exemplify the intrinsic brutality of the Russian regime and its flagrant disregard for human life; strongly condemns the gruesome tactics deployed by the Russian authorities against both Ukrainian civilians and prisoners of war; deplores the wide and systematic use of terror in Ukraine’s occupied territories, aimed at intimidating the civilian population, stifling resistance and political dissent, suppressing civic activism and eradicating the Ukrainian language and national identity;
10. Condemns the ongoing persecution of Crimean Tatars in illegally occupied Crimea, including politically motivated detentions, torture, enforced disappearances and restrictions on freedom of religion, expression and association; calls for the immediate release of all Crimean Tatars imprisoned on political grounds and urges the EU and international organisations to enhance monitoring and advocacy on behalf of the indigenous people of Crimea;
11. Urges Russia to immediately agree to and implement a comprehensive ‘all-for-all’ exchange of POWs with Ukraine, in accordance with its obligations under international humanitarian law and the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War;
12. Strongly condemns Russia’s violent actions and the complicity of Belarus in the mistreatment of Ukrainian children, including murder, torture and criminal prosecution, forced transfer and deportation, sexual abuse and exploitation, forced Russification and militarisation; denounces the forced imposition of Russian citizenship on deported children and their state-sponsored adoption by Russian families as part of a deliberate policy of forced assimilation; regrets that the EU was unable to help Yale’s HRL secure sufficient funding; calls on its Member States to closely cooperate with and support the Ukrainian authorities and local and international non-governmental organisations in their efforts to document all missing and deported Ukrainian children, determine their whereabouts and repatriate them in order to promptly reunite them with their parents or legal guardians; reiterates that the deportation of Ukrainian children is a grave violation of international humanitarian law, in particular of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and constitutes a war crime; urges the EU to hold those responsible to account and to sanction individuals and entities implicated in these crimes;
13. Demands that, in line with its obligations under the respective Geneva Conventions, Russia grant the ICRC immediate access to POW camps and other sites where Ukrainian soldiers or civilians are being held captive; notes the marked difference in the way Ukraine and Russia have treated the POWs they hold, with Ukrainian military personnel having been severely tortured, maltreated and malnourished, in violation of the laws of war and international humanitarian law;
14. Reiterates its call for the EU and its Member States to increase humanitarian and rehabilitation assistance for victims of Russian captivity, including access to medical and psychological care, reintegration services and legal assistance; commends Ukrainian and international civil society organisations for supporting families of abducted Ukrainian children, POWs and illegally detained civilians;
15. Reaffirms the EU’s steadfast commitment to the reconstruction of Ukraine and reiterates its readiness to contribute to rebuilding Ukraine’s economy and infrastructure; stresses the strategic importance of the Ukraine Facility in reinforcing Ukraine’s resilience, accelerating its recovery, and supporting its path towards sustainable development and EU membership; reiterates its firm conviction that Russia must pay for the massive damage caused in Ukraine and therefore calls for the confiscation of Russian state assets immobilised under EU sanctions or otherwise for their use to support Ukraine’s defence and reconstruction; underlines its conviction that various legal pathways to do so are available and that lack of action is an inexcusable failure on the part of European governments;
16. Condemns the Russian State Duma’s protocol adopted on 24 June 2025 allowing the member states of the Collective Security Treaty Organization to deploy their troops on the territory of other members in the event of armed conflict, threats, crisis situations and military exercises; condemns this step as a clear attempt by Russia to further scale up its relentless attacks on Ukraine by forcibly mobilising troops from neighbouring and allied states;
17. Strongly condemns the recruitment and deployment of Cuban soldiers in addition to the involvement of North Korean troops;
18. Urges all Member States to immediately provide further military assistance and to engage in joint procurement of additional capabilities, in particular air defence, long range strike and artillery systems and ammunition; in that regard, urges all Member States to devote a significant part of their SAFE Defence Investment Plans to assistance for Ukraine; urges the Member States and their defence industries to invest in and partner with the Ukrainian defence industry, including through additional investments and setting up joint ventures, in order to maximise the full potential of its production capabilities to produce critical equipment in the most efficient way;
19. Recalls the bold statements by several EU Heads of State and Government that Russia’s failure to agree to the US-proposed 30-day ceasefire would be met with severely enhanced sanctions and therefore urges the Council, the Commission and the Member States to follow-up on their declarations and substantially increase the effectiveness and impact of sanctions on Russia; welcomes the seventeenth sanctions package of 20 May 2025 but urges the Member States to adopt the next sanctions package without further delay; underlines that there is a current strategic imperative to act boldly now; stresses that the negative global security and economic consequences of any future Russian aggression far outweigh the military and financial commitment needed today to definitively end Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, to deter further Russian aggression and achieve a just, fair and lasting peace; resolutely calls on the EU Member States to stop their shameful business as usual approach and instead act with a renewed sense of urgency and purpose;
