It was a bizarre sight watching a huge gay 1970s disco hit being performed at Donald Trump’s 2025 pre-inauguration rally. Many prominent artists from Beyoncé to Bruce Springsteen prohibit Trump from using their music. So why do Village People – a band synonymous with the 1970s gay liberation movement – allow their music to be associated with a political movement that has fixed and repressive ideas about sexual identity and morality?
Village People’s recent incarnation has had a complicated relationship with the “make America great again” movement (Maga). In 2020, their song YMCA began featuring at Maga anti-lockdown rallies and soon became a prominent song in Trump’s re-election campaign.
At the time, the band asked Trump not to use its music and later supported Kamala Harris for the presidency in 2024. Since then Village People have dramatically changed tack.
To be clear, of the group that performed at Trump’s pre-inauguration rally, only one of the original Village People remains. The band, put together by the gay producers Jacques Morali and Henri Belolo in 1978, was named after New York’s Greenwich Village gay scene.
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In the 1970s, the group was mostly gay-fronted except the first recruit, lead singer and co-songwriter Victor Willis (sometimes the policeman, sometimes the admiral figure). Willis took control of the name and the hits in 2017 after an out-of-court settlement with co-owner Henri Belolo.
Willis is now the only member of the original line up still performing under the official band name. Perhaps to ensure mainstream popularity, he has tried to move Village People away from its gay associations – the biography on the band’s website makes no mention of the act’s significance to queer audiences. He recently wrote on Facebook that he will sue every news organisation that suggests “YMCA is somehow a gay anthem”.
Victor Willis, the last remaining original member of Village People in a 1978 video for Just A Gigolo.
But it’s difficult to untangle Village People from queer history as it was the trendsetting gay community of underground disco culture that made them famous. Record companies selected the songs and artists to promote based on how DJs reported their popularity in the hottest clubs. Many of these clubs were gay dominated, and disco itself was tied up with the growing confidence of the gay liberation movement in America and the era of sexual liberalisation that followed the 1960s.
Jacques Morali put together Village People knowing the band could offer influential gay clubbers something they had always been denied: cultural representation, and with it, acknowledgement of their existence.
It worked. One self-proclaimed “disco doll” writing to LGBTQ+ newspaper The Advocate in 1978 recalled first hearing Village People: “The music was very hot … and the words were about us, about our scene. I couldn’t believe it.”
Village People’s innuendos and knowing references to gay culture often went over the heads of many straight listeners. Songs like Macho Man and the group’s hypermasculine image epitomised the “clone” movement in 1970s gay culture.
Queer men, long derided for being effeminate, would bulk up at the gym and dress in leathers like bikers, effectively becoming more of an embodiment of masculinity than straight men. Go West was a reference to San Francisco’s more liberal environment for gay men. The YMCA was a place to “hang out with all the boys”.
But skyrocketing into the mainstream made Village People an awkward fit for gay disco culture. This vibrant community wanted their own scene that was not part of the mainstream. They felt betrayed by a band publicly denying their gayness as they juggled the hardcore homosexual audience that had made them famous alongside a family-friendly audience.
The backlash was fierce. A 1978 letter to gay lib magazine The Body Politic declared: “The commercial exploiters are disguising it to gain the commercially lucrative straight audience”, describing Village People as “traitors of the worst kind”.
But even if they became momentarily unpopular in the hottest gay clubs, for many LGBTQ+ people, Village People’s hits have endured as anthems played at queer nights and Pride events. In their sound, appearance and sheer 1970-ness, they are undeniably camp icons.
Which of course leads many to question why people attending Trump’s rallies – hardly famous for their inclusivity – would embrace their music. One explanation is that Maga audiences simply do not care about past gay associations as the music is simple, catchy and positive.
Another is that just like the 1970s, the queer messaging of Village People’s music still goes over the heads of straight Maga audiences. Perhaps despite its past gay associations, they are consciously trying to culturally repurpose disco for their own movement. Or they’re trying to be ironic.
Most likely, though, the music might have a particular meaning to LGBTQ+ audiences, it has other meanings depending on the context in which it is played. To many, Village People are the epitome of a novelty, apolitical pop group. Their hits are associated with weddings, children’s parties and good-time disco. The prosaic truth may be that Trump fans just enjoy a really catchy tune.
But for Trump’s team, the use of these songs is politically calculated toward their core supporters who have changed the lyrics of YMCA to “MAGA”. And don’t forget Village People were joined at the pre-inauguration rally by WWE wrestling’s Hulk Hogan. Both are nostalgic late 20th-century acts that revel in blatant performances of muscled masculinity.
They seem to be the embodiment of that imagined past of American virility that Trump vaguely refers to when he promises to make the nation “great again”. It’s not difficult to work out what Trump’s message is, especially when he dances along to Macho Man at rallies.
Both these acts are carnivalesque, like Trump himself. They indicate an era of politics as spectacle, but beneath the surface messages, we must carefully pay attention to what is actually being said and done.
William Rees does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Whole Foods workers at the Philadelphia flagship store in the city’s Art Museum area voted to unionize on Jan. 27, 2025. They are the first store in the Amazon-owned grocery chain to do so.
Paul Clark, a professor of labor and employment relations at Penn State University, talked to Kate Kilpatrick, The Conversation U.S. Philadelphia editor, about why this is happening – and why in Philly.
Why did the union drive effort succeed now, and in Philly?
In the last five years, there has been a surge in union organizing. There are a number of reasons for this. First is the labor market. Low unemployment emboldens workers to take the risk of organizing a union. If workers feel their employer can’t replace them or that they can easily get a similar job, they are less fearful of angering the employer by trying to organize.
The second reason is that the Biden administration was a labor-friendly administration – perhaps the most in history. The U.S. president appoints a majority of members to the National Labor Relations Board, which interprets and enforces the labor law that governs organizing. Under Biden, the NLRB regularly issued decisions that provided greater protection to workers and held employers accountable when they violated workers’ rights. During Republican administrations, the board’s decisions are generally pro-business and provide less protection to workers. So workers had the wind at their back in that regard.
Also recent polling shows that 70% of Americans approve of unions, compared with less than half of Americans just 15 years ago. The generally favorable view of unions creates a more supportive environment for organizing.
Why Philadelphia? Philadelphia is a relatively strong union town. The percentage of the workforce that is represented by a union is higher in Philadelphia than in most cities and areas of the country. So when workers express interest in organizing in Philadelphia they get a lot of support. Other unions might turn out members for their rallies, pressure the company to not oppose the organizing drive and offer other aid and assistance.
The starting wage at the Philadelphia Whole Foods store is US$16 an hour. Is that considered low when the city’s minimum wage is just $7.25 an hour?
The minimum wage in Philadelphia is $7.25 because that is the federal minimum wage. States can institute a higher minimum wage if they choose to, but Pennsylvania is one of the few Northeast states that hasn’t adopted a minimum wage higher than the federal minimum. The minimum wages in New Jersey, New York and Massachusetts, for example, are $15 or above.
But the minimum wage in Pennsylvania is almost irrelevant because of today’s labor market. Unemployment is low, and many employers have to offer significantly more than the minimum wage to get workers.
And the minimum wage is supposed to be a starting wage for workers with little experience or seniority. What workers want is a living wage. According to the MIT Living Wage Calculator, a single person in Philadelphia needs to earn around $24 per hour to cover the basic costs of living. And Whole Foods is a profitable business. It’s part of Amazon, one of the most profitable, largest companies in the world. I think workers at these companies believe that they play an important role in generating those profits because of the work they do. And they think they should get a fair share of those profits.
How might the Whole Foods workers expect the company to fight back?
When employees win an organizing election as the Whole Food workers have, they have won a battle but not the war. The purpose of forming a union is to improve wages and benefits and working conditions, and you do that by negotiating a contract with the company. That is the next step in the process. But the law only requires employers to bargain with employees – to meet at reasonable times and exchange proposals. It doesn’t compel them to agree to anything.
The typical strategy of companies that aggressively oppose their workers having a union is to drag their feet in bargaining and not sign a contract. That is technically illegal, but labor law in the U.S. is relatively weak, and with good legal advice you can drag out bargaining for a very long time.
We’ve seen this with the Starbucks campaign. The first Starbucks store unionized in 2021. Over 540 stores have organized since then. And Starbucks workers at those stores still do not have a contract.
Could the new Trump administration have any impact on how this plays out in Philly?
The fact that the Trump administration has taken over gives companies more confidence that the standard delay strategy will work.
On Jan. 28, 2025, President Donald Trump fired Jennifer Abruzzo, the general counsel of the NLRB. The general counsel is the official at the board who basically enforces the National Labor Relations Act. Abruzzo was very aggressive in holding employers accountable if they violated the act and in protecting the rights of workers who tried to organize.
Trump’s approach to labor law in his first four years in office was at the other extreme. He appointed as general counsel Peter Robb, who was seen as far less aggressive in protecting workers’ rights and his interpretations of the law were much more pro-business.
Under the Biden administration, if a company was coming to the bargaining table month after month and not agreeing to anything, the NLRB would eventually step in and cite the employer for not bargaining in good faith. The NLRB could find the employer guilty of unfair labor practices and genuinely put pressure on it to bargain a contract.
They can go on strike. But Amazon has the resources to put up with a strike at one Whole Foods store forever.
Other Whole Foods stores may be considering union drives. The more stores that organize, the more momentum the Philadelphia store will have. But for now, these workers in Philly are going to have their work cut out for them.
That said, they won’t be alone. The Whole Foods workers organized with the UFCW Local 1776, which is basically a statewide union that’s been around for decades. It has a lot of resources and experienced and knowledgeable leaders, plus the resources of the national UFCW. So it’s going to lean into this fight, and these workers will also have a lot of support from the rest of the labor community in Philadelphia.
Earlier this month, three Congressional representatives from Pennsylvania wrote a letter to Jason Buechel, the Whole Foods CEO, and to Jeff Bezos, the Amazon founder, that expressed their concerns about efforts to suppress the union drive. Is that support typical?
It’s not unusual. But there is no legal basis for elected officials to intervene in a labor-management dispute. I’d put that under the heading of community support.
Paul F. Clark does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The Artemis program has been Nasa’s best chance to get “boots on the Moon” again. But with the new US administration taking guidance from tech entrepreneur Elon Musk, who is focused on Mars colonisation, will they end up abandoning or pushing back lunar missions?
For example, there’s been speculation that returning US president Donald Trump may cancel the Space Launch System rocket, which Nasa intended to use to get from the Moon to Mars. But is this approach likely to help them get to Mars quicker?
The last human presence on the lunar surface was Apollo 17 in 1972. So you may imagine that it should be easy for the US to return. However there have been plans to once again send people there since 2004, which have changed name with each incoming president, until its current incarnation as the Artemis program.
The 2022 Artemis-1 test flight was successful in its mission to send an unmanned satellite around the lunar orbit and return using the new SLS rocket system. But Artemis-2, which will carry crew, is not scheduled for launch until 2026. When we consider private companies and other nations, this is comparatively slow progress.
Artemis mission. Nasa
The first successful landing of a spacecraft on the Moon by the Indian Space Agency, Isro, took place in 2023 with Chaandrayan-3, which was an amazing achievement with a low budget. China landed in 2013 with Chang’e 3, and Chang’e 4 in 2019 on the dark side.
Russia have previously had landers on the Moon. Their more recent attempt at a lunar landing with Luna-25 was unsuccessful though. There are also future lander missions planned by the European Space Agency with Argonaut, a private Israeli company and other private industries. Clearly, there is no shortage of potential competitors which could eventually develop to send humans too.
Implications for Mars
So would turning to Martian exploration be a sensible move instead of heading for the Moon? It would likely mean abandoning the Lunar Gateway project, a space station in orbit around the Moon where astronauts could live. But as this is not planned until 2027 at the earliest, this would seem acceptable.
However the difference between going to the Moon and going to Mars is like the difference between walking to the end of your road compared to walking to another country.
Besides the incredible difference in distance (the distance to travel to Mars is 833 times greater than that of the distance to the Moon), the time taken to get there is far longer as well. The optimal lunar launch conditions repeat once a month. And you could still launch at times that are not ideal.
The optimal fuel route for Mars involves arriving when the two planets are roughly on opposite sides of the Sun. This launch window repeats every 18 months, and the journey time of nine months means any problems onboard will need to be fixed by the crew, with no rescue option. Faster routes can be achieved (roughly six months) but this then becomes very energy intensive.
This is why the lunar gateway would come in handy, allowing astronauts to take off from the Moon, away from the Earth’s immense gravity, and head to Mars from there. Of course the material for the gateway would need to be sent to the lunar gateway first. But by splitting the energy requirements up it means slower but more efficient propulsion methods can be used for part of the Mars journey.
There is no doubt that, with some work, SpaceX will be able to make a landing on Mars. But will they be able to safely take people there and get them back? As a company the idea of profit will be a strong factor, along with astronaut safety. We only have to look at some of the more recent Boeing problems (astronauts have been stuck on the International Space Station for seven months at time of writing) to see that private companies may want to slow down a bit when it comes to transporting people.
This is unlikely to happen though, with the considerable influence of Musk on the White House administration, and the suggestion of fellow billionaire Jared Isaacman (a private astronaut) as the new head of Nasa.
Critical decisions
So two options for Nasa to choose from: either keep going with their Artemis program and abandon the Lunar Gateway, or aim for Mars and be primarily dependent on Musk.
Funding both options will likely mean that neither ever happens. Of course, the Mars mission would be easier if the gateway was already present at the Moon.
The timelines involved here are important. SpaceX states that it will send five uncrewed Starships to Mars next year with an aim to send humans to Mars in 2028. This seems ambitious, particularly as it involves refuelling in orbit, but if additional funds and material are put towards the project it could potentially be sooner than this.
As the lunar gateway would be built at the earliest in 2027, then it’d be unlikely to be operational in 2028 anyway. So prioritising Mars exploration over the lunar gateway may indeed get us to Mars quicker – but it will be risky.
If the US pulls out of plans to explore the Moon, other nations can expand their presence in those areas more easily – with the potential to have an easier route to launch to Mars. These are likely to be on much longer time scales though, but if Musk fails to get humans to Mars in the next few years, these countries may have an edge.
The conditions on Mars are slightly more favourable for human presence, with at least some atmospheric pressure and the potential for mining water. But as many studies have shown, it has no potential for terraforming, the process of altering a planet to make it more habitable for humans.
The increased distance from the Sun also means that solar panels are slightly less effective, and Mars is not rich in deposited solar Helium-3, which can be used as a fuel for nuclear fusion.
Of course the challenge is what excites many people and it may be a risk worth taking. But this decision should be left with the experts in the field, rather than politicians and billionaires.
Ian Whittaker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor and Director of the Clinical Anatomy Learning Centre, Lancaster University
The human body is composed of over 37 trillion cells, each with a limited lifespan. These cells are continuously replaced to maintain organ and system function. Yet over time, or as a result of damage, the number of functioning cells can decrease to a level that causes symptoms or even organ failure.
Regeneration of organs and systems is a scientific holy grail that relies on stem cells, but due to their limited number and slow division rate, this isn’t a practical route to organ regeneration. It would take many years to repopulate all the cell types needed.
However, some people see organs “reappear”, like Katy Golden who had her tonsils removed for a second time as an adult after they grew back over 40 years.
One reason that tonsils may grow back is that one of the operations to remove them is a partial tonsillectomy. Only removing part of the tonsils leads to a quicker recovery and fewer complications, but around 6% of children may see regrowth, which may require further surgery in later life.
Most people associate organ regrowth and regeneration with the liver. As little as 10% of the liver can regrow into a fully functioning liver. This is also how partial liver transplants allow the donor to “regrow” a normal sized and fully functioning liver.
One organ that has a surprising capacity to regenerate is the spleen and sometimes it can regenerate without people realising.
The spleen is a high-risk organ for injury and is the most commonly injured organ in blunt abdominal trauma during traffic collisions, sporting injuries or trivial activities such as bumping into furniture.
The spleen is at high risk because it has lots of blood vessels and hence lots of blood, but is only surrounded by a thin capsule that can tear in trauma, allowing blood to leak out. This can result in death if not treated promptly.
What may also happen is small pieces of the spleen – sometimes just a few cells – can become free in the abdomen and go on to “grow” where they settle – termed splenosis, going on to have similar functional activity to a mature, normally located spleen. This can be beneficial for those who have to have their spleen removed due to traumatic injury, with some reports suggesting regeneration in up to 66% of patients.
In the last few years, our lungs have also been shown to have regenerative capacity. It is well known that smoking and other pollutants destroy the alveoli (tiny air sacs) where oxygen is passed to the blood. Stopping smoking has been shown to allow cells that have avoided damage from the cancer-causing chemicals in tobacco smoke to help regenerate and repopulate the lining of parts of the airways with healthy cells.
Where a lung has been removed, the remaining lung has to adapt to support the tissues of the body and ensure enough oxygen gets to them. Studies have shown that the remaining lung increases the number of alveoli it has, rather than the remaining alveoli compensating by getting bigger to take up more oxygen.
It isn’t just organs inside that regenerate. One organ that constantly does so on a humongous scale is the skin.
As the largest organ, it has multiple barrier functions to keep things such as water in and germs out. With a surface area of almost 2m², the skin requires a significant amount of regeneration to replenish the 500,000,000 cells that are lost each day – that’s over 2g of skin cells per day.
Tissue regeneration is much more common
One of the most active regenerative tissues is the endometrial lining of the uterus which is shed every 28 days as part of the menstrual cycle and goes through about 450 cycles of this during a woman’s life.
This layer varies between 0.5 and 18mm in thickness depending on the stage of the menstrual cycle, the functional cells that are lost along with the blood from vessels that support a fertilised egg if it implants.
Men’s genitalia can also show regeneration. Vasectomy, which removes a piece of the tube (vas deferens) connecting the testes to the openings in the urethra, is used to reduce the chance of pregnancy by preventing sperm moving from the testes out of the penis.
However, the cut ends of the ducts have shown regenerative capacity and reconnected. Some sections, where up to 5cm has been restricted or removed, have shown regeneration, even through scar tissue. This “recanalisation” can result in unexpected pregnancies.
Bone is another tissue that can regenerate. If you’ve ever broken a bone, you’ll know that it repairs so that (eventually) you will regain function.
This process of repairing the break takes six to eight weeks. But the process of regenerating the bone architecture and strength continues for months and years beyond this date.
Where paired organs exist and one is lost, there is good evidence that the remaining organ can increase its functional ability to help the body cope with maintaining function. For example, when one kidney is removed, the remaining kidney enlarges to handle the extra workload, filtering blood and eliminating waste efficiently.
Although organ regeneration is rare, it does happen and typically takes years to manifest because organs are complex structures. Work continues to try to understand how scientists can develop this knowledge to help with the shortage of donor organs. Thankfully, tissue regeneration happens much more often than many people might suppose, and it is a much-needed part of staying alive.
Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Western diets – high in processed foods and low in fibre – are associated with obesity, diabetes and heart disease. These diets don’t only harm our bodies, they also harm our gut microbiomes, the complex community of bacteria, fungi and viruses found in our intestinal tract that are important for our health.
Scientists, including my colleagues and me, are actively searching for ways to create healthy microbiomes to prevent chronic diseases. And my search has taken me to Papua New Guinea.
I have long been fascinated by this country, with its remote valleys almost untouched by the modern world until 1930, more than 800 languages, an ancient system of sustenance agriculture and entire communities living a non-industrialised lifestyle. This fascination kicked off a thrilling nine-year research project involving researchers from eight countries, which led to a paper published in the scientific journal Cell.
In previous research, my team studied the gut microbiomes of rural Papua New Guineans. We discovered microbiomes that are more diverse than their westernised counterparts, enriched in bacteria that thrive on dietary fibre, and with lower levels of inflammation-causing bacteria that are typically found in people who eat highly processed foods.
This information provided hints on how to perhaps redress the damage caused to our gut microbiomes.
