Category: Academic Analysis

  • MIL-Evening Report: Bangarra Dance Theatre’s Illume is spectacle with heart and spirit, a thrilling manifestation of Country

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Erin Brannigan, Associate Professor, Theatre and Performance, UNSW Sydney

    Bangarra/Daniel Boud

    The stage is covered in stars that fill the depth of the space. When the 18 dancers slowly gather, they move through a night sky.

    This sky, and the scenes that unfold in Bangarra’s Illume are tied to the Goolarrgon clan of the Bardi Jawi people, the First Peoples of the Dampier Peninsula on the west coast of the Kimberley. Choreographer Frances Rings chose as her primary collaborator visual artist Darrell Sibosado who brings his cultural knowledge of that Country to the work, alongside cultural consultants Trevor Sampi and Audrey (Pippi) Bin Swani, also from Bardi Country.

    The 70-minute work moves through 11 sections, and over three phases. A short synopsis for each in the program guides visitors through this manifestation of Country.

    The opening segments are immersive, integrated worlds where the dancers move at one with the design elements.

    In Niman Aarl (Many Fish), a thrilling whirlpool of tiny light fish spiral around a giant conch shell. The dancers spiral among them with flowing, fluid movements.

    The central section, Light Pollution, interrupts the flow, representing the displacement caused by settler invasion. The dancers carry brown blocks, simply and effectively introducing inorganic and uniform shapes into this natural environment. They are suggestive of bricks, burdens and baggage. Movements depict trauma and a burning crucifix-like form that brings religious movements (as if seated at prayer) and music themes (church bells) to a dramatic climax.

    Brown blocks are suggestive of bricks, burdens and baggage.
    Bangarra/Daniel Boud

    The final sections return us to the sea and land. The work culminates with a beautifully crafted kaleidoscope of mother of pearl opalescence that washes over the front scrim.

    Bringing remote cultures to broad audiences

    Coinciding with Sydney’s Vivid light festival, the difference could not be starker between the tired, candy-coloured neon display spilling across Sydney Harbour and the immersive, detailed and sometimes breathtaking light (designed by Damien Cooper) and video design (from Craig Wilkinson) that gives this work its name.

    The stage floor shimmers: Charles Davis’ set is a reflective surface that amplifies the stunning light work. Upstage left, poles cluster like a stand of trees and occasionally pulse with light in time with the score from Brendon Boney.

    On the back scrim, lights twinkle and constellate. Many images emerge, including what seem to be fragments of a stuttering calligraphy.

    The stage floor shimmers.
    Bangarra/Daniel Boud

    In the final moments of the work, the lights consolidate into an intriguing set of symbols. These echo previous work of Sibosado, such as Galalan at Gumiri featured at the 2024 Biennale of Sydney.

    Blocky, maze-like, and recalling Aztec or Indonesian patterns, these designs appear like a collision of more familiar Indigenous pattern work, south-east Asian influences, and contemporary abstraction.

    Sibosado works primarily with Bardi Jawi riji – pearl shell carving designs from his Country Lullmardinard/Lombadina. He enlarges the small pearl carvings in scale and fabricates them using contemporary materials such as metal and light.

    Designs appear like a collision of Indigenous pattern work, south-east Asian influences, and contemporary abstraction.
    Bangarra/Daniel Boud

    Sibosado is an alumnus of NAISDA, Australia’s National Indigenous dance college and feeder program for the Bangarra company. He has described how he brings story elements usually held in dance and song into his visual art, demonstrating an integration of the creative disciplines characteristic of many NAISDA graduates’ work.

    NAISDA’s practice of working with Indigenous communities from across the country makes the College a living repository of ephemeral and material culture.

    This approach to First Peoples’ culture continues at Bangarra. Bangarra’s deep dive into the traditional knowledges of the Bardi Jawi people through the creative practice of Sibosado, alongside cultural consultants Trevor Sampi and Audrey (Pippi) Bin Swani, brings remote cultures to broad audiences.

    Ambitious, smart and timely

    Watching the show from the dress circle, the impact of all the elements was clear but it was difficult to distinguish individual dancers. The large company was well rehearsed with some stellar performances throughout. However, the choreographic detail was largely absorbed into the overall effects of the work.

    Rings demonstrates her finely tuned attention to movement language specific to each section. From the snaking arms forming the branches of the Manawan or Wollybutt trees, to the south-east Asian inflections in the Mother of Pearl (Guan) sections referencing the pearl divers from that region who were part of the local industry (sometimes against their will), Rings’ choreographic vision is clear – if not always given space and focus among the design.

    Rings demonstrates her finely tuned attention to movement language.
    Bangarra/Daniel Boud

    Rings’ ability to lead a collaborative vision is made possible through the creative team she has gathered. Rings’ and Sibosado’s vision is supported by the set, lighting and video design. Costume designer Elizabeth Gadsby, working with emerging costumer Rika Hamaguchi, has produced unique looks for each section of the work. Boney’s compositions strike a balance between ancient sounds and rhythms and a synthetic sheen that parallels the glossy production elements.

    Illume is ambitious, smart and timely, with its powerful combination of visual and choreographic arts and stories from the ecologically precious and precarious Kimberley region.

    Bangarra is our leading Indigenous performing arts company whose work extends from a rich education and outreach program to their stellar track in international touring. With this work, Bangarra is giving Australia’s other major performing arts companies an object lesson in spectacle with heart and spirit.

    Illume is at the Sydney Opera House until June 14, then touring nationally.

    Erin Brannigan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Bangarra Dance Theatre’s Illume is spectacle with heart and spirit, a thrilling manifestation of Country – https://theconversation.com/bangarra-dance-theatres-illume-is-spectacle-with-heart-and-spirit-a-thrilling-manifestation-of-country-257963

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why won’t my cough go away?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David King, Senior Lecturer in General Practice, The University of Queensland

    Mladen Zivkovic/Shutterstock

    A persistent cough can be embarrassing, especially if people think you have COVID.

    Coughing frequently can also make you physically tired, interfere with sleep and trigger urinary incontinence. As a GP, I have even treated patients whose repetitive forceful coughing has caused stress fractures in their ribs.

    So, why do some coughs linger so long? Here are some of the most common causes – and signs you should get checked for something more serious.

    Why do we cough?

    The cough reflex is an important protective mechanism. Forcefully expelling air helps clear our lungs and keep them safe from irritants, infections and the risk of choking.

    Some people who have long-term conditions, such as chronic bronchitis or bronchiectasis, have to cough frequently. This is because the lung’s cilia – tiny hair-like structures that move mucus, debris and germs – no longer work to clear the lungs.

    A wet or “productive” cough means coughing up a lot of mucus.

    A cough can also be dry or “unproductive”. This happens when the cough receptors in the airways, throat and upper oesophagus have become overly sensitised, triggering a cough even when there’s no mucus to clear.

    Causes of a chronic cough

    A cough is considered chronic when it lasts longer than eight weeks in adults, or four weeks in children.

    The three most common causes are:

    • post-nasal drip (where mucus drips from the back of the nose into the throat)
    • asthma
    • acid reflux from the stomach.

    These often go together. One study found 23% of people with chronic cough had two of these conditions, and 3% had all three.

    This makes sense – people prone to airway allergies are more likely to develop both asthma and hayfever (allergic rhinitis). Hayfever is probably the main cause of persistent post-nasal drip.

    Meanwhile, prolonged, vigorous coughing can also cause reflux, possibly triggering further coughing.

    Chronic cough is the primary symptom of two other conditions, although these can be more challenging to diagnose: cough-variant asthma and eosinophilic bronchitis. Both conditions inflame the airways. However, they don’t rapidly improve with ventolin (the standard clinic test to diagnose asthma).

    Allergies can cause inflammation that triggers a chronic cough.
    Kmpzzz/Shutterstock

    Coughs after respiratory infections

    Coughs can also persist long after a viral or bacterial infection. In children with colds, one systematic review found it took 25 days for more than 90% to be free of their cough.

    After an infection, cough hypersensitivity may develop thanks to inflamed airways and over-responsive cough receptors. Even minor irritants will then trigger the coughing reflex.

    The body’s response to infection makes the mucus more sticky – and more difficult for the overworked, recovering cilia to clear. Allergens in the air can also more easily penetrate the upper airway’s damaged lining.

    This can trigger an unhelpful feedback loop that slows the body’s recovery after an infection. Excessive and unhelpful coughing tends to further fatigue the recovering cilia and irritate the airway lining.

    Could I still have an infection?

    When a cough persists, a common concern is whether a secondary bacterial infection has followed the first viral infection, requiring antibiotics.

    Simply coughing up yellow or green phlegm is not enough to tell.

    To diagnose a serious chest infection, your doctor will consider the whole picture of your symptoms. For example, whether you also have shortness of breath, worsening fever or your lungs make abnormal sounds through a stethoscope.

    The possibility you have undiagnosed asthma or allergies should also be considered.




    Read more:
    Health Check: why do I have a cough and what can I do about it?


    What treats a persistent cough?

    People with a persistent cough who are otherwise healthy may request and be prescribed antibiotics. But these rarely shorten how long your cough lasts, as irritation – not infection – is the primary cause of cough.

    The most effective treatments for shifting sticky mucus from the airways are simple ones: saline nose sprays and washes, steam inhalation and medicated sore throat sprays.

    Honey has also been shown to reduce throat irritation and the need to cough.

    The effectiveness of cough syrup is less clear. As these mixtures have potential side effects, they should be used with care.

    The most effective treatments are simple ones, including steam inhalation.
    New Africa/Shutterstock

    Signs of something more serious

    Sometimes, a cough that won’t go away could be the sign of a serious condition, including lung cancer or unusual infections. Fortunately, these aren’t common.

    To rule them out, Australia’s chronic cough guidelines recommend a chest x-ray and spirometry (which tests lung volume and flow) for anyone presenting to their doctor with a chronic cough.

    You should seek prompt medical attention if, in addition to your cough, you:

    • cough up blood
    • produce a lot of phlegm
    • are very short of breath, especially when resting or at night
    • have difficulty swallowing
    • lose weight or have a fever
    • have recurring pneumonia
    • are a smoker older than 45, with a new or changed cough.

    What if there’s no clear cause?

    Very occasionally, despite thorough testing and treatment, a cough persists. This is called refractory chronic cough.

    When no cause can be identified, it’s known as unexplained chronic cough. In the past, unexplained cough may have been diagnosed as a “psychogenic” or “habit” cough, a term which has fallen from favour.

    We now understand that cough hypersensitivity makes a person cough out of proportion to the trigger, and that both the peripheral and central nervous systems play a role in this. But our understanding of the relationship between hypersensitivity and chronic cough remains incomplete.

    These are disabling conditions and should be referred to a respiratory clinic or a chronic cough specialist. Speech pathology treatments may also be effective for refractory and unexplained coughs.

    There are a class of new medications in the pipeline that block cough receptors, and seem promising for persisting, troublesome coughs.

    I was on the team that updated the chronic cough guidelines for the Lung foundation (CICADA position statement 2022). I received no payment for this work, and I’m not a member or currently associated with the Lung Foundation.

    ref. Why won’t my cough go away? – https://theconversation.com/why-wont-my-cough-go-away-241899

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  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump orders Marines to Los Angeles as protests escalate over immigration raids, demonstrating the president’s power to deploy troops on US soil

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By William C. Banks, Professor Emeritus of Public Administration and International Affairs, Syracuse University

    National Guard members watch protests in Los Angeles on June 9, 2025. Luke Johnson/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

    President Donald Trump ordered a contingent of about 700 Marines to Los Angeles on June 9, 2025, in response to what Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth described as “increased threats to federal law enforcement officers and federal buildings.”

    This dramatic escalation of the military presence in Los Angeles followed Trump’s June 7 order to send about 2,000 National Guard troops into the city.

    Both measures were Trump’s response to what he called “numerous incidents of violence and disorder” by those protesting his administration’s actions rounding up and deporting immigrants in the Los Angeles area.

    State and local officials decried Trump’s actions, with California Gov. Gavin Newsom calling the move “purposefully inflammatory,” as well as “an illegal act.” California sued the Trump administration on June 9 to block its deployment of National Guard members. Other critics of Trump’s actions said the scale and character of the protests did not warrant such extreme measures.

    Amy Lieberman, a politics and society editor at The Conversation U.S., spoke with William C. Banks, a scholar of the role of the military in domestic affairs, to understand the extent of a president’s power to send American troops to Los Angeles.

    Hundreds of protesters march in Los Angeles on June 9, 2025, demanding an end to Immigration and Customs Enforcement workplace raids.
    Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images

    Can American troops be used inside the country?

    They can, but it is an extraordinary exercise of authority to use troops domestically. It has rarely been done in the U.S. as a way of responding to a civil disturbance.

    Congress has delegated that authority of deploying American troops domestically to the president in limited circumstances. Otherwise, the only authority is exercised by governors, who have control of the National Guard.

    Why was American law set up this way?

    The U.S. was founded in response to heavy-handed English use of the military by King George to interfere with the civil liberties and rights of the colonists in the lead-up to the American Revolution. So, when the founders created the U.S. Constitution, they were very careful to insert roadblocks that would make it difficult for the government to use troops to carry out its own programs.

    The country’s framers also understood there might be occasions when it would be necessary to use the military domestically. They did a couple of things to control the exercise of military authority. One was to ensure that the commander in chief of the military was a civilian. Second, they gave the authority to call up the National Guard, what was known as the “militia” in those days, to Congress, not to the president, in order to create a separation of powers.

    Under what circumstances can the president deploy troops to an American city?

    Under the Insurrection Act, which was signed into law in 1807, a president can deploy troops during what is called an insurrection, simply meaning when all hell breaks loose. The president can decide that it is “impracticable,” according to the Insurrection Act, to enforce the laws of the U.S. in a given city, and he may call forth the military or the National Guard to help restore law and order.

    In order to invoke the Insurrection Act, the president first has to make a proclamation to those he calls the insurrectionists to cease and desist. Unless the alleged insurrectionists immediately do what the president says, the president then has the authority to deploy forces.

    Trump has repeatedly called the protesters in Los Angeles “insurrectionists,” but has also walked those remarks back and hasn’t made any kind of formal proclamation yet. When Trump ordered California’s National Guard members to deploy to Los Angeles on June 7, he did so on a narrow statutory authority to protect federal buildings, properties and personnel that were trying to enforce immigration laws.

    What is the Posse Comitatus Act and how does it apply to the current situation in Los Angeles?

    Congress passed the Posse Comitatus Act in 1878. This act’s name derives from an arcane Latin term that means “the power of the county.” This law establishes a legal presumption in the U.S. that the military, if it is deployed domestically, should not engage in law enforcement.

    This act is an important part of American law. It means that the military and National Guard are trained on this principle that they are not to engage in domestic law enforcement activities. Those are reserved for police, sheriffs and marshals. Invoking the Insurrection Act is the principal exception to this law.

    So the Insurrection Act allows the military to act as law enforcement officials?

    That’s right. By invoking the Insurrection Act the military could act as cops and have the right to arrest, investigate and detain civilians, with only the Constitution as a check on its power.

    This is not a situation that California National Guard members have trained for. They are trained to fight actual wildfires, but this is something entirely different.

    Demonstrators hold signs and fly flags, facing California National Guard members, in Los Angeles on June 9, 2024.
    Apu Gomes/AFP via Getty Images

    Are there any legal roadblocks that could curb the president’s authority to send U.S. troops to Los Angeles?

    The short answer to this question is no.

    Can state governors or other elected officials prevent U.S. troops from being sent to their cities?

    In many ways that is the main question right now. California’s governor, Gavin Newsom, has said that the state doen’t need these military forces. Newsom’s June 9 lawsuit against the Trump administration argues that the authority over the National Guard is reserved for states, “unless the State requests or consents to federal control.” That has not happened in this case.

    William C. Banks does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Trump orders Marines to Los Angeles as protests escalate over immigration raids, demonstrating the president’s power to deploy troops on US soil – https://theconversation.com/trump-orders-marines-to-los-angeles-as-protests-escalate-over-immigration-raids-demonstrating-the-presidents-power-to-deploy-troops-on-us-soil-258527

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  • MIL-Evening Report: 9 myths about electric vehicles have taken hold. A new study shows how many people fall for them

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christian Bretter, Senior Research Fellow in Environmental Psychology, The University of Queensland

    More people believe misinformation about electric vehicles than disagree with it and even EV owners tend to believe the myths, our new research shows.

    We investigated the prevalence of misinformation about EVs in four countries – Australia, the United States, Germany and Austria. Unfortunately, we found substantial agreement with misinformation across all countries.

    People who endorsed false claims about EVs were, not surprisingly, significantly less likely to consider buying one.

    Electric vehicles are vital in the fight against climate change. But pervasive misinformation is a significant challenge to the technology’s uptake and has serious implications for the shift away from fossil fuels.

    Widespread agreement with false EV claims

    We conducted a survey of 4,200 people across the four countries who did not own an electric vehicle. We measured the extent to which they agreed with these nine misleading claims about electric vehicles:

    What we found

    The most widely believed myth was that electric vehicles are more likely to catch fire than petrol cars. Some 43–56% of people agreed with the statement, depending on the country.

    To tally the results, we looked at participants’ responses for all nine misinformation statements – more than 36,000 responses in all. We then calculated how many of these responses indicated agreement or disagreement.

    Of the 36,000 responses, 36% were in agreement with a statement and 23% were in disagreement. A further 24% were undecided and 17% did not know.

    Misinformation agreement was highest in Germany and lowest in the US, but the differences between nations were small.

    Agreement with misinformation was strongly correlated with a lack of support for electric vehicle policies and a lack of intention to buy an EV in future.

    A separate part of the research involved 2,100 people in the US, about half of whom owned an electric vehicle. Surprisingly, EV owners did not significantly differ in their agreement with misinformation compared to non-owners. This underscores how embedded the problem has become.

    Agreement with misinformation was strongly correlated with a lack of buying intention.
    Photo by Sebastian Ng/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

    It’s not about education

    We also examined the factors that make individuals more susceptible to EV misinformation.

    The strongest predictor was people who scored highly on a “conspiracy mentality” – in other words, they believed conspiracies were common in society, they saw the world through a lens of corruption and secret agendas, and distrusted institutions.

    People with progressive political and environmental views were less likely to endorse misinformation about EVs.

    A person’s scientific knowledge or level of education was not a predictor. This finding aligns with previous research, and suggests the pervasive endorsement of misinformation stems from distrust in institutions and expertise rather than from a lack of education.

    People with progressive political views were less likely to endorse EV misinformation.
    Costfoto/NurPhoto via Getty Images

    Grounds for optimism

    We tested whether misinformation could be reduced with two interventions among a different sample of US participants. One group was asked to converse with ChatGPT about their views on EV misinformation. The second was asked to read a traditional EV fact sheet from the US Department of Energy. On a third “control” group, no intervention was tested.