20. Reminds the Hungarian and Slovak Governments of the principle of sincere cooperation, which requires that Member States refrain from any measures that could jeopardise the attainment of the EU’s objectives; urges the Hungarian and Slovak Governments, therefore, to realign their foreign policy with EU positions and principles and cease their repeated obstruction of EU efforts to strengthen the sanctions on Russia;
21. Believes that in order to pressure Russia to end its war of aggression, beginning with a sustained ceasefire, substantially more effective military, economic, political and diplomatic efforts and measures must be applied by the EU and like-minded partners; calls for all necessary steps to be taken to avoid the circumvention of sanctions, in particular by targeting Russia’s ‘shadow fleet’ vessels; calls for a full ban on Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG), oil and raw materials, and interim measures to minimise Russia’s ability to pay for its war of aggression through energy exports, including a lower oil price cap and the introduction of an LNG price cap; underlines the importance of adopting the 18th sanctions package without further delay; calls on the Member States that are blocking the adoption of the latest sanctions package to follow other Member States, which have successfully found alternative sources for oil and gas deliveries; underlines that it is unacceptable that, in the fourth year of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, Russian missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles used in attacks continue to rely heavily on Western-manufactured components;
22. Recalls that the overall support for Ukraine must be sufficient to stop Russia’s war of aggression and allow Ukraine to liberate all its people, re-establish full control over its territory within its internationally recognised borders and deter any further aggression by Russia; recalls that Europe has already supported Ukraine with EUR 50 billion in military aid, but underlines that further assistance is required and that such support now depends largely on Europe itself; urges the Member States to provide more arms and ammunition to Ukraine before any negotiations are concluded; denounces any attempts to pressure Ukraine to cede occupied territory, in which the population is exposed to continued repression, violence, forced disappearances, illegal detentions, deportations and other forms of systematic terror;
23. Calls on the EU to impose personal sanctions against Russian officials responsible for violence and torture against imprisoned and detained Ukrainians;
24. Expresses its full support for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, based on terms determined by Ukraine and acceptable to its people; stresses that any agreement must uphold Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, prevent Russia from rearming and guarantee Ukraine’s long-term security; insists on accountability for war crimes and on reparations; underlines that peace negotiations must be preceded by an unconditional ceasefire;
25. Stresses that in the light of the shift in the US stance on Russia’s war of aggression, the EU and its Member States must remain Ukraine’s primary strategic allies and should reinforce their leadership role in supporting Ukraine’s struggle for sovereignty, peace and justice; calls for the EU and its Member States to work towards maintaining the broadest possible international support for Ukraine, including through building coalitions with like-minded non-EU partners; reiterates its calls for the immediate delivery of long-overdue, previously announced, and badly needed weapons systems, such as Taurus missiles, as committed by the new German leadership, in significant quantities;
26. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the President, Government and Parliament of Ukraine, and to the authorities of Russia and Belarus.
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Source: International Criminal Court (video statements)
On 10 July 2025, ICC Deputy Prosecutor Nazhat Shameem Khan briefed the UN Security Council on the Situation in Darfur, Sudan, pursuant to Resolution 1593 (2005), live from New York.
Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Delia Ramirez – Illinois (3rd District)
Washington, D.C. – Today, Congresswoman Delia C. Ramirez (IL-03) released the following statement after a federal judge in New Hampshire granted a preliminary injunction temporarily blocking Trump’s executive order restricting birthright citizenship throughout the country:
“No politician – including the President – has the right to limit our constitutional rights or dictate who is and who is not an American. If you are born here, you are a citizen. Period. Trump’s attempts to limit birthright citizenship are illegal and unconstitutional.
I applaud Judge Laplante’s decision to defend the Constitution and agree that attempting to limit birthright citizenship is an ’irreparable harm.’ We will continue to resist Trump’s white supremacist, authoritarian agenda. And we will fight back in the courts, in Congress, and in the streets to defend our rights and the Constitution.
Without the checks and balances ensured in the Constitution, an unaccountable executive branch is nothing less than an authoritarian government. It is why I encourage my colleagues to cosponsor the Born In The USA Act and bring it to the floor for a vote. We must hold the Administration accountable, fulfill our oath of office, and defend the soul of our nation.”
Source: European Parliament
On 14 July 2025, the ENVI Committee have invited Dr Nikolaus Kriz for a hearing as prospective candidate for the position of Executive Director of EFSA, which is for a five-year term
Dr. Kriz, currently Head of EFSA’s Risk Assessment Services Department, will present his vision for EFSA’s future. Members are expected to question him on EFSA’s role in ensuring safe, sustainable food systems, its handling of emerging scientific challenges and its capacity to respond to evolving risks. Established in 2002, EFSA provides independent and transparent scientific advice to protect consumers from food-related risks across the EU. Under its 2027 strategy, EFSA focuses on scientific excellence, food safety and supporting the transition to sustainable food systems. The agency plays a key role in informing ENVI’s legislative work through evidence-based risk assessments and scientific opinions, and tackles increasingly complex issues, including chemical mixtures, microplastics, PFAS, antimicrobial resistance and climate-related impacts on the food chain.