The traditional diet in rural Papua New Guinea is rich in unprocessed plant-based foods that are full of fibre but low in sugar and calories, something I was able to see for myself on a field trip to Papua New Guinea. Determined to create something everyone could use to benefit their health, our team took what we saw in Papua New Guinea and other non-industrialised societies to create a new diet we call the NiMe (non-industrialised microbiome restore) diet.
What sets NiMe apart from other diets is that it is dominated by vegetables (such as leafy greens) and legumes (such as beans) and fruit. It only contains one small serving of animal protein per day (salmon, chicken or pork), and it avoids highly processed foods.
Dairy, beef and wheat were excluded from the human trial because they are not part of the traditional diet in rural Papua New Guinea. The other characteristic distinction of the diet is a substantial dietary fibre content. In our trial, we went for around 45g of fibre a day, which exceeds the recommendations in dietary guidelines.
One of my PhD students got creative in the kitchen designing recipes that would appeal to a person used to typical western dishes. These meals allowed us to develop a meal plan that could be tested in a strictly controlled study in healthy Canadian adults.
Remarkable results
We saw remarkable results including weight loss (although participants didn’t change their regular calorie intake), a drop in bad cholesterol by 17%, decreased blood sugar by 6%, and a 14% reduction in a marker for inflammation and heart disease called C-reactive protein. These benefits were directly linked to improvements in the participants’ gut microbiome, specifically, microbiome features damaged by industrialisation.
On a western diet low in dietary fibre, the gut microbiome degrades the mucus layer in the gut, which leads to inflammation. The NiMe diet prevented this process, which was linked to a reduction in inflammation.
The diet also increased beneficial bacterial metabolites (byproducts) in the gut, such as short-chain fatty acids, and in the blood, such as indole-3-propionic acid – a metabolite that has been shown to protect against type 2 diabetes and nerve damage.
Research also shows that low dietary fibre leads to gut microbes ramping up protein fermentation, which generates harmful byproducts that may contribute to colon cancer.
In fact, there is a worrying trend of increased colon cancer in younger people, which may be caused by recent trends towards high-protein diets or supplements. The NiMe diet increased carbohydrate fermentation at the expense of protein fermentation, and it reduced bacterial molecules in the participants’ blood that are linked to cancer.
The findings from our research show that a dietary intervention targeted towards restoring the gut microbiome can improve health and reduce disease risk. The NiMe diet offers a practical roadmap to achieve this, by providing recipes that were used in our study. It allows anyone interested in healthy eating to improve their diet to feed their human cells and their microbiome.
Jens Walter has received honoraria and/or paid consultancy from PrecisionBiotics/Novonesis A/S. NiMe is a trademark of Anissa M. Armet and Jens Walter.
The research described in this article was supported by the Weston Family Microbiome Initiative, PrecisionBiotics Group Ltd., the “Hundred Talents Program” Research Start-up Fund of Zhejiang University, Alberta Innovates Postgraduate Fellowship, Izaak Walton Killam Memorial Scholarship, the Alberta Innovates Graduate Student Scholarship, the Frederick Banting and Charles Best Canada Graduate Scholarship, the Walter H. Johns Graduate Fellowship, the University of Alberta Doctoral Recruitment Scholarship, the Campus Alberta Innovates Program, the Canada Research Chairs Program, the Science Foundation Ireland Centre grant to APC microbiome Ireland (APC/SFI/12/RC/2273_P2) and a Science Foundation Ireland Professorship (19/RP/6853).
I would like to thank the people of Papua New Guinea whose way of life has been an inspriation for the development of the NiMe diet, and the participants of the human trial. I am deeply indepted to all the collaborators and the scientific institutions that have contributed to the research (please see author list and affiliations on publication). I would like to thank Prof. Andrew Greenhill (Federation University, Australia) and Prof William Pomat (Papua New Guinea Institute of Medical Research) for hosting me in Papua New Guina in 2019. I would further like to thank Jessica Stanisich and Tina Darb from the APC Microbiome Ireland for their help with this article.
A group of MPs has delivered a blistering verdict on the state special educational needs in England. In a new report, the public accounts committee call the system “unaffordable” and warn that the Department for Education (DfE) “risks a lost generation of children leaving school without receiving the help they need”.
Special educational needs support is administered by local authorities, and they are struggling to cope.
There has been a 140% increase in the number of children and young people with education, health and care (EHC) plans since 2015. EHC plans are reserved for those with complex needs.
ECH plans are designed to ensure that children get the support they are entitled to to meet their special educational needs. This may include personal budgets, specialist educational provision, transport or support from specialist staff or teaching assistants.
About 1.9 million children and young people have special educational needs and 576,000 have an EHC plan, which local authorities are required to fund. The rise in the number of children with EHC plans means that despite a rise in government funding, the amount given per plan has fallen.
Most local authorities spend more than their allocated funding for pupils with high needs. This has resulted in financial deficits. Some local authorities are at risk of going bankrupt.
Waiting times for special needs assessments to be carried out are lengthy, and in 2023, only half of children received an EHC plan within the 20-week target time. Parents often appeal when a local authority decides not to offer a child an EHC plan, and most of these appeals are upheld.
Understanding demand
The increase in the number of children with special educational needs in England is seen in other countries. One reason for the increase in numbers is that more people are seeking a diagnosis. In some cases, changing diagnostic criteria has also led to an increase in diagnoses.
The Public Accounts Committee report makes several recommendations. These include the need to improve decision-making at local authority level, and understand more about why demand for special educational needs support is increasing. It recommends improving teacher training and continuing professional development, and improving earlier identification of special educational needs.
Improving decision making in local authorities is an important step in the right direction, but lack of funding to meet demand will mean that local authorities will still need to prioritise how resources are allocated. Improving knowledge about the underlying factors that result in special educational needs will enable the government to focus on systemic interventions that target the root causes of special educational needs and disabilities.
Teachers already working in classrooms will benefit from professional development that helps them to meet the specific needs of the pupils that they are teaching. It is also important to acknowledge that teachers have many competing demands on them, as they balance the needs of some children against those of others.
Adding more special educational needs and disabilities content to the teacher training and early career framework is a reasonable response, but this needs to be done with care. Evidence suggests that 35 hours of professional development is a reasonable time to have an effect. One-off professional development events are likely to have less effect.
More professional development and training for teachers may help, if it is done carefully. Matej Kastelic/Shutterstock
New intensive training and practice opportunities in initial teacher training courses have been introduced to help new teachers put theory into practice. Focusing one or more of these on special educational needs seems to be a reasonable suggestion.
The government also intends to introduce an 18-month professional leadership qualification for schools’ special educational needs coordinators. However, this is replacing a previous qualification, which was taught at universities. This suggests a move to a less intellectually rigorous programme of professional development, which undermines the credibility of the new professional leadership qualification.
In 2024 the DfE committed to investing £21 million to train 400 more educational psychologists. This builds on 200 trainees whose training has already been funded. However, given the current demand, this figure is far too small and will probably result in minimal impact.
Building on existing support
There is no specific reference in the Public Affairs Committee report to the existing, and important, role of the Education Mental Health Practitioner (EMHP).
EMHPs are employed by the NHS and provide vital and timely in-school clinical support for children and young people. They carry out assessments of pupils’ needs and work in schools to support pupils’ mental health. They also help schools to develop a whole school approach to mental health.
However, most schools do not have access to an EMHP. The government has stated that in 2023, just over a third of pupils had access to an EMHP and there are plans to increase this to 50% by April 2025. This is not enough.
Extending this service to all pupils would ensure that all pupils can receive rapid mental health support in their school, thus reducing the likelihood of mental health problems becoming more serious.
What is clear from reading this report is that the current system is broken and has reached crisis point. Additional government funding is needed, but is unlikely to ever be enough to meet the demand.
Collaboration between schools, local authorities, government and education experts is vital in finding solutions so that young people get the support they desperately need.
Jonathan Glazzard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amy Hinsley, Senior Research Fellow, Oxford Martin Programme on the Wildlife Trade, University of Oxford
The Italian wall lizard likes to stowaway on olive trees.Qvist2000 / shutterstock
Back in 2016, one of us (Silviu Petrovan) was asked to identify a live frog found in a shipment of roses in Sheffield, England. It certainly wasn’t any species found in Europe: Silviu thought he had been pranked.
But with help from Ecuadorian and Colombian scientists, he was soon able to identify it as a North Andean tree frog. This species is found only in a few areas in the highlands of Colombia including, crucially, a region known for its flower-growing.
This sudden realisation that cut flowers are being shipped from Colombia via Ecuador to Britain, potentially with hitchhiking animals in tow, sparked a collaborative project to investigate the complexities in this increasingly global trade.
Initially, we explored the risks that invasive species will establish themselves. For instance, the recent fashion for old potted olive trees in restaurants, typically imported from farms in Italy and Spain, is a risk because these trees can serve as vehicles for species like the Italian wall lizard.
Sometimes called the Italian ruin lizard (scientists call it Podarcis siculus), the lizard is spreading throughout Europe, with introductions often linked to the ornamental olive tree trade.
Olive trees for sale (lizards included). Pingky_p / shutterstock
But the global trade in cut flowers, pot plants, bulbs and foliage was worth around US$25 billion (£20 billion) in 2022, and it has many other environmental and social risks.
As well as the spread of pests and invasive species, these include wild plants harvested illegally, and a range of effects on people including threats to food security or access to clean water. In our new paper, published in the journal Bioscience, we examined these risks and how we can mitigate them.
We combined a review of published research on risks related to the ornamental plant trade with analysis of data on illegal trade and the prevalence of pests and hitchhiking vertebrates in plant shipments.
That included two databases of customs interceptions of organisms such as insects, slugs and snails in imports into the UK and the Netherlands, and two databases of records of amphibians and reptiles linked to UK and Netherlands imports of ornamental plants.
Despite repeated attempts and contacts, it was impossible to secure official data on contaminant interceptions from other major ornamental plant importer countries. Nonetheless, the available data provided an important snapshot of what might be occurring more widely.
Growing and changing
Our analysis shows that the ornamental plant trade is rapidly changing, doubling in value in recent decades. More and more cut flowers are being imported from tropical areas such as east Africa and South America, where the industry can play an essential economic role. Despite the risks we identify, these industries can and do bring significant benefits to people, and we are not calling for a halt to the trade.
European tree frogs are often imported with flowers. University of Cambridge
However, even with only two years of interception data it is clear that ornamental plant shipments contain considerable volumes of pests and potentially invasive organisms. Furthermore, while a range of species were found, taxonomic identification was not always possible, with around 20% of contaminants not being identified to species level.
In some cases data named a contaminant only as “Coleoptera”, the scientific name for beetles and the largest insect group comprising over 300,000 species, or as “Lepidoptera” (butterflies and moths). These uncertainties make it harder to accurately assess invasive species risks.
The reports of amphibians and reptiles imported into the UK and Netherlands are relatively small in number, dozens annually. But this is most likely a substantial underestimate given that these are not records systematically collected by authorities but rather mainly chance discoveries in airports, shops, depots and private homes, which then get collated because they are re-homed by specialist exotic wildlife centres.
The problem is probably underreported
The numbers of illegal plant seizures were generally small, even though there is likely to be a large illegal trade in plants such as orchids or cacti.
This suggests that this is an underreported aspect of the illegal wildlife trade, due to less awareness and attention paid to plants. It’s hard for the layperson to tell a legal cactus from an endangered one, whereas it’s pretty obvious a rather colourful lizard found on a pot plant in Britain should not be there.
Importantly, we also highlight growing concerns about the allocation of resources, in particular water and land, including the loss of Indigenous grazing land to ornamental plants.
The use of pesticides for this non-essential crop type that has no nutritional value for people or livestock, in countries which might lack sufficient infrastructure to deal with the potential pollution, is also something that requires careful consideration.
Ornamental plants are valuable products in global trade. Their trade is dynamic and shifting, yet while they are undoubtedly important in terms of their economic value, it is essential that the risks to people and the environment are not overlooked.
Amy Hinsley is the co-chair of the IUCN SSC Orchid Specialist Group, an international network of volunteers working on orchid conservation.
Silviu Petrovan is affiliated with People’s Trust for Endangered Species, a wildlife conservation NGO based in London. He is also a trustee at Froglife, a UK based amphibian and reptile conservation trust.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Louise Ashley, Senior Lecturer in Sociology of Work, Queen Mary University of London
Donald Trump’s inauguration was marked by a doubling down against programmes of diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI). Among the executive orders he signed during his first days as US president, two were targeted at DEI. The focus was on federal government but the intention appears to be that this should also extend to other American workplaces. And it comes as Meta and Amazon are also retreating from diversity programmes.
In Trump’s directive, DEI is said to undermine “traditional American values of hard work, excellence, and individual achievement” in favour of an “identity-based spoils system”. But the move dismayed many workers. It doesn’t just seem regressive, but it also appears to make poor business sense – advocates argue that attention to diversity and inclusion can offer higher performance and profits.
Trump appears to believe DEI offers unfair advantages on the basis, for example, of gender or ethnicity. But an alternative view could be that DEI is a necessary response to a situation where certain groups (often men, typically white, and generally from privileged backgrounds) have benefited from unearned advantages to maintain their grip on power.
Here, DEI is a response to the idea that simply belonging to these traditionally advantaged groups can be perceived as “talent”. This comes at the expense of typically marginalised groups, who are subject to discrimination and unconscious bias. From this perspective, hostility to DEI might be seen as a way for the traditionally privileged groups to remain dominant.
Both sides are apparently in favour of merit as the ultimate goal, although they have different views on what this means and how it is achieved. This suggests a paradox.
But is there any reason to worry about the widespread use of DEI? Based on my research with firms in the City of London, I think the answer is yes (though for very different reasons than the president suggests).
This raises the question of what (or whose) purpose corporate commitments to DEI actually serve. Common sense would suggest that a primary function is to ensure people can access positions that would previously have been closed off to them.
Yet it is also worth remembering that where, for example, more women become corporate lawyers or senior financiers, this has no bearing on wider inequalities in society. In fact, in a further paradox, my research has found that some of the organisations most likely to express their commitment to DEI are also implicated in generating these inequalities.
I researched diversity and inclusion practices in elite financial and professional service firms. These firms have played a key role in orchestrating a form of “rentier capitalism”, where small elites control the means of generating wealth. This system has much wider detrimental effects, as where wealth is increasingly concentrated towards the top, one consequence is stagnating incomes for the middle and working classes. This in turn drives insecurity and widens the wealth gap.
Legitimising a broken system
This, of course, is not the fault of people working in these firms. But overall this system desperately needs legitimacy. This is more difficult when senior jobs at the centre of this model of “financialised capitalism” are mostly taken by those from historically privileged groups. Put simply, it makes them look bad.
One way they can ensure legitimacy is to shout about their commitment to DEI. This can help suggest that the system is merit-based, as access to these “top jobs” seems fairly distributed while rewards appear justly deserved. Most recently, these impressions have been generated by a vocal commitment among these organisations to promoting “social mobility”.
Opening access to a wider demographic, while good for the organisation and individual staff, has no impact on underlying inequalities. Yet in practice, these measures lack some efficacy. In fact, by offering an impression of change in terms of who occupies the top jobs, DEI can help legitimise and sustain an unequal status quo.
This matters for everyone because the ramifications can spread beyond the workplace. As wealth trickles up and populations grow frustrated that systems are not becoming fairer, the messages of the populist right can hold more appeal.
Trump’s objection to DEI is very different. For him, DEI is a convenient tool in the culture wars.
Yet this leads to the current situation, where conservatives like Trump loudly reject what might be considered a conservative agenda (in that the old economic order remains unchanged). It can all start to feel like a disorientating hall of mirrors.
I am not suggesting, as Trump is, that governments and employers should abandon DEI. This would certainly represent a backward move. But while measures to improve inclusivity in organisations remain important and worthwhile, this should not be seen as a substitute for much wider structural change.
Perhaps the most urgent challenge for government is tackling wealth inequality as a source of legitimate grievance. This more radical change in direction might even make reactionary and potentially harmful policies – like Trump’s take on DEI – less alluring to voters.
Louise Ashley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Donald Trump’s mass deportation plan hit a brief stumbling block on January 26 when Colombia’s president, Gustavo Petro, refused to allow two US flights carrying deported Colombian migrants to land. Petro’s complaint was that the US government was treating the migrants like criminals by repatriating them in military planes.
Around the same time, the US had also deported dozens of Brazilian migrants. These people arrived in the Amazonian city of Manaus handcuffed, with the Brazilian government expressing outrage over their “degrading treatment”. One of the migrants claimed they were not given any water during the six-hour flight nor were they allowed to use the bathroom.
Petro’s pushback enraged Trump. In a post on his Truth Social media site, Trump wrote: “We will not allow the Colombian government to violate its legal obligations with regard to the acceptance and return of the criminals they forced into the US”. He then threatened Colombia with 25% tariffs and said his government would impose a travel ban on Colombian government officials.
Petro responded by launching a scathing social media attack on Trump. He initially vowed retaliatory tariffs on US goods and also insisted he would not accept migrants who were not treated with “dignity and respect”. But, within a few hours, Petro had backed down.
According to a White House statement released late that evening, Colombia had agreed to all of Trump’s terms. This included the “unrestricted acceptance of all illegal aliens from Colombia returned from the US, including on US military aircraft, without limitation or delay”.
The White House hailed the agreement with Colombia as a victory for Trump’s hardline immigration strategy. In her statement, press secretary Karoline Leavitt wrote: “Today’s events make clear to the world that America is respected again.” But Trump’s punishing tariff threats and foul rhetoric toward illegal immigrants may only damage the power and position of the US in the region.
Setting a bad precedent
As Petro’s row with Trump unfolded, Colombia’s former president Iván Duque accused his successor of engaging in “an act of tremendous irresponsibility”. He stressed that Colombia has a “moral duty” to take back the illegal migrants sent by the US, and highlighted the “enormous” toll sanctions and tariffs would have on the economy.
However, in an interconnected international economic system, Trump’s unilateral threat of tariffs and sanctions can be a double-edged sword.
Colombia is a relatively minor trading partner to the US. But if Petro’s government had refused to comply with Trump’s demands, it still would have meant higher prices for coffee, avocado and several other commodities. In 2022, the US imported US$24.8 billion (£20 billion) worth of goods from Colombia – nearly US$2 billion of which was coffee.
Trump’s willingness to wage a trade war with countries in Latin America may also encourage other economies in the region to speed up their search for alternative trade partners. This could lead to more trade deals between Latin American nations themselves.
In May 2023, under the leadership of Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, 12 South American nations gathered in Brazil’s capital, Brasília, to express their interest in reviving the Union of South American Nations with the explicit aim of bolstering regional trade and cooperation.
The union effectively broke down in 2019 after major nations like Argentina, Brazil, Colombia and Peru withdrew their membership amid concerns about Venezuela’s leadership. But the “Latin America is stronger together” slogan often quoted by political leaders in the region may now actually materialise, thanks to Trump.
Latin American nations are looking further afield, too. The EU established a trade deal with Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia in December 2024, bringing 25 years of on-off negotiations to a close. Trump’s tariff threats could encourage other economies in the region to explore becoming a part of that agreement, potentially at the expense of the US.
And it’s possible that more Latin American countries may eventually seek membership of the Brics bloc of emerging economies, which has repeatedly drawn Trump’s ire for eating into US power and influence. Bolivia and Cuba, alongside seven other countries, were announced as partner states to Brics in late 2024, and more could follow. While not officially part of the bloc, these partner states will get support from its members.
Worse still, Trump’s threats could inadvertently push Latin American nations into the arms of China. During Trump’s first term, his administration coined the term “troika of tyranny” to describe Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela. These countries are all led by dictators.
Since then, Beijing has actively pursued a policy of closer cooperation with these countries by making them “strategic competitors” against the US in the region. A 2024 report by researchers at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, an American thinktank, even found evidence of suspected Chinese spy facilities in Cuba.