    Participants who engaged with either ChatGPT or the fact sheet before we surveyed them showed significantly lower endorsement of EV misinformation compared to the control group. This persisted at a follow-up session ten days after the survey.

    Notably, ChatGPT did not produce any misinformation about EVs. These results build upon existing research demonstrating ChatGPT’s potential to reduce endorsement of conspiracy theories.

    Misinformation about EVs poses significant challenges to uptake of the technology.
    Florian Wiegand/Getty Images

    How to tackle EV misinformation

    Our findings show misinformation about electric vehicles has a substantial foothold in Western nations. Susceptibility is not a matter of education or knowledge, but rather stems from distrust of established institutions and expertise.

    We also found people who engage with facts about electric vehicles are less likely to endorse misinformation.

    This suggests a dual strategy is needed to reduce misinformation about EVs. First, those who deliberately spread misinformation should be held accountable. And second, evidence-based information, including accessible AI tools, can be used to build public resilience against false claims.

    Matthew Hornsey receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Christian Bretter and Samuel Pearson do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. 9 myths about electric vehicles have taken hold. A new study shows how many people fall for them – https://theconversation.com/9-myths-about-electric-vehicles-have-taken-hold-a-new-study-shows-how-many-people-fall-for-them-257557

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Starlink is transforming Pacific internet access – but in some countries it’s still illegal

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amanda H.A. Watson, Fellow, Department of Pacific Affairs, Australian National University

    Solomon aligning the Starlink dish on the roof of his friend’s home in Vanuatu. Paul Basant

    In the past few years, Starlink’s satellite internet service has become available across much of the Pacific. This has created new challenges for regulators in Pacific Island countries: some have promoted Starlink while others have banned it.

    What is Starlink?

    Elon Musk founded the space technology company SpaceX in 2002, and owns about 44% of it.

    Among other projects, SpaceX has launched thousands of satellites into low-Earth orbit, where they circle the globe and enable internet connectivity at ground level. This service is offered through Starlink, a subsidiary of SpaceX.

    The first satellites were launched in 2019. Later the same year, Musk demonstrated the use of Starlink internet.

    It took a few years for access to be available in the Pacific region. The first known use was in Tonga in 2022, after a volcanic eruption and tsunami.

    Satellite internet in the Pacific

    Starlink is not the only company offering internet access via satellite technology. However, it is well known and has generated much interest in the Pacific.

    Other companies use satellites in low-Earth orbit, such as OneWeb. Another consumer offering comes from Kacific, which provides internet access via a geostationary satellite high above the Pacific. This type of satellite moves at the same speed as Earth spins, so it appears to stay in the same place from ground level.

    Starlink access is available in many of the 18 member countries of the Pacific Islands Forum, such as Fiji, Tonga and Vanuatu. In several of those, there are both resellers and retailers.

    Authorised resellers can sell Starlink products and services, meaning customers can buy Starlink kits and pay their monthly Starlink charges through these companies. Authorised retailers can only sell Starlink equipment.

    Gateways and barriers

    Nauru and Kosrae (a state in the Federated States of Micronesia) have recently launched more powerful Starlink connections called community gateways to improve internet access for their communities.

    Nauru’s gateway, reportedly the first in the Pacific, went live in December 2024. Kosrae’s followed in February 2025.

    In Niue, the government has banned the use of Starlink, warning users of fines or imprisonment for unauthorised use. Satellite provider Kacific continues to operate legally on the island.

    In Papua New Guinea, Starlink licensing is before the courts.

    Education and disasters

    Remote schools across Fiji and Solomon Islands are using Starlink services to improve connectivity in the hope it will enable access to online learning and digital resources. In Fiji, six rural schools now have internet access.

    In Malaita, in the Solomon Islands, Starlink is being used in classrooms, funded and supported by an initiative to make education more accessible. Kacific’s satellite internet service has also been used to connect schools in the Pacific.

    Starlink has been used for disaster communications. It is proving to be a crucial backup for undersea cables, which are vulnerable to natural disasters and service disruptions.

    Immediately after a 7.3 magnitude earthquake struck Vanuatu on December 17 2024, causing an outage of the country’s sole submarine cable, Starlink was used to maintain communication. As traditional internet services failed, more than 300 Starlink units were quickly deployed, restoring connectivity for residents, businesses and emergency services.

    Fast-moving change

    Governance responses to Starlink have differed across the Pacific, impacting access for consumers.

    Where Starlink has been approved, people can buy equipment and pay monthly usage fees in local currency.

    In some countries, Starlink has been approved but no local resellers or retailers have been established yet. In these cases, people can access the service by ordering a kit directly from the official Starlink website, which offers international shipping to approved locations.

    Internet access options across the Pacific are changing rapidly. In several countries, Starlink has not yet officially launched.

    Further change is likely. For now, governance of Starlink among Pacific countries remains a mixed bag.

    Amanda H.A. Watson receives research funding from the Australian government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade through the Pacific Research Program.

    Atishnal Elvin Chand does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Starlink is transforming Pacific internet access – but in some countries it’s still illegal – https://theconversation.com/starlink-is-transforming-pacific-internet-access-but-in-some-countries-its-still-illegal-257905

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  • MIL-Evening Report: A 10-fold increase in rocket launches would start harming the ozone layer – new research

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laura Revell, Associate Professor in Atmospheric Chemistry, University of Canterbury

    Han Jiajun/VCG via Getty Images

    The international space industry is on a growth trajectory, but new research shows a rapid increase in rocket launches would damage the ozone layer.

    Several hundred rockets are launched globally each year by a mix of commercial companies and nation-state space programmes. These take place at around 20 sites, almost all in the northern hemisphere, with the most prolific launch rates currently from the United States, China, New Zealand and Russia.

    Our latest research explores the tipping point when launching more rockets will begin to cause problems. Our findings show that once rates reach 2,000 launches a year – about a ten-fold increase on last year – the current healing of the ozone layer slows down.

    We argue that with care, we can avoid this future. The economic benefits of industry growth can be realised, but it will take a collaborative effort.

    Rocket launches thin the ozone layer

    The ozone layer protects life on Earth from harmful solar ultraviolet (UV) rays. It is slowly healing from the effects of chlorofluorocarbons and other damaging chemicals emitted last century, thanks to global cooperative agreements under the Montreal Protocol.

    Gases and particulates emitted by rockets as they punch through the atmosphere are known to thin the ozone layer. So far, they don’t cause appreciable ozone depletion, as relatively few launches take place each year.

    However, launches are steadily increasing. In 2019, there were 102 launches. By 2024, that increased to 258 worldwide. There are expected to be even more in 2025. At multiple sites worldwide, the launch industry projects impressive levels of future growth.

    For US-based launches, a three-fold increase in the number of rockets launched in 2023 is expected as soon as 2028.

    One driver of this growth is the effort to build out satellite constellations to tens of thousands of units, positioned low in Earth’s orbit. These require many launches to create and are happening in several nations, run by a number of companies.

    Once in place, these constellations require ongoing launches to keep them supplied with active satellites.

    Potential delay in ozone recovery

    To figure out how future launches could affect the ozone layer, we first built a database of ozone-depleting chemicals emitted by rockets currently in use. We then fed this database into a model of Earth’s atmosphere and climate, and simulated atmospheric composition under several scenarios of higher rates of rocket launches.

    We found that with around 2,000 launches worldwide each year, the ozone layer thins by up to 3%. Due to atmospheric transport of rocket-emitted chemicals, we saw the largest ozone losses over Antarctica, even though most launches are taking place in the northern hemisphere.

    Fortunately, the ozone losses are small. We wouldn’t expect to see catastrophic damage to humans or ecosystems. However, the losses are significant given global efforts underway to heal the ozone layer. The global abundance of ozone is still around 2% lower than before the onset of losses caused by chlorofluorocarbons.

    Future ozone losses are not locked in

    Encouragingly, we found no significant ozone loss in a scenario of more modest rates of around 900 launches per year. However, this is for the types of rockets that are in use right now around the world.

    We focus on current launch vehicles because it is uncertain when the new and massive rockets currently in development will enter use. But these larger rockets often require far more fuel, which creates more emissions at each launch.

    Rocket propellant choices make a big difference to the atmosphere. We found fuels emitting chlorine-containing chemicals or black carbon particulates have the largest effects on the ozone layer. Reducing use of these fuels as launch rates increase is key to supporting an ongoing recovery of the ozone layer.

    Re-entering spacecraft and satellite debris can also cause damage. However, the global scientific community doesn’t yet fully understand the chemistry around re-entry. Our work provides a realistic “floor” for the lowest level of damage that will occur.

    But it is important to remember that these effects are not locked in. It is entirely possible to create a launch industry where we avoid harmful effects, but that would require reducing use of chlorine-containing fuels, minimising black carbon emissions by new rockets and monitoring emissions.

    It will take keen effort and enthusiasm from industry and regulators, working together with scientists. But this needs to start now, not after the damage is done.

    Laura Revell is a member of the International Ozone Commission and the UNEP Environmental Effects Assessment Panel, which assesses the effects of ozone depletion on life on Earth. She is a Rutherford Discovery Fellow, funded by the Royal Society of NZ Te Apārangi.

    Michele Bannister is the NZ delegate for the International Astronomical Union, serves on the COSPAR-NZ national committee, is a voting member of Aerospace New Zealand, and has research collaborations with the IAU Centre for Protection of the Dark & Quiet Sky. She is a Rutherford Discovery Fellow, funded by the Royal Society of NZ Te Apārangi.

    ref. A 10-fold increase in rocket launches would start harming the ozone layer – new research – https://theconversation.com/a-10-fold-increase-in-rocket-launches-would-start-harming-the-ozone-layer-new-research-257480

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  • MIL-OSI Global: Can Israel still claim self-defence to justify its Gaza war?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Donald Rothwell, Professor of International Law, Australian National University

    On October 7 2023, more than 1,000 Hamas militants stormed into southern Israel and went on a killing spree, murdering 1,200 men, women and children and abducting another 250 people to take back to Gaza. It was the deadliest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.

    That day, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told the country, “Israel is at war”. The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) immediately began a military campaign to secure the release of the hostages and defeat Hamas. Since that day, more than 54,000 Palestinians have been killed, mostly women and children.

    Israel has maintained its response is justified under international law, as every nation has “an inherent right to defend itself”, as Netanyahu stated in early 2024.

    This is based on the right to self-defence in international law, which is outlined in Article 51 of the 1945 United Nations Charter as follows:

    Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations[…]

    At the start of the war, many nations agreed Israel had a right to defend itself, but how it did so mattered. This would ensure its actions were consistent with international humanitarian law.

    However, 20 months after the October 7 attacks, fundamental legal issues have arisen around whether this self-defence justification still holds.

    Can Israel exercise self-defence ad infinitum? Or is it now waging a war of aggression against Palestine?

    Self-defence in the law

    Self-defence has a long history in international law.

    The modern principles of self-defence were outlined in diplomatic exchanges over an 1837 incident involving an American ship, The Caroline, after it was destroyed by British forces in Canada. Both sides agreed that an exercise of self-defence would have required the British to demonstrate their conduct was not “unreasonable or excessive”.

    The concept of self-defence was also extensively relied on by the Allies in the second world war in response to German and Japanese aggression.

    Self-defence was originally framed in the law as a right to respond to a state-based attack. However, this scope has broadened in recent decades to encompass attacks from non-state actors, such as al-Qaeda following the September 11 2001 terror attacks.

    Israel is a legitimate, recognised state in the global community and a member of the United Nations. Its right to self-defence will always remain intact when it faces attacks from its neighbours or non-state actors, such as Hamas, Hezbollah or the Houthi rebels in Yemen.

    However, the right of self-defence is not unlimited. It is constrained by the principles of necessity and proportionality.

    The necessity test was met in the current war due to the extreme violence of the Hamas attack on October 7 and the taking of hostages. These were actions that could not be ignored and demanded a response, due to the threat Israel continued to face.

    The proportionality test was also met, initially. Israel’s military operation after the attack was strategic in nature, focused on the return of the hostages and the destruction of Hamas to eliminate the immediate threat the group posed.

    The legal question now is whether Israel is still legitimately exercising self-defence in response to the October 7 attacks.

    This is a live issue, especially given comments by Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz on May 30 that Hamas would be “annihilated” unless a proposed ceasefire deal was accepted.

    These comments and Israel’s ongoing conduct throughout the war raise the question of whether proportionality is still being met.

    A test of proportionality

    The importance of proportionality in self-defence has been endorsed in recent years by the International Court of Justice.

    Under international law, proportionality remains relevant throughout a conflict, not just in the initial response to an attack.

    While the law allows a war to continue until an aggressor surrenders, it does not legitimise the complete destruction of the territory where an aggressor is fighting.

    The principle of proportionality also provides protections for civilians. Military actions are to be directed at the foreign forces who launched the attack, not civilians.

    While Israel has targeted Hamas fighters in its attacks, including those who orchestrated the October 7 attacks, these actions have caused significant collateral deaths of Palestinian civilians.

    Therefore, taken overall, the ongoing, 20-month military assault against Hamas, with its high numbers of civilian casualties, credible reports of famine and devastation of Gazan towns and cities, suggests Israel’s exercise of self-defence has become disproportionate.

    The principle of proportionality is also part of international humanitarian law. However, Israel’s actions on this front are a separate legal issue that has been the subject of investigation by the International Criminal Court.

    My aim here is to solely assess the legal question of proportionality in self-defence and international law.

    Is rescuing hostages in self-defence?

    Israel could separately argue it is exercising legitimate self-defence to rescue the remaining hostages held by Hamas.

    However, rescuing nationals as an exercise of self-defence is legally controversial. Israel set a precedent in 1976 when the military rescued 103 Jewish hostages from Entebbe, Uganda, after their aircraft had been hijacked.

    In current international law, there are very few other examples in which this interpretation of self-defence has been adopted – and no international consensus on its use.

    In Gaza, the size, scale and duration of Israel’s war goes far beyond a hostage rescue operation. Its aim is also to eliminate Hamas.

    Given this, rescuing hostages as an act of self-defence is arguably not a suitable justification for Israel’s ongoing military operations.

    An act of aggression?

    If Israel can no longer rely on self-defence to justify its Gaza military campaign, how would its actions be characterised under international law?

    Israel could claim it is undertaking a security operation as an occupying power.

    While the International Court of Justice said in an advisory opinion last year that Israel was engaged in an illegal occupation of Gaza, the court expressly made clear it was not addressing the circumstances that had evolved since October 7.

    Israel is indeed continuing to act as an occupying power, even though it has not physically reoccupied all of Gaza. This is irrelevant given the effective control it exercises over the territory.

    However, the scale of the IDF’s operations constitute an armed conflict and well exceed the limited military operations to restore security as an occupying power.

    Absent any other legitimate basis for Israel’s current conduct in Gaza, there is a strong argument that what is occurring is an act of aggression. The UN Charter and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court prohibit acts of aggression not otherwise justified under international law.

    These include invasions or attacks by the armed forces of a state, military occupations, bombardments and blockades. All of this has occurred – and continues to occur – in Gaza.

    The international community has rightly condemned Russia’s invasion as an act of aggression in Ukraine. Will it now do the same with Israel’s conduct in Gaza?

    Donald Rothwell receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    ref. Can Israel still claim self-defence to justify its Gaza war? – https://theconversation.com/can-israel-still-claim-self-defence-to-justify-its-gaza-war-257822

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Some economists have called for a radical ‘global wealth tax’ on billionaires. How would that work?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Venkat Narayanan, Senior Lecturer – Accounting and Tax, RMIT University

    Rudy Balasko/Shutterstock

    Earlier this year, I attended a housing conference in Sydney. The event’s opening address centred on the way Australia seems to be becoming like 18th-century England – a country where inheritance largely determines one’s opportunities in life.

    There has been a lot of media coverage of economic inequities in Australian society. Our tax system has been partly blamed for this problem. The case for long-term, visionary tax reform has never been stronger. And one area of tax reform could be a wealth tax.

    First, let’s be clear about one thing. Unlike the superannuation tax reforms currently being debated for those with more than A$3 million in superannuation, the wealth tax we’re talking about would apply to a very different cohort: billionaires.

    A recent article in the Financial Times re-examined a proposal to impose such a tax on the world’s highest-net-worth individuals. It also pointed out these efforts would need to be globally coordinated.

    Such taxes could collect significant sums of money for governments. It’s previously been estimated a billionaire tax could raise US$250 billion (more than A$380 billion) globally if just 2% of the net worth of the world’s billionaires was taxed each year.

    The case for a wealth tax

    Inequality is on the rise and the argument for a wealth tax can’t be ignored – not least here at home. According to the Australia Institute, the wealth of Australia’s richest 200 people has soared as a percentage of our national gross domestic product (GDP) – from 8.4% in 2004 to 23.7% in 2024.

    If that sounds dramatic, the picture is far worse in the United States. So, what would a wealth tax look like in Australia (noting that in reality a globally coordinated effort would be needed)?

    The starting point for this is understanding of why high-net-worth individuals seemingly pay very low taxes.

    High net worth, low tax rate

    Income taxes only take into account any amounts that are received in the hands of the taxpayer – whether that is a company, a person or a trust.

    Most high-net-worth individuals do not receive much income directly but “store” their wealth in companies and other corporate structures.

    In Australia, the maximum applicable tax rate for companies is 30%. Note that the highest tax rate in Australia for individuals is 45% plus the 2% medicare levy, effectively 47%.

    Assets such as real estate may also be held by companies or trusts, and the increase in value of these assets is not taxed until they are sold (through capital gains tax).

    Even then, those gains may not be paid out directly to the high-net-worth individual who owns these entities.

    Unrealised gains

    So, how do we tax wealth that is sitting in various businesses (company structures) or other entities, but isn’t taxed at present because the “income” or “gains” from these are not taxable in the hands of the wealthy individuals who own them?

    This goes into the murky area of taxation of unrealised gains. Here, we need to tread very carefully. But we also need to recognise that we already do this, albeit rather subtly, and most of us are not billionaires.

    In your rates notice from your local council, for example, the increase in value of your residence or investment property is used to calculate your rates.

    The real difficulty, to carry on with this example, is that your residence or investment property is typically held in your name and so the tax can be directly levied on you.

    A luxury residence in Miami Beach, Florida, owned by Jeff Bezos, founder of Amazon. The US is home to the most billionaires of any country in the world.
    Felix Mizioznikov/Shutterstock

    Making tax unavoidable

    As we’ve already explained, the bulk of the assets or net worth of wealthy individuals is not directly attributable to them. Does this mean we should give up altogether?

    Not quite. UNSW professor Chris Evans has pointed out that while we may not be able to effectively tax all the net worth of the wealthy, there are some things we can tax and they can’t avoid it.

    An obvious example is real estate. You can pack your bags and bank accounts and move to a low-tax country, but you can’t move your mansion overlooking Sydney Harbour.

    Real estate, both residential and commercial, provides one clear way in which we could implement a partial wealth tax. This method (which also has fewer valuation issues than value stored in a company in the form of retained profits) also counters the argument that the wealthy will simply move to other jurisdictions that won’t tax them.

    There is plenty of academic research looking at various wealth tax initiatives in other countries. We should learn from these, including the experience in Switzerland and Sweden.

    In Sweden, for instance, research found the behavioural effects of wealth taxation were less pronounced than those of income taxation, but the system had so many loopholes that evasion was an option for some people.

    Change faces headwinds

    In a very uncertain world that features ongoing wars and an unpredictable US president, any change that seeks to address issues of inequity is going to be met with resistance by those who hold power.

    Some billionaires in the US, however, have expressed their support for being taxed more in a letter signed by heirs to the Disney and Rockefeller fortunes. That offers some hope, and suggests the discussion about wealth taxes should not be relegated to the “too hard” basket.

    Some steps towards taxing the uber-rich would be better than the status quo.

    Venkat Narayanan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Some economists have called for a radical ‘global wealth tax’ on billionaires. How would that work? – https://theconversation.com/some-economists-have-called-for-a-radical-global-wealth-tax-on-billionaires-how-would-that-work-257632

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Fake news and real cannibalism: a cautionary tale from the Dutch Golden Age

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Garritt C. Van Dyk, Senior Lecturer in History, University of Waikato

    The Corpses of the De Witt Brothers, attributed to Jan de Baen, c. 1672-1675. Rijksmuseum

    The Dutch Golden Age, beginning in 1588, is known for the art of Rembrandt, the invention of the microscope, and the spice trade of the Dutch East India Company. It ended a little under a century later in a frenzy of body parts and mob justice.

    In 1672, enraged by a fake news campaign, rioters killed the recently ousted head of state Johan de Witt and his brother Cornelis. The mob hung them upside down, removed their organs, ate parts of the corpses, and sold fingers and tongues as souvenirs.

    Even in a period characterised by torture and assassination, this grisly act stands out as extreme. But it also stands as a warning from history about what can happen when disinformation is allowed to run rampant.

    The attack on Johan and Cornelis de Witt was fuelled by a relentless flood of malicious propaganda and forgeries claiming the brothers were corrupt, immoral elitists who had conspired with enemies of the Dutch Republic.

    The anonymous authors of the smear campaigns blamed Johan for war with England and “all the bloodshed, killing and injuring, the crippled and mutilated people, including widows and orphans” that allegedly kept him in power.

    According to one pamphlet, the violence was legitimate because the ends justified the means: “Beating to death is not a sin in case it is practised against a tyrant.” The sentiment echoes a quote frequently attributed to Napoleon, recently shared by US President Donald Trump on social media: “He who saves his country does not violate any law.”

    ‘Fight like hell’

    These days, of course, we’ve become accustomed to the dangers fake news (and deepfakes) pose in the promotion of political violence, hate speech, extremism and extrajudicial killings.

    In March, for example, historical footage of war crimes in Syria was manipulated by generative AI to appear as current events. Combined with disinformation in chat rooms and on social media, it incited panic and violence.

    The effects were magnified in a country with no reliable independent media, where informal news is often the only source of information.

    But even in a superpower with an established media culture, similar things happen.
    Before the January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol in 2021, Trump called on thousands of supporters at a “Save America” rally to “fight like hell” or they were “not going to have a country anymore”.

    This was shortly before Congress verified the presidential election result, which Trump alleged was invalid because of voter fraud. Addressing the same crowd, Trump advisor Rudolph Giuliani called for “trial by combat”.

    What happened might not have been as extreme as the events in the Netherlands 350 years earlier, but a violent mob fired up on disinformation still shook the foundations of US democracy.

    Historical echoes: supporters of Donald Trump march through Washington DC to the Capitol Building on January 6, 2021.
    Getty Images

    The ‘disaster year’

    The deeper forces at work in the US were and still are complex – just as they were in the 17th-century Dutch Republic. What brought it down was a volatile mix of power struggles, geopolitical rivalries and oligarchy.

    William of Orange had been excluded from the office of stadtholder, the hereditary head of state, by a secret treaty with England under Oliver Cromwell to end the First Anglo-Dutch War.

    When the English monarchy was restored, however, the treaty became invalid and the Orangists attempted to reinstate William. Johan De Witt represented the States Party, made up of wealthy oligarchs, whereas William was seen as a man of the people.

    The republic had built an impressive navy and merchant fleet but neglected its army. A land invasion by France and allies was supported by the English navy. To prevent the invasion from advancing, land was flooded by opening gates and canals.

    The combination of floods and an occupying army threw the economy into chaos. The Orangists wouldn’t cooperate with the States Party, and the republic was on the brink of collapse. The Dutch referred to 1672 as the Rampjaar, the “disaster year”.

    Historical rhymes

    Satirists, pamphleteers and activists seized on the crises as an opportunity to ramp up their campaign against the de Witt brothers. Political opposition turned into personal attacks, false accusations and calls for violence.

    Johan was assaulted and stabbed in an attempted assassination in June 1672, resigning from his role as head of state two months later. Cornelis was then arrested for treason. When Johan went to visit him in prison, the guards and soldiers disappeared, and a conveniently positioned mob dragged the brothers into the street.

    The rest, as they say, is history. William III was strongly suspected of orchestrating the brothers’ gruesome murder, but this was never confirmed.

    Is there is a moral to the story? Perhaps it is simply that, in a time of crisis, a campaign of disinformation can transform political opposition and rebellion into assassination – and worse.

    Pamphlets – the social media of their day – manipulated public perception and amplified popular anxiety into murderous rage. A golden age of prosperity under a republic headed by oligarchs ended with ritualised political violence and the return of a monarch who promised to keep the people safe.

    They say history doesn’t repeat, but it does rhyme. As ever, the need to separate fact from fiction remains an urgent task.

    Garritt C. Van Dyk has been a recipient of Getty Research Institute funding.

    ref. Fake news and real cannibalism: a cautionary tale from the Dutch Golden Age – https://theconversation.com/fake-news-and-real-cannibalism-a-cautionary-tale-from-the-dutch-golden-age-257104

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  • MIL-Evening Report: The Racial Discrimination Act at 50: the bumpy, years-long journey to Australia’s first human rights laws

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Azadeh Dastyari, Director, Research and Policy, Whitlam Institute, Western Sydney University

    On June 11, Australia marks 50 years since the Racial Discrimination Act became law. This important legislation helps make sure people are treated equally no matter their race, skin colour, background, or where they come from.

    But the act didn’t happen overnight. It took nearly ten years for Australia to follow through on the promises it made to the world to fight racism when it signed the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination in 1966.

    When Australia first signed that agreement, it still had laws and attitudes shaped by the White Australia Policy.

    Even after Australia started moving away from the White Australia Policy, federal leaders held off on making anti-racism laws. They weren’t sure it was allowed under the Constitution, worried about the cost, and didn’t want to upset the states. Many also feared that Australians wouldn’t support it.

    It took the courage of Gough Whitlam, Australia’s 21st prime minister, to pass Australia’s first anti-discrimination law. Between 1973 and 1975, Whitlam and his government made four attempts to pass laws against racial discrimination. The act was the result of their fourth try – this time, it worked.

    An uphill battle

    The first time the Racial Discrimination Bill was introduced was in 1973, it was alongside a Human Rights Bill. Together, they were part of a bigger plan to give people in Australia more rights and fair treatment.

    People had mixed feelings about the idea of a law to protect individual rights. Most of the concern was about the Human Rights Bill, but some also doubted whether a Racial Discrimination Act was needed.

    There was debate about whether it would really work or just be a symbolic step, and whether or not it would take away from people’s freedoms.

    In the end, the 1973 bill lapsed and did not become law.

    The Whitlam government reintroduced the bill twice more in 1974, once in April and then again in October.

    The April version added protections for immigrants and focused more on conciliation and education, but it wasn’t debated before an election.

    The bill returned in October with minor updates, mainly to strengthen education efforts and clarify that it used civil, not criminal, enforcement.

    Still, it was withdrawn in early 1975 because of ongoing political instability.

    The 1975 Racial Discrimination Bill was the Whitlam government’s final, and successful, push to make laws tackling racism.

    Familiar debates

    Labor MPs backed the 1975 version of the bill, highlighting its importance for Indigenous people and other marginalised groups.

    But the Liberal–Country Party Coalition, then in opposition, pushed back hard.

    While the opposition claimed to support equality, they questioned the legal basis of the bill, feared it gave too much power to the race relations commissioner and warned it might threaten free speech.

    Some opposition voices, especially in the Senate, went further, downplaying racism altogether. Senator Ian Wood claimed Australia was “singularly free of racial discrimination”.

    Senator Glen Sheil argued immigration was the issue:

    Australia over recent years has adopted an immigration policy that has allowed the immigration into this country of blacks, whites, reds, yellows and browns […] because of these problems, once again created by governments, we are now faced with this Racial Discrimination Bill. In my opinion if this bill is implemented it will create more discrimination, not less.

    The opposition successfully weakened the bill by removing several key parts, including:

    • criminal penalties for inciting racial discrimination

    • the ability of the commissioner to start legal proceedings in court or ask a court to make someone give evidence

    • and criminal penalties for publishing, distributing or expressing racial hostility.

    Despite these setbacks, the Racial Discrimination Act passed.

    Change takes time

    Even with all the compromises, the passing of the act was a major moment in Australian history.

    As Whitlam acknowledged:

    it is of course extraordinarily difficult to define racial discrimination and outlaw it by legislative means. Social attitudes and mental habits do not readily lend themselves to codification and statutory prohibition.

    The act has not erased racial discrimination, nor is it perfect.

    It continues to spark debates and needs to be further strengthened to meet the changing needs of our society.

    However, the laws have been used in real cases to protect people’s rights, shown the federal government does have the power under the Constitution to make laws about human rights, and has sent a strong message that everyone deserves to be safe and free from discrimination, regardless of their race, colour or national or ethnic origin.

    The story of the Racial Discrimination Act is a reminder that real change takes time, resolve and tenacity.

    While the laws finally passed, the Human Rights Bill introduced alongside it in 1973 did not.

    More than 50 years later, Australia still does not have a national Human Rights Act. As more people call for stronger human rights protections in our laws, the Racial Discrimination Act stands as both a reminder of what progress can look like and a challenge to imagine what bold leadership could achieve today.

    A Human Rights Act is now needed more than ever to protect those most at risk. It will take the same political will, moral clarity, and bravery that brought the Racial Discrimination Act to life.

    Azadeh Dastyari does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The Racial Discrimination Act at 50: the bumpy, years-long journey to Australia’s first human rights laws – https://theconversation.com/the-racial-discrimination-act-at-50-the-bumpy-years-long-journey-to-australias-first-human-rights-laws-257245

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  • MIL-Evening Report: For the first time, fossil stomach contents of a sauropod dinosaur reveal what they really ate

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Poropat, Research Associate, School of Earth and Planetary Sciences, Curtin University

    Artist’s reconstruction of Judy. Travis Tischler

    Since the late 19th century, sauropod dinosaurs (long-necks like Brontosaurus and Brachiosaurus) have been almost universally regarded as herbivores, or plant eaters.

    However, until recently, no direct evidence – in the form of fossilised gut contents – had been found to support this.

    I was one of the palaeontologists on a dinosaur dig in outback Queensland, Australia, that unearthed “Judy”: an exceptional sauropod specimen with the fossilised remains of its last meal in its abdomen.

    In a new paper published today in Current Biology, we describe these gut contents while also revealing that Judy is the most complete sauropod, and the first with fossilised skin, ever found in Australia.

    Remarkably preserved, Judy helps to shed light on the feeding habits of the largest land-living animals of all time.

    Plant-eating land behemoths

    Sauropod dinosaurs dominated Earth’s landscapes for the entire 130 million years of the Jurassic and Cretaceous periods. Along with many other species, they died out in the mass extinction event at the end of the Cretaceous 66 million years ago.

    Ever since the first reasonably complete sauropod skeletons were found in the 1870s, the hypothesis that they were herbivores has rarely been contested. Simply put, it is hard to envisage sauropods eating anything other than plants.

    Their relatively simple teeth were not adapted for tearing flesh or crushing bone. Their small brains and ponderous pace would have prevented them from outsmarting or outpacing most potential prey.

    And to sustain their huge bodies, sauropods would have had to eat regularly and often, necessitating an abundant and reliable food source – plants.

    Although the general body plan of sauropods seems pretty uniform – stocky, on all fours, with long necks – these behemoths did vary when we look more closely.

    Some had squared-off snouts with tiny, rapidly replaced teeth confined to the front of the mouth. Others had rounded snouts, with much more robust teeth, arranged in a row that extended farther back in the mouth. Neck length varied greatly (with some necks up to 15 metres long), as did neck flexibility. In addition, a few of them had taller shoulders than hips.

    Absolute size varied too – some were less enormous than others. All of these factors would have constrained how high above ground each species could feed and which plants they could reach.

    Food in the belly

    Sauropod discoveries are becoming more regular in outback Queensland, thanks largely to the Australian Age of Dinosaurs Museum in Winton.

    In 2017, I helped the museum unearth a roughly 95-million-year-old sauropod, nicknamed Judy after the museum’s co-founder Judy Elliott.

    We soon realised this find was extraordinary. Besides being the most complete sauropod skeleton and skin ever found in Australia, Judy’s belly region hosted a strange rock layer. It was about two square metres in area and ten centimetres thick on average, chock-full of fossil plants.

    The fact this plant-rich layer was confined to Judy’s abdomen and located on the inside surface of the fossil skin, made us wonder – had we unearthed the remains of Judy’s last meal or meals?

    If so, we knew we had something special on our hands: the first sauropod gut contents ever found.

    Multi-level feeding

    Analysis of Judy’s skeleton, which was prepared out of the surrounding rock by volunteers in the museum’s laboratory, enabled us to classify her as a Diamantinasaurus matildae.

    We scanned portions of Judy’s gut contents with X-rays at the Australian Synchrotron in Melbourne and at CSIRO in Perth, and with neutrons at Australia’s Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation in Sydney.

    This enabled us to digitally visualise the plants – which were preserved as voids within the rock – without destroying them.

    We did destructively sample some small portions of the gut contents to figure out their chemical make-up, along with the skin and surrounding rock.

    This revealed the gut contents were turned to stone by microbes in an acidic environment (stomach juices, perhaps), with minerals likely derived from the decomposition of Judy’s own body tissues.

    Judy’s gut contents confirm that sauropods ate their greens but barely chewed them – their gut flora did most of the digestive work.

    Most importantly, we can tell Judy ate bracts from conifers (relatives of modern monkey puzzle trees and redwoods), seed pods from extinct seed ferns, and leaves from angiosperms (flowering plants) just before she died.

    Conifers then, as now, would have been huge, implying Judy fed well above ground level. By contrast, flowering plants were mostly low-growing in the mid-Cretaceous.

    Based on other specimens (especially teeth), scientists previously thought Diamantinasaurus browsed plants relatively high off the ground. The conifer bracts in Judy’s belly support this.

    However, Judy was not fully grown when she died, and the angiosperms in her belly imply lower-level feeding, as well. It seems likely, then, that the diets of some sauropods changed slightly as they grew. Nevertheless, they were life-long vegetarians.

    Judy’s skin and gut contents are now on display at the Australian Age of Dinosaurs Museum in Winton. I’m not sure how I’d feel about having the remains of my last meal publicly exhibited for all to see posthumously, but if it helped the cause of science, I think I’d be OK with it.

    Stephen Poropat receives funding from the Australian Research Council through an ARC Laureate awarded to Prof. Kliti Grice, “Interpreting the molecular record in extraordinarily preserved fossils”.

    ref. For the first time, fossil stomach contents of a sauropod dinosaur reveal what they really ate – https://theconversation.com/for-the-first-time-fossil-stomach-contents-of-a-sauropod-dinosaur-reveal-what-they-really-ate-258183

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  • MIL-Evening Report: As livestock numbers grow, wild animal populations plummet. Giving all creatures a better future will take a major rethink

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clive Phillips, Adjunct Professor in Animal Welfare, Curtin University

    Toa55/Shutterstock

    As a teenager in the 1970s, I worked on a typical dairy farm in England. Fifty cows grazed on lush pastures for most of their long lives, each producing about 12 litres of milk daily. They were loved and cared for by two herdsmen.

    About 50 years later, I visited a dairy farm in China. There, 30,000 cows lived indoors. Most of these selectively bred animals wore out after two or three years of producing 30–40 litres of milk every day, after which they were unceremoniously killed. The workers rarely had contact with the cows. Instead, they sat in offices, programming machines which managed them.

    This speaks to a huge and very recent shift in how we treat animals. Over the last half century, the human population has soared – and so too our demand for meat, milk and many other animal products. As a result livestock populations have ballooned while living conditions for animals permanently kept inside have drastically worsened.

    Even as farmed animals have multiplied, populations of wild animals have crashed. The two trends are deeply connected. Humans convert wildlife habitat into pastures and farms, expanding living space for farm animals at the expense of many other animals.

    This cannot continue. Humans must reckon with how we treat the myriad other species on the planet, whether we rely on them or not. As I argue in my new open access book, the growing scarcity of animal species should make us grasp our responsibility towards the welfare of all animal species on the planet, not just those in farms.

    Efforts to enshrine rights for animals is not enough. The focus has to be on our responsibilities to them, ensuring they lead good lives if in our care – or are left well alone if they are not.

    Should we care?

    In the last 50 years, two-thirds of all wild animal populations have been lost.

    The main cause is habitat loss, as native forest is felled to grow grass for cattle or corn and soya for livestock.

    By weight, the world’s farm animals and humans now dwarf the remaining wild animals. Farm animals weigh 630 million tonnes and humans 390 million tonnes, while wild land mammals now weigh just 20 million tonnes and marine mammals 40 million tonnes.

    Wildlife numbers have fallen off a cliff across many kingdoms of life. Three quarters of flying insects are gone from monitored areas of Western Europe. One in eight bird species is threatened with extinction worldwide.

    Insect populations are plunging, endangering the many animal species who rely on them.
    David Pineda Svenske/Shutterstock

    On animal welfare, philosophers have long argued one of two positions. The first is known as “utilitarianism”. This approach argues for minimising the bad things in the world and maximising the good things, regardless of who benefits from them, humans or other animals. This theory-heavy approach does little to restore our relationship with wild animals because of the difficulties in deciding what is good and bad for animals.

    The second has more to recommend it. This is the view that animals have the right to be looked after well. This approach has also been used to give rights to rivers, nature and even the atmosphere.

    But this doesn’t recognise the fact that only humans can attribute such rights to animals, who themselves do not have any concept of “rights”. It also doesn’t tackle the issue that most humans would not accord the same rights to a blue whale and an insect.

    A better approach might be to recognise our responsibilities to animals, rather than attribute rights to them.