Trump’s uncharitable rhetoric and less-than-civilised treatment of illegal immigrants are, at the very least, likely to fuel more anti-American sentiment in the region. This resentment towards the US may well manifest in building bridges with governments and ideologies that are inimical to US interests.
Amalendu Misra is a recipient of British Academy and Nuffield Foundation grants.
If you have recently been to a restaurant or cafe, you may have noticed calorie information displayed on the menu for each item. This is one example of so called “out-of-home” nutritional labels, referring to any food and drink bought outside the home which is not already prepackaged. Several countries have introduced these types of menu labels to reduce obesity levels.
Spotting menu labels can lead to different reactions in different people. Some may not pay much attention, others may use the information to make a choice about their order.
While there is recent evidence that such labels lead to small reductions in calories selected, concerns have been raised about the effect these labels have on people with eating disorders. We have recently reviewed all the available studies on how menu labels affect people with eating disorders and found evidence of mainly negative impacts.
Eating disorders are serious psychiatric conditions. Common symptoms include restricting food intake and being preoccupied with thoughts about weight. It is these symptoms that people are concerned about when thinking about menu labels.
In our review of the existing evidence, we found that people with eating disorders said they felt as if they were being ordered to cut down on what they eat and that the labels reinforced their beliefs about overeating. People with eating disorder symptoms said they were more likely to notice menu labels and change their behaviour based on seeing menu labels compared to people without these symptoms.
People with eating disorders also said that their eyes are drawn to calorie information on menus. And this is supported by evidence from eye-tracking research.
But food choices are not the only aspect of eating out. For many, going to a restaurant or cafe is a social experience. Something fun to do with friends or family. A way to celebrate a special occasion.
But for people with eating disorders eating out can be difficult and distressing. Menu labels can complicate this further. Our review found that for some, menu labels trigger their eating disorder thoughts and lead to distress, although for others these labels can be freeing and reassuring.
A common concern with anti-obesity policies such as menu labels is the focus on weight or calorie intake as a single indicator of health. Physical health is far more complex than can be measured by a single indicator.
This simplification may make for easier messaging, but exposure to anti-obesity messaging focused on weight can amplify harmful stereotypes equating thinness with health. Such beliefs are not only risk factors for eating disorders, but also perpetuate the stigma surrounding weight.
Obesity rates are rising globally. Governments and public health officials are continuously looking for solutions to this trend. However, it is important for these solutions to consider potential harms to people with eating disorders.
Menu labels represent a policy that involves giving people information and putting the onus onto them to change their behaviour. But this type of strategy can come with negative side-effects. For one person, encouraging them to eat fewer calories may be helpful, but for another it may be harmful.
Other policies, such as advertising bans, that change behaviour by changing our environment might not have this problem. A recent study showed a marked difference in how people with eating disorders perceive these policies compared to menu labels.
While over a quarter said that menu labels would make their symptoms much worse, only around 2% said the same thing about policies like advertising bans on unhealthy foods or banning “buy one get one free” deals for unhealthy food and drinks.
Much of the discussion around this topic has focused broadly on “people with eating disorders”. But people with eating disorders are a diverse group.
Some people may have symptoms primarily focused on restricting food, whilst others may have symptoms relating to binge eating. And these symptoms can be affected differently by menu labels. Most of the research to date has focused on those with restrictive symptoms, who primarily report negative effects.
Our review found that very little research has included people with binge eating, and few of those studies included men with eating disorders. The most notable gap, however, was that no studies have yet been conducted with young people below the age of 18.
Therefore, while we know that menu labels can cause harm to people with eating disorders, much more research is needed across the full spectrum of age, gender and types of eating disorders.
Effective public health policies are vital in addressing society’s big challenges, like obesity. But effective policies need to balance benefits with harms.
Tom Jewell receives funding from the NIHR Policy Research Programme, NIHR205226. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the NIHR or the Department of Health and Social Care.
Nora Trompeter receives funding from the NIHR Policy Research Programme, NIHR205226. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the NIHR or the Department of Health and Social Care.
The body responsible for investigating miscarriages of justice in England, Wales and Northern Ireland has been plunged into crisis. The chair of the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC), Helen Pitcher, resigned this month following relentless criticism about the way the commission had handled recent cases.
Most notably, the commission was criticised over the case of Andrew Malkinson, who was wrongly convicted for rape and spent 17 years in prison. The CCRC twice rejected Malkinson’s submissions that he was innocent, and he was only cleared thanks to work by his own lawyers to track down DNA evidence that proved his innocence.
Pitcher said that she had been made a scapegoat for the failings on the Malkinson case: “A head had to roll and I was chosen for that role,” she said. Pitcher was not in her post as chair when the CCRC rejected Malkinson’s first appeal. She rejected the findings of an independent panel that concluded her decisions, including not apologising promptly to Malkinson, had eroded confidence in the CCRC.
“I don’t know who or why anyone would want to take on the role, because you will be held accountable for previous miscarriages of justice,” Pitcher told the Times. “You will be expected to have known what was going on then. It’s just not possible.”
Malkinson described the commission as “infected with a culture of denial”. And along with other critics, such as legal professionals, academics and campaigners, he believes the CCRC is no longer fit for purpose and should be dissolved.
What is the CCRC?
Once a prisoner, who claims to be innocent, has exhausted all legal avenues they have no choice but to look beyond the court system for redress.
For most of the 20th century, the last chance saloon was located in the heart of government, in the Home Office. The home secretary had the power to send a case to the Court of Appeal “if he saw fit”.
This arrangement was doomed from the start. It made referrals political affairs – particularly in the context of the Irish terrorism cases of the 1980s and 90s. It also put the home secretary in the firing line as investigative journalists uncovered miscarriages of justice.
The relentless pressure for reform eventually came to a head in 1991, with the release of the Birmingham Six – six Irishmen who had been wrongly convicted of planting bombs in two Birmingham pubs in 1974 that killed 21 people and injured 182. Amid chaotic scenes outside the Old Bailey, Paddy Hill (who died last month), grabbed a microphone and unleashed a savage attack on the institutions that had taken his freedom:
For 16 and a half years we have been used as political scapegoats. The police told us from the start they knew we hadn’t done it. They told us they didn’t care who had done it. They told us that we were selected and they were going to frame us. Justice? I don’t think the people in there [the judiciary] have got the intelligence nor the honestly to spell the word, never mind dispense it. They’re rotten.
The growing crisis threatened the legitimacy of the entire criminal justice system and the government had no option but to act. A royal commission was set up, and from it sprung a new body – the CCRC.
When it began work in 1997, the CCRC was the world’s first statutory, publicly-funded body responsible for investigating miscarriages of justice. The powers at its disposal were impressive.
If a prisoner applied to the CCRC, claiming they were innocent, the commission could use these powers as part of a fresh investigation into the conviction. It could get information from the police and prosecutors, re-interview witnesses or find new ones, and order new DNA testing. If it found new evidence it could then refer a case back to the Court of Appeal.
It has had some successes. The commission was widely praised for the investigation into the Sam Hallam case, where it uncovered fresh evidence that proved the young Londoner could not have committed the murder he was jailed for.
But while demand for its services is soaring, these successes have become rarer.
Last year the CCRC received a record-breaking 1,629 applications from people claiming they were innocent, and referred 25 to the Court of Appeal. Critics, describe it as chronically underfunded, reluctant to exercise its powers and subservient to the Court of Appeal.
Prisoners and their lawyers say they are exasperated at the length of time the CCRC takes to look into their cases. But the real frustration is with the quality of the investigations themselves.
Critics point to cases such as Victor Nealon, who spent an additional 10 years in prison because the CCRC refused to carry out DNA tests that would have proved his innocence. He applied to the CCRC twice but was rejected both times.
The then chair of the CCRC, Richard Foster, told Nealon: “We are doing what we can to prevent anything similar happening in the future”. But as the Malkinson case shows, the CCRC hasn’t really learned its lesson.
A crisis of legitimacy
The body that was created to solve a crisis in public confidence is now facing its own crisis of legitimacy. The CCRC needs new leadership – and not another career bureaucrat. The new chair, who is appointed by the king, must be someone who will oversee a culture of change in the organisation – dispelling the insipid timidity and transforming the CCRC into an organisation that pursues justice without fear or favour.
It must also be funded properly. The commission is now entirely incapable of properly investigating the huge number of cases it receives. The money involved is relatively small, but the impact on the wrongfully convicted and their families is immeasurable. A parliamentary inquiry found that the CCRC had suffered bigger cuts that any other part of the criminal justice system since 2010.
And finally, a key structural flaw must be fixed. The “real possibility test” means that the CCRC will only refer a case if there is a real possibility that the Court of Appeal will quash the conviction.
But because the Court of Appeal will only overturn convictions it believes to be “unsafe”, the CCRC only concerns itself with safety or unsafety rather than guilt or innocence. From the perspective of the Court of Appeal, a conviction is safe if all the legal procedures (the arrest adhered to the guidelines, there were the correct number of jurors at the trial) have been followed. It has nothing to do with the factual guilt of the defendant.
This test must be scrapped. We cannot have a miscarriage of justice watchdog that cares more about procedure than innocence.
Brian Thornton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Anonymous surveys protect participants from becoming targets of anti-2SLGBTQIA+ hate. However, researchers need to be careful about the potential for bad actors to spoil survey data. (Shutterstock)
Unfortunately, researchers who aim to explore emerging issues impacting 2SLGBTQIA+ communities and develop interventions to support them are facing a new problem: what if our research participants aren’t actually real?
Anonymous online surveys are a great way for marginalized groups, including 2SLGBTQIA+ communities, to contribute to research without significant time commitments. Anonymous surveys also protect participants from becoming targets of anti-2SLGBTQIA+ hate. However, researchers need to be careful about the potential of disingenuous participants to spoil survey data.
As artificial intelligence (AI) becomes more advanced, this problem is magnified. And while AI detectors exist, they are not always accurate and cannot confront the issue of human respondents who are simply lying in their survey responses.
This shared concern about participant authenticity and the potential infiltration of dishonest respondents — whether AI or not — has led us to identify issues that could have a negative impact on online research.
Anonymous online surveys are a great way for marginalized groups, including 2SLGBTQIA+ communities, to contribute to research; however, ineligible participants and AI bots can undermine their accuracy. (Shutterstock)
The challanges we encountered
Location:
Our most recent survey focused on Two Spirit, trans and non-binary professionals working at 2SLGBTQIA+ organizations in Canada. The narrow participant criteria made it easy to check IP addresses and spot ones that did not qualify. We could also identify and block IP addresses that submitted multiple responses.
When reviewing the data, we found that many of the suspicious responses were linked to one IP address located in China. We also received a high volume of responses claiming to come from Prince Edward Island. This was suspect, not only because of contradictory IP addresses, but because the number of responses seemed disproportionately high for the population of the smallest Canadian province.
Time:
Our survey received 1,491 responses within three days, which was suspicious given the narrow eligibility criteria. Many responses were completed too quickly for a survey that included written responses. We also noticed that there were waves of responses, and those respondents completed the survey in roughly the same amount of time.
Incentives:
It is hard to know exactly why people complete surveys for which they are ineligible. Some people may may do it for the compensation on offer. Others many want to spoil the data. We noticed that false responses increased when some form of compensation was offered, whether it was cash or gift cards.
Email addresses:
Another pattern we noticed was the use of generic Outlook or Yahoo email addresses, which followed the formula of first name-last name-numbers. While many people might use this same format, this is also an easy and quick way to create email addresses en masse.
Contradictions:
When looking at the data, we found that many responses did not make sense for our target demographic group. There were a lot of “prefer not to answer” responses to prompts about pronouns, gender identity and sexual orientation.
Many respondents also selected “yes” when asked if they were First Nations, Inuit or Métis, but then wrote “white” when asked about their race or ethnicity. Identities can be complex, and what appears to be a contradiction may in fact be an intersection that is poorly represented through demographic questionnaires. Flagging potentially fake responses based on how we assume respondents will identify themselves is a bad idea for research about 2SLGBTQIA+ people who inhabit non-normative gender and sexual identities.
Some of these responses were also flagged because of other issues, including IP address and completion rate. However, there were others that were less suspicious, leaving us unsure about their validity.
These responses may have been created by AI bots or by people using AI to generate responses and manually enter them. It could have been someone actively trying to misrepresent themselves or someone who earnestly wants to contribute but does not feel confident in their English-language skills or writing ability. For this reason, it is important to consider multiple factors when reviewing survey responses to determine whether data is usable.
AI presents new opportunities and challenges for online research. (Shutterstock)
Moving forward
Technology like AI chatbots presents new opportunities and new challenges for online research that require specific interventions. The concerns we’ve outlined are potential red flags that can help alert researchers to suspicious data.
Some solutions we found for these issues include IP tracking, requiring a password to access the survey, asking the same question twice to verify that the responses match, and having “attention check” or “trap” questions where respondents are asked to select a specific response.
Researchers can also flag “speeder” respondents who take less than one-third of the median response time, and average respondents who select the same responses across the survey, like always choosing the first option. Some researchers may already be aware of these and other solutions, and we encourage anyone doing online research to be prepared to address dishonest participants and protect the integrity of their data.
Research in this area is vital. We encourage other researchers to share their experiences and solutions to these problems to raise awareness.
Christopher Dietzel receives funding from Le Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et culture (FRQSC) and is the community research advisor of the Ontario Digital Literacy and Access Network (ODLAN).
Evan Vipond is a research officer at the Ontario Digital Literacy and Access Network (ODLAN).
Hannah Maitland is the co-founder and administrative coordinator of the Ontario Digital Literacy and Access Network (ODLAN).
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Hamish van der Ven, Assistant Professor of Sustainable Business Management of Natural Resources, University of British Columbia
The growing use of artificial intelligence has led to larger and more powerful data centres, with increased demands on the environment.(Shutterstock)
Artificial intelligence technologies, like chatbots, are attracting growing scrutiny for their voracious energy demands. However, energy consumption is only one part of their broader environmental impact.
Late last year, ChatGPT, the popular AI chatbot run by OpenAI, celebrated its second birthday. In its brief existence, the platform has amassed over 300 million weekly users who send roughly one billion messages to the chatbot per day.
Elsewhere in tech, other companies marked less savoury milestones. Alphabet — the parent company of Google — recently announced that its GHG emissions are up 48 per cent since 2019. At roughly the same time, Microsoft announced that its emissions are up 29 per cent since 2020.
Both companies cite emissions associated with the need for more data centres to support AI workloads as a key factor in surging GHG emissions. AI is notoriously thirsty for energy — according to one researcher, one query to ChatGPT uses approximately as much electricity as one light bulb for 20 minutes.
The burgeoning AI industry needs so much electricity that plans to decommission several coal plants have been delayed. By some estimates, the collective demand of AI and other digital technologies will constitute 20 per cent of global electricity use by 2030.
Insidious effects
The energy use of AI is important, but it does not tell the whole story of AI’s environmental impacts. The social and political mediums through which AI affects the planet are far more insidious and, arguably, more consequential for the future of humanity.
In the Business, Sustainability and Technology Lab at the University of British Columbia, we specialize in evaluating the social and political ways in which digital technologies affect the environment.
In our recently published paper, “Does artificial intelligence bias perceptions of environmental challenges?,” my students and I argue that AI changes how humans perceive environmental challenges in ways that obscure the accountability of powerful entities, ignore marginalized communities and promote cautious and incremental solutions that are drastically out of sync with the timeline required to avert environmental crises.
We asked four chatbots the same series of questions about the issues, causes, consequences and solutions to nine environmental challenges. We found evidence of systematic biases in their responses. Most notably, chatbots avoid mentioning radical solutions to environmental challenges. They are far more likely to propose combinations of soft economic, social or political changes, like greater deployment of sustainable technologies and broader public awareness and education.
Chatbots by OpenAI and Anthropic exhibited a reluctance to discuss the broader social, cultural and economic issues that are entangled in environmental challenges. For example, the term “environmental justice” is absent from nearly all chatbot responses. Chatbots also avoided references to dismantling colonialism or rethinking infinite economic growth as solutions to these challenges.
Chatbots may be programmed to avoid raising the broader social, cultural and economic issues that are entangled in environmental challenges. (Shutterstock)
AI bias
Biases also exist in who chatbots see as responsible or vulnerable to environmental challenges. The chatbots we studied were far more likely to blame governments for environmental challenges than businesses or financial organizations. Similarly, while the vulnerability of Indigenous groups to climate change and biodiversity loss was mentioned frequently, the susceptibility of Black people and women to these same challenges received scant attention.
All of this is particularly worrisome given the increasingly widespread use of AI chatbots by educators, students, policymakers and business leaders to understand and respond to environmental challenges. Chatbots present information in an oracular way, usually as a single text box written in an authoritative manner and understood as a synthesis of all digitalized knowledge.
If AI users treat this text uncritically, they risk arriving at conclusions that propagate biased conceptions of environmental challenges and reinforce ineffective efforts to avert ecological crises.
In the near future, the problem of bias in AI looks to get even worse, as OpenAI and other AI companies consider incorporating advertising to generate the revenue needed to train newer and more complex large language models.
While it remains unclear what advertising will look like when integrated into ChatGPT, it is not difficult to see a world in which a description of climate change and its attendant solutions will be brought to you by the good folks at ExxonMobil or Shell.
Hamish van der Ven receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
This photo of asteroid Bennu is composed of 12 Polycam images collected on Dec. 2, 2024, by the OSIRIS-REx spacecraft.NASA
A bright fireball streaked across the sky above mountains, glaciers and spruce forest near the town of Revelstoke in British Columbia, Canada, on the evening of March 31, 1965. Fragments of this meteorite, discovered by beaver trappers, fell over a lake. A layer of ice saved them from the depths and allowed scientists a peek into the birth of the solar system.
Nearly 60 years later, NASA’s OSIRIS-REx mission returned from space with a sample of an asteroid named Bennu, similar to the one that rained rocks over Revelstoke. Our research team has published a chemical analysis of those samples, providing insight into how some of the ingredients for life may have first arrived on Earth.
Born in the years bracketing the Revelstoke meteorite’s fall, the two of us have spent our careers in the meteorite collections of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C., and the Natural History Museum in London. We’ve dreamed of studying samples from a Revelstoke-like asteroid collected by a spacecraft.
Then, nearly two decades ago, we began turning those dreams into reality. We joined NASA’s OSIRIS-REx mission team, which aimed to send a spacecraft to collect and return an asteroid sample to Earth. After those samples arrived on Sept. 24, 2023, we got to dive into a tale of rock, ice and water that hints at how life could have formed on Earth.
To learn about an asteroid – a rocky or metallic object in orbit around the Sun – we started with a study of meteorites.
Asteroids like Bennu are rocky or metallic objects in orbit around the Sun. Meteorites are the pieces of asteroids and other natural extraterrestrial objects that survive the fiery plunge to the Earth’s surface.
We really wanted to study an asteroid similar to a set of meteorites called chondrites, whose components formed in a cloud of gas and dust at the dawn of the solar system billions of years ago.
The Revelstoke meteorite is in a group called CI chondrites. Laboratory-measured compositions of CI chondrites are essentially identical, minus hydrogen and helium, to the composition of elements carried by convection from the interior of the Sun and measured in the outermost layer of the Sun. Since their components formed billions of years ago, they’re like chemically unchanged time capsules for the early solar system.
So, geologists use the chemical compositions of CI chondrites as the ultimate reference standard for geochemistry. They can compare the compositions of everything from other chondrites to Earth rocks. Any differences from the CI chondrite composition would have happened through the same processes that formed asteroids and planets.
CI chondrites are rich in clay and formed when ice melted in an ancient asteroid, altering the rock. They are also rich in prebiotic organic molecules. Some of these types of molecules are the building blocks for life.
This combination of rock, water and organics is one reason OSIRIS-REx chose to sample the organic-rich asteroid Bennu, where water and organic compounds essential to the origin of life could be found.