    This would acknowledge the increasing rarity of animal species on Earth and the fact that – as far as we know – they’re unique in the universe. So far, no reliable signs have been found indicating life evolved on any other planets.

    Earth formed just over 4.5 billion years ago. Some evidence suggests simple animal life began just 400 million years later.

    The evolution of complex multicellular life on earth probably only happened once when a single celled organism – one of the ancient archaea, perhaps – engulfed a bacterium without digesting it. Instead, it found something better: putting it to work as an internal energy factory as the first mitochondrion. After that came life’s great flowering.

    But now we’re currently losing between 0.01–0.1% of all species each year. If we use an average species loss rate of 0.05% and assuming human pressures remain similar, life on Earth could have only 2,000 years left.

    Do we have responsibility to care for something just because it’s rare? Not always. But life is beautiful. We marvel when we are able to connect with wildlife. Other social animals also appear to derive pleasure from such relationships.

    If we destroy wild animal life, we could undermine the natural systems humans depend on. Pollinators are essential for orchards, forests protect topsoil and produce clean drinking water and predators prevent herbivore populations from soaring out of control and destroying crops. As wilder areas shrink, the chance of another animal virus spillover into humans increases.

    The habitat available for many wild animals has shrunk rapidly in recent decades.
    MohdFadhli_83/Shutterstock

    From small scale to industrial

    For almost all of human history, livestock herds were small enough that people could build relationships with the animals they depended on.

    But in only a couple of human generations, we’ve turned farm animal production into a factory process with billions of animals.

    For centuries, farm animals were walked to market. That, too, has changed. In 2005, I was undertaking research on a livestock ship alongside 80,000 sheep being transported from Australia to the Middle East. Hundreds of sheep die from the stress of these journeys, while many survivors arrive exhausted and terrified.

    These changes have made it possible for humans all around the globe to eat meat or dairy products at every meal. But it has come at a real cost to livestock and wild animals.

    Correcting this will not be easy. We have to learn to eat fewer animals or preferably none at all, restore habitat for wildlife and curb our consumption of the world’s natural resources.

    It’s not too late to restore animal habitat. Rewilding efforts are drawing back long-missing wild animals. There are hopeful signs for farm animal welfare too. The live export of Australian sheep will end in 2028. Battery cage production of eggs is dying out.

    These are big issues. But to paraphrase a quote reputedly by Confucius:

    The man who asks big questions is a fool for a minute. The man who does not ask, is a fool for life.

    Clive Phillips has received funding from several not-for-profit groups, including Voiceless and AnimalKind, to help make this book open access. He has previously had funding from several government and livestock industry organisations, as well as the World Organisation for Animal Health and Open Philanthropy. He was, until recently, a director of Humane Society International and chair of the Queensland and Western Australia government animal welfare boards. He is editor of the animal welfare book series of Springer Nature and another book series, Letters in Animal Welfare and Ethics for CABI, as well as editor-in-chief of the journals Animals, and Animal Behaviour and Welfare Cases.

    ref. As livestock numbers grow, wild animal populations plummet. Giving all creatures a better future will take a major rethink – https://theconversation.com/as-livestock-numbers-grow-wild-animal-populations-plummet-giving-all-creatures-a-better-future-will-take-a-major-rethink-256891

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia’s whooping cough surge is not over – and it doesn’t just affect babies

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Niall Johnston, Conjoint Associate Lecturer, Faculty of Medicine, UNSW Sydney

    Tomsickova Tatyana/Shutterstock

    Whooping cough (pertussis) is always circulating in Australia, and epidemics are expected every three to four years. However, the numbers we’re seeing with the current surge – which started in 2024 – are higher than usual epidemics.

    Vaccines for this highly infectious respiratory infection have been available in Australia for many decades. Yet it remains a challenging infection to control because immunity (due to prior infection, or vaccination) wanes with time.

    In 2025, more than 14,000 cases have been recorded already. Some regions, including Queensland and Western Australia’s Kimberley region, are seeing a marked rise in cases.

    In 2024, more than 57,000 cases of whooping cough were reported in Australia – the highest yearly total since 1991 – including 25,900 in New South Wales alone.

    What is causing the current surge?

    A few factors are driving numbers higher than we’d expect for an anticipated epidemic.

    COVID lockdowns in 2020 and 2021 reduced natural immunity to many diseases, disrupted routine childhood vaccination services, and resulted in rising distrust in vaccines. This has meant higher-than-usual numbers for many infectious diseases.

    And it’s not only Australia witnessing this surge.

    In the United States, whooping cough cases are at their highest since 1948, with deaths reported in several states, including two infants.

    In Australia, vaccine coverage remains relatively high but it is slipping and is below the national target of 95% .

    Even small declines may have a significant impact on infection rates.

    Who is at risk of whooping cough?

    Young babies, especially those under six weeks of age, are extremely vulnerable to whooping cough because they’re too young to be vaccinated.

    Infants under six months of age are also more likely to require hospitalisation for breathing support or have severe outcomes such as pneumonia, seizures or brain inflammation . Some do not survive.

    However, the greatest number of cases occur in older children and adults. In fact, in 2024, more than 70% of cases occurred in children 10 years and older, and adults.

    Babies who are too young to be vaccinated are most vulnerable.
    Halfpoint/Shutterstock

    Can you get whooping cough even if you’re vaccinated?

    The whooping cough vaccine works well, but its protection fades with time. Babies are immunised at six weeks, four months and six months, which gives good protection against severe illness.

    But without extra (booster) doses, that protection drops, falling to less than 50% by four years of age. That’s why booster doses at 18 months and four years are essential for maintaining protection against the disease.

    A whooping cough vaccine is also recommended for any adult who wishes to reduce the likelihood of becoming ill with pertussis. Carers of young infants, in particular, should have a booster dose if they’ve not received one in the past ten years.

    A booster dose is also recommended every ten years for health-care workers and early childhood educators.

    One of the best ways we can protect babies from the life-threatening illness of whooping cough is vaccination during pregnancy, which transfers protective antibodies to the unborn baby.

    If a woman hasn’t received a vaccine during pregnancy, they can be vaccinated as soon as possible after delivery (preferably before hospital discharge). This won’t pass protective immunity to the baby, but reduces the likelihood of the mother getting whooping cough, providing some indirect protection to the infant.

    How contagious is whooping cough?

    Whooping cough is extremely contagious – in fact, it is up to ten times more contagious than the flu.

    If you’re immunised against whooping cough, you’re likely to have milder symptoms. But you can still catch and spread it, including to babies who have not yet been immunised.

    Data shows siblings (and not parents) are one of the most common sources of whooping cough infection in babies.

    This highlights the importance of on-time vaccination not just during pregnancy, but also in siblings and other close contacts.

    How do I know it’s whooping cough, and not just a cold?

    Early symptoms of whooping cough can look just like a cold: a runny nose, mild fever, and a persistent cough.

    After about a week, the cough often worsens, coming in long fits that may end with a sharp “whoop” as the person gasps for breath.

    In very young babies, there may be no whoop at all. They might briefly stop breathing (called an “apnoea”) or turn blue.

    In teens and adults, the only sign may be a stubborn cough (the so-called “100-day” cough) that won’t go away.

    If you have whooping cough, you may be infectious for up to three weeks after symptoms begin, unless treated with antibiotics (which can shorten this to five days).

    You’ll need to stay home from work, school or childcare during this time to help protect others.

    What should I do to reduce my risk?

    Start by checking your vaccination record. This can be done through the myGov website, the Express Plus Medicare app or by asking your GP.

    If you’re pregnant, get a whooping cough booster in your second trimester. A booster is also important if you’re planning to care for young infants or meet a newborn.

    Got a cough that lasts more than a week or comes in fits? Ask your GP about testing.

    One quick booster could help stop the next outbreak from reaching you or your loved ones.

    Phoebe Williams receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, the Gates Foundation, and the Medical Research Future Fund.

    Helen Quinn and Niall Johnston do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Australia’s whooping cough surge is not over – and it doesn’t just affect babies – https://theconversation.com/australias-whooping-cough-surge-is-not-over-and-it-doesnt-just-affect-babies-257808

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ultra-processed foods are everywhere — and they’re quietly raising health risks

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Angelina Baric, PhD Student, Department of Kinesiology, McMaster University

    It’s not exactly news that junk food isn’t healthy.

    What may be surprising is exactly how pervasive ultra-processed foods (UPFs) have become and what harm they’re doing. This includes some foods that are specifically labelled and marketed as having nutritional value.

    We are nutrition researchers, and the authors of a new study that identifies some of the specific negative effects of ultra-processed foods that are readily available, very popular and often hard to resist, especially when people are feeling pressed for time.

    Our research group leads population-based studies that integrate nutrition epidemiology, food policy, and dietary assessment to better understand how modern food environments and dietary patterns influence chronic disease risk.

    While ultra-processed foods include obvious culprits like potato chips, candy and frozen pizza, there are also some that people may believe are good for them, such as packaged granola bars, sports drinks and fruit-filled yogurt. Our study used the Nova classification system to define UPFs, which are industrial formulations made mostly or entirely from substances extracted from foods, derived from food constituents with little if any intact whole food remaining.

    How UPFs harm health

    Our research, based on diet questionnaires and personal medical data that Health Canada and Statistics Canada collected from over 6,000 Canadians, shows that the effects of UPFs can pile up over time, adding to the risk of heart attack, stroke and other serious health issues by raising blood pressure and blood sugar levels, for example.

    Even a person who is thin, active and free from illness might be accumulating risk by consuming UPFs that may seem innocuous or even healthy.

    The ways ultra-processed foods harm our health aren’t just about calories or individual nutrients like salt, sugar and fat, though those aren’t making things better. It’s also in the way they’re made.

    Take that seemingly healthy tub of yogurt. On its own, yogurt is indeed very healthy. The problem is when things like jam-like fruit with preservatives or artificial vanilla flavouring are added. They make yogurt taste better but can push it into unhealthy territory.

    Even after we eliminated the impacts of influences such as the survey respondents’ body mass index, age, exercise and smoking habits, the numbers showed a specific risk that may be related to the additives that give ultra-processed foods longer shelf life, brighter colours and enhanced flavours. For example, we know that the modern diet of highly processed food is associated with distorted hormone levels.

    Some products are so heavily processed that it appears our bodies may not respond to them as they would to more natural foods. UPFs trigger inflammatory responses that suggest the body regards them as stressors, rather than nutrition.

    Substituting UPFs for healthy foods

    We learned from survey respondents that consumers are increasingly using UPFs as substitutes for healthy staples such as vegetables and fruit. This is not surprising when the wrapper on a granola bar proclaims its contents to be a good source of fibre, or a when a sports drink label says it’s a good source of electrolytes, Vitamin D or some other single nutrient.

    Granola bars are often marketed as containing fibre. While the claim may be factual, many granola bars are also high in sugar, fat or salt.
    (Shutterstock)

    While these claims are factual, they don’t represent the entire or even most significant effects of the products inside. For a long time, food policies have been very focused on single nutrients rather than thinking about the totality of our food supply.

    Our complex food supply has come to be heavily influenced by huge multinational companies and their need for sales instead of our need for health, to the point where marketing and packaging have made it challenging to understand exactly what we are eating or drinking.

    That is starting to change. Starting in January 2026, the Canadian government will require food packaging to prominently declare the presence of unhealthy amounts of sodium, sugar and saturated fat.




    Read more:
    Front-of-package food labels: A path to healthier choices


    While that will be a significant and welcome improvement in transparency, it will not change the fact that a loaf of mass-manufactured white bread, a package of bacon or even a tray of muffins may also be harming the people who eat them in ways they have not even considered.

    Setting reduction targets

    Canada’s food guide, produced by Health Canada, only suggests we limit the amount of processed food we eat, but it doesn’t set any clear national target for how much we should cut our consumption. While most other countries also stop short of setting specific limits, France has gone a step further by aiming to cut national consumption of ultra-processed foods by 20 per cent over five years.

    Setting a similar national reduction target in Canada could have a particularly significant, positive effect on people in care homes, hospitals and schools that are required to use Canada’s Food Guide in planning their menus.

    Individual consumers know how easy it is to fall into the habit of eating too many ultra-processed foods. They are hard to resist because they are heavily marketed, usually tasty, reasonably affordable and appear to make life easier by saving time and effort.

    Understanding more about what these appealing products are really doing to people is an important step toward helping consumers make better, more informed choices. We are already working on more research to understand more about what’s really inside those bright shiny packages that keep finding their way into shopping carts.

    Anthea Christoforou receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and has previously received funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research.

    Angelina Baric does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Ultra-processed foods are everywhere — and they’re quietly raising health risks – https://theconversation.com/ultra-processed-foods-are-everywhere-and-theyre-quietly-raising-health-risks-256419

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hedgehog poo could hold important secrets about local biodiversity

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sophie Lund Rasmussen, Research fellow in Ecology and Conservation, University of Oxford

    Jayne Morgan

    Biodiversity, the rich variety of life found on Earth, is vanishing. I’m a conservation scientist keen to monitor this loss to better understand where efforts to reverse it will be most effective. And I might have hit on a novel solution.

    I study European hedgehogs, the popular spiky mammals that inhabit our gardens. Hedgehog populations are declining massively, with an estimated loss of up to 75% in the rural areas of the UK during the past 25 years.

    Thanks to insights gained in my research, I, Dr Hedgehog, believe that this species could be helpful for mapping wider biodiversity. More specifically, its poo.

    One probable cause of the decline in hedgehogs is a decline in insects, which form a major part of their diet. During my many nights of radio-tracking hedgehogs, I came up with the idea of analysing environmental DNA (eDNA) contained in samples of hedgehog poo to discover what the hedgehogs are eating and through that, what’s living locally.

    The eDNA method could reveal genetic traces of all organisms present in the samples in a single analysis. And, as we’ll see, these prickly mammals have a surprisingly liberal diet.


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    Due to the loss of natural habitats, hedgehogs are increasingly living in gardens, and this is where the battle to save the hedgehog will take place. My research showed that European hedgehogs in residential areas normally visit ten to 14 gardens a night.

    Here, they eat a wide selection of prey, primarily insects, snails, slugs and worms, but also birds’ eggs (from ground-nesting birds – they don’t climb trees). They are scavengers too, and will munch on all sorts of dead animals.

    What most people don’t realise is that these adorable little creatures are also ferocious predators. If they can get their paws (or perhaps more correctly, their jaws) on live prey, they will eat chicks that have fallen out of nests or amphibians such as salamanders, newts and frogs. They are excellent swimmers and sometimes catch fish in garden ponds.

    I have seen hedgehogs taking on adult pigeons or full-sized chickens, and winning. Hedgehogs also sometimes chew on the faeces of foxes and lick the saliva onto their spines, probably with the purpose of masking their scent against predators.

    Prickly, but not picky.
    Nojafoto/Shutterstock

    We are not sure whether hedgehogs eat fruit and plants intentionally, or if they are actually after the worms or insects living on them – hedgehogs are officially categorised as “insectivores” – but vegetation shows up in the stomachs of dead hedgehogs too. The DNA from plants ingested by the insects, worms and snails eaten by hedgehogs, will also show up in an analysis of hedgehog poo.

    In terms of a guide to local biodiversity, hedgehogs are the full package.

    Hedgehogs live and forage in a small area. They poop a lot, and their faeces are easy to recognise and collect. If we keep the hedgehog population going, we won’t run out of sample material any time soon.

    Before DNA analysis was invented, it was very difficult to determine the diet of a hedgehog, because a slug is reduced to nothing after a trip through its digestive tract, and it’s hard to identify a species from a chewed-off beetle leg. In contrast, it only takes a tiny fragment of a species to show up in an eDNA analysis of hedgehog faeces, so imagine what we could discover.

    In these times of drastic biodiversity loss, we need to establish good and reliable methods for monitoring biodiversity. An analysis of a hedgehog poo could even reveal elusive species which may have been categorised as extinct in the area.

    My idea of biodiversity monitoring through hedgehog poo has spawned ridicule and numerous rejection letters for funding applications. I refused to let it stop me. So I have created a crowdfunding campaign where you can support the research by purchasing a hedgehog poo and getting a certificate. I have 800 hedgehog faecal samples collected from all over Denmark, England and Scotland, stored in a freezer ready to be analysed.

    The work has begun, and my colleagues and I have found some very interesting results already. One is the remarkable scarcity of bird DNA in hedgehog faecal samples collected from islands, where hedgehogs are accused of posing a threat to ground-nesting birds by eating their eggs. We are confident that our method works as we tested it beforehand by feeding quail eggs to hedgehogs, and found lots of bird DNA in the samples.

    When I have managed to raise the remaining funds, we will continue the investigation.

    This is the story of how I discovered that hedgehog droppings are gold. If you would like to know more, watch my talk on the subject here.


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    Sophie Lund Rasmussen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Hedgehog poo could hold important secrets about local biodiversity – https://theconversation.com/hedgehog-poo-could-hold-important-secrets-about-local-biodiversity-256644

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why wind farm developers are pulling out at the last minute

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thomas York, Postgraduate Researcher in Human Geography, University of Leicester

    ShutterDesigner/Shutterstock

    The UK government’s strategy for tackling climate change received a major blow in May when Danish developer Ørsted announced that adverse economic developments had halted its 2.4 gigawatt (GW) Hornsea 4 wind farm in the North Sea.

    The government aims to generate at least 43GW of offshore wind power (current capacity is 14.7GW) and 95% of all energy from renewable sources by 2030.

    These targets are now in jeopardy. The cancellation of Hornsea 4 follows a similar decision by Swedish developer Vattenfall, which stopped work on its 1.4GW Norfolk Boreas wind farm in 2023.

    What is forcing renewable energy developers to pull out when they are due to make their final investment decision?


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    The offshore wind industry is exposed to fluctuations in the prices of raw materials necessary to meet rising global demand for renewable energy. This vital part of the energy transition, alongside the phaseout of fossil fuels, has been impeded by inflation caused by the pandemic and the war in Ukraine.

    Building a wind turbine requires significant amounts of steel, copper and aluminium, all of which doubled or tripled in price between 2020 and 2023. Turbine manufacturers have raised prices in an effort to recover recent losses. This affects the profitability forecasts of wind energy developers like Ørsted and the viability of each of their projects.

    Impending national and international net zero targets also mean that developers globally are having to make earlier investments in transmission infrastructure. An exponential increase in demand for scarce high-voltage cabling has already led to high-profile cancellations of offshore wind farms in the US.

    Electricity network operators are scrambling to update power grids.
    Esbobeldijk/Shutterstock

    Rising demand for rare earth metals used to make magnets in turbine generators has also been snared by geopolitical issues. The mining, processing and refining of these metals is dominated by China, which manufactures over 90% of these magnets.

    A shortage of boats

    Developers need boats to build offshore wind farms. Here lies another strain on the timescales of developers.

    Ørsted ceased work on its 2.2GW Ocean Wind development zone off the coast of New Jersey in 2023, citing a vessel delay in its decision to cancel the project.

    According to the advocacy group WindEurope, demand for vessels capable of installing foundations and turbines and laying cables will outstrip availability within the next five years. The gap between the two is forecast to skyrocket between 2028 and 2030. This will make it harder to commission the wind farms that the UK government is relying on to reach its 43GW target by the end of the decade.

    Delays caused by these issues can result in a problem known as “contract erosion”. In their contracts, developers have a commissioning window within which turbines have to start generating. If they are not operational within this time, they lose their subsidies on a day-by-day basis.

    Rising costs mean that even one of the world’s biggest wind farms, Dogger Bank in the North Sea, will not be profitable for its developer, Equinor. As a prospect for generating financial returns, renewable energy still cannot compete with oil and gas.

    This is the key argument of economic geographer Brett Christophers in his recent book The Price is Wrong. Christophers argues that, if national governments continue to rely so heavily on private sector investment to build renewable energy, decarbonisation is unlikely to proceed as fast as it needs to. It is simply not profitable enough.

    Misguided planning reform

    How might the UK defy difficult global conditions and meet its 43GW target by 2030? So far, the government’s main proposal has been to relax timelines for the planning process of wind farms.

    Earlier in 2025 it opened a consultation on reforms to the contracts for difference process, which is how developers bid for long-term energy generation contracts, prior to an auction round in summer 2025.

    The main proposed change was to allow developers of fixed-bottom offshore wind projects to bid in the auction before receiving a development consent order, or a DCO. A DCO defines the approved scope of a development, taking into account environmental surveys, land rights and developer proposals.

    It can take more than two years for a DCO to be awarded. The government hopes that fast-tracking fixed-bottom developments will result in more contracts being awarded in the latest auction, but will this work?

    The government is aware of the risks. Planning permission could be refused after a contract has been awarded, and projects without consent face even greater uncertainty over costs than developments that already have a DCO.

    The government might be able to get more projects into the pipeline, but the supply chain is already stretched to its limits. Through the state-owned investment body GB Energy, the government has pledged £300 million to bolster the domestic supply chain for components required for offshore wind, like platforms and cabling.

    However, this investment largely focuses on new technologies for floating offshore wind, leaving fixed-bottom projects like Hornsea 4 at the mercy of vessel delays and raw material price rises. If something does not change to mitigate costs and increase returns for developers, the government’s 2030 target is in doubt.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

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    Thomas York receives funding from the University of Leicester’s Future 50 doctoral training pathway.

    ref. Why wind farm developers are pulling out at the last minute – https://theconversation.com/why-wind-farm-developers-are-pulling-out-at-the-last-minute-256842

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Edmund White was my friend – I know first-hand why his writing meant so much to queer readers

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Hugh Stevens, Senior Lecturer Department of English Language & Literature, UCL

    When I was 19 years old, I visited New York for ten days on the way to London. I was flying from New Zealand, that small island nation in the South Pacific where all sexual acts between men were still illegal. My body was naive and innocent, but my mind had somehow (partly through conversations with older, less naive students at Auckland University) absorbed essential knowledge about gay life happening elsewhere.

    Gay life happened in London, in Paris, in San Francisco. But more than anywhere else, it happened in New York. I was terrified. What would happen to me, in those sinful cities of the plain? With any luck I would be corrupted, and thoroughly de-moralised.

    It was November 1982, and Manhattan was freezing, especially after sub-tropical Auckland. On my first day, I walked ten or so blocks south from my hostel in Chelsea to Greenwich Village. My knees trembled, but still they carried me towards my goal. The theme tune from Sesame Street went through my mind: “Come and play, everything’s A-OK, friendly neighbours there, that’s where we meet, can you tell me how to get, how to get to Christopher Street?”

    It wasn’t difficult – you just walked south on Seventh Avenue. Where Seventh met Christopher, if you turned right, you passed an improbable number of gay bars and seedy bookstores until you reached the infamous, nefarious Christopher Street pier. I turned left. I walked past the Stonewall Inn, and soon I came to a not-so-seedy bookstore, the Oscar Wilde Memorial Bookshop, where Christopher Street met Gay Street. Intrigued by the name – how could I not be? – I went inside.


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    I was the only customer in the shop. Behind the counter, piled with books, were a woman, and a man. They started talking to me. The man, Edmund White, told me that he was a writer, and the books were copies of his new novel, A Boy’s Own Story (1982). A real novelist! I looked at the book, at the beautiful boy in a lilac vest on its cover – a new hardback. It was too expensive for me.

    Sensing that my hesitation was financial, the woman told me that another book by the author, States of Desire: Travels in Gay America (1980), was much cheaper. By the time I left the shop I had a copy of States of Desire, and two invitations. One to join Ed for tea at the New York Institute for the Humanities, and another to hear him read from a novel-in-progress.

    He was billed alongside the painter Joe Brainard, who was reading from his own wonderful book, I Remember (1975). “I remember how much, in high school, I wanted to be handsome and popular. I remember when, in high school, if you wore green and yellow on Thursday it meant that you were queer.”

    I remember that Edmund’s voice, reading from his book Caracole (1985), was fluent and mellifluous. But I found his prose much more difficult to follow than Brainard’s poetry. After the reading there was a party, with biscuits, rounds of Brie and grapes. Among these confident Americans I was shy, and I thought the Brie was impossibly sophisticated – I had grown up with New Zealand Tasty Cheddar.

    Enchanted worlds

    I met Ed at the New York Institute for the Humanities on a cold, grey afternoon, and walked with him to his apartment on Lafayette Street. We chatted as we drank tea. “What authors do you like?” he asked me. “What music do you listen to?” He gave me a copy of A Boy’s Own Story, which he signed: “For Hugh, at the beginning of a friendship.”

    This was indeed the beginning of a friendship, although I haven’t seen Ed since 1998. I introduced him when he read from yet another novel, The Farewell Symphony (1997), at the University of York. Ed was extrovert and gregarious, whereas I am introverted, often painfully shy – and not good at keeping in touch.

    But over the years I have read and reread Ed’s work. His autobiographical novels, his memoirs, his short stories, his travel writing, his criticism, his biography of the French writer Jean Genet, his utilitarian guide to criminal pleasures, The Joy of Gay Sex (1977).

    Why does his writing mean so much to me – and to many other queer readers? Ed may have been confident, gregarious, never afraid to speak or to write about his own queer life, and the queer lives of others. But his writing also charted the anxieties, the anguish, the remorse, the self-loathing that were probably a part of every “gay” life in America in the 50s and 60s. And many gay lives in New Zealand in the 80s, for that matter.

    In A Boy’s Own Story the narrator remembers the enchantment of a marionette troupe performing Sleeping Beauty at his third birthday party. The performance transported him to a world in which “evil was defeated and love crowned”, in which “things devolved with the logic of art, not life”. Ed himself was such an enchanter: his art may have imitated life, but it also created magical worlds for his readers, enabling them to defeat evil and to find love.

    Our lives can imitate art. His art gives us the thrill of articulating what may not be articulated, of speaking the names that dare not be spoken, as when, on the last page of A Boy’s Own Story, the “boy” (now a remembering man) tells us how “scandalised” he was when Mr Beattie, the teacher he is seducing, “asked me to lick the bright red head, to roll my tongue around the head of his penis”. How scandalised and thrilled I was reading those words.

    Now Edmund is gone – he passed away on June 3 age 85 – but his enchanted worlds remain. They are there for us to read, and to reread, to inspire us to remember, remember, remember.

    Hugh Stevens does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Edmund White was my friend – I know first-hand why his writing meant so much to queer readers – https://theconversation.com/edmund-white-was-my-friend-i-know-first-hand-why-his-writing-meant-so-much-to-queer-readers-258504

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s use of the national guard against LA protesters defies all precedents

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sinead McEneaney, Senior Lecturer in History, The Open University

    Violence has erupted on the streets of cities across southern California over the weekend, as protesters clashed with agents from the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency detaining people they suspected to be illegal immigrants. The US president, Donald Trump, took the unusual decision on Saturday to deploy 2,000 troops from California’s national guard, despite not being requested to by the state’s governor, Gavin Newsom.

    Newsom has threatened to sue Trump over what he has called “an illegal act, an immoral act, an unconstitutional act”. Other California officials have also denounced the move, with Senator Adam Schiff calling it a “dangerous precedent for unilateral misuse of the guard across the country”.

    Raids by ICE agents have increased significantly since mid-May when the Trump administration threatened to fire senior ICE officials if they did not deliver on higher arrest quotas. Several high-profile wrongful arrests of US citizens have further inflamed tensions.

    Protests have escalated in California, a Democratic stronghold and a “sanctuary state” where local law enforcement does not cooperate with ICE to detain illegal immigrants.


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    At around 24,000 troops, California’s national guard is the largest in the United States. Each state has its own national guard unit, a reserve force under the control of the governor which can be called upon in times of crisis – often to help out during natural disasters or other emergencies. For example, in January, Newsom activated several thousand troops to aid relief work during the devastating fires that threatened Los Angeles.

    In 1992, the then president, George H.W. Bush, backed the call of the then governor of California, Pete Wilson, call to deploy national guard members to quell the South Central LA riots.

    Now troops are back on the streets of LA. But this time not at the behest of the governor. Trump’s unilateral decision to take federal control over the national guard pits the president against the state of California – and importantly, against a state that has constantly resisted his anti-immigrant agenda. Newsom is seen by many as a possible contender for the Democratic Party’s nomination in the 2028 presidential election.

    Historical precedents

    Is there a precedent for this? Yes and no. The Insurrection Act (passed in 1807, but revised several times) authorises the president to call on the national guard in times of crisis or war to supplement state and local forces. This has been codified in title 10 of the US Code, which details the laws of the land.

    In 1871, the law was revised to specifically allow for the national guard to be used in the protection of civil rights for black Americans. Legal experts have long called for reform of the Insurrection Act, arguing that the language is too vague and open to misuse.

    In the past, former US presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson all invoked different sections of the Act to protect civil rights, particularly against segregationist states. While the act implies consent between governor and president, it does not require it.

    Two examples stand out. On June 11 1963, John F. Kennedy issued executive order 11111 mobilising the national guard to protect desegregation of the University of Alabama, against the wishes of Alabama governor George Wallace.

    Wallace’s determination to block the registration of two black students, Vivian Malone and James Hood, produced a produced a sensational media moment when Wallace physically blocked the entrance of the university. Local law enforcement stood by the governor. With the state of Alabama in defiance of federal law, Kennedy saw no alternative but to deploy the guard.

    Less than two years later, in March 1965 Lyndon B. Johnson again deployed the guard in Alabama, bypassing Governor Wallace. In February, a state trooper in the town of Marion killed a young voters-rights activist, Jimmie Lee Jackson.

    This shooting, along with several violent attacks by the local police on voter registration activists in Selma, inspired a series of marches in support of the 1965 voting rights bill. On the eve of the march from Selma to Montgomery, tensions between local police and civil rights protesters were at a high.

    Civil rights activists, including Martin Luther King Jr, lead a march from Selma to Montgomery in Alabama, March 1965, to support the right to safe voter registration.
    Wikimedia Commons

    In response, Johnson bypassed Wallace and called in the national guard to ensure, as he put it, the rights of Americans “to walk peaceably and safely without injury or loss of life from Selma to Montgomery”.

    Before last Saturday, this was the last time a president circumvented the authority of the state governor in deploying the guard. But even in this instance, there was an implied request from Wallace, who explicitly requested federal aid in the absence of state resources.

    The subtext here is that Wallace did not want to be seen to call up the national guard himself, so he forced Johnson to make that decision, allowing him to claim that the president was trampling on state sovereignty.

    Insurrection Act

    This is not the current situation in California. The LAPD is the third largest police force in the US, with over just under 9,000 sworn officers. While its ranks have shrunk in recent years, it has been responding to the recent protests and unrest. There is no reason to think that Newsom would hesitate to call in the national guard if warranted.

    In reality, Trump has invoked the Insurrection Act to protect ICE agents. Indeed, the national guard has a complicated history of responding to civil unrest. The current situation is in stark contrast with the past, and faces serious questions of legitimacy.

    It is difficult not to see this as the latest move by the Trump administration to subjugate California. In early January Trump threatened to withhold federal aid to rebuild after the wildfires. In past months he threatened to withdraw all of the state’s federal funding to punish it for its stance on campus protests and the inclusion of transgender athletes in women’s sports.

    Unlike his predecessors, Trump has not mobilised the national guard to protect civil rights against a hostile police force. Instead, he appears to be using this as leverage to undermine a political opponent he views as blocking his agenda. Circumventing gubernatorial powers over the national guard in this way has no precedent and heralds the next stage in an extended conflict between the president and the state of California.

    Sinead McEneaney does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Trump’s use of the national guard against LA protesters defies all precedents – https://theconversation.com/trumps-use-of-the-national-guard-against-la-protesters-defies-all-precedents-258486

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Diverticular disease: the surprisingly common gut condition you’ve probably never heard of

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sophie Davies, Lecturer in Nutrition & Dietetics, Cardiff School of Sport and Health Sciences, Cardiff Metropolitan University

    It’s not something people often talk about at the dinner table, but your gut health plays a huge role in your overall wellbeing. And one of the most common conditions affecting the large intestine is diverticular disease.

    Diverticular disease or diverticulosis is where small bulges or pouches (called diverticula) form in the wall of the colon, often due to a weakening in the muscle layer. These pouches are usually harmless, but in some cases they can become inflamed or infected – a condition known by the slightly different name of diverticulitis.

    Around 70% of people in western countries will have developed diverticular disease by the time they reach 80. It’s also increasingly showing up in younger adults, which may be linked to the low-fibre, highly processed nature of many modern diets. UK dietary surveys show that people are currently consuming only 60% of their recommended daily fibre intake.


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    The reasons some people develop diverticular disease and others don’t aren’t fully understood. However, several factors have been identified as contributors, including the structure and movement of the colon, diet, fibre intake, obesity, physical activity and genetics.

    Most people with diverticular disease don’t experience symptoms. However, some may report pain or discomfort in the lower left side of the abdomen – often worse after eating – as well as bloating, diarrhoea or constipation. These symptoms can mimic other digestive disorders such as irritable bowel syndrome (IBS), making diagnosis more complex.

    Despite how common it is, diverticular disease is often misunderstood. Many people have no symptoms at all, while others experience ongoing digestive discomfort.

    Diverticulitis (when diverticula in the colon become inflamed or infected) is usually marked by more severe symptoms, including constant abdominal pain, a high temperature, nausea, and in some cases, changes in bowel habits. These symptoms warrant urgent medical attention, as untreated diverticulitis can lead to complications.

    Thankfully, small changes in diet and lifestyle can make a big difference and outdated advice is quickly being replaced by evidence based recommendations. Historically, people with diverticular disease were told to avoid foods like nuts, seeds and popcorn out of fear that they might get stuck in the diverticula and cause inflammation. However, this idea has now been debunked.

    Updated guidance from the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence confirms there is no need to avoid these foods unless specifically advised to do so by a healthcare professional.

    What does help is a high-fibre diet. Fibre softens stools and makes them easier to pass, which helps reduce pressure in the colon and prevent constipation – one of the known risk factors for diverticulitis. When stools are small and hard, they may become lodged in the diverticula, increasing the chance of inflammation or infection.

    In addition to eating more fibre, staying well hydrated and being physically active also support healthy digestion. Water helps fibre do its job, while regular movement can encourage normal bowel function and reduce the risk of complications.

    If you’re unable to meet fibre targets through food alone, your doctor or dietitian may recommend fibre supplements or mild laxatives.

    Official UK guidance advises adults to eat at least 30g of fibre per day. Some simple ways to do this include starting your day with a high-fibre breakfast cereal and adding fresh or dried fruit. Switching to wholemeal or granary breads, choosing wholewheat pasta or brown rice, and including more lentils, chickpeas, beans and vegetables in your meals can all help.

    For example, grated carrot, red lentils or kidney beans can easily be added to mince-based dishes, while raw vegetables such as peppers or carrots work well with dips like hummus or guacamole.




    Read more:
    Some vegetables are pretty low in fibre. So which veggies are high-fibre heroes?


    When increasing your fibre intake, it’s best to do so gradually. A sudden jump in fibre can cause bloating or gas, so give your digestive system time to adapt.

    By making small, sustainable changes to your diet and lifestyle – like eating more fibre, staying hydrated and moving your body – you can reduce your risk of discomfort and complications. With up-to-date medical advice and a balanced approach to nutrition, it’s entirely possible to keep your gut happy, healthy and functioning well for years to come.

    Sophie Davies does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Diverticular disease: the surprisingly common gut condition you’ve probably never heard of – https://theconversation.com/diverticular-disease-the-surprisingly-common-gut-condition-youve-probably-never-heard-of-256922

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Animals can’t talk like humans do – here’s why the hunt for their languages has left us empty-handed

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Jon-And, Director of Centre for Cultural Evolution, Senior Lecturer in Portuguese, Stockholm University

    No matter how much you want to believe it … Patrick Rolands

    Why do humans have language and other animals apparently don’t? It’s one of the most enduring questions in the study of mind and communication. Across all cultures, humans use richly expressive languages built on complex structures, which let us talk about the past, the future, imaginary worlds, moral dilemmas and mathematical truths. No other species does this.

    Yet we are fascinated by the idea that animals might be more similar to us than it seems. We delight in the possibility that dolphins tell stories or that apes can ponder the future. We are social and thinking creatures, and we love to see our reflection in others. That deep desire may have influenced the study of animal cognition.

    Over the past two decades, studies of thinking and language in animals, especially those highlighting similarities with human abilities, have flourished in academia and attracted extensive media coverage. A wave of recent studies reflects a growing momentum.

    Two recent papers, both in top-tier journals, focus on our closest relatives: chimpanzees and bonobos. They claim these apes combine vocalisations in ways that suggest a capacity for compositionality, a key feature of human language.


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    In simple terms, compositionality is the capacity to combine words and phrases into complex expressions, where the overall meaning derives from the meanings of the parts and their order. It is what allows a finite set of words to generate an infinite range of meanings. The idea that great apes might do something similar has been presented as a potential breakthrough, hinting that the roots of language may lie deeper in our evolutionary past than we thought.

    But there is a catch: combining elements is not enough. A fundamental aspect of compositionality in human language is that it is productive. We do not just reuse a fixed set of combinations; we generate new ones, effortlessly. A child who learns the word “wug” can instantly say “wugs” without having heard it before, applying rules to unfamiliar elements.

    That flexible creativity gives language its vast expressive power. Yet while animal calls can be combined, nobody has observed animals doing this to create new meanings in an open-ended productive manner. They don’t scale into the layered meanings that human language achieves. In short: there are no wugs in the wild.

    The sequence hypothesis

    Rather than chasing grammar in animals, a more grounded approach asks what cognitive difference might explain the gap we observe between humans and other animals. One such idea is the sequence hypothesis, developed by researchers at the Centre for Cultural Evolution in Stockholm, to which we are both connected. It proposes that humans have a unique ability to recognise and remember the exact sequential order of events or elements – including words in language.