Evaporites − the legacy of an ancient brine
Ever since the Bennu samples returned to Earth on Sept. 24, 2023, we and our colleagues on four continents have spent hundreds of hours studying them.
The instruments on the OSIRIS-REx spacecraft made observations of reflected light that revealed the most abundant minerals and organics when it was near asteroid Bennu. Our analyses in the laboratory found that the compositions of these samples lined up with those observations.
The samples are mostly water-rich clay, with sulfide, carbonate and iron oxide minerals. These are the same minerals found in CI chondrites like Revelstoke. The discovery of rare minerals within the Bennu samples, however, surprised both of us. Despite our decades of experience studying meteorites, we have never seen many of these minerals.
We found minerals dominated by sodium, including carbonates, sulfates, chlorides and fluorides, as well as potassium chloride and magnesium phosphate. These minerals don’t form just when water and rock react. They form when water evaporates.
Bennu’s rocks formed 4.5 billion years ago on a larger parent asteroid. That asteroid was wet and muddy. Under the surface, pockets of water perhaps only a few feet across were evaporating, leaving the evaporite minerals we found in the sample. That same evaporation process also formed the ancient lake beds we’ve seen these minerals in on Earth.
Bennu’s parent asteroid likely broke apart 1 to 2 billion years ago, and some of the fragments came together to form the rubble pile we know as Bennu.
These minerals are also found on icy bodies in the outer solar system. Bright deposits on the dwarf planet Ceres, the largest body in the asteroid belt, contain sodium carbonate. The Cassini mission measured the same mineral in plumes on Saturn’s moon Enceladus.
We also learned that these minerals, formed when water evaporates, disappear when exposed to water once again – even with the tiny amount of water found in air. After studying some of the Bennu samples and their minerals, researchers stored the samples in air. That’s what we do with meteorites.
Unfortunately, we lost these minerals as moisture in the air on Earth caused them to dissolve. But that explains why we can’t find these minerals in meteorites that have been on Earth for decades to centuries.
Until scientists were able to conduct a controlled sample return with a spacecraft and carefully curate and store the samples in nitrogen, we had never seen this set of minerals in a meteorite.
An unexpected discovery
Before returning the samples, the OSIRIS-REx spacecraft spent over two years making observations around Bennu. From that two years of work, researchers learned that the surface of the asteroid is covered in rocky boulders.
We could see that the asteroid is rich in carbon and water-bearing clays, and we saw veins of white carbonate a few feet long deposited by ancient liquid water. But what we couldn’t see from these observations were the rarer minerals.
We used an array of techniques to go through the returned sample one tiny grain at a time. These included CT scanning, electron microscopy and X-ray diffraction, each of which allowed us to look at the rock at a scale not possible on the asteroid.
Cooking up the ingredients for life
From the salts we identified, we could infer the composition of the briny water from which they formed and see how it changed over time, becoming more sodium-rich.
This briny water would have been an ideal place for new chemical reactions to take place and for organic molecules to form.
While our team characterized salts, our organic chemist colleagues were busy identifying the carbon-based molecules present in Bennu. They found unexpectedly high levels of ammonia, an essential building block of the amino acids that form proteins in living matter. They also found all five of the nucleobases that make up part of DNA and RNA.
Based on these results, we’d venture to guess that these briny pods of fluid would have been the perfect environments for increasingly complicated organic molecules to form, such as the kinds that make up life on Earth.
When asteroids like Bennu hit the young Earth, they could have provided a complete package of complex molecules and the ingredients essential to life, such as water, phosphate and ammonia. Together, these components could have seeded Earth’s initially barren landscape to produce a habitable world.
Without this early bombardment, perhaps when the pieces of the Revelstoke meteorite landed several billion years later, these fragments from outer space would not have arrived into a landscape punctuated with glaciers and trees.
Timothy J McCoy receives funding from NASA.
Sara Russell receives funding from the UK Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC).
In 1764, Horace Walpole published the first gothic novel, The Castle of Otranto, set in a labyrinthine castle surrounded by woods. The novel features the supernatural, with a dark secret from the past at its core. Today, 260 years later, gothic is still with us in the form of “contemporary gothic”plays, fiction, films, music and computer games.
Central to the popularity of gothic is the way it affects its audiences. It is supposed to unsettle, to make the flesh creep and provoke feelings of claustrophobia. Soundtracks for gothic films are integral to creating such effects, building suspense and unease while amplifying the visceral impact of sudden jump scares.
Alejandro Amenábar’s soundtrack for The Others (2001), for example, weirds its listeners out. The hollow but reverberant timbre of brushed piano strings evokes the spaces of the house, conjuring up the old-fashioned alienness of the place. Action, set and music sympathetically resonate.
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The soundtrack for The Substance (2024) shrieks with the strings and sudden dissonances of The Nightmare and Dawn (taken from Bernard Herrmann’s score for Hitchcock’s 1958 masterpiece, Vertigo). Then, it deepens the sense of disquiet with the sinister incantations and medieval-sounding harmonies of Swedish composer Anna von Hausswolff‘s Ugly and Vengeful.
Both soundtracks impressively succeed in doing what we expect gothic music to do: provoke unease, create suspense and drive home the horror elements.
But has the music of the gothic always been called upon to unsettle and scare? Has it always sounded so, well, gothic? These are questions I explore in my new book The Music of the Gothic 1789–1820.
Over the last few years, I’ve been rummaging through archives in London, Oxford and Dublin searching for settings of songs from novels and music associated with gothic plays such as The Mysteries of the Castle (1795). I uncovered many treasures, some of which probably haven’t been performed for a couple of centuries.
Thanks to a grant from the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust, I was able to bring some of this music to audiences once more with the help of a group of wonderful musicians, headed by Seb Gillot, who performed the tracks you can hear in this article. You can see them performing live below.
The gothic novels and plays of the 1790s were populated by sweet-singing heroines and heroes. Among the music I encountered was a song by the composer and singer Harriet Abrams (c. 1758-1821), in which a woman imprisoned in a madhouse sweetly pleads with her cold-hearted jailer.
I also found music for gothic plays by the Northumbrian William Shield (1748-1829) and the Irish tenor Michael Kelly (1762-1826), who wrote songs about jolly mariners , comic poachers_ and young peasant girls on their way back from market.
None of this material sounded remotely what we would now describe as gothic. Even the music accompanying the entrance of a blood-covered ghost in The Castle Spectre (1798) was warm and stately – and singularly unterrifying.
I realised that none of the music from the 1790s – a period when gothic was phenomenally popular – was intended to scare. On the contrary, it was called upon to provide relief from the scare. In late 18th-century gothic plays such as The Italian Monk (1797), music was associated with romance, comedy and sublime religious experience, but not horror or terror.
At what point then did the kind of gothic music we know today come into being? The evidence can be found in books such as Remick Folio of Moving Picture Music (1914) which contains music for silent film accompanists. With names like Mysterioso, or Forboding and Wind Storm, or Hurry, they were evidently designed for scenes of suspense and mystery.
Such music is indebted to the music of Victorian melodrama, but what I wanted to know was when melodrama acquired its distinctive gothic sounds.
Digging into the past of gothic
Very often in research you discover that things happen gradually. There is trial and experiment, a series of influences, a slow accumulation of examples, and then a tipping point. But when it comes to gothic music, that is not the case. There is a definite date when a specific kind of music erupted onto the entertainment scene. The date was 1802, and the occasion a new dramatic production – a “melo-drame” or musical drama called A Tale of Mystery with music by Thomas Busby.
Busby’s music was conceptualised very differently to the music of the 1790s. For a start it was intended to add to, not to provide relief from, the gothic elements of the play.
Most crucially, it was not part of the imagined world of the drama. The fictional characters did not sing it – they did not even “hear” it: Busby’s music was directed at the audience. Instrumental music calculated to disturb, it was chaotic and unnerving, with lots of fast, disjointed short phrases, disturbing chords and cliffhanger endings.
Instantly recognised as new and revolutionary, it caused a sensation. After audiences had a taste of the new gothic in A Tale of Mystery, music on the page and on the stage soon became something darker and more troubling.
The older kind of music didn’t disappear overnight, of course, but melodrama took hold and the music of gothic was transformed. Not just on stage but also on the page. Gothic music was no longer uplifting but sinister.
As seen in The Woman in Black (2012), there’s nothing like a music box in a deserted house to terrify audiences. And who doesn’t thrill to the sound of the diabolically thundering organ in Andrew Lloyd Webber’s Phantom of the Opera?
Emma McEvoy received a research grant from the British Academy and Leverhulme Trust for the project “The Music of Gothic Literature and Theatre 1790-1820”.
South African poetry, rich with history, has long been an underappreciated cornerstone of the country’s cultural landscape. But a new free-to-access digital archive is helping change that.
Focused on the poets published by a small but important press in a town called Makhanda in the Eastern Cape province, the Deep South Books and Archive initiative seeks to elevate their voices by offering an archive of background information about their work and lives as well as extensive excerpts from their books. It’s a rare window into a vital but overlooked tradition of South African literature.
Robert Berold, after spending a decade as editor for New Coin journal, set up Deep South in 1995. For decades he has had a quiet influence on the South African poetry scene. His impulse to publish emerged from a place of need and outrage that some of the talented young black poets he was publishing in New Coin couldn’t get their books published in the new, democratic South Africa.
Many of these poets had been using their words to fight for freedom, while a new generation of young poets was emerging with democracy. Ever since, Deep South has been an important arena where South African poets and their poems could speak to one another.
My work on African literary production shows the importance of small presses in creating local literary ecologies.
To publish what was considered to be innovative and risk-taking South African poetry, regardless of market limitations.
His many endeavours as a publisher, editor and teacher have been linked by the effort to rescue from oblivion, to supply context, to indicate points of continuity while insisting on the diversity of the South African experience.
After 30 years of publishing, Berold is now sharing a vast catalogue and archive that would otherwise remain unknown. Even though the African Poetry Digital Portal, hosted by the University of Nebraska in the US, was created as a resource for the study of the history of African poetry from antiquity to the present, it does not give direct reference to particular communities.
In bringing this archive to the internet, Berold is revealing the process and method of how contemporary South African poetry has been shaped into being.
Behind the poems
Much of the archive material is what Berold accumulated in dealing with the poets – correspondence, manuscripts, reviews. This is also physically deposited at the Amazwi South African Museum of Literature. He explains:
I got into correspondence with everyone who sent in poems, trying to give helpful criticism, recommending poets for them to read. There was a certain inappropriateness about this at times, and some arrogance too on my part, but mostly people appreciated the feedback.
The “difficult miracle of Black poetry”, as US poet June Jordan once remarked, is that it persists, published or not, loved or unloved. In racially segregated South Africa during apartheid, publishing spaces were few and far between.
Black poets were often censored, banned or exiled as their work confronted the injustices of a racist system. This digital archive recasts the story of South African poetry as insurgent, independent and driven to define a distinct aesthetic.
Deep South has, furthermore, made a particular impression by fostering a unique aesthetic in South African poetry through its investments in typography and design. As a small, independent press situated away from culture capitals – Cape Town, Durban and Johannesburg – it has had the freedom to experiment.
Deep South Books and Archive is therefore a significant tribute to the persistence of South African poetry, despite many historical and structural inequalities. It is a catalogue and a digital archive that provides a unique entry point into modern South African poetry.
Clicking through the carousel of finely designed book covers leads one to excerpts, book reviews, interviews available as PDF files, as well as links to other multimedia resources.
Rampolokeng’s work may be iconoclastic, experimental, unclassifiable but he found a home with this press. He has publishedseveral of his groundbreaking collections with them. Defying category, they bend and shift, and culminate into a remarkable linguistic virtuoso. His interviews are an extension of his art, reflexive, autobiographical, and works in themselves.
Unrecognised poets
Then there are poets like Motadinyane and Zhuwao who died far too early, leaving behind only single collections. Luckily, even if their portraits and writings are fragmentary, we’re at least witness to the poetic geniuses that might have been. This is the superpower of this archive, to serve as a memorial for a canon (or collection of literary texts) that wasn’t even close to being fully blossomed.
Historically, canon construction is the work of the few, foremost among them academics who edit anthologies and design syllabuses. Most of these poets do not feature in scholarly journals. As a result they almost exist in the underground, unremarked. Berold, now in his 70s and approaching retirement, has decided to do something about that with a digital archive that surfaces the voices of lesser-known poets.
The lack of recognition for these poets is bothersome for him:
Why nobody in academe has registered the importance of these poets is beyond me. It really makes me wonder whether these professional literary people are able to read.
This is mostly an indictment of systems that undervalue black expression.
This project may be for preservation, but there is another lesson: African literature demands constant acts of recovery. In this case, the internet serves as a kind of rear view mirror, which allows us a backward glance at poets and their works that have been overlooked or underappreciated, forgotten or misunderstood.
Tinashe Mushakavanhu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In January 2024, a coalition of organisations across the east African nation organised multi-city public marches to call for government action against these deaths. A year later, President William Ruto established a 42-member taskforce to address gender-based violence. What is its potential to lead to real change for women and girls? Feminist and security studies professor Awino Okech explores the issue.
What do you make of the Kenyan government’s response to gender-based violence?
Femicide is the specific act of men killing women because they are women. Gender-based violence focuses on the gender power relations that create conditions for violence. This does not always result in loss of life. Gender-based violence includes men killed by other men because of their sexuality, widows disenfranchised by property laws, female genital mutilation and forced marriage.
Unlike in the past, Kenya has seen increasing reports of women being murdered. The country doesn’t have a proper data management system for such incidences. Nevertheless, the numbers recorded by organisations such as Femicide Count show the scale of the problem. In 2023 it recorded 152 femicides based on cases reported in the media. Africa Uncensored, an investigative journalism media house, estimates that 500 women were killed between 2017 and 2024. Kenya’s law enforcement agencies recorded 97 cases of femicide between September and November 2024. Globally, UN Women reported that in 2023 alone, one woman was killed every 10 minutes in intimate partner and family-related murders.
What is the likelihood of the presidential working group’s success?
First, at face value, any public action taken by a government to illustrate that it is listening to its citizens is an important first step.
Third, there is a history in Kenya of setting up task forces with financial resources largely directed at remunerating members and conducting “consultations”, only to tell the country what was already known. Consultations are critical for legitimacy and a base for action. But there are more expedient ways to do this work.
This includes analysing existing reports, statements and recommendations offered by women’s rights organisation over the decades, including a 2024 statement on ending femicide. An insistence on a large task force in the light of the government’s austerity drive only raises questions about where limited resources should be directed.
Finally, I am concerned that some of the leading voices on femicide in the last 10 years are missing from this task force. It is the activism of the coalition of actors organising under EndFemicideKE that recentred the conversation on femicide with some of the organisations leading urgent response work in their communities. The task force must not ignore this expertise.
What steps should Kenya be taking to address femicide?
Invest in programmes that emphasise positive masculinities. This means raising a generation of men whose idea of manhood is not based on hatred of or violence against women. This work is an important counter measure to the growing “manosphere” in Kenya. The manosphere refers to websites, blogs and online forums focused on promoting misogyny and opposition to feminism. These online spaces have grown globally and are viewed as central to grooming men to commit femicide.
Increase resources to programmes aimed at women who are at risk of violence. The signs of violence predate the act of violence and murder. Providing resources to create safe physical and online spaces – such as hotlines for women to get the support they need to secure their lives, or effective investigative services – is key. Central to this action is the role of the police service in taking seriously and investigating any claims of potential threats of violence. People need to feel safe going to the police to report threats of harm and have trust in their capacity to deliver justice. This action requires trust building between communities and the police service.
Deal with the structural causes of femicide. At the heart of this targeted violence against women are the underlying patriarchal assumptions about how women should act relative to men in society. We cannot ignore the importance of building people’s consciousness about the deep biases they have been socialised to believe in. This work must be led by community champions who value the sanctity of human life.
What needs to be done to hold institutions accountable?
First, the relevant state institutions, such as public hospitals and clinics, the police and judiciary, need money and people with the right skills, so they can intervene in the root causes and symptoms of gender-based violence.
Second, Kenya needs to create a national database on femicide. This would indicate where and how to deploy resources.
Third, there needs to be an annual and public report on the state of gender-based violence that tracks where money has gone, and shows the relationship between actions and outcomes. An initial increase in cases might not indicate failure but rather heightened awareness. With the right interventions, numbers should drop over time.
The right to peaceful protest is enshrined in Kenya’s constitution. When the police respond with violence to peaceful women protesters talking about the murder of women, how can citizens trust officers’ ability to take dead women seriously?
Awino Okech receives funding from Open Society Foundations
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Helga Dickow, Senior Researcher at the Arnold Bergstraesser Institut, Freiburg Germany, University of Freiburg
Chad held parliamentary elections in late December 2024. The final results released on 21 January 2025 gave the well-established former ruling party, the Movement Patriotique du Salut (MPS), 124 seats out of 188.
The result has meant that Mahamat Déby has given himself a degree of legitimacy as president through elections. He can comfortably remain in power for at least another five or even ten years.
I have been following Chad’s politics from inside and outside the country for more than 15 years. In my view, Mahamat Déby’s actions during the transition, with the help of the transitional authorities and his late father’s old teams, were aimed at keeping him in power. The December 2024 parliamentary elections were a formality. The poll was not won on polling day. It was clear from the run-up that, as was the case with the May 2024 presidential elections, every effort was being made to minimise the success of the opposition.
Four factors stand out. They are the composition of the electoral authorities, lack of an up-to-date electoral register, violence against dissenting voices, and high costs of participation in the election.
In my view Chadians’ trust in the democratic process has ceased completely. This bodes ill for a country that ranks as one of the poorest. It is also one of the most corrupt. The consolidation of Mahamat Déby’s power could widen the social divide and lead to violent conflict between different groups in Chad, which is highly stratified along ethnic and religious lines.
Dissatisfaction with his decades of autocratic rule characterised Idriss Déby’s reign. Political-military movements challenged him regularly, and the last attack led to his death.
This dissatisfaction will continue and could once again lead to violent conflicts.
Mahamat Déby and the Movement Patriotique du Salut took a number of steps to secure victory in the election.
Firstly, the presidents of the electoral authority ANGE (Agence Nationale de Gestion des Élections) and of the constitutional court nominated by Mahamat Déby were responsible for organising and for validating elections (and will continue to be responsible until 2031). Having been loyal to Idriss Déby and now to his son, they cannot be trusted to be objective and independent in their pronouncements and final decisions.
Secondly, the electoral register was last updated in August 2024. Therefore, young people who had just turned 18 could not vote. In Chad, the majority of the population is under 25. Young people in particular in the south support the opposition.
Thirdly, the transitional regime’s violent crackdown on opposing voices played a role in the final outcome of the election.
The transition was initially characterised by peace talks with the political-military movements and by expanding the security sector to secure its rule. In October 2022, several hundred mainly young people were killed by security forces while demonstrating against the extension of the transition and Mahamat Déby’s candidacy for presidency.
In February 2024 Yaya Dillo, a cousin of Mahamat Deby and a potential rival in the presidential elections, was shot dead by security forces.
In May 2024, Mahamat Déby was elected president. In December 2024 he took on the title of marshal – previously held only by his father.
The opposition was also hampered in participating in the poll for financial reasons. Taking part in the elections is expensive. Each candidate in the parliamentary election had to pay 500,000 CFA (US$785) to the treasury. Candidates for the provincial election paid 200,000 CFA (US$314). In poverty-stricken Chad, without regular funding for political parties, it was particularly difficult for smaller parties to meet these criteria.
The situation was different for the ruling party, founded by Idriss Déby. For decades it has benefited from state resources. It is the only party with a nationwide presence. Other parties are mainly active in the regions of their founders.
Opposition parties called for a boycott. The Groupe de Concertation des Acteurs Politiques, a coalition of nine parties, criticised the new electoral law and the lack of transparency of the count at the polling stations.