    Studies over the past few years provide strong evidence that non-human animals, including our closest relatives, represent order only approximately. For example, recent experiments with bonobos, including the world-famous Kanzi, show that in 2,400 trials, these apes did not learn to distinguish a sequence of yellow and blue from a sequence of blue and yellow on a screen.

    Humans, on the other hand, instantly grasp this difference. This capacity enables us to understand unknown compositional linguistic expressions like “wug killer” and “killer wug”, a shift in sequence that flips meaning entirely.

    Recent theoretical studies using artificial intelligence (AI) have shown that recognising and remembering sequences may allow not only for distinguishing short expressions like “killer wug” and “wug killer”, but also for extracting the hierachical structures and grammatical categories that enable open-ended compositionality from linguistic input during learning.

    This kind of mental precision does not just power language. It changes how we see the world, breaking experience into far more distinct situations. But a richer world is also a more complex one to learn because the number of possible combinations explodes.

    This may have resulted in the co-evolution of human mental capacities and our unusually long childhood. The learning costs that come with sequence memory may explain why no other animal has taken this path.

    This isn’t to exclude all other species entirely here. The similarities observed between neanderthals and our prehistoric culture implies that the two groups were mentally quite alike. We cannot exclude that cultural and linguistic abilities evolved before the common ancestor of modern humans and neanderthals, more than half a million years ago.

    Animal communication

    If the sequence hypothesis is correct, then grammar, planning and abstract thought in non-human animals are often being inferred from behaviours that may be explained by simpler well-studied learning mechanisms. If so, a bonobo combining gestures or a bird eliciting a sequence of calls reflect clever learning and instinct, but not true compositional meaning.

    If animals cannot represent sequences faithfully – and we see no evidence that they can – many apparent parallels with human language fall apart. The temptation to see ourselves in animals is strong, especially when their behaviour seems familiar. But surface resemblance does not necessarily imply the same underlying mechanisms.

    If animals have more language-like capacities than suggested here, a relevant question is why these similarities are so difficult to detect. After decades of research on dolphin intelligence and communication in larger whales, for instance, we still cannot communicate with them using any language-like code.

    Why no talking dolphins?
    F Photography R

    None of this means animals are not intelligent or that their communication is not sophisticated. Some frogs use hollow trees to broadcast their mating calls more efficiently. Honeybees transmit information about the direction, distance to and quality of nectar sources. Ground squirrels have an elaborate system for communicating about various predatory threats.

    Animals have evolved rich and effective ways to interact and survive in a hostile world. As a matter of fact, theoretical work suggests that in a world without language, non-human great apes and pigeons would learn more efficiently and thus have greater chances of survival than a human.

    Nonetheless, we see no signs of their communication stretching flexibly across time and space or building up networks of abstract concepts in the way human language does. If we want to reach a better understanding of the fascinating communication systems of other animals, perhaps humans are not the best model.

    Anna Jon-And receives funding from from the Swedish Research Council and has received funding from Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation.

    Johan Lind has received funding from the Swedish Research Council and Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation.

    ref. Animals can’t talk like humans do – here’s why the hunt for their languages has left us empty-handed – https://theconversation.com/animals-cant-talk-like-humans-do-heres-why-the-hunt-for-their-languages-has-left-us-empty-handed-258321

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Shoemaker Clarks is turning 200. Its Quaker roots made it a pioneer of ethical business

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nicholas Burton, Professor, Department of Leadership and Human Resource Management, Northumbria University, Newcastle

    DELBO ANDREA/Shutterstock

    For many, the Clarks brand is a byword for sturdy school shoes and functional footwear for those of more mature years. The manufacturing and retailing company was set up two centuries ago in Somerset, England, in the shadows of Glastonbury Tor, by brothers Cyrus and James Clark. In 2025, it is celebrating its 200th anniversary and remains a formidable force both on the high street and online.

    Less well known is that the Clark brothers, like chocolatier families Cadbury and Rowntree, were Quakers. This small religious community has produced a remarkable and disproportionate number of scientists, thinkers and campaigners for justice, peace and human rights. In addition, its contribution of ethical businesses has dominated many industries in the UK.

    The Lloyds and Barclays of the banking dynasties were Quakers. The Jacobs (of biscuits and crackers fame) were Quakers. So were the Rathbones (fund management), the Penroses (founders of Waterford Crystal) and the Waterhouse family (accountancy), to name just a few.

    The Quakers – more formally known as the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) – have a history of nearly 400 years in Britain and the US. While Quakerism has Christian foundations, Quakers also emphasise moral commitments to peace, truth, integrity, simplicity and equality – the five testimonies in Quaker theology. These came to define how Quakers approach the world, and their businesses.


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    As early Quakers were deemed radical and challenged the established church, they became persecuted by the state during the 17th century. They were excluded from political and public life, as well as from universities. Perhaps as a direct consequence, Quakers became highly active entrepreneurs and came to dominate many industries through a combination of their testimonies and outward entrepreneurial action.

    This led to the reputation that Quaker firms had for trustworthiness and integrity. Their impact was perhaps so acute as to represent a distinctive form of ethical entrepreneurship.

    While not all Quakers were engaged in commerce, and not all those who were succeeded, a disproportionate number did. Such commercial success is all the more intriguing, as the Quakers were a very small (and, from the mid-18th century, declining) minority of the UK population (about 20,000 in total today).

    Zero-waste beginnings

    Quaker values and the entrepreneurial spirit are woven through the history of Clarks. For example, the original business idea by James in 1825 to produce sheepskin slippers was born of a desire to eliminate waste, with slippers produced from off-cuts of sheepskin rugs.

    Like many Quaker businesses, Clarks has always supported social and environmental causes. Family members took a central role in the anti-abolitionist movement and in women’s suffrage.

    It also invested a proportion of its profits in local community amenities, such as building homes, constructing classrooms, funding a theatre, a library, an open-air swimming pool, a town hall and playing fields near the company’s base in Street, Somerset.

    Today, Clarks continues to play an active community role. It champions corporate responsibility and high sustainability criteria in its business operations and supply chains. This focus draws interesting parallels with the modern social enterprise sector, and ethical, purpose-driven business accreditation schemes such as B Corporation status, which assesses profit-making firms on their environmental, social and governance credentials.

    The moral commitments of the members of the Clarks family in these formative years of the firm have left their mark and shaped its later development. The 200-year history of the firm represents a close affinity between the values of the company and the values of Quakers.

    A classic – the Clarks Wallabee shoe.
    Rushay/Shutterstock

    However, all firms from time to time face challenges to the way they do business. The balance between economics and ethics can be a fine line to tread. It’s no different for Clarks. Struggling to survive the impact of the COVID pandemic in 2020, and with losses mounting, the Clark family sold its stake to a private equity firm.

    Within 12 months, Clarks workers accused the new owners of betraying the company’s philanthropic roots by threatening them with dismissal if they did not accept significant pay cuts. Clarks said at the time that renegotiating workers’ terms would be a “very last resort” and that almost half of the workers in the distribution centre in question would receive a pay rise.

    The dispute involved strike action and mediation, eventually leading to a resolution. Afterwards, Clarks said in a joint statement with the Community union that the resolution had protected workers’ livelihoods and recognised their loyalty to the firm.

    This demonstrated how firms can face repeated cycles of crises, including competitive, financial and economic shocks that bring debates about ethics into focus. These crisis events are typically more acute when a founder, CEO or family departs, and especially when those involved with the company honour its tradition and legacy. Rathbones, the fund management company with Quaker origins, was faced with similar challenges when the family was no longer actively involved.

    Yet despite the economic and financial pressures that Clarks faced in this exceptional period, the firm is also attempting to protect the core of its moral backbone. It echoes an affinity – albeit a more distant one – with the Quakerism of the founding family.

    This stance can potentially be fragile, however. Businesses must remain viable as businesses – and only last year Clarks was facing up to a difficult trading environment by cutting 150 office staff. Indeed, the previous conversation within the firm and the community about betrayal clearly expresses a strong moral view, shaped by the links to Quaker values. It is also a conversation about the future strength of those ties, and one that places values at the heart of its future.

    Nicholas Burton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Shoemaker Clarks is turning 200. Its Quaker roots made it a pioneer of ethical business – https://theconversation.com/shoemaker-clarks-is-turning-200-its-quaker-roots-made-it-a-pioneer-of-ethical-business-258323

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Keir Starmer says migrants should learn English to integrate. Is he being fair?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Huw Lewis, Senior Lecturer in Politics, Aberystwyth University

    Pressmaster/Shutterstock

    The UK government’s proposed immigration reforms emphasise the need for migrants to learn English in order to integrate successfully.

    Some of the new measures announced include raising the level of English language skills required from migrants that wish to work in the UK.

    Those who wish to settle permanently will also need to demonstrate a stronger grasp of English. In the future they may also be asked to demonstrate how their command of the language has improved since they arrived.

    Since the New Labour years, successive UK governments have justified the link between learning English and integration by appealing to British values, social mobility or even national security and anti-extremism.


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    Yet in a press conference to launch the reforms, Keir Starmer adopted a different line. He argued that linguistic integration should be viewed as a matter of “fairness”.

    “When people come to our country, they should also commit to integration, to learning our language, and our system should actively distinguish between those that do and those that don’t,” Starmer said. “I think that’s fair.”

    In linking learning English with fairness, Starmer seems to be making a claim about the ethics of linguistic integration. However, his remarks frame this as a one-sided deal. Migrants must meet English language requirements to earn the right to stay in the UK.

    No mention is made of the possibility that fairness in this context may also entail an obligation on government, or society more broadly, to take steps to ensure that learning English is a practical option for all migrants.

    The government’s proposed reforms related to learning English adopt a similar approach. They include a series of steps that will be taken to increase the level of English competence expected from those settling in the UK.

    But aside from a vague commitment to improve access to English language classes, the government has not proposed detailed measures to help migrants to meet these language demands.

    This is despite the fact that researchers and practitioners working in the field of language education for migrants have long argued that access to learning English for speakers of other languages is highly uneven and chronically underfunded.

    It is not unreasonable for a society to set out certain broad obligations for migrants as part of the integration process, such as learning a common public language. This is now relatively common across many European democracies.

    What’s more, for those who settle in the UK from countries where English is not spoken, acquiring the language will support efforts to enter the labour market and simplify the challenge of navigating new health, social security, housing and education systems.

    Access to language learning can help people enter the job market.
    Antonio Guillem/Shutterstock

    However, if Keir Starmer is concerned with fairness, then he should arguably consider how integration can be understood as a two-way process. This would mean acknowledging that there are roles and responsibilities for the government and citizens of the host society, as well as for migrants.

    This is particularly relevant when considering the role of language in integration because applied linguistic research shows that second-language acquisition can be a difficult task. Success varies according to factors that are not necessarily within the control of individual learners, such as age, level of education and wealth.

    Inclusive integration

    More nuanced understandings of linguistic integration also stress that the process should not be viewed as one where the aim is for migrants simply to not stand out linguistically.

    Rather, the aim should be to help migrants – many of whom may already be multilingual – to adjust their linguistic repertoires in a way that allows them to settle in their new communities.

    Alongside opportunities to acquire languages deemed essential for employment and engagement with public bodies, this may also entail opportunities to access other languages that play a role in the social life of the host society.

    For example, including the Welsh language as part of provision for speakers of other languages in Wales has been seen as a way to develop a distinct sense of belonging.

    Furthermore, the process of linguistic integration should acknowledge the languages that migrants bring with them. As they build a new life, they should be afforded space to reflect on what role these languages will play in their social interactions.

    This type of approach potentially offers a more inclusive route to linguistic integration. It affirms newcomers as valued members of society, not just as learners but also as contributors to the social and cultural life of their new communities.

    Huw Lewis is currently contributing to a Leverhulme-funded research project entitled The Ethics of Linguistic Integration

    Gwennan Higham is currently contributing to a Leverhulme-funded research project entitled The Ethics of Linguistic Integration

    Leigh Oakes is currently the Principal Investigator on a Leverhulme-funded research project entitled the Ethics of Linguistic Integration

    ref. Keir Starmer says migrants should learn English to integrate. Is he being fair? – https://theconversation.com/keir-starmer-says-migrants-should-learn-english-to-integrate-is-he-being-fair-256743

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The food affordability crisis is one reason governments need to step up for school food

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Tina Moffat, Professor, Department of Anthropology, McMaster University

    Despite the hard work and dedication of hundreds of local grassroots organizations across the country to deliver student nutrition programs, there are, too often, not enough funds to purchase the food to meet student needs.

    As described in a study of elementary school parents’ and teachers’ perspectives on school food in southern Ontario, in the city of Hamilton and Peel Region, far too many school food programs cannot adequately meet existing nutritional needs of hungry students. Some teachers described how students, as young as four years old, come to school without enough nutritious food to fuel them through the day.

    As a researcher who examines biological and cultural determinants of human nutrition and food security, I conducted this study with academic colleagues in partnership with the Coalition for Healthy School Food.

    Fortunately, in 2024 the government of Canada announced a new National School Food Program and policy. As of March 10, 2025, the federal government has made school food agreements with all provinces and territories.

    This is an opportunity to reinvent school food across Canada and to catch up to other G7 countries that have long-running traditions of school food programs.

    Perspectives on school food programs

    In our study we asked parents through an online survey and focus group discussions in Hamilton and Peel Region to tell us what they envision for a future national school food program.

    Eighty-three per cent of the respondents were women; respondents self-identfied as South Asian (eight per cent), Black (five per cent), Indigenous (four per cent), Middle Eastern (four per cent), Southeast Asian (three per cent), Latino (three per cent), East Asian (three per cent) and white (70 per cent).

    Forty-three per cent of households were classified as experiencing some level of food insecurity, with 41 per cent having an annual household income of less than $69,999.

    Ninety-six per cent of survey respondents said they want their child to participate in a school food program, and 77 per cent said they would be willing to pay some amount for it. In parent focus groups, and teacher interviews, participants cited such benefits as:

    • Improving the nutritional quality of what students eat;
    • Reducing the consumption of highly processed foods;
    • Improving behaviour, learning, mental health and energy levels;
    • And connections to curriculum like nutrition and food literacy education.

    Participants saw affordability as one of the major barriers to an accessible program. Suggestions for funding models ranged from universal free programs to government-funded programs subsidized by optional parent contributions, and corporate donor funding.




    Read more:
    School gardens and kitchens could grow with Ontario’s proposed food literacy act


    Most parents and teachers were adamant that programs be universally accessible with nutritious and diverse food options for all students regardless of ability to pay.

    Severely underfunded provinces

    Federal funding of $79 million flowed to the provinces and programs in the first year of the government’s National School Food Program, but those funds were quickly used up.

    As noted by the Coalition for Healthy School Food, not all provinces are contributing in the same way towards school food programs to date.

    In Saskatchewan and Ontario, school food is severely underfunded relative to other provinces and territories. Saskatchewan and Ontario’s per capita investments are four times lower than the national median of 63 cents per student per day: Nova Scotia contributes $3.30 whereas Saskatchewan and Ontario are at the bottom of the pack at three and nine cents per student per day respectively. That’s based on an annual average of 190 school days per year across Canada.

    Without significant funding increases from those provincial governments, none of the hopes and dreams for a National School Food Program in Saskatchewan and Ontario will come to fruition.

    Challenges and opportunities ahead

    While the need for more funding is paramount, there are also logistical issues to tackle. Without commercial-grade kitchens in elementary schools, some survey respondents suggested centralized food preparation models by upgrading existing neighbourhood or high school infrastructure, from which meals could be distributed to local schools.




    Read more:
    What needs to happen next for Canada to have a successful school food program


    Others were in favour of contracting local food businesses as providers. A few parents raised the concern that school boards might contract large food conglomerates, resulting in a situation where corporate profit compromises food quality.

    Teachers voiced the need for adequate staffing and volunteer support so as not to unduly burden school staff. Some parents and teachers felt strongly about minimizing packaging waste. As one teacher stated:

    “I would be concerned about the environmental impact, going from trying to conserve and be mindful of what we use, like reusable containers, to a disposable model … I think it would send a poor message to kids who we’re asking to protect their environment.”

    The topic of how much time students have to eat arose frequently in discussions. In Ontario, many schools at the elementary level adhere to a two-break or balanced day model, where students have a “nutrition break” in the morning with recess, and another in early afternoon (instead of two short recesses and a mid-day window for lunch/recess). This may be a reason why parents and some teachers say that kids don’t have enough time to eat.

    Diversity and inclusion

    In addition to logistical operations and accessibility, parents and teachers voiced the need to consider social and cultural diversity and inclusion. They noted the diversity of student dietary requirements and preferences — from food allergies/intolerances and cultural and religious foods to concerns about what respondents referred to as their “picky eaters.”

    Teachers pointed out that halal and/or vegetarian foods must be made available. The oversight of food safety and offering a diversity of healthy food choices was mentioned repeatedly by parents.

    Meals and ingredients could be posted in weekly or monthly menus — like they are in in France, for example — to ensure students and their families are aware of what is being served.

    Programs engaged with students, community

    There was enthusiasm for exposing kids to culturally diverse menu options that would make students from all backgrounds feel included and welcome.

    While some parents were concerned that their kids might not eat foods they’re unfamiliar with, others thought it would be great to expose them to new foods that they might eat at school even if they wouldn’t at home.

    Some parents were excited about the prospect of community involvement, including volunteers but also students in food prep, distribution and cleanup. Beyond the school community, some proposed fostering partnerships with local farms, community gardens and local food providers.

    In sum, participants voiced the need for flexible programs that could be tailored to specific school, family and community needs — with clear communication with all families and school staff about the school food programs’ goals and operations.

    Much more work to do

    We have a tremendous need and opportunity in Canada to strengthen our food system and food security with the National School Food Program.

    We have just begun this project with the commitment of some federal, provincial and municipal funding, but there is much more work to do in developing school food programs in each part of the country.

    The continued food affordability crisis and the threat of tariffs by the United States make it clear how important these programs are.

    No matter how these programs end up evolving, parents and teachers in Hamilton and Peel Region have clearly voiced their desire for equity — school food program accessibility, regardless of family income. They also want to see food offerings meeting students’ diverse dietary requirements, and the inclusion of student, family, educator and local community partners.

    Tina Moffat receives funding from SSHRC.

    ref. The food affordability crisis is one reason governments need to step up for school food – https://theconversation.com/the-food-affordability-crisis-is-one-reason-governments-need-to-step-up-for-school-food-257868

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Wildfire smoke can harm your brain, not just your lungs

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Dr Bhavini Gohel, Clinical Associate Professor, Cumming School of Medicine, University of Calgary

    Wildfires are already burning in parts of Canada, and as they do, many communities are already facing the familiar thick haze as smoke drifts in.