Succès Masra, leader of Les Transformateurs, a former prime minister who came second in the 2024 presidential elections, also called for a boycott. He accused the government of falsifying the results of the parliamentary election beforehand and of having the final lists saved in a computer. His party did not participate in the poll.
The results of the parliamentary elections presented on 11 January 2025 by Ahmed Barticheret, president of the electoral commission, and confirmed by the constitutional court on 21 January, therefore revealed no surprises.
Alongside the huge victory of the Movement Patriotique du Salut, two other parties not really in opposition won 12 and 7 seats respectively. The other successful parties won just one seat each. Chad has over 300 political parties, of which 38 are represented in the new parliament.
Movement Patriotique du Salut has an overwhelming majority in parliament. This means that there are no checks and balances. Like his father, Mahamat Déby can continue to rule without any parliamentary control.
He is already used to that. Since 2021, he has appointed members of the transitional parliament by presidential decree. The few voices of individual members of parliament belonging to the “real” opposition have no influence.
As the low turnout – put at 40% on election day – shows, the majority of voters did not expect the election result to change the political situation. On the other hand, supporters of the ruling party continue to benefit from proximity to power and state resources.
As dissatisfaction continues, the possibility of renewed attacks by dissidents cannot be ruled out. If it is not a military attack, frustrated individuals might try to target the presidency or other symbols of the regime.
In early January 2025 a group of unidentified young people reportedly attacked the presidency. The incident was played down by the government spokesman, leaving plenty of room for speculation.
But it was a reminder that a peaceful future is not assured.
Helga Dickow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
DeepSeek burst on the scene – and may be bursting some bubbles.AP Photo/Andy Wong
State-of-the-art artificial intelligence systems like OpenAI’s ChatGPT, Google’s Gemini and Anthropic’s Claude have captured the public imagination by producing fluent text in multiple languages in response to user prompts. Those companies have also captured headlines with the huge sums they’ve invested to build ever more powerful models.
An AI startup from China, DeepSeek, has upset expectations about how much money is needed to build the latest and greatest AIs. In the process, they’ve cast doubt on the billions of dollars of investment by the big AI players.
I study machine learning. DeepSeek’s disruptive debut comes down not to any stunning technological breakthrough but to a time-honored practice: finding efficiencies. In a field that consumes vast computing resources, that has proved to be significant.
Where the costs are
Developing such powerful AI systems begins with building a large language model. A large language model predicts the next word given previous words. For example, if the beginning of a sentence is “The theory of relativity was discovered by Albert,” a large language model might predict that the next word is “Einstein.” Large language models are trained to become good at such predictions in a process called pretraining.
Pretraining requires a lot of data and computing power. The companies collect data by crawling the web and scanning books. Computing is usually powered by graphics processing units, or GPUs. Why graphics? It turns out that both computer graphics and the artificial neural networks that underlie large language models rely on the same area of mathematics known as linear algebra. Large language models internally store hundreds of billions of numbers called parameters or weights. It is these weights that are modified during pretraining.
Large language models consume huge amounts of computing resources, which in turn means lots of energy.
Pretraining is, however, not enough to yield a consumer product like ChatGPT. A pretrained large language model is usually not good at following human instructions. It might also not be aligned with human preferences. For example, it might output harmful or abusive language, both of which are present in text on the web.
The pretrained model therefore usually goes through additional stages of training. One such stage is instruction tuning where the model is shown examples of human instructions and expected responses. After instruction tuning comes a stage called reinforcement learning from human feedback. In this stage, human annotators are shown multiple large language model responses to the same prompt. The annotators are then asked to point out which response they prefer.
It is easy to see how costs add up when building an AI model: hiring top-quality AI talent, building a data center with thousands of GPUs, collecting data for pretraining, and running pretraining on GPUs. Additionally, there are costs involved in data collection and computation in the instruction tuning and reinforcement learning from human feedback stages.
All included, costs for building a cutting edge AI model can soar up to US$100 million. GPU training is a significant component of the total cost.
The expenditure does not stop when the model is ready. When the model is deployed and responds to user prompts, it uses more computation known as test time or inference time compute. Test time compute also needs GPUs. In December 2024, OpenAI announced a new phenomenon they saw with their latest model o1: as test time compute increased, the model got better at logical reasoning tasks such as math olympiad and competitive coding problems.
Slimming down resource consumption
Thus it seemed that the path to building the best AI models in the world was to invest in more computation during both training and inference. But then DeepSeek entered the fray and bucked this trend.
DeepSeek sent shockwaves through the tech financial ecosystem.
Their V-series models, culminating in the V3 model, used a series of optimizations to make training cutting edge AI models significantly more economical. Their technical report states that it took them less than $6 million dollars to train V3. They admit that this cost does not include costs of hiring the team, doing the research, trying out various ideas and data collection. But $6 million is still an impressively small figure for training a model that rivals leading AI models developed with much higher costs.
The reduction in costs was not due to a single magic bullet. It was a combination of many smart engineering choices including using fewer bits to represent model weights, innovation in the neural network architecture, and reducing communication overhead as data is passed around between GPUs.
It is interesting to note that due to U.S. export restrictions on China, the DeepSeek team did not have access to high performance GPUs like the Nvidia H100. Instead they used Nvidia H800 GPUs, which Nvidia designed to be lower performance so that they comply with U.S. export restrictions. Working with this limitation seems to have unleashed even more ingenuity from the DeepSeek team.
DeepSeek also innovated to make inference cheaper, reducing the cost of running the model. Moreover, they released a model called R1 that is comparable to OpenAI’s o1 model on reasoning tasks.
They released all the model weights for V3 and R1 publicly. Anyone can download and further improve or customize their models. Furthermore, DeepSeek released their models under the permissive MIT license, which allows others to use the models for personal, academic or commercial purposes with minimal restrictions.
Resetting expectations
DeepSeek has fundamentally altered the landscape of large AI models. An open weights model trained economically is now on par with more expensive and closed models that require paid subscription plans.
The research community and the stock market will need some time to adjust to this new reality.
Many of us feel pressure to transform ourselves. Just spend a few minutes scrolling social media, and you’re likely to come across several videos telling you about various challenges and tips to help you have a “glow-up”. Most of these tips are about physical appearance – drinking more water to clear your skin, or spending 75 days doing hardcore workouts.
The Quarter Life Glow-up is a little different. This six-week newsletter course from The Conversation’s UK and Canada editions will suggest ways you might be able to improve your social life, relationships, mental health and career – without breaking a sweat, spending money or revamping your skincare routine.
The course is aimed at readers in their 20s and 30s. This is a period of life where many of us make big decisions that will affect us the rest of our lives – from careers, to relationships, to parenthood. The tips in the course will hopefully help you make some of those decisions, but they’ll remain helpful for many years to come.
When you sign up for the course, you’ll get six weeks of research-backed analysis, expert advice and challenges delivered straight to your inbox. Each week will bring you two new articles, a note from our editors and a bite-size activity to help you try it at home.
how to finally do that thing you’ve been putting off
how to stop comparing yourself to others
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With political support historically from all parties and civil society — including faith organizations and community groups — private sponsorship is an affordable, sustainable and effective way to protect and support people whose lives are at risk.
Safe haven for refugees
For 45 years, Canada’s Private Sponsorship of Refugees (PSR) program has provided safety to refugees from around the world, bringing together Canadian individuals and communities who volunteer their time and raise funds to support refugee newcomers to Canada.
Everyday Canadians have stepped up to provide funds for newcomers’ basic expenses, to help find housing and to connect people to health, education and language services. More than 327,000 refugees have come to Canada through the program, supported by citizen action from coast to coast.
The pause, in place until Dec. 31, 2025, was cited as “preventing further growth of the application inventory” that far exceeds the current spaces allotted for privately sponsored refugees in the 2025-2027 Immigration Levels Plan, which is 23,000 for 2025.
This pause does not apply to all sponsorship applications, like those submitted by sponsorship agreement holders, the Blended Visa Office-Referred Program or the one-year window provision. However, data from 2022 indicate that the G5 and CS groups represented 60 per cent of private refugee sponsorships, meaning these streams are significant contributors to the program.
The inevitable result of this action will be longer wait times for applicants at risk, and longer periods of separation for refugees who have landed as permanent residents and urgently want to bring family or community members who remain in danger to safety — and have no other pathway to do so.
Between 2017 and 2020, our research team (led by geography professor Jennifer Hyndman) interviewed more than 100 people in five provinces across Canada, with participants from both urban and rural settings. Our focus was on long-term sponsors — people who had participated in sponsorship programs several times over a minimum of five years, often decades. Many of these had been part of the G5 group, which allows private citizens to collectively resettle refugees from abroad.
Our findings revealed that many G5 sponsors are driven by deep commitment to global solidarity with refugees. G5 sponsors are often in diaspora communities and former refugees themselves who want to help family members or close kin in dangerous circumstances to safety.
The program’s ability to facilitate these connections and the protection they afford is vital, driving the sustainability of private refugee sponsorship. The suspension of new applications for G5 will not only prolong family separation but also extend the wait times for refugees trapped in war zones.
Our research shows that a large proportion of former refugees and sponsors knew specific individuals still at risk whom they wished to sponsor. This process of “naming,” which allows sponsors to nominate individuals for resettlement, is a unique and integral feature of the PSR program.
Undermining refugee protection
As government-led initiatives provide only limited resettlement pathways, civil society has relied on the full range of sponsorship categories, including private sponsorship by G5, to ensure equitable refugee protection.
The pause on G5 and CS streams narrow the possibilities for pathways to protection, which in turn threatens to make refugee protection more inequitable. This is especially the case for refugees displaced by conflicts that have historically not aligned with Canadian government priorities but still drive high numbers of displacement, including those in Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea.
In the United Nations Global Refugee Compact, released in 2018, Canadian sponsorship was cited as a promising practice for expanding refugee protection across the world.
A recent Senate report, Ripped From Home: The Global Crisis of Forced Displacement, praises the PSR program for providing individuals and organizations with the opportunity to sponsor refugees. It also recommends the federal government increase private sponsorship.
The recent announcement to cut this program is at odds with these recommendations and undercuts Canada’s reputation as a leader in the protection of refugees internationally.
Call to action
The pause on new intake of G5 and CS applications for sponsorship disrupts a system that has successfully empowered communities in Canada and across the world to come together and save lives.
We urge the government to reconsider its decision and explore alternative solutions, such as allocating additional resources to clear backlogs, rather than halting applications.
Anna Lise Purkey is affiliated with the Canadian Association for Refugee and Forced Migration Studies.
Biftu Yousuf and Dawit Demoz do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Gabrielle Clark, Assistant Professor of Political Science and Public Law, California State University, Los Angeles
Jimmy Carter shakes riders’ hands in a Mexican American parade while campaigning in Southern California in 1976.AP Photo
President Donald Trump promised during his three presidential campaigns to deport as many immigrants living in the U.S. without legal authorization as possible.
His second administration got underway less than one month after former President Jimmy Carter died in December 2024. This sequence of events brings to mind, for me – a public law scholar who studies the historical role of foreign workers in the U.S. – the legacy of Carter’s immigration policy and its stark contrast with Trump’s agenda.
Carter left several lasting markers on immigration policy. Among them was that he reformed the H-2 visa, a permit that allows foreigners to legally and temporarily work in the United States for one employer for one year. He did so by striking a new balance between satisfying the needs of employers and protecting American workers from foreign labor competition.
Trump, by contrast, intends to undertake mass deportations. He has stated that his administration will remove millions of immigrants living in the U.S. without legal authorization.
I’m writing a book about the long-standing conflict between employers and workers over allowing foreigners to legally work in the U.S. Despite Trump’s anti-immigration agenda, I won’t be surprised if Republicans follow in Carter’s footsteps by making it easier for more low-wage migrants to get short-term authorization to hold U.S. jobs.
Replacing the Bracero Program
When Carter became president in January 1977, 13 years had passed since the end of the Bracero Program, which let Mexican men legally get short-term jobs on U.S. farms. Demand for that labor persisted after the Bracero program ended, so large farms hired Mexican immigrants living in the U.S. illegally instead.
The AFL-CIO, an umbrella group that most U.S. unions belong to, and the United Farm Workers, a labor union, pressured the Carter administration for immigration enforcement. They were engaged in heated organization campaigns in the fields and wanted to reduce competition from foreign workers.
Carter, a former peanut farmer and a pragmatist, had the Immigration Naturalization Service authorize 5,000 new H-2 foreign labor visas in June 1977. Over 800 of the visas went to onion, melon, pepper and cotton farms in south Texas.
Congress had created the H-2 guest worker visa in 1952 on behalf of owners of large farms and other employers who wanted a path around immigration restrictions and access to a seasonal labor force. In 1965, however, President Lyndon B. Johnson’s secretary of labor, W. Willard Wirtz, had limited H-2 certifications to Florida sugar farms and East Coast fruit orchards.
Carter saw things differently than Johnson and Wirtz.
“I believe it is possible to structure this program so that it responds to the legitimate needs of both employees, by protecting domestic employment opportunities, and of employers, by providing a needed workforce,” he told Congress on Aug. 4, 1977.
Mexican migrant workers, employed under the Bracero Program to harvest crops on California farms, are shown working in a field in 1964. AP Photo
For employers, they were a boon: For the first time, agricultural employers were entitled to hire foreign workers under the law.
The secretary of labor could no longer eliminate whole crop areas from the program, as Wirtz had done. The reasoning behind the change was simple: The Carter administration wanted to help farms switch from workers living in the U.S. without legal authorization to migrants holding H-2 visas.
Yet, the Carter administration also expanded protections for migrant farmworkers. Their employers now needed to offer them higher wages and better working conditions. The regulations also mandated that employers seeking authority to use the H-2 program try harder to recruit Americans.
United Farm Workers President Cesar Chavez, seen here at a rally in 1985, played a key role in immigration reform efforts over several decades. Bettmann/Getty Images
Carter and the immigration Reform and Control Act
In 1986, Congress passed the Immigration Reform and Control Act. While that immigration reform law is best known for providing immigrants living in the U.S. without legal authorization a path to citizenship, it also split the H-2 visa program into two parts. From then on, foreign workers could obtain an H-2A visa for agriculture work or an H-2B visa for other kinds of jobs.
The new law kept Carter’s employer obligations in place for H-2As. The AFL-CIO and several civil rights organizations had objected to guest workers having to depend on their employer for their immigration status, which could make them more vulnerable to exploitation.
President Ronald Reagan prepares to sign a landmark immigration reform bill in 1986. Behind him were members of Congress and Vice President George H.W. Bush. Bettmann/Getty Images
Reforming immigration policies vs. mass deportations
The population of foreign laborers working on U.S. farms with H-2A visas soared from around 26,000 in 1989 to more than 340,000 in 2023. Because the number of H-2A visas the government can issue is unlimited, this arrangement has become an alternative to employing workers living in the U.S. without legal authorization.
The number of foreign workers with H-2B visas is much smaller.
This is because Congress limited the number of people who could get them to 66,000 per year in 1990 as a way to limit competition for American workers seeking or holding down low-wage jobs. In 2017, Congress gave the president the authority to double the maximum number of H-2B visas.
As Trump’s deportations get underway in 2025, I believe that the maximum number of H-2B visas available is likely to become a point of contention among Republicans as Trump and many GOP members of Congress face Carter’s dilemma.
Many Americans, perhaps a majority, want immigration laws enforced. But employers will continue to demand low-wage labor for jobs that U.S. citizens may be reluctant or unwilling to do.
Maintaining a compromise
This time, the mismatch between the government’s efforts to deport foreigners living in the U.S. without authorization and employers’ desires for low-cost labor will be greatest outside of agriculture: 69% of those workers without papers today are employed in construction, food services and other parts of the hospitality industry.
In my view, guest worker visas, like the H-2A and H-2B, are never ideal. They can displace American workers and make migrants vulnerable to exploitation by their employers.
However, the U.S. is likely to continue to expand employer access to the visas because they provide an alternative to foreign workers seeking to get jobs in the U.S. without authorization. In this way, Trump’s presidency may end up having something in common with Carter’s time in the White House.
Gabrielle Clark receives funding from the National Endowment of Humanities for her immigration research.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Timothy Gabrielli, Gudorf Chair in Catholic Intellectual Traditions, University of Dayton
A cardinal opens the Holy Door of the Santa Maria Maggiore Basilica in Rome on Jan. 1, 2025, one of the events starting the Jubilee year.AP Photo/Andrew Medichini
Pope Francis has proclaimed a Jubilee year in the Catholic Church, which began on Dec. 24, 2024, and will continue through Jan. 6, 2026. But what is a Jubilee, and what is this year’s about?
Biblical roots
The Hebrew Bible, which Christians call the Old Testament, offers instructions about celebrating a Jubilee every 50 years. The Jubilee has roots in the Jewish practice of Sabbath rest every seven days, connected to the creation story in which God created the world in six days and rested on the next.
This rest is not merely about “taking a break,” but orienting life to what is most important. The prohibition of work on the Sabbath prompts people to look beyond productive work, helping them to see all activity in light of the eternal.
The biblical books of Leviticus and Deuteronomy outline what’s called a “sabbatical year,” extending that practice of periodic rest to every seventh year. During that sabbatical, the texts call for forgiving debts and freeing enslaved people. Even the land is supposed to get rest, since farmers are told to let their fields lie fallow – a check against unfettered, and destructive, desires for productivity.
The Jubilee extends this logic. Held every 50 years, the Holy Year follows a Sabbath of Sabbaths, “seven times seven years.” During the Jubilee, the Book of Leviticus instructs, “you shall proclaim liberty throughout the land to all its inhabitants.” Again, even the land must be freed. Each plot bought and sold over the previous 49 years must be returned to the tribe with which it was originally associated.
Like all the other forms of Sabbath rest, the overriding emphasis is that everyone and everything belongs to God: that the Earth is not simply for humans to do with as they please, especially if it creates injustice. People inhabit the Earth like wayfarers. Indeed, the Bible regularly reminds the Israelites that they were once enslaved in Egypt and, once freed, were wanderers.
Medieval traditions
Scholars are not quite sure if and how Jubilees were actually put into practice in the ancient world, though they are referred to in the New Testament. In the Gospel of Luke, Jesus sums up his mission with verses about the Jubilee from the Book of Isaiah: “He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to set the oppressed free, to proclaim the year of the Lord’s favor.”
Some of the practices of the church’s modern Jubilees, however, come from the late Middle Ages, a time when Christian grassroots efforts promoted pilgrimages to Rome. As much political as religious and recreational, these pilgrimages demonstrated to power-hungry monarchs that the eternal city was beyond royal control and, by implication, that pilgrims’ identity was more than subjects of a crown.
In 1300, Pope Boniface VIII endorsed these initiatives by instituting a 13th centennial celebration of Christ’s birth. Central to the celebration were pilgrimages to Roman basilicas. Boniface promised that pilgrims could receive an “indulgence”: reparation for their sins.
A fresco in the Archbasilica of St. John Lateran, depicting Pope Boniface VIII proclaiming the Jubilee in 1300. Sailko/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY
Often misunderstood, an indulgence is distinct from forgiveness. The Catholic tradition teaches that people who sincerely repent of their sins are forgiven and reconciled to God. Ordinarily, this happens through rites such as the Sacrament of Reconciliation, which involves confession to a priest.
Once a sin is forgiven, however, reparation remains. Suppose you’ve thrown a ball through a neighbor’s window. Even if they forgive you, you’re still responsible for the window’s repair. In other words, there’s still a consequence for your action.
Catholics believe that indulgences remit the repair, removing the temporal punishment. In the analogy, you might not have fixed the window, but instead you completed another holy and satisfactory act in its place. Indulgences can be granted to Catholics for actions like completing specific prayers, making a pilgrimage or performing acts of charity.
Boniface’s decree included no reference to the biblical Jubilee. Over time, however, the link between the biblical Jubilee and these Roman celebrations was articulated and strengthened. The intervening time between Jubilees was reduced to 50 years to resonate with the ancient text. Eventually, Jubilees came to be inaugurated every 25 years to increase the opportunity for participation.