    Smoke from wildfires has already led Environment Canada to issue air quality warnings for much of Ontario. In Toronto, smoke led to the city briefly having the worst air quality in the world.

    Anyone who has experienced wildfire smoke knows how it can leave you with a scratchy throat, stinging eyes and impact your lungs. However, smoke can also affect your brain. Tiny airborne pollutants found in smoke have been linked to increased risk of stroke, dementia and flare-ups in neurological diseases like multiple sclerosis (MS).

    These effects can disproportionately impact older adults, people with disabilities, Indigenous Peoples and those living in low-income communities. This isn’t just about climate. It’s about equity, and health systems need to catch up.

    Canada’s 2023 wildfire season was the worst on record, and as climate change worsens wildfires, it may be a sign of what’s to come.

    Animation of Canada’s 2023 wildfire season by cartographer Peter Atwood, using NASA data to show the daily spread of fires and smoke across the country. (Peter Atwood)

    A direct path to the brain

    Alongside harmful gases and heavy metals, wildfire smoke contains fine particulate matter, also known as PM2.5. These tiny particles can travel deep into your lungs, slip into your bloodstream and even reach your brain. Some even bypass the lungs entirely, entering the brain directly through the nose.

    After entering the brain, these toxins can cause inflammation and stress, damage nerve cells and even accelerate cognitive decline. Studies have linked exposure to air pollution to an increased risk of stroke and dementia. Even short-term spikes in smoke exposure, like those during wildfires, lead to a surge in emergency visits for strokes, especially among people over 65.

    A 2022 experiment had thousands of adults participate in an online attention task under smoky conditions. It found that just a three-hour spike in fine particulate matter, typical of a heavy smoke episode, led to measurably worse attention scores. This fits other evidence that breathing smoke makes people mentally foggy, forgetful or fatigued.

    Fine particulate matter in wildfire smoke can reach the brain via the lungs or nose, causing inflammation, neuronal damage, and raising the risk of stroke, dementia, cognitive decline, and MS flare-ups.
    (Muskaan Muse Laroyia)

    Wildfire smoke, dementia and MS

    In 2024, a study found that chronic exposure to wildfire-related air pollution significantly increased the likelihood of someone being diagnosed with dementia. The risk was most pronounced in low-income communities, where people often have less access to clean air, health care and protective measures.

    For people already living with neurological conditions like MS or Parkinson’s disease, the stakes are even higher. Exposure to fine particulate pollution has been linked with increased hospital admissions for MS relapses, particularly in young patients. Other research points to worsening symptoms of epilepsy and cognitive decline under extreme heat and polluted air conditions.

    Despite these mounting risks, neurological health considerations have been largely absent from wildfire preparedness initiatives and public health responses. That needs to change.

    If you want to stay informed about local smoke exposure, tools like AQmap can help you track PM2.5 levels in real time across Canada.

    Some more impacted than others

    Some face far greater risk from wildfire smoke than others, including older adults, those with pre-existing health conditions, people with lower socio-economic status, Indigenous populations, people residing in remote areas and children. This is a health equity issue as much as a medical one.

    Each of these groups faces unique and compounding challenges during smoke events. For example, older adults are more vulnerable to the cardiovascular and neurological effects of smoke. They also face greater barriers to accessing filtered environments.

    People with disabilities or chronic illnesses, including those with neurological conditions, often can’t relocate during smoke events and may rely on power-dependent medical devices that can fail during climate emergencies.

    Low-income families are more likely to live in housing without proper air filtration or cooling. These same communities often face higher baseline rates of neurological disease.

    Indigenous communities, more than 80 per cent of which are located near fire-prone areas, face recurring displacement, interruptions to care and disproportionate exposure to smoke each summer.

    Children and adolescents are particularly susceptible to the harmful neurological effects of wildfires. Because their brains are still developing and they breathe more air per body weight than adults, children are especially vulnerable to harmful pollutants.

    Studies have linked early-life exposure to fine particulate matter with an increased risk of neuro-developmental disorders, lower cognitive function and structural brain changes.

    These populations aren’t just more exposed, they also have fewer resources to respond.

    Rethinking Canada’s health systems

    Recognizing these inequities, we are developing a climate-health equity framework for Canada, with a specific focus on neurological health. Our interdisciplinary team is asking: how can we build health systems that protect vulnerable brains during climate emergencies?

    Health-care workers in Alberta Health Services have designed the Climate-Resilient Acute Care Clinical Operations Framework. This framework supports hospitals in becoming both greener and more resilient, ensuring care can continue during wildfires, floods and extreme heat events.

    Importantly, it also centres the needs of equity-deserving populations, integrating climate adaptation into emergency care, supply chains, staffing and patient communication.

    What needs to change?

    1. Public awareness must expand beyond respiratory health. Neurological effects of smoke should be included in public health messaging, especially for high-risk groups.

    2. Health systems must be climate-ready, with clean air shelters, evacuation protocols and services tailored to meet the needs of neurological patients.

    3. Communities need support, from funding for air filtration to co-ordinated outreach during smoke events. Indigenous-led fire stewardship and community health initiatives should be part of national planning. Supporting Indigenous-led fire stewardship not only strengthens wildfire response but also respects Indigenous sovereignty and traditional ecological knowledge.

    4. Clinicians must be empowered to address climate-related health risks. Training in environmental health, including its impact on the brain, is increasingly essential.

    Wildfire season is back, and with it, an urgent need to protect more than just our lungs. The science is clear: breathing smoky air affects our minds, especially for those already facing health and social vulnerabilities.

    Climate change is a brain health issue. Building a healthier, more equitable future requires us to treat it that way, starting now.

    Dr Bhavini Gohel works for the Canadian Coalition for Green Healthcare.

    Muskaan Muse Laroyia does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Wildfire smoke can harm your brain, not just your lungs – https://theconversation.com/wildfire-smoke-can-harm-your-brain-not-just-your-lungs-258052

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ghana’s older people feel left behind and ignored: how to care for them better

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Andrew Kweku Conduah, PhD Candidate, University of Ghana

    Ghana’s national agenda often focuses on the country’s large number of young people. In fact a less noticed demographic transformation is reshaping society: the country’s older population is growing rapidly. According to Ghana Statistical Service estimates,
    people aged 60 and above are projected to make up over 12% of the total population by 2050, more than doubling the 2021 estimate of 6.8%.

    And more of these older adults are ageing alone.

    That’s because of Ghana’s transition from extended to nuclear family systems, coupled with rural–urban and international migration. Traditionally, older Ghanaians aged within multi-generational households, with care provided by children and extended family. But today, migration patterns have intensified, with over 50% of the population living in urban areas, leaving many elders behind in rural communities or isolated in city slums.

    I recently conducted a study across six Ghanaian communities (urban and rural). Drawing from 52 interviews, I explored the emotional, social and economic implications of ageing alone.

    The participants in the study echoed a common theme: the erosion of intergenerational family structures, leaving the elderly socially and emotionally isolated.

    As a 73-year-old widow participant who lives in a city put it:

    My daughter is in Canada. My son lives in Kumasi, but he rarely visits. I live alone, and if I fall sick, I just wait. Sometimes, I pray someone will notice.

    Such stories are no longer anecdotal outliers. Nationally representative data from the Ghana Living Standards Survey and WHO SAGE Ghana Wave 2 also reveal an uptick in solitary living among older adults, particularly widowed women and those without formal pensions. Over 22% of older respondents in urban Ghana reported living alone, a sharp contrast to previous decades, where co-residence with adult children was the norm. Many older Ghanaians don’t have reliable caregivers.

    As a PhD candidate in population studies at the University of Ghana, I focus on health-related quality of life among older adults. This article draws from my doctoral fieldwork in urban and rural Ghana, using qualitative interviews to uncover the lived realities of ageing alone.

    The study highlights a gap in Ghana’s ageing policies: they overlook solitary elders who live without daily family support.

    The paper calls for integrated social protection for older adults living alone. That would include subsidised healthcare, community outreach services, emergency care networks, and community-based mental health interventions.

    What old people had to say

    Focus group discussions revealed that older adults struggle with emotional loneliness, financial anxiety and health system constraints. Despite the presence of pension associations, many older adults feel forgotten. Spiritual activities and reading offer moments of solace, but limited National Health Insurance Scheme coverage, rising living costs, and declining family support deepen the hardship.

    Focus groups revealed that older women were particularly vulnerable due to widowhood, land insecurity and declining support from children. Men, while respected, felt idle and underutilised. Participants spoke of finding strength in farming, faith and fellowship, but felt forgotten in national development planning.

    Ghana’s National Ageing Policy (2010) promises integrated care, but older adults, especially women, are slipping into the cracks of urban anonymity.

    Ageing here is not just biological, it is physical, psychological and economic. My broader research affirms that the majority of older adults in Ghana worked in the informal sector. They therefore have no access to formal pensions or post-retirement income security.

    Participants in my most recent research shared how they felt:

    I was a seamstress all my life. Now my eyes are failing. No pension, no money. I survive on cassava and prayer. – 66-year-old retired woman

    Ageing in Ghana is like walking into a forest — you disappear quietly. No one sees you. — 69-year-old woman

    This statement underscores the gendered experience of ageing, where women often face greater economic and emotional vulnerability due to widowhood, longer life expectancy, and social neglect.

    We are not dying yet. We want to matter again. – 70-year-old man

    We have houses, but not homes anymore. – 75-year-old man

    What next

    The implications of this neglect are staggering. According to the World Health Organization, loneliness and social isolation among the elderly are associated with a 50% increased risk of dementia, depression and premature death. In Ghana, there are added challenges of inaccessible health facilities and cultural stigma about ageing. Yet most people aren’t talking about it.

    Ghana introduced the National Ageing Policy in 2010 to promote the health, security and participation of older people in national development. But many elderly people still live without affordable healthcare, age-friendly infrastructure or a regular income.

    What Ghana needs now is not another grand policy document. It needs practical, community-rooted and state-supported action.

    Decentralised community geriatric care: Train district-level health volunteers in geriatric care, and equip them with basic tools to support older people in their homes.

    Pension and informal sector integration: Extend Ghana’s pension framework to informal sector workers.

    Public awareness campaigns: Reframe ageing in national media not as decline but as contribution, highlighting elder wisdom, resilience, and ongoing social relevance.

    Urban planning for ageing: Incorporate age-friendly elements like ramps, benches, toilets and signage into development plans.

    None of this is charity. It is a strategic investment. In 2021, Ghana spent less than 0.5% of its national health budget on elderly-specific care. That is fiscally short-sighted. Healthier, engaged older adults reduce family burdens, boost social capital, and can even contribute economically by training and mentoring others.

    In the communities I visited, I encountered grassroots interventions worth scaling up: church youth groups providing weekly food support, pensioners’ associations checking in on members, and intergenerational community storytelling sessions that rebuild emotional bonds.

    In Ghana’s Akan tradition, elders are considered living libraries. Their absence from the communal space is not just a social loss, it is a cultural erasure.

    If the elderly are neglected, anyone may wake up on the wrong side of the demographic line one day, wondering if they too will be forgotten.

    Andrew Kweku Conduah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Ghana’s older people feel left behind and ignored: how to care for them better – https://theconversation.com/ghanas-older-people-feel-left-behind-and-ignored-how-to-care-for-them-better-257951

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Johannesburg’s problems can be solved – but it’s a long journey to fix South Africa’s economic powerhouse

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Philip Harrison, Professor School of Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand

    South African president Cyril Ramaphosa met senior leaders of Johannesburg and Gauteng, the province it’s located in, in March 2025 to discuss ways to arrest the steep decline in South Africa’s largest city.

    Ramaphosa announced a two-year-long presidential intervention to tackle some of the city’s most pressing issues. It is to be led by the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group with eight cross-governmental and multi-stakeholder workstreams.

    Johannesburg was established 130 years ago, where the world’s largest-ever gold deposits were discovered. It grew rapidly in the early 20th century and became the country’s economic heartland and largest population centre. Like all South African cities, it was deeply scarred by apartheid policies. People were divided by racially defined groups. Good services and a strong economy benefited a minority, and a black majority were pushed into impoverished ghettos.

    But, for about the first two decades of post-apartheid rule from 1994, Johannesburg led the country with innovation and progressive change. It pioneered the new local government system, institutional reforms, new practice on city strategy and planning, pro-poor service delivery, and modern transport infrastructure.

    Today, however, the city is in a dire state. Over the past decade, roughly coinciding with the arrival of messy coalition governance in 2016, sound political leadership, administrative stability and financial management have crumbled. Underinvestment in infrastructure maintenance has led to collapsing services. Public trust is deteriorating among increasingly frustrated communities. This was evident in local election results. It also shows up in recent data released by the Gauteng City-Region Observatory on public trust in local government.

    The local economy has stagnated. The city’s official unemployment rate of 34.3% is higher than the national average of 32.9%. Mounting joblessness and dwindling incomes have intertwined with depleted trust to knock levels of payment for property rates and service charges. In turn this has deepened the financial and service maintenance crisis.

    Corruption in many parts of the city is an endemic complicating factor.

    The presidential intervention is designed to address this complex interplay between embedded legacies and failings post-apartheid. The workstreams involving city officials and concerned stakeholders are generating ideas for priority actions. There is also a new energy in the city government, with the executive mayor and members of his mayoral committee making turnaround promises.

    This long overdue attention is heartening. But some caution is called for. While some “quick wins” are needed, there will be no easy turnaround. The best prospect is likely to be a process of recovery that will require patience and methodical attention over the long term. A city cannot be repaired in the way an automobile can. A city has a trillion moving parts and is in a constant state of makeover, as dynamics of economy, technology, demography, environment, society, politics, and more, interact and produce change.

    The question is not whether a city is fixed – it can never finally be – but rather what trajectory it is on. For Johannesburg, the question is how to exit the downward spiral and begin the process of reconstruction.

    We are a group who previously worked in the City of Johannesburg as officials, who are now academics with decades of experience observing local governance trends and dynamics, or scholars engaged in civil society coalitions or communities mobilising around the crisis. Some of us have been involved in the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group over the last few months.

    Our view is that there are four areas needing urgent but sustained attention.

    Focus areas

    The first is the need for a joint effort across national, provincial and municipal government to resolve the crisis. We are pleased that this has begun. The political leadership in the city (and of the province) failed to grasp the opportunity provided by the post-2024 election national compromises to put together a broad-based government of local unity to lead reconstruction. There is no option now but to pursue an inter-governmental initiative led by national government with the committed involvement of the other spheres.

    Only genuine collaboration will succeed.

    In this respect, the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group holds promise. But what will be needed is careful, concerted work focused first on short-term priorities. Then, over years, on key structural challenges facing the city.

    Second, the city needs civil society in all its forms to hold a careful balance between keeping up the pressure on municipal government, constantly holding it accountable to its residents, and working with government to help it solve problems. The Joburg Crisis Alliance, Jozi-my-Jozi, WaterCAN and similar initiatives are claiming well-recognised and respected voice in the affairs of the municipality.

    Johannesburg needs a city government that is open to this scrutiny, accepting the need for transparency, and open to the help that civil society can offer.

    To raise the level of accountability and collaboration, a clear programme of restoration has to be communicated openly to the public. Milestones and expenditure requirements need to be set that allow for constant monitoring. There must be open council meetings, and regular online and in-person briefings.

    Also required are new mechanisms for citizen-based monitoring. These may include trained citizen monitors reporting on service delivery. Alternatively, the establishment of a sort of “Citizen’s Council” which meets regularly to receive reports from these monitors and the city administration.

    International examples include the Bürgerrat model. This is now fully institutionalised in parts of Germany and Austria to strengthen local democracy and accountability. In this model, citizens are randomly selected to sit on a council which monitors performance of local government and provides new ideas.

    Another approach could be for civil society organisations to be invited to a Citizen’s Council that would act in support of the oversight processes of the elected Municipal Council.

    Third, there has to be a solution to unstable coalition governments. These seem to be structured to facilitate separate political fiefdoms where spoils can be divided in the allocation of portfolios. At minimum, the presidential intervention must provide for a check and balance on processes where bureaucratic appointments and budgetary allocations may serve the interests of cronyism. For example, there should be transparency and rigour in appointments to the boards of Johannesburg’s municipally owned companies.

    Regulatory reforms are required in the political arena. This should include rules for the distribution of seats on the municipal executive and the election of mayors. Between January 2023 and August 2024 a tiny minority party held the mayoralty because the larger parties could not agree on a mayoral selection or, more cynically, to ensure that the executive mayor could not call large parties to account.

    More importantly, though, there has to be a change in political culture. This is a longer-term process.

    Fourth, the problems run far deeper than what bureaucratic reorganisation can achieve.

    The longer-term project is to build a capable administration with clear political direction and oversight but insulated from personal agendas and factional battles. The administration became confused and demoralised because of the political instability over an extended period. There are, however, still many capable and committed public servants in the city bureaucracy. The focus should be on working with them to rebuild the administration, making it a place where talent and initiative are recognised and rewarded.

    Restored political leadership and a rejuvenated administration is needed for a long term process, extending far beyond the quick wins. This process will involve refurbishing the decaying network infrastructure, restoring financial stability, reestablishing social trust and returning confidence to the city’s economy.

    2025 marks 30 years since the first democratic local elections. National government is looking seriously at sweeping municipal reforms. And the next municipal election – likely to be held at the end of 2026 – is an opportunity to make a deep transformation effort. Citizens can ensure that parties contesting the election place Johannesburg’s recovery at the heart of their agenda.

    Philip Harrison has received funding from South Africa’s National Research Foundation in support of the South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning.

    The Gauteng City-Region Observatory receives core grant funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government.

    Lorena Nunez Carrasco received funding from the National Research Foundation in support of research on the South African response on COVID-19

    Rashid Seedat receives funding from Gauteng Provincial Government for the Gauteng City-Region Observatory. He is affiliated with the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation as a member of the Board of Trustees.

    ref. Johannesburg’s problems can be solved – but it’s a long journey to fix South Africa’s economic powerhouse – https://theconversation.com/johannesburgs-problems-can-be-solved-but-its-a-long-journey-to-fix-south-africas-economic-powerhouse-256013

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: A quarter of the world’s population are adolescents: major report sets out health and wellbeing trends

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Alex Ezeh, Dornsife Endowed Professor of Global Health, Drexel University

    The Lancet has released its second global commission report on Adolescent Health and Wellbeing. Adolescents are defined as 10- to 24-year-olds. The report builds on the first one, done in 2016. The latest report presents substantial original research that supports actions it recommends to be taken across sectors as well as at global, regional, country and local level. The co-chairs of the commission, Sarah Baird, Alex Ezeh and Russell Viner, together with the youth commissioners lead, Shakira Choonara, give a guide to the report’s findings.

    What were the key findings?

    The report noted significant improvements in some aspects of adolescent health and wellbeing since the 2016 report. These include reductions in:

    • communicable, maternal and nutritional diseases, particularly among female adolescents

    • the burden of disease from injuries

    • substance use, specifically tobacco and alcohol

    • teenage pregnancy.