As they developed, Jubilee celebrations kept their link to pilgrimages and reparation. Both are meant to be reminders that human beings are made for the eternal, not merely the productive.
The Catholic Church’s last ordinary Jubilee celebration, which took place in 2000, was deemed a “Great Jubilee” by then-Pope John Paul II, commemorating two millennia since the birth of Christ. Famously, during a Mass that year, he sought forgiveness of the church for atrocities committed across its history, including injustice toward Jews, Indigenous peoples and women, among others.
The 2000 Jubilee continued the practice of indulgences for making a pilgrimage, emphasizing that “a pilgrimage evokes the believer’s personal journey” of faith, following in Christ’s footsteps.
Catholics in Mexico City take part in a ceremony marking the beginning of the Jubilee year at the Metropolitan Cathedral on Dec. 29, 2024. AP Photo/Ginnette Riquelme
In addition to the typical emphases on pilgrimage and indulgences, Francis has identified hope as a particular focus for this Jubilee year. In Christian theology, hope is not optimism. It is an insistence to seek the good, anchored in God: to see difficulties clearly, yet to pursue action rather than despair.
Thus, Francis has called for several specific acts of hope throughout the Jubilee year. The papal bull proclaiming the Jubilee urges peacemaking, a spirit of welcome toward migrants, and openness toward having children. Francis also issues a call for affluent nations to forgive debts, and a general call for both repentance and mercy.
Jubilees ask people to reorient life toward the eternal – a theme that might seem to minimize attention to the specific social ills of our moment. In tune with the long tradition of Jubilees, however, Francis emphasizes that the more people see the world as God sees it, the more people will act against injustice.
Timothy Gabrielli does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Michigan has one of the highest eviction filing rates in the country, tied with Mississippi. Fourteen percent of all Michiganders who rent homes were threatened with eviction between 2006 and 2016.
Social epidemiologists like me are interested in naming specifically who and what is accountable for inequities in the health of different population groups. I’m interested in documenting root causes of community ill health to provide data-driven analysis to inform policy change, interventions and social activism.
My project on evictions in metro Detroit is called the SECURE Study. Contributing to the study is a team of trainees, early-career researchers and a multigenerational community advisory board of Black women. Members of the board are local and international leaders from multiple sectors, including some who have lived experience with evictions.
Reproductive justice is focused on a set of interconnected human rights. It includes the ability to choose whether to have children. And for parents it protects the right to raise your children in safe and sustainable communities. Evictions can undermine reproductive justice.
My research uses numbers and stories to document, for the first time, the scope and impact of court-ordered and illegal residential evictions among Black women, families and communities in metro Detroit.
The available court-ordered eviction data, while alarming, underestimates the true extent of the housing crisis caused by eviction. In fact, my study shows only 55% of the evictions experienced by Black women in metro Detroit were court-ordered, which means the other 45% were illegal.
How the process works legally
Residential evictions are not events that unfold in easily predictable ways. Rather, they are complicated processes that often drag out.
Eviction policy varies by jurisdiction, but in Michigan it is illegal for a landlord to take any action to force the removal from or prevent the entry into or the use of a rental property by a tenant without a court order.
Even legal evictions can involve some illegal activity by landlords or property managers. For example, landlords may repeatedly threaten to evict tenants through the courts and force residents out of their home before a formal eviction judgment occurs.
Court-ordered evictions usually start with a landlord notifying a tenant of a lease violation – but this can happen only if a formal lease exists. As part of our work, we collected data about how prevalent renting without a lease or formal agreement is for our participants, and we plan to release this data in the coming months.
Illegal evictions are forced residential moves and can include – but are not limited to – a landlord’s use of strong-arm lockouts or threats to force a tenant to leave a rental property.
Focusing on those most impacted
Here’s how my study worked. My team and I recruited 1,470 reproductive-age Black women, most of whom have biological children, from July 2021 to July 2024 and asked them to share their experiences. Women completed surveys, participated in focus groups and in-depth interviews, and answered questions about both individual and neighborhood-level impacts of court-ordered and illegal evictions.
After the surveys were complete, I conducted 55 in-depth interviews in 21 days with survey participants who experienced an illegal eviction.
We focused on Black women between the ages of 18 and 45 because this group is disproportionately impacted by eviction, yet their unique experiences are understudied and therefore insufficiently understood.
More than 50% of our survey participants reported being evicted in their lifetime.
What’s missing from this stat and much of the official data are recent numbers and in-depth accounts of how people experience illegal evictions.
I know of only one other quantitative study examining illegal evictions, and it is over a decade old. It was based on limited evidence collected in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, between 2009 and 2011. The researchers looked at a group of 1,086 low-income adults of all racial, ethnic or age groups and found that 48% of all evictions in their study were illegal. The study concluded that illegal evictions are significantly less expensive and more efficient than court-ordered evictions for landlords.
Preliminary data from our own study, which included women from all socioeconomic groups – unlike the work done in Wisconsin – found that 45% of all evictions experienced by SECURE Study participants were illegal.
Problem bigger than it seems
While the data tells part of the story, the stories of those who have experienced an illegal eviction tell a much richer tale.
One woman I interviewed told me how it felt to lose her home after an illegal eviction. “My God, a whole house worth of stuff: kids’ beds, clothes, toys, my stuff,” she said. “It’s material, yes, but when you have to literally walk away and like, close the door and leave everything you own … you leave a piece of yourself.”
Research ethics do not allow me to name the SECURE Study participants.
Some of the most frequently reported ways Black women told us they experienced illegal evictions were having their belongings removed from the property, being illegally locked out or having utilities shut off, and being forced to relocate because their landlord failed to provide a habitable residence.
Female renters face sexual harassment
Many of the women who participated in our study experienced threats or actual violence and sexual harassment.
“Me being a single female, they go to the threatening tactics,” one study participant told me. “I think they know … I can’t fight against … a man, I can’t beat you.”
“Me and my children got to pack up and move out of the house to avoid my house being shot up or somebody tells me they gonna drag me and my children out of the house by gunpoint,” one participant said. “Now I gotta stress. I’ll move my children.”
“He would ask me personal questions,” another said. “Am I dating, or, where’s my kid’s father? And then, that kind of escalated into him, OK, well, if we do this, then you don’t have to give me the money for the rent.”
“I feel like they’re preying on people like, they know you’re a single mom,” another woman said. “Oh, yeah. Come on in here with that Section 8. So, we can not fix nothing to get this guaranteed money. Come on in here with you working three jobs and your kids is at home all the time, and you got that teenage daughter, she kinda cute.”
“I couldn’t afford for my children to be homeless, so he took advantage,” said another participant.
The role that discrimination plays in evictions is not well understood, so we collected data on this. Forty percent of our participants reported experiencing housing discrimination. These experiences were connected to multiple factors, including their race, economic status, family size, ethnicity, age and relationship status.
Six months after completing those interviews, with the help of weekly therapy and various other self-care and self-soothing interventions, I am finally beginning to feel my nervous system restabilize after hearing so many violent stories.
Asylum seekers wait at Catholic Charities in McAllen, Texas, for humanitarian aid on Jan. 18, 2025. Associated Press/Eric Gay
“Animals,” “aliens” and “people with bad genes” – President Donald Trump and his supporters often use this kind of dehumanizing language to describe immigrants.
In the 2024 presidential debate between Trump and Democratic candidate Kamala Harris, Trump falsely referred to Haitian refugees in Springfield, Ohio, as “eating the pets of the people that live there.” And in his Jan. 20, 2025, inaugural address, Trump spoke of “dangerous criminals, many from prisons and mental institutions,” who have illegally entered the U.S. “from all over the world.”
Using hateful, polarizing language to gain a political advantage or make an argument against a group of people, like immigrants, is not unique to the U.S.
The use of this language is associated with populist shifts in many parts of the world.
In the first few days of the new Trump administration, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers began raids to detain immigrants living in the U.S. illegally and increased their number of arrests and deportations of immigrants, including those without violent criminal records.
Tom Homan, the U.S. border czar, has said that the government’s mass immigration deportation plans – which he said could include raids on schools, churches and other places previously considered havens – is “all for the good of this nation.”
My hate speech research shows that, as the world has seen to its horror again and again, words that slander and strip people of their voices and humanity are often a first step toward discriminatory and violent policies. At its most extreme, speaking of people as dirty and polluting and saying they lack humanity makes it easier to kill them.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents handcuff a detained immigrant in Maryland on Jan. 25, 2025. Associated Press/Alex Brandon
Echoes from the fascist past
There is nothing new about the hateful political rhetoric that has become common today.
In the lead-up to and during World War II, fascist leaders in Europe targeted Jews, Roma, gay people and other groups as sources of “social pollution,” as beyond being human, while describing themselves as noble and decent, embodying a pure, uncorrupted nation.
In 1920, well before the German Nazi Party came to power in 1933, its platform declared that “Only someone of German blood, regardless of faith, can be a citizen.”
Viktor Klemperer, a literary scholar who was a close observer of Nazism, wrote in a diary published posthumously in 1995 that the Third Reich’s demonizing language against Jews and other marginalized groups helped create its culture and justify its mass killings. Nazis consequently assumed the mantle of liberators as they killed those whom they saw as corrupting the “pure race,” in accordance with ideas of “racial hygiene.”
The Nazis’ hateful language was not limited to Europe. Fritz Kuhn, a German Nazi activist, served in the late 1930s and early 1940s as leader of the German American Bund, an organization of ethnic Germans and Nazi sympathizers living in the U.S. He addressed a Nazi rally at Madison Square Garden in New York City in 1939.
Kuhn said during his speech that American citizens with American ideals are “determined to protect ourselves, our homes, our wives and children against the slimy conspirators who would change this glorious republic into the inferno of a Bolshevik paradise.”
The U.S. government stripped Kuhn of his U.S. citizenship in 1943 and deported him to Germany in 1945 because of his pro-Nazi allegiance.
In 2018, Matteo Salvini, then the deputy prime minister who now holds the same position, denounced the Roma people, an ethnic minority. He called for their removal through a “mass cleansing street by street, piazza by piazza, neighborhood by neighborhood.”
Salvini has directed his most virulent language, however, toward the tens of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers, mostly from Africa, who attempt to reach Italy via the Mediterranean Sea.
Salvini, perhaps more than any other populist leader in the world, has turned his hateful language and use of misinformation into action. Italian authorities under Salvini’s direction have detained ships working to help rescue migrants who are in danger at sea, preventing them from carrying out those rescues.
In September 2024, an Italian prosecutor requested a six-year jail term for Salvini, accusing him of kidnapping 147 migrants by preventing them from landing at a port in Italy for several weeks.
White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt speaks during a press briefing on Jan. 28, 2025, alongside an image of an alleged criminal detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
What to expect
We can’t be certain at this point what Trump’s and his supporters’ hateful language against immigrants, minorities and political opponents will yield.
Judging by Italy’s example and other instances, it’s possible that laws will be broken in implementing Trump’s immigration and asylum policies.
A federal judge temporarily halted Trump’s Jan. 20 executive order that told federal agencies to not process identification documents for babies born to parents who are living in the country illegally, among other scenarios.
It’s not clear how these policies will continue to unfold. What is clear is that words of hate have been used in many times and places as a justification for illegal arrests and, in some cases, as a prelude to state-sanctioned mass violence.
Ronald Niezen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Dominik Stecuła, Assistant Professor of Communication and Political Science, The Ohio State University
Donald Trump’s nominee for secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services, Robert Kennedy Jr., on Capitol Hill on Jan. 9, 2025. Jon Cherry/Getty Images
The many controversial people appointed to the Trump administration, from Elon Muskto Robert F. Kennedy Jr., have at least one thing in common: They dislike and distrust experts.
While anti-intellectualism and populism are nothing new in American life, there has hardly been an administration as seemingly committed to these worldviews.
Take President Donald Trump’s decision to nominate Kennedy, a well-known vaccine skeptic, to lead the Department of Health and Human Services. Kennedy, whose Senate confirmation hearing is Jan. 29, 2025, epitomizes the new American political ethos of populismand anti-intellectualism, or the idea that people hold negative feelings toward not just scientific research but those who produce it.
For instance, Trump denigrated scientific experts on the campaign trail and in his first term in office. He called climate science a “hoax” and public health officials in his administration “idiots.”
Trump and Kennedy have cast doubt on vaccine safety and the medical scientific establishment. As far back as the Republican primary debates in 2016, Trump falsely asserted that childhood vaccines cause autism, in defiance of scientific consensus on the issue.
Kennedy’s long-term vaccine skepticism has also been well documented, though he himself denies it. More recently, he has been presenting himself as “pro-vaccine safety,” as one Republican senator put it, on the eve of Kennedy’s confirmation hearing.
If confirmed, Kennedy has vowed to turn this anti-intellectual rhetoric into action. He wants to replace over 600 employees in the National Institutes of Health with his own hires. He has also suggested cutting entire departments.
During one interview, Kennedy said, “In some categories, there are entire departments, like the nutrition department at the FDA, that are – that have to go.”
Populism across political spectrum
In lockstep with this anti-intellectual movement is a version of populism that people like RFK Jr. and Trump both espouse.
Populism is a worldview that pits average citizens against “the elites.” Who the elites are varies depending on the context, but in the contemporary political climate in the U.S., establishment politicians, scientists and organizations like pharmaceutical companies or the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are frequently portrayed as such.
For instance, right-wing populists often portray government health agencies as colluding with multinational pharmaceutical companies to impose excessive regulations, mandate medical interventions and restrict personal freedoms.
Left-wing populists expose how Big Pharma manipulates the health care system, using their immense wealth and political influence to put profits over people, deliberately keeping lifesaving medications overpriced and out of reach – all of which has been said by politicians like Bernie Sanders.
The goal of a populist is to portray these elites as the enemy of the people and to root out the perceived “corruption” of the elites.
This worldview doesn’t just appeal to the far right. Historically in the United States, populism has been more of a force on the political left. To this day, it is present on the left through Sanders and similar politicians who rail against wealth inequality and the interests of the “millionaire class.”
In short, the Trump administration’s populist and anti-intellectual worldview does not map cleanly onto the liberal-conservative ideological divide in the U.S. That is why Kennedy, a lifelong Democrat and nephew of a Democratic president, might become a Cabinet member for a Republican president.
The cross-ideological appeal of populism and anti-intellectualism also partly explains why praise for Trump’s selection of Kennedy to head the Department of Health and Human Services came from all corners of society. Republican senators Ron Johnson and Josh Hawley lauded the move, as did basketball star Rudy Gobert and Colorado’s Democratic governor, Jared Polis.
Why, then, is disdain for scientific experts appealing to so many Americans?
Much of the public supports this worldview because of perceived ineffectiveness and moral wrongs made by the elites. Factors such as the opioid crisis encouraged by predatory pharmaceutical companies, public confusion and dissatisfaction with changing health guidance in the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the frequently prohibitive cost of health care and medicine have given some Americans reason to question their trust in science and medicine.
Populists have embraced popular and science-backed policies that align with an anti-elite stance. Kennedy, for example, supports decreasing the amount of ultra-processed foods in public school lunches and reducing toxic chemicals in the food supply and natural environment. These stances are backed by scientific evidence about how to improve public health. At the same time, they point to the harmful actions of a perceived corrupt elite – the profit-driven food industry.
It is, of course, reasonable to want to hold accountable both public officials for their policy decisions and scientists and pharmaceutical companies who engage in unethical behavior. Scientists should by no means be immune from scrutiny.
Examining, for example, what public health experts got wrong during the COVID-19 pandemic would be tremendously helpful from the standpoint of preparing for future public health crises, but also from the standpoint of rebuilding public trust in science, experts and institutions.
However, the Trump administration does not appear to be interested in pursuing good faith assessments. And Trump’s victory means he gets to implement his vision and appoint people he wants to carry it out. But words have consequences, and we have seen the impact of anti-vaccine rhetoric during the COVID-19 pandemic, where “red” counties and states had significantly lower vaccine intent and uptake compared with the “blue” counterparts.
Therefore, despite sounding appealing, Kennedy’s signature slogan, “Make America Healthy Again,” could – in discouraging policies and behaviors that have been proven effective against diseases and their crippling or deadly outcomes – bring about a true public health crisis.
Dominik Stecuła receives funding from the National Science Foundation.
Kristin Lunz Trujillo receives funding from the National Science Foundation.
Matt Motta receives funding from the National Science Foundation.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Krittika Goyal, Assistant Professor of Manufacturing and Mechanical Engineering Technology, Rochester Institute of Technology
Wearable devices have become a big part of modern health care, helping track a patient’s heart rate, stress levels and brain activity. These devices rely on electrodes, sensors that touch the skin to pick up electrical signals from the body.
Creating these electrodes isn’t as easy as it might seem. Human skin is complex. Its properties, such as how well it conducts electricity, can change depending on how hydrated it is, how old you are or even the weather. These changes can make it hard to test how well a wearable device works.
Additionally, testing electrodes often involves human volunteers, which can be tricky and unpredictable. Everyone’s skin is different, meaning results aren’t always consistent. Testing also takes time and money. Plus, there are ethical concerns about asking people to participate in these experiments, including making sure they are informed about the risks and benefits and can voluntarily participate.
Scientists have tried to create artificial skin models to avoid some of these problems, but existing ones haven’t been able to fully mimic the way skin behaves when interacting with wearable sensors. To address these limitations, my colleagues and I have developed a tool called a biomimetic skin phantom – a model that mimics the electrical behavior of human skin, making testing wearable sensors easier, cheaper and more reliable.
What is a skin phantom?
Our biomimetic skin phantom is made of two layers that capture the nuances of both the skin’s surface and deeper tissues. “Biomimetic” means it imitates something from nature – in this case, human skin. “Phantom” refers to a physical model or device made to mimic the properties of something real, like human tissues, so it can be used for research instead of relying on actual people.
Your skin is made up of multiple layers of cells. OpenStax, CC BY-SA
The bottom layer mimics the deeper tissues under the skin. It is made from a gel-like substance called polyvinyl alcohol cryogel, which can be adjusted to have similar softness and electrical conductivity to real biological tissues. We chose this material because these qualities, along with its durability and wide use in biomedical research, make it a good stand-in for the deeper layers of skin.
The top layer mimics the outermost part of the skin, known as the stratum corneum. It is made from a silicone-like materialcalled PDMS, which is mixed with special additives to match the skin’s electrical properties. Also widely used in biomedical research, PDMS is flexible and easy to shape to closely replicate the skin’s outer layer.
One unique feature of our skin phantom is its ability to mimic different levels of skin hydration. Hydration affects how well skin conducts electricity. Dry skin has higher resistance, meaning it opposes the flow of electricity. This makes it harder for wearable devices to pick up signals. Hydrated skin conducts electricity more easily because water improves the movement of charged particles, leading to better signal quality. Improving how dry skin is modeled and tested can lead to better electrode designs.
To replicate the effects of skin hydration, we introduced adjustable pores into the top PDMS layer of the skin phantom. By precisely changing the size and density of the pores, the model can mimic dry or hydrated skin conditions.
Testing the skin phantom
My team and I tested our skin phantom in several ways to see whether it could truly replace human skin in experiments.
First, we used a method called impedance spectroscopy to study the phantom’s electrical properties. This technique applies alternating electrical signals at different frequencies and measures the material’s resistance to electrical flow, providing a detailed profile of its electrical behavior. Results from the experiments we conducted on five volunteers showed that the phantom’s impedance response closely mirrored that of human skin across both dry and hydrated conditions, with a difference of less than 20% between real skin and the phantom.
We also tested whether wearable devices could pick up signals from the skin phantom and how signal quality changed with different skin conditions. To do this, we recorded eletrocardiogram signals on phantoms designed to mimic dry and hydrated skin. The results showed clear differences in signal quality: The phantom simulating dry skin had a lower signal-to-noise ratio, while the hydrated skin phantom showed better signal clarity. These findings are consistent with previous studies from other researchers.
Together, our skin phantom closely replicates the way human skin responds to wearable sensors across a range of conditions, including dry and hydrated states. This accuracy makes it an optimal stand-in for real skin in the lab.
Wearable technology
The skin phantom is more than just a testing tool – it’s a step forward for wearable health technology.
By removing the unpredictability of human testing, scientists can design and improve wearable devices more quickly and effectively. They can also use it to study how skin interacts with medical devices, such as patches that deliver medicine or advanced diagnostic tools.
Our skin phantom is also simple and inexpensive. Each phantom costs less than US$3 and can be made with standard lab materials and tools. It can be reused multiple times within the same day without significant changes in its electrical properties, though extended use over several days may require adjustments, such as rehydration, to maintain stable performance. This affordability and reusability make the phantom more accessible for labs with limited budgets or resources.
As wearable technology becomes more common in health care, tools such as the skin phantom can help make devices more reliable, accessible and personalized for everyone.
Krittika Goyal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Assistant professor Frank Cackowski, left, and researcher Steven Zielske at Wayne State University in Detroit became suspicious of a paper on cancer research that was eventually retracted.Amy Sacka, CC BY-ND
Over the past decade, furtive commercial entities around the world have industrialized the production, sale and dissemination of bogus scholarly research, undermining the literature that everyone from doctors to engineers rely on to make decisions about human lives.
It is exceedingly difficult to get a handle on exactly how big the problem is. Around 55,000 scholarly papers have been retracted to date, for a variety of reasons, but scientists and companies who screen the scientific literature for telltale signs of fraud estimate that there are many more fake papers circulating – possibly as many as several hundred thousand. This fake research can confound legitimate researchers who must wade through dense equations, evidence, images and methodologies only to find that they were made up.
Even when the bogus papers are spotted – usually by amateur sleuths on their own time – academic journals are often slow to retract the papers, allowing the articles to taint what many consider sacrosanct: the vast global library of scholarly work that introduces new ideas, reviews other research and discusses findings.
These fake papers are slowing down research that has helped millions of people with lifesaving medicine and therapies from cancer to COVID-19. Analysts’ data shows that fields related to cancer and medicine are particularly hard hit, while areas like philosophy and art are less affected. Some scientists have abandoned their life’s work because they cannot keep pace given the number of fake papers they must bat down.
The problem reflects a worldwide commodification of science. Universities, and their research funders, have long used regular publication in academic journals as requirements for promotions and job security, spawning the mantra “publish or perish.”
But now, fraudsters have infiltrated the academic publishing industry to prioritize profits over scholarship. Equipped with technological prowess, agility and vast networks of corrupt researchers, they are churning out papers on everything from obscure genes to artificial intelligence in medicine.
These papers are absorbed into the worldwide library of research faster than they can be weeded out. About 119,000 scholarly journal articles and conference papers are published globally every week, or more than 6 million a year. Publishers estimate that, at most journals, about 2% of the papers submitted – but not necessarily published – are likely fake, although this number can be much higher at some publications.
While no country is immune to this practice, it is particularly pronounced in emerging economies where resources to do bona fide science are limited – and where governments, eager to compete on a global scale, push particularly strong “publish or perish” incentives.
As a result, there is a bustling online underground economy for all things scholarly publishing. Authorship, citations, even academic journal editors, are up for sale. This fraud is so prevalent that it has its own name: paper mills, a phrase that harks back to “term-paper mills”, where students cheat by getting someone else to write a class paper for them.
The impact on publishers is profound. In high-profile cases, fake articles can hurt a journal’s bottom line. Important scientific indexes – databases of academic publications that many researchers rely on to do their work – may delist journals that publish too many compromised papers. There is growing criticism that legitimate publishers could do more to track and blacklist journals and authors who regularly publish fake papers that are sometimes little more than artificial intelligence-generated phrases strung together.
To better understand the scope, ramifications and potential solutions of this metastasizing assault on science, we – a contributing editor at Retraction Watch, a website that reports on retractions of scientific papers and related topics, and two computer scientists at France’s Université Toulouse III–Paul Sabatier and Université Grenoble Alpes who specialize in detecting bogus publications – spent six months investigating paper mills.
This included, by some of us at different times, trawling websites and social media posts, interviewing publishers, editors, research-integrity experts, scientists, doctors, sociologists and scientific sleuths engaged in the Sisyphean task of cleaning up the literature. It also involved, by some of us, screening scientific articles looking for signs of fakery.
What emerged is a deep-rooted crisis that has many researchers and policymakers calling for a new way for universities and many governments to evaluate and reward academics and health professionals across the globe.
Just as highly biased websites dressed up to look like objective reporting are gnawing away at evidence-based journalism and threatening elections, fake science is grinding down the knowledge base on which modern society rests.
As part of our work detecting these bogus publications, co-author Guillaume Cabanac developed the Problematic Paper Screener, which filters 130 million new and old scholarly papers every week looking for nine types of clues that a paper might be fake or contain errors. A key clue is a tortured phrase – an awkward wording generated by software that replaces common scientific terms with synonyms to avoid direct plagiarism from a legitimate paper.
Frank Cackowski at Detroit’s Wayne State University was confused.
The oncologist was studying a sequence of chemical reactions in cells to see if they could be a target for drugs against prostate cancer. A paper from 2018 from 2018 in the American Journal of Cancer Research piqued his interest when he read that a little-known molecule called SNHG1 might interact with the chemical reactions he was exploring. He and fellow Wayne State researcher Steven Zielske began a series of experiments to learn more about the link. Surprisingly, they found there wasn’t a link.
Meanwhile, Zielske had grown suspicious of the paper. Two graphs showing results for different cell lines were identical, he noticed, which “would be like pouring water into two glasses with your eyes closed and the levels coming out exactly the same.” Another graph and a table in the article also inexplicably contained identical data.
Zielske described his misgivings in an anonymous post in 2020 at PubPeer, an online forum where many scientists report potential research misconduct, and also contacted the journal’s editor. Shortly thereafter, the journal pulled the paper, citing “falsified materials and/or data.”
“Science is hard enough as it is if people are actually being genuine and trying to do real work,” says Cackowski, who also works at the Karmanos Cancer Institute in Michigan. “And it’s just really frustrating to waste your time based on somebody’s fraudulent publications.”
Wayne State scientists Frank Cackowski and Steven Zielske carried out experiments based on a paper they later found to contain false data. Amy Sacka, CC BY-ND
He worries that the bogus publications are slowing down “legitimate research that down the road is going to impact patient care and drug development.”
The two researchers eventually found that SNHG1 did appear to play a part in prostate cancer, though not in the way the suspect paper suggested. But it was a tough topic to study. Zielske combed through all the studies on SNHG1 and cancer – some 150 papers, nearly all from Chinese hospitals – and concluded that “a majority” of them looked fake. Some reported using experimental reagents known as primers that were “just gibberish,” for instance, or targeted a different gene than what the study said, according to Zielske. He contacted several of the journals, he said, but received little response. “I just stopped following up.”
The many questionable articles also made it harder to get funding, Zielske said. The first time he submitted a grant application to study SNHG1, it was rejected, with one reviewer saying “the field was crowded,” Zielske recalled. The following year, he explained in his application how most of the literature likely came from paper mills. He got the grant.
Today, Zielske said, he approaches new research differently than he used to: “You can’t just read an abstract and have any faith in it. I kind of assume everything’s wrong.”
Legitimate academic journals evaluate papers before they are published by having other researchers in the field carefully read them over. This peer review process is designed to stop flawed research from being disseminated, but is far from perfect.
Reviewers volunteer their time, typically assume research is real and so don’t look for signs of fraud. And some publishers may try to pick reviewers they deem more likely to accept papers, because rejecting a manuscript can mean losing out on thousands of dollars in publication fees.
“Even good, honest reviewers have become apathetic” because of “the volume of poor research coming through the system,” said Adam Day, who directs Clear Skies, a company in London that develops data-based methods to help spot falsified papers and academic journals. “Any editor can recount seeing reports where it’s obvious the reviewer hasn’t read the paper.”
With AI, they don’t have to: New research shows that many reviews are now written by ChatGPT and similar tools.
María de los Ángeles Oviedo-García, a professor of marketing at the University of Seville in Spain, spends her spare time hunting for suspect peer reviews from all areas of science, hundreds of which she has flagged on PubPeer. Some of these reviews are the length of a tweet, others ask authors to cite the reviewer’s work even if it has nothing to do with the science at hand, and many closely resemble other peer reviews for very different studies – evidence, in her eyes, of what she calls “review mills.”
PubPeer comment from María de los Ángeles Oviedo-García pointing out that a peer review report is very similar to two other reports. She also points out that authors and citations for all three are either anonymous or the same person – both hallmarks of fake papers. Screen capture by The Conversation, CC BY-ND
“One of the demanding fights for me is to keep faith in science,” says Oviedo-García, who tells her students to look up papers on PubPeer before relying on them too heavily. Her research has been slowed down, she adds, because she now feels compelled to look for peer review reports for studies she uses in her work. Often there aren’t any, because “very few journals publish those review reports,” Oviedo-García says.
An ‘absolutely huge’ problem
It is unclear when paper mills began to operate at scale. The earliest article retracted due to suspected involvement of such agencies was published in 2004, according to the Retraction Watch Database, which contains details about tens of thousands of retractions. (The database is operated by The Center for Scientific Integrity, the parent nonprofit of Retraction Watch.) Nor is it clear exactly how many low-quality, plagiarized or made-up articles paper mills have spawned.
But the number is likely to be significant and growing, experts say. One Russia-linked paper mill in Latvia, for instance, claims on its website to have published “more than 12,650 articles” since 2012.
An analysis of 53,000 papers submitted to six publishers – but not necessarily published – found the proportion of suspect papers ranged from 2% to 46% across journals. And the American publisher Wiley, which has retracted more than 11,300 compromised articles and closed 19 heavily affected journals in its erstwhile Hindawi division, recently said its new paper-mill detection tool flags up to 1 in 7 submissions.
Day, of Clear Skies, estimates that as many as 2% of the several million scientific works published in 2022 were milled. Some fields are more problematic than others. The number is closer to 3% in biology and medicine, and in some subfields, like cancer, it may be much larger, according to Day. Despite increased awareness today, “I do not see any significant change in the trend,” he said. With improved methods of detection, “any estimate I put out now will be higher.”
The paper-mill problem is “absolutely huge,” said Sabina Alam, director of Publishing Ethics and Integrity at Taylor & Francis, a major academic publisher. In 2019, none of the 175 ethics cases that editors escalated to her team was about paper mills, Alam said. Ethics cases include submissions and already published papers. In 2023, “we had almost 4,000 cases,” she said. “And half of those were paper mills.”
Jennifer Byrne, an Australian scientist who now heads up a research group to improve the reliability of medical research, submitted testimony for a hearing of the U.S. House of Representatives’ Committee on Science, Space, and Technology in July 2022. She noted that 700, or nearly 6%, of 12,000 cancer research papers screened had errors that could signal paper mill involvement. Byrne shuttered her cancer research lab in 2017 because the genes she had spent two decades researching and writing about became the target of an enormous number of fake papers. A rogue scientist fudging data is one thing, she said, but a paper mill could churn out dozens of fake studies in the time it took her team to publish a single legitimate one.
“The threat of paper mills to scientific publishing and integrity has no parallel over my 30-year scientific career …. In the field of human gene science alone, the number of potentially fraudulent articles could exceed 100,000 original papers,” she wrote to lawmakers, adding, “This estimate may seem shocking but is likely to be conservative.”
In one area of genetics research – the study of noncoding RNA in different types of cancer – “We’re talking about more than 50% of papers published are from mills,” Byrne said. “It’s like swimming in garbage.”
When retractions do happen, it is often thanks to the efforts of a small international community of amateur sleuths like Oviedo-García and those who post on PubPeer.
Jillian Goldfarb, an associate professor of chemical and biomolecular engineering at Cornell University and a former editor of the Elsevier journal Fuel, laments the publisher’s handling of the threat from paper mills.
“I was assessing upwards of 50 papers every day,” she said in an email interview. While she had technology to detect plagiarism, duplicate submissions and suspicious author changes, it was not enough. “It’s unreasonable to think that an editor – for whom this is not usually their full-time job – can catch these things reading 50 papers at a time. The time crunch, plus pressure from publishers to increase submission rates and citations and decrease review time, puts editors in an impossible situation.”
In October 2023, Goldfarb resigned from her position as editor of Fuel. In a LinkedIn post about her decision, she cited the company’s failure to move on dozens of potential paper-mill articles she had flagged; its hiring of a principal editor who reportedly “engaged in paper and citation milling”; and its proposal of candidates for editorial positions “with longer PubPeer profiles and more retractions than most people have articles on their CVs, and whose names appear as authors on papers-for-sale websites.”
“This tells me, our community, and the public, that they value article quantity and profit over science,” Goldfarb wrote.
In response to questions about Goldfarb’s resignation, an Elsevier spokesperson told The Conversation that it “takes all claims about research misconduct in our journals very seriously” and is investigating Goldfarb’s claims. The spokesperson added that Fuel’s editorial team has “been working to make other changes to the journal to benefit authors and readers.”
That’s not how it works, buddy
Business proposals had been piling up for years in the inbox of João de Deus Barreto Segundo, managing editor of six journals published by the Bahia School of Medicine and Public Health in Salvador, Brazil. Several came from suspect publishers on the prowl for new journals to add to their portfolios. Others came from academics suggesting fishy deals or offering bribes to publish their paper.
In one email from February 2024, an assistant professor of economics in Poland explained that he ran a company that worked with European universities. “Would you be interested in collaboration on the publication of scientific articles by scientists who collaborate with me?” Artur Borcuch inquired. “We will then discuss possible details and financial conditions.”
A university administrator in Iraq was more candid: “As an incentive, I am prepared to offer a grant of $500 for each accepted paper submitted to your esteemed journal,” wrote Ahmed Alkhayyat, head of the Islamic University Centre for Scientific Research, in Najaf, and manager of the school’s “world ranking.”
“That’s not how it works, buddy,” Barreto Segundo shot back.
In email to The Conversation, Borcuch denied any improper intent. “My role is to mediate in the technical and procedural aspects of publishing an article,” Borcuch said, adding that, when working with multiple scientists, he would “request a discount from the editorial office on their behalf.” Informed that the Brazilian publisher had no publication fees, Borcuch said a “mistake” had occurred because an “employee” sent the email for him “to different journals.”
Academic journals have different payment models. Many are subscription-based and don’t charge authors for publishing, but have hefty fees for reading articles. Libraries and universities also pay large sums for access.
A fast-growing open-access model – where anyone can read the paper – includes expensive publication fees levied on authors to make up for the loss of revenue in selling the articles. These payments are not meant to influence whether or not a manuscript is accepted.
The Bahia School of Medicine and Public Health, among others, doesn’t charge authors or readers, but Barreto Segundo’s employer is a small player in the scholarly publishing business, which brings in close to $30 billion a year on profit margins as high as 40%. Academic publishers make money largely from subscription fees from institutions like libraries and universities, individual payments to access paywalled articles, and open-access fees paid by authors to ensure their articles are free for anyone to read.
The industry is lucrative enough that it has attracted unscrupulous actors eager to find a way to siphon off some of that revenue.
Ahmed Torad, a lecturer at Kafr El Sheikh University in Egypt and editor-in-chief of the Egyptian Journal of Physiotherapy, asked for a 30% kickback for every article he passed along to the Brazilian publisher. “This commission will be calculated based on the publication fees generated by the manuscripts I submit,” Torad wrote, noting that he specialized “in connecting researchers and authors with suitable journals for publication.”
Apparently, he failed to notice that Bahia School of Medicine and Public Health doesn’t charge author fees.
Like Borcuch, Alkhayyat denied any improper intent. He said there had been a “misunderstanding” on the editor’s part, explaining that the payment he offered was meant to cover presumed article-processing charges. “Some journals ask for money. So this is normal,” Alkhayyat said.
Torad explained that he had sent his offer to source papers in exchange for a commission to some 280 journals, but had not forced anyone to accept the manuscripts. Some had balked at his proposition, he said, despite regularly charging authors thousands of dollars to publish. He suggested that the scientific community wasn’t comfortable admitting that scholarly publishing has become a business like any other, even if it’s “obvious to many scientists.”
The unwelcome advances all targeted one of the journals Barreto Segundo managed, The Journal of Physiotherapy Research, soon after it was indexed in Scopus, a database of abstracts and citations owned by the publisher Elsevier.
Along with Clarivate’s Web of Science, Scopus has become an important quality stamp for scholarly publications globally. Articles in indexed journals are money in the bank for their authors: They help secure jobs, promotions, funding and, in some countries, even trigger cash rewards. For academics or physicians in poorer countries, they can be a ticket to the global north.
Consider Egypt, a country plaguedbydubiousclinical trials. Universities there commonly pay employees large sums for international publications, with the amount depending on the journal’s impact factor. A similar incentive structure is hardwired into national regulations: To earn the rank of full professor, for example, candidates must have at least five publications in two years, according to Egypt’s Supreme Council of Universities. Studies in journals indexed in Scopus or Web of Science not only receive extra points, but they also are exempt from further scrutiny when applicants are evaluated. The higher a publication’s impact factor, the more points the studies get.
With such a focus on metrics, it has become common for Egyptian researchers to cut corners, according to a physician in Cairo who requested anonymity for fear of retaliation. Authorship is frequently gifted to colleagues who then return the favor later, or studies may be created out of whole cloth. Sometimes an existing legitimate paper is chosen from the literature, and key details such as the type of disease or surgery are then changed and the numbers slightly modified, the source explained.
It affects clinical guidelines and medical care, “so it’s a shame,” the physician said.
Ivermectin, a drug used to treat parasites in animals and humans, is a case in point. When some studies showed that it was effective against COVID-19, ivermectin was hailed as a “miracle drug” early in the pandemic. Prescriptions surged, and along with them calls to U.S. poison centers; one man spent nine days in the hospital after downing an injectable formulation of the drug that was meant for cattle, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. As it turned out, nearly all of the research that showed a positive effect on COVID-19 had indications of fakery, the BBC and others reported – including a now-withdrawn Egyptian study. With no apparent benefit, patients were left with just side effects.
“There’s a huge academic incentive and profit motive,” says Lisa Bero, a professor of medicine and public health at the University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus and the senior research-integrity editor at the Cochrane Collaboration, an international nonprofit organization that produces evidence reviews about medical treatments. “I see it at every institution I’ve worked at.”
But in the global south, the publish-or-perish edict runs up against underdeveloped research infrastructures and education systems, leaving scientists in a bind. For a Ph.D., the Cairo physician who requested anonymity conducted an entire clinical trial single-handedly – from purchasing study medication to randomizing patients, collecting and analyzing data and paying article-processing fees. In wealthier nations, entire teams work on such studies, with the tab easily running into the hundreds of thousands of dollars.
“Research is quite challenging here,” the physician said. That’s why scientists “try to manipulate and find easier ways so they get the job done.”
Institutions, too, have gamed the system with an eye to international rankings. In 2011, the journal Science described how prolific researchers in the United States and Europe were offered hefty payments for listing Saudi universities as secondary affiliations on papers. And in 2023, the magazine, in collaboration with Retraction Watch, uncovered a massive self-citation ploy by a top-ranked dental school in India that forced undergraduate students to publish papers referencing faculty work.
The root – and solutions
Such unsavory schemes can be traced back to the introduction of performance-based metrics in academia, a development driven by the New Public Management movement that swept across the Western world in the 1980s, according to Canadian sociologist of science Yves Gingras of the Université du Québec à Montréal. When universities and public institutions adopted corporate management, scientific papers became “accounting units” used to evaluate and reward scientific productivity rather than “knowledge units” advancing our insight into the world around us, Gingras wrote.
This transformation led many researchers to compete on numbers instead of content, which made publication metrics poor measures of academic prowess. As Gingras has shown, the controversial French microbiologist Didier Raoult, who now has more than a dozen retractions to his name, has an h-index – a measure combining publication and citation numbers – that is twice as high as that of Albert Einstein – “proof that the index is absurd,” Gingras said.
Worse, a sort of scientific inflation, or “scientometric bubble,” has ensued, with each new publication representing an increasingly small increment in knowledge. “We publish more and more superficial papers, we publish papers that have to be corrected, and we push people to do fraud,” said Gingras.
In 2024, Landon Halloran, a geoscientist at the University of Neuchâtel, in Switzerland, received an unusual job application for an opening in his lab. A researcher with a Ph.D. from China had sent him his CV. At 31, the applicant had amassed 160 publications in Scopus-indexed journals, 62 of them in 2022 alone, the same year he obtained his doctorate. Although the applicant was not the only one “with a suspiciously high output,” according to Halloran, he stuck out. “My colleagues and I have never come across anything quite like it in the geosciences,” he said.
According to industry insiders and publishers, there is more awareness now of threats from paper mills and other bad actors. Some journals routinely check for image fraud. A bad AI-generated image showing up in a paper can either be a sign of a scientist taking an ill-advised shortcut, or a paper mill.
The Cochrane Collaboration has a policy excluding suspect studies from its analyses of medical evidence. The organization also has been developing a tool to help its reviewers spot problematic medical trials, just as publishers have begun to screen submissions and share data and technologies among themselves to combat fraud.
This image, generated by AI, is a visual gobbledygook of concepts around transporting and delivering drugs in the body. For instance, the upper left figure is a nonsensical mix of a syringe, an inhaler and pills. And the pH-sensitive carrier molecule on the lower left is huge, rivaling the size of the lungs. After scientist sleuths pointed out that the published image made no sense, the journal issued a correction. Screen capture by The Conversation, CC BY-ND This graphic is the corrected image that replaced the AI image above. In this case, according to the correction, the journal determined that the paper was legitimate but the scientists had used AI to generate the image describing it. Screen capture by The Conversation, CC BY-ND
“People are realizing like, wow, this is happening in my field, it’s happening in your field,” said the Cochrane Collaboration’s Bero”. “So we really need to get coordinated and, you know, develop a method and a plan overall for stamping these things out.”
What jolted Taylor & Francis into paying attention, according to Alam, the director of Publishing Ethics and Integrity, was a 2020 investigation of a Chinese paper mill by sleuth Elisabeth Bik and three of her peers who go by the pseudonyms Smut Clyde, Morty and Tiger BB8. With 76 compromised papers, the U.K.-based company’s Artificial Cells, Nanomedicine, and Biotechnology was the most affected journal identified in the probe.
“It opened up a minefield,” says Alam, who also co-chairs United2Act, a project launched in 2023 that brings together publishers, researchers and sleuths in the fight against paper mills. “It was the first time we realized that stock images essentially were being used to represent experiments.”
Taylor & Francis decided to audit the hundreds of articles in its portfolio that contained similar types of images. It doubled Alam’s team, which now has 14.5 positions dedicated to doing investigations, and also began monitoring submission rates. Paper mills, it seemed, weren’t picky customers.
“What they’re trying to do is find a gate, and if they get in, then they just start kind of slamming in the submissions,” Alam said. Seventy-six fake papers suddenly seemed like a drop in the ocean. At one Taylor & Francis journal, for instance, Alam’s team identified nearly 1,000 manuscripts that bore all the marks of coming from a mill, she said.
And in 2023, it rejected about 300 dodgy proposals for special issues. “We’ve blocked a hell of a lot from coming through,” Alam said.
Fraud checkers
A small industry of technology startups has sprung up to help publishers, researchers and institutions spot potential fraud. The website Argos, launched in September 2024 by Scitility, an alert service based in Sparks, Nevada, allows authors to check if new collaborators are trailed by retractions or misconduct concerns. It has flagged tens of thousands of “high-risk” papers, according to the journal Nature.
Fraud-checker tools sift through papers to point to those that should be manually checked and possibly rejected. solidcolours/iStock via Getty Images
The fraudsters have not been idle, either. In 2022, when Clear Skies released the Papermill Alarm, the first academic to inquire about the new tool was a paper miller, according to Day. The person wanted access so he could check his papers before firing them off to publishers, Day said. “Paper mills have proven to be adaptive and also quite quick off the mark.”
Given the ongoing arms race, Alam acknowledges that the fight against paper mills won’t be won as long as the booming demand for their products remains.
According to a Nature analysis, the retraction rate tripled from 2012 to 2022 to close to .02%, or around 1 in 5,000 papers. It then nearly doubled in 2023, in large part because of Wiley’s Hindawi debacle. Today’s commercial publishing is part of the problem, Byrne said. For one, cleaning up the literature is a vast and expensive undertaking with no direct financial upside. “Journals and publishers will never, at the moment, be able to correct the literature at the scale and in the timeliness that’s required to solve the paper-mill problem,” Byrne said. “Either we have to monetize corrections such that publishers are paid for their work, or forget the publishers and do it ourselves.”
But that still wouldn’t fix the fundamental bias built into for-profit publishing: Journals don’t get paid for rejecting papers. “We pay them for accepting papers,” said Bodo Stern, a former editor of the journal Cell and chief of Strategic Initiatives at Howard Hughes Medical Institute, a nonprofit research organization and major funder in Chevy Chase, Maryland. “I mean, what do you think journals are going to do? They’re going to accept papers.”
With more than 50,000 journals on the market, even if some are trying hard to get it right, bad papers that are shopped around long enough eventually find a home, Stern added. “That system cannot function as a quality-control mechanism,” he said. “We have so many journals that everything can get published.”
In Stern’s view, the way to go is to stop paying journals for accepting papers and begin looking at them as public utilities that serve a greater good. “We should pay for transparent and rigorous quality-control mechanisms,” he said.
Peer review, meanwhile, “should be recognized as a true scholarly product, just like the original article, because the authors of the article and the peer reviewers are using the same skills,” Stern said. By the same token, journals should make all peer-review reports publicly available, even for manuscripts they turn down. “When they do quality control, they can’t just reject the paper and then let it be published somewhere else,” Stern said. “That’s not a good service.”
Better measures
Stern isn’t the first scientist to bemoan the excessive focus on bibliometrics. “We need less research, better research, and research done for the right reasons,” wrote the late statistician Douglas G. Altman in a much-cited editorial from 1994. “Abandoning using the number of publications as a measure of ability would be a start.”
Despite the declaration, metrics remain in wide use today, and scientists say there is a new sense of urgency.
“We’re getting to the point where people really do feel they have to do something” because of the vast number of fake papers, said Richard Sever, assistant director of Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press, in New York, and co-founder of the preprint servers bioRxiv and medRxiv.
Stern and his colleagues have tried to make improvements at their institution. Researchers who wish to renew their seven-year contract have long been required to write a short paragraph describing the importance of their major results. Since the end of 2023, they also have been asked to remove journal names from their applications.
That way, “you can never do what all reviewers do – I’ve done it – look at the bibliography and in just one second decide, ‘Oh, this person has been productive because they have published many papers and they’re published in the right journals,’” says Stern. “What matters is, did it really make a difference?”
Shifting the focus away from convenient performance metrics seems possible not just for wealthy private institutions like Howard Hughes Medical Institute, but also for large government funders. In Australia, for example, the National Health and Medical Research Council in 2022 launched the “top 10 in 10” policy, aiming, in part, to “value research quality rather than quantity of publications.”
Rather than providing their entire bibliography, the agency, which assesses thousands of grant applications every year, asked researchers to list no more than 10 publications from the past decade and explain the contribution each had made to science. According to an evaluation report from April, 2024 close to three-quarters of grant reviewers said the new policy allowed them to concentrate more on research quality than quantity. And more than half said it reduced the time they spent on each application.
Gingras, the Canadian sociologist, advocates giving scientists the time they need to produce work that matters, rather than a gushing stream of publications. He is a signatory to the Slow Science Manifesto: “Once you get slow science, I can predict that the number of corrigenda, the number of retractions, will go down,” he says.
At one point, Gingras was involved in evaluating a research organization whose mission was to improve workplace security. An employee presented his work. “He had a sentence I will never forget,” Gingras recalls. The employee began by saying, “‘You know, I’m proud of one thing: My h-index is zero.’ And it was brilliant.” The scientist had developed a technology that prevented fatal falls among construction workers. “He said, ‘That’s useful, and that’s my job.’ I said, ‘Bravo!’”
Labbé receives funding from the European Research Council.
He has also received funding from the French National Research Agency (ANR), and the U.S. Office of Research Integrity.
Labbé has been in touch with most of the major publishers and their integrity officers, offering pro-bono consulting regarding detection tools to various actors in the field including STM-Hub and Morressier.
Cabanac receives funding from the European Research Council (ERC) and the Institut Universitaire de France (IUF). He is the administrator of the Problematic Paper Screener, a public platform that uses metadata from Digital Science and PubPeer via no-cost agreements. Cabanac has been in touch with most of the major publishers and their integrity officers, offering pro bono consulting regarding detection tools to various actors in the field including ClearSkies, Morressier, River Valley, Signals, and STM.
Frederik Joelving does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Under the UK’s Pharmacy First initiative, people are encouraged to see their pharmacist before consulting their GP – especially for minor ailments. It’s a tough four-year course to become a pharmacist in the UK, so you’re in good hands if you seek their advice.
However, on stepping in to any community pharmacy, you might be surprised by the welter of products on sale – from decongestant drugs to homeopathic remedies – that have little or no evidence to support their effectiveness.
For example, oral phenylephrine has been shown to be ineffective as a nasal decongestant. Following a review of the evidence, late last year, the US Food and Drug Administration advised that oral versions of the drug (pills, soluble powders and syrups) should no longer be sold as a treatment for a blocked nose.
Phenylephrine is the main decongestant ingredient in many over-the-counter cold remedies.
Meanwhile, the UK’s Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory Agency’s chief safety officer, Alison Cave, said there are “no safety concerns” over phenylephrine products and “people can continue to use as directed”. Although safety is not what’s in question. Effectiveness is.
The flu drug oseltamivir also has little evidence of effectiveness – at least in otherwise healthy people. The UK government, however, still recommends its use in seasonal flu outbreaks.
A recent meta-analysis of 33 clinical trials, with a combined 19,000 patients, showed that oseltamivir, and similar antivirals, might be useful if given to patients who are at a high risk of severe disease. However, they only worked if given within 48 hours of exposure to the flu virus. These drugs had little or no effect on most people who are at low risk or who look for treatments after the 48-hour window.
In 2017, the World Health Organization (WHO) downgraded the status of oseltamivir from “essential” to “complementary”.
The WHO strongly advises against giving oseltamivir to people with “suspected or confirmed non-severe seasonal influenza virus infection”. The drug doesn’t seem to help people at low risk of severe flu and can have unpleasant side-effects.
What about supplements and other non-medicines?
Of course, pharmacies don’t just sell drugs. They also sell supplements, such as vitamins and minerals, herbal medicines and homeopathic remedies.
Although more than half the UK population takes a multivitamin or dietary supplement, scientists still debate their benefits. A recent large study found that taking a daily multivitamin doesn’t appear to be associated with a mortality benefit.
On the other hand, taking a vitamin D supplement is recommended for those with a deficiency – especially during the dark winter months. Studies have shown that it may reduce the risk of heart attacks and strokes in older people. And people with periods can benefit from vitamin C as it helps with iron absorption.
Medicines in the UK must demonstrate safety, quality and efficacy – but these criteria don’t apply to supplements, herbal medicines and homeopathic products. These products only have to demonstrate safety and quality.
The Royal Pharmaceutical Society states that there is “no evidence from randomised controlled trials for the efficacy of homoeopathy over placebo, and no scientific basis for homoeopathy”. However, it was only as recently as 2017 that the NHS agreed to cease providing homeopathic treatments.
If the evidence says that they don’t work, why do people take these products?
Placebo effects may be part of the reason. The person may believe that the treatment will work and this may lead to them thinking that they feel better. Most of these products are sold for self-limiting conditions and are aimed at helping people feel better while they recover.
Many of these products are sold for self-limiting conditions. fizkes/Shutterstock
Pharmacies have always sold complementary therapies, although these products have changed with the times. You won’t find tonic wine anymore, and there’s much less call for malt extract with cod liver oil.
So why do UK pharmacies sell products with little or no evidence of effectiveness?
Data from Community Pharmacy England suggests that 90% of the income of the average pharmacy comes from the NHS. But, over the last ten years, that funding has seen a 30% real-term cut, even in the face of new services, such as Pharmacy First.
Is it any wonder then that community pharmacies are moving into private services, such as weight loss, and expanding the range of lifestyle products they sell?
Also, many pharmacists work for larger companies and these companies might value profit over evidence-based treatments. Their shops can be crammed with dubious products with high profitability.
This conflict between pharmacies making a profit and providing the best treatment options and advice is not new and is something that Australia struggled with quite recently, leading to calls for pharmacies to drop products that lack evidence.
As long as pharmacies face NHS spending cuts and have to rely on the sale of products that have little or no evidence for their efficacy to remain afloat, the situation is unlikely to change. In the meantime, ask questions about anything you are considering buying. You can be reassured that if a product isn’t right for your condition, your pharmacist will tell you.
The Conversation offered the Royal Pharmaceutical Society the right of reply and Elen Jones, the society’s director for England and Wales wrote:
“Community pharmacies are the ideal place for open conversations with patients to ensure they make informed decisions about their health, including discussing any questions about the evidence of a product’s clinical effectiveness …
“In the case of homeopathy, the RPS is clear that it has no scientific evidence to support its clinical efficacy beyond a placebo effect and does not endorse it as a form of treatment. Pharmacists should advise people considering homeopathic products about their lack of efficacy beyond placebo and also advise that individuals do not stop taking their prescribed medicines when considering using a homeopathic product.
“Offering a variety of products can be an opportunity for patients to access the pharmacy as a ‘gateway to healthcare,’ encouraging them to seek advice for conditions because they trust their pharmacist. Pharmacists play a crucial role in providing evidence-based care daily, guiding patients towards treatments that are safe and clinically effective, with patient care and safety always as the highest priority.”
Colin Davidson has previously received funding from the NIH (USA) and the European Community for projects related to drug abuse. He is currently a consultant on novel psychoactive substances for the UK Defence Science Technology Labs and is a member of the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (UK). He was Head of School of Pharmacy & Biomedical Sciences at the University of Central Lancashire from 2017-2023.
Cathryn Brown is a pharmacist and a member of the Royal Pharmaceutical Society. She is currently a member of the Labour party, and regularly donates to Sense about Science.
The pursuit of nuclear fusion as a clean, sustainable energy source represents one of the most challenging scientific and engineering goals of our time. Fusion promises nearly limitless energy without carbon emissions or long-living radioactive waste.
However, achieving practical fusion energy requires overcoming significant challenges. These come from the heat generated by the fusion process, the radiation produced, the progressive damage to materials used in fusion devices and other engineering hurdles. Fusion systems operate under extreme physical conditions, generating data at scales that surpass the ability of humans to analyse.
Nuclear fusion is the form of energy that powers the Sun. Existing nuclear energy relies on a process called fission, where a heavy chemical element is split to produce lighter ones. Fusion works by combining two light elements to make a heavier one.
While physicists are able to initiate and sustain fusion for variable periods of time, getting more energy out of the process than the energy supplied to power the fusion device has been a challenge. This has so far prevented the commercialisation of this hugely promising energy source.
Artificial intelligence (AI) is emerging as a powerful and essential tool for managing the inherent challenges in fusion research. It holds promise for handling the complex data and convoluted relationships between different aspects of the fusion process. This not only enhances our understanding of fusion but also accelerates the development of new reactor designs.
By addressing these hurdles, AI offers the potential to significantly compress timelines for the development of fusion devices, paving the way for the commercialisation of this form of energy.
AI is reshaping fusion research across academic, government and commercial sectors, driving innovation and progress toward a sustainable energy future. For example, it can play a transformative role in addressing the challenges of developing materials for fusion reactors, which must withstand extreme thermal and neutron environments while maintaining structural integrity and functionality.
By connecting datasets from different experiments, simulations and manufacturing processes, AI-driven models can generate reliable predictions and insights that can be acted on. A form of AI called machine learning can significantly accelerate the evaluation and optimisation of materials that could be used in fusion devices.
These include the doughnut-shaped vessels called tokamaks used in magnetic confinement fusion (where magnetic coils are used to guide and control hot plasma – a state of matter – allowing fusion reactions to occur). The superheated plasma can damage the materials used in the interior walls of the tokamak, as well as irradiating them (making them radioactive).
Machine learning involves the use of algorithms (a set of mathematical rules) that can learn from data and apply those lessons to unseen problems. Insights from this form of AI are critical for guiding the selection and validation of materials capable of enduring the harsh conditions within fusion devices. AI allows scientists to develop detailed simulations that enable the rapid evaluation of materials performance and their configurations within a fusion device. This helps ensure long-term reliability and cost efficiency.
AI tools can help narrow the range of candidate materials for testing, characterise them based on their properties and perform real-time monitoring of those installed in fusion reactors. These capabilities enable the rapid screening and development of radiation-tolerant materials, reducing reliance on traditional, time-intensive approaches.
Controlling plasma
AI also offers a way to better control the plasma in fusion reactors. As discussed, a key challenge in magnetic confinement fusion is to shape and maintain the high-temperature plasma within the fusion device, often a tokamak vessel.
However, the plasmas in these machines are inherently unstable. For example, a control system needs to coordinate the tokamak’s many magnets, adjust their voltage thousands of times per second to ensure the plasma never touches the walls of the vessel. This could lead to the loss of heat and potentially damage the materials inside the tokamak.
Researchers from the UK-based company Google DeepMind have used a form of AI called deep reinforcement learning to keep the plasma steady and be used to accurately sculpt it into different shapes. This allows scientists to understand how the plasma reacts under different conditions.
Meanwhile, a team at Princeton University in the US also used deep reinforcement learning to forecast disturbances in fusion plasma known as “tearing mode instabilities”, up to 300 milliseconds before they appear. Tearing instabilities are a leading form of disruption that can occur, stopping the fusion process. They happen when the magnetic field lines within a plasma break and create an opportunity for that plasma to escape the control system in a fusion device.
My own collaboration with the UK Atomic Energy Authority (UKAEA) addresses critical challenges in materials performance and structural integrity by integrating a variety of techniques, including machine learning models, for evaluating what’s known as the residual stress of materials. Residual stress is a measure of performance that’s locked into materials during manufacturing or operation. It can significantly affect the reliability and safety of fusion reactor components under extreme conditions.
A key outcome of this collaboration is the development of a way of working that integrates data from experiments with a machine learning-powered predictive model to evaluate residual stress in fusion joints and components.
This framework has been validated through collaborations with leading institutions, including the National Physical Laboratory and UKAEA’s materials research facility. These advancements provide efficient and accurate assessments of materials performance and have redefined the evaluation of residual stress, unlocking new possibilities for assessing the structural integrity of components used in fusion devices.
This research directly supports the European Demonstration Power Plant (EU-DEMO)
and the Spherical Tokamak for Energy Production (STEP) project, which aim to deliver a demonstration fusion power plant and prototype fusion power plant, respectively, to scale. Their success depends on ensuring the structural integrity of critical components under extreme conditions.
By using many AI-based approaches in a coordinated way, researchers can ensure that fusion systems are physically robust and economically viable, accelerating the path to commercialisation. AI can be used to develop simulations of fusion devices that integrate insights from plasma physics, materials science, engineering and other aspects of the process. By simulating fusion systems within these virtual environments, researchers can optimise reactor design and operational strategies.
Tan Sui would like to acknowledge funding from the UK’s Royal Academy of Engineering under the Industrial Fellowships programme.