    It also found that there had been an increase in age at first marriage and in education, especially for young women.

    Despite this progress, adolescent health and wellbeing is said to be at a tipping point. Continued progress is being undermined by rapidly escalating rates of
    non-communicable diseases and mental disorders, accompanied by threats from compounding and intersecting megatrends. These include climate change and environmental degradation, the growing power of commercial influences on health, rising conflict and displacement, rapid urbanisation, and the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.

    These megatrends are outpacing responses from national governments and the international community.

    What’s unique about today’s cohort of adolescents?

    Born between 2000 and 2014, this is the first cohort of humans who will live their entire life in a time when the average annual global temperature has consistently been 0.5°C or higher above pre-industrial levels.

    At roughly 2 billion adolescents, they are the largest cohort of adolescents in the history of humanity. And this number will not be surpassed as populations age and fertility rates fall in even the poorest countries.

    They are the first generation of global digital natives. They live in a world of immense resources and opportunities, with unprecedented connectedness made possible by the rapid expansion of digital technologies. This is true even in the hardest-to-reach places.

    Growing participation in secondary and tertiary education is equipping adolescents of all genders with new economic opportunities and providing pathways out of poverty.

    These opportunities, however, are not being realised for most adolescents. Increasing numbers continue to grow up in settings with limited opportunities. In addition, investments in adolescent health and wellbeing continue to lag relative to their population share or their share of the global burden of disease.

    Investments in adolescents accounted for only 2.4% of the total development assistance for health in 2016-2021. This was despite the fact that adolescents accounted for 25.2% of the global population in that period and 9.1% of the total burden of disease. We use development assistance as a measure because, while governments also invest in adolescents, it’s difficult to account for how much this is. For example, when a government supports a health facility, it serves the entire population.

    Yet, the report provides evidence to show that the return on investments in adolescent health and wellbeing is highly cost-effective and at par with investments in children.

    What’s the news for adolescents in Africa?

    The report recognises the special place of Africa in the global future of adolescents. It notes that, by the end of this century, nearly half of all adolescents will live in Africa.

    Currently, adolescents in Africa experience higher burdens of communicable, maternal and nutritional diseases, at more than double the global average for both male and female adolescents. They also have a higher prevalence of anaemia, adolescent childbearing, early marriage and HIV infection. They are much less likely to complete 12 years of schooling and more likely to not be in education, employment, or training.

    Female adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa have the highest adolescent fertility rate at 99.4 births per 1,000 female adolescents aged 15-19 (the global average is 41.8). They have also experienced the slowest decline between 2016 and 2022.

    Globally, there was progress in reducing child marriage between 2016 and 2022. But in eight countries in 2022, at least one in three female adolescents aged 15–19 years was married. All but one of these eight countries were in sub-Saharan Africa. Niger (50.2%) and Mali (40.6%) had the highest proportion of married female adolescents.

    The practice of child marriage is declining in south Asia and becoming more concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa. As the report notes:

    it continues because of cultural norms, fuelled by economic hardships, insurgency, conflict, ambiguous legal provisions, and lack of political will to enforce legal provisions.

    What should be Africa’s focus areas?

    Beyond adolescent sexual and reproductive health concerns in sub-Saharan Africa, obesity is increasing fastest in the region. This illustrates the vulnerability of adolescents to the power of commercial interests.

    Since 1990, obesity and overweight has increased by 89% in prevalence among adolescents aged 15–19 years in sub-Saharan Africa. This is the largest regional increase.

    The absence of data on adolescents is a problem. Adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa are absent in many data systems. For example, data on adolescent mental health in sub-Saharan Africa is virtually absent.

    Stronger data systems are needed to understand and track progress on the complex set of determinants of adolescent health and wellbeing.

    Another area of concern is the massive inequities within countries, often gendered or by geography. While female adolescents in Kenya are experiencing substantial declines in the burden of HIV and sexually transmitted infections, adolescent males are experiencing increasing burdens. In South Africa, years of healthy life lost to maternal disorders show more than 10-fold differences between the Western Cape and North West provinces.

    Where there’s been strong political leadership, remarkable changes have been seen. Take the case of Benin Republic. The adolescent fertility rate in the country declined from 26% in 1996 to 20% in 2018 and child marriage from 39% to 31% over the same period. Strong political leadership has also led to substantial reductions in female genital mutilation or cutting. This fell from 12% of girls in Benin in 2001 to 2% in 2011–12 among 15–19-year-old girls in Benin Republic. Political leadership also facilitated the expansion, by the national parliament in 2021, of the grounds under which women, girls, and their families could access safe and legal abortion.

    But for every country that takes positive steps to protect the health and wellbeing of adolescents, several others regress.

    The last decade has witnessed regression in several countries. In 2024, The Gambia attempted to repeal a 2015 law criminalising all acts of female genital mutilation or cutting. In 2022, Nigeria’s federal government ordered the removal of sex education from the basic education curriculum.

    What are the recommended courses of action?

    The report calls for a multisectoral approach across multiple national ministries and agencies, including the office of the head of state, and within the UN system.

    Coordination and accountability mechanisms for adolescent health and wellbeing also need to be strengthened.

    Laws and policies are needed to protect the health and rights of adolescents, reduce the impact of the commercial determinants of health, and promote healthy use of digital and social media spaces and platforms.

    Strong political leadership at local, national, and global levels is essential.

    The report also calls for prioritised investments, the creation of enabling environments to transform adolescent health and wellbeing, and the development of innovative approaches to address complex and emerging health threats.

    It calls for meaningful engagement of adolescents in policy, research, interventions and accountability mechanisms that affect them.

    Without these concerted actions, we risk failing our young people and losing out on the investments being made in childhood at this second critical period in their development.

    The current adverse international aid climate is particularly affecting adolescents as much development assistance relates to gender and sexual and reproductive health. Concerted action in addressing adolescent health and wellbeing is an urgent imperative for sub-Saharan Africa.

    Alex Ezeh is a fellow at the Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study (Stias).

    Russell Viner and Sarah Baird do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. A quarter of the world’s population are adolescents: major report sets out health and wellbeing trends – https://theconversation.com/a-quarter-of-the-worlds-population-are-adolescents-major-report-sets-out-health-and-wellbeing-trends-257282

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: Johannesburg’s problems can be solved – but it’s a long journey to fix South Africa’s economic powerhouse

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philip Harrison, Professor School of Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand

    South African president Cyril Ramaphosa met senior leaders of Johannesburg and Gauteng, the province it’s located in, in March 2025 to discuss ways to arrest the steep decline in South Africa’s largest city.

    Ramaphosa announced a two-year-long presidential intervention to tackle some of the city’s most pressing issues. It is to be led by the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group with eight cross-governmental and multi-stakeholder workstreams.

    Johannesburg was established 130 years ago, where the world’s largest-ever gold deposits were discovered. It grew rapidly in the early 20th century and became the country’s economic heartland and largest population centre. Like all South African cities, it was deeply scarred by apartheid policies. People were divided by racially defined groups. Good services and a strong economy benefited a minority, and a black majority were pushed into impoverished ghettos.

    But, for about the first two decades of post-apartheid rule from 1994, Johannesburg led the country with innovation and progressive change. It pioneered the new local government system, institutional reforms, new practice on city strategy and planning, pro-poor service delivery, and modern transport infrastructure.

    Today, however, the city is in a dire state. Over the past decade, roughly coinciding with the arrival of messy coalition governance in 2016, sound political leadership, administrative stability and financial management have crumbled. Underinvestment in infrastructure maintenance has led to collapsing services. Public trust is deteriorating among increasingly frustrated communities. This was evident in local election results. It also shows up in recent data released by the Gauteng City-Region Observatory on public trust in local government.

    The local economy has stagnated. The city’s official unemployment rate of 34.3% is higher than the national average of 32.9%. Mounting joblessness and dwindling incomes have intertwined with depleted trust to knock levels of payment for property rates and service charges. In turn this has deepened the financial and service maintenance crisis.

    Corruption in many parts of the city is an endemic complicating factor.

    The presidential intervention is designed to address this complex interplay between embedded legacies and failings post-apartheid. The workstreams involving city officials and concerned stakeholders are generating ideas for priority actions. There is also a new energy in the city government, with the executive mayor and members of his mayoral committee making turnaround promises.

    This long overdue attention is heartening. But some caution is called for. While some “quick wins” are needed, there will be no easy turnaround. The best prospect is likely to be a process of recovery that will require patience and methodical attention over the long term. A city cannot be repaired in the way an automobile can. A city has a trillion moving parts and is in a constant state of makeover, as dynamics of economy, technology, demography, environment, society, politics, and more, interact and produce change.

    The question is not whether a city is fixed – it can never finally be – but rather what trajectory it is on. For Johannesburg, the question is how to exit the downward spiral and begin the process of reconstruction.

    We are a group who previously worked in the City of Johannesburg as officials, who are now academics with decades of experience observing local governance trends and dynamics, or scholars engaged in civil society coalitions or communities mobilising around the crisis. Some of us have been involved in the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group over the last few months.

    Our view is that there are four areas needing urgent but sustained attention.

    Focus areas

    The first is the need for a joint effort across national, provincial and municipal government to resolve the crisis. We are pleased that this has begun. The political leadership in the city (and of the province) failed to grasp the opportunity provided by the post-2024 election national compromises to put together a broad-based government of local unity to lead reconstruction. There is no option now but to pursue an inter-governmental initiative led by national government with the committed involvement of the other spheres.

    Only genuine collaboration will succeed.

    In this respect, the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group holds promise. But what will be needed is careful, concerted work focused first on short-term priorities. Then, over years, on key structural challenges facing the city.

    Second, the city needs civil society in all its forms to hold a careful balance between keeping up the pressure on municipal government, constantly holding it accountable to its residents, and working with government to help it solve problems. The Joburg Crisis Alliance, Jozi-my-Jozi, WaterCAN and similar initiatives are claiming well-recognised and respected voice in the affairs of the municipality.

    Johannesburg needs a city government that is open to this scrutiny, accepting the need for transparency, and open to the help that civil society can offer.

    To raise the level of accountability and collaboration, a clear programme of restoration has to be communicated openly to the public. Milestones and expenditure requirements need to be set that allow for constant monitoring. There must be open council meetings, and regular online and in-person briefings.

    Also required are new mechanisms for citizen-based monitoring. These may include trained citizen monitors reporting on service delivery. Alternatively, the establishment of a sort of “Citizen’s Council” which meets regularly to receive reports from these monitors and the city administration.

    International examples include the Bürgerrat model. This is now fully institutionalised in parts of Germany and Austria to strengthen local democracy and accountability. In this model, citizens are randomly selected to sit on a council which monitors performance of local government and provides new ideas.

    Another approach could be for civil society organisations to be invited to a Citizen’s Council that would act in support of the oversight processes of the elected Municipal Council.

    Third, there has to be a solution to unstable coalition governments. These seem to be structured to facilitate separate political fiefdoms where spoils can be divided in the allocation of portfolios. At minimum, the presidential intervention must provide for a check and balance on processes where bureaucratic appointments and budgetary allocations may serve the interests of cronyism. For example, there should be transparency and rigour in appointments to the boards of Johannesburg’s municipally owned companies.

    Regulatory reforms are required in the political arena. This should include rules for the distribution of seats on the municipal executive and the election of mayors. Between January 2023 and August 2024 a tiny minority party held the mayoralty because the larger parties could not agree on a mayoral selection or, more cynically, to ensure that the executive mayor could not call large parties to account.

    More importantly, though, there has to be a change in political culture. This is a longer-term process.

    Fourth, the problems run far deeper than what bureaucratic reorganisation can achieve.

    The longer-term project is to build a capable administration with clear political direction and oversight but insulated from personal agendas and factional battles. The administration became confused and demoralised because of the political instability over an extended period. There are, however, still many capable and committed public servants in the city bureaucracy. The focus should be on working with them to rebuild the administration, making it a place where talent and initiative are recognised and rewarded.

    Restored political leadership and a rejuvenated administration is needed for a long term process, extending far beyond the quick wins. This process will involve refurbishing the decaying network infrastructure, restoring financial stability, reestablishing social trust and returning confidence to the city’s economy.

    2025 marks 30 years since the first democratic local elections. National government is looking seriously at sweeping municipal reforms. And the next municipal election – likely to be held at the end of 2026 – is an opportunity to make a deep transformation effort. Citizens can ensure that parties contesting the election place Johannesburg’s recovery at the heart of their agenda.

    Philip Harrison has received funding from South Africa’s National Research Foundation in support of the South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning.

    The Gauteng City-Region Observatory receives core grant funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government.

    Lorena Nunez Carrasco received funding from the National Research Foundation in support of research on the South African response on COVID-19

    Rashid Seedat receives funding from Gauteng Provincial Government for the Gauteng City-Region Observatory. He is affiliated with the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation as a member of the Board of Trustees.

    ref. Johannesburg’s problems can be solved – but it’s a long journey to fix South Africa’s economic powerhouse – https://theconversation.com/johannesburgs-problems-can-be-solved-but-its-a-long-journey-to-fix-south-africas-economic-powerhouse-256013

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Albanese says the government’s focus on delivering commitments is essential to reinforce faith in democracy

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese says his second term government is “focused on delivery” of its commitments, declaring this is important not only for the economy but also for Australians’ faith in our democracy.

    In a speech to the National Press Club on Tuesday, partially released ahead of delivery, Albanese warns that the present era of global uncertainty reaches beyond just economic uncertainty.

    “It is the more corrosive proposition that politics and government and democratic institutions, including a free media, are incapable of meeting the demands of this moment.

    “Some simply dismiss such sentiment. Others cynically seek to harvest it. Our responsibility is to disprove it.

    “To recognise that some of this frustration is drawn from people’s real experience with government – be it failures of service delivery, or falling through the cracks of a particular system.

    “And to counter this, we have to offer the practical and positive alternative.To prove that a good, focused, reforming Labor government can make a real difference to people’s lives.”

    Albanese’s speech comes ahead of his departure later this week for the G7 summit in Canada, where he is expected to meet US President Donald Trump on the sidelines.

    Their talks are set to cover, in particular, the Albanese government’s bid for relief from the Trump tariffs and the president’s desire for Australia to significantly boost its spending on defence.

    Australia is subject to both the general US 10% tariff and the separate tariff on steel and aluminium, which the president has just increased to 50%.

    Australia will put on the table a proposal for arrangements on access to our critical minerals and rare earths, that will favour the US. The government has also been examining a way to give access to US beef, which currently faces an effective ban on biosecurity grounds.

    Albanese has stressed that any change would not compromise Australian biosecurity.

    The Trump administration has flagged it would like to see Australia boost defence spending to 3.5% of GDP. Albanese has said Australia makes its own defence decisions and that spending should be based on capability needs rather than a set percentage.

    Albanese’s stress, in his speech, on “delivery” of commitments is partly to manage expectations in the wake of the government’s massive majority.

    The unexpected election result has led to some pressures on the government to use its position to undertake a more radical agenda than the one it put at the election.

    Albanese says: “Our government’s vision and ambition for Australia’s future was never dependent on the size of our majority.

    “But you can only build for that future vision if you build confidence that you can deliver on urgent necessities.

    “How you do that is important too – ensuring that the actions of today, anticipate and create conditions for further reform tomorrow.”

    He says the government’s second-term agenda has been shaped by Australians’ lives, priorities and values.

    “It is the mission and the measure of a Labor government to give those enduring ideals of fairness, aspiration and opportunity renewed and deeper meaning, for more Australians.

    “To deliver reforms that hold no-one back – and drive progress that leaves no-one behind.

    “This is no small task. It demands we aim high and requires us to build big.”

    He points to the government’s promised big investment in Medicare as well as its commitments on housing and the energy transition.

    “Our vision is for a society that is a microcosm for the world – where all are respected and valued and our diversity is recognised as a strength.

    “Where our international relationships in the fastest growing region of the world in human history benefit us, but also provide a platform for us to play a stabilising global role in uncertain times.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Albanese says the government’s focus on delivering commitments is essential to reinforce faith in democracy – https://theconversation.com/albanese-says-the-governments-focus-on-delivering-commitments-is-essential-to-reinforce-faith-in-democracy-257331

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ethnoprimatology: research examines the traditional knowledge of Indigenous peoples about primates in their territories

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Fabrício Gatagon Suruí, Biólogo e Primatólogo, Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi

    The Paiter-Suruí people have a culture deeply rooted in their land: the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land (TISS), on the border of Rondônia and Mato Grosso in the southwestern Brazilian Amazon. Known as Paiterey Karah, this territory is home to rich biodiversity. However, increasing human encroachment has triggered socio-cultural and territorial challenges that now threaten the transmission of traditional wisdom.

    The region’s wildlife includes several primate species—some now at risk of extinction due to deforestation and environmental degradation. Within their traditional memory, the Paiter-Suruí hold extensive knowledge about these animals, which are integral to their cultural heritage. This includes the 10 species of neotropical primates identified and named by the Paiter-Suruí, all native to their territory.

    Of these 10 species, five appear on the International Union for Conservation of Nature’s (IUCN) Red List, a global benchmark for conservation status of fauna and flora. Among them, three—Ateles chamek, Chiropotes albinasus, and Pithecia mittermeieri—are considered extremely rare, according to Paiter tradition.

    To bridge Indigenous expertise and scientific research, I conducted the study ‘Primates and the Paiter Surui People: Ethnobiology and Ethnoconservation in the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land of the Brazilian Amazon’, exploring the traditional ecological knowledge the Paiter-Suruí hold of non-human primates in their landscape. Developed during my master’s studies at the Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, this is the first systematic ethnoprimatological study with the Paiter-Suruí.

    Ethnoprimatology

    Ethnoprimatology studies the intersections between humans and non-human primates. In this field, the Paiter-Suruí have developed a complex traditional knowledge system relating to the primate species in their territory.

    Because it is inherently interdisciplinary, ethnoprimatology connects biology and anthropology, allowing a deeper analysis of how human and primate lives intertwine—both ecologically and culturally.

    My research used an ethnoprimatological approach grounded in qualitative methodology, drawing on key practices from biological and cultural anthropology.

    The study

    This research aimed to document the breadth of Paiter-Suruí knowledge about the primates within the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, examining both the cultural and ecological significance of these animals, as well as their uses—for food, handicrafts, traditional medicine, and timekeeping based on animal vocalizations.

    Using an interdisciplinary approach, I holistically examined the biological, ecological, and socio-cultural factors shaping the human-primate relationship in this region.

    The study took place in 2021 and 2022, with fieldwork in six communities across TISS. Qualitative methodologies guided the research, which drew on both an ethnographic literature review and a survey of ethnoprimatological research.

    For data collection, I used several techniques: free listing, collective semi-structured interviews, participant observation—immersing myself in daily community life for deeper understanding—and audiovisual recordings.

    Interviews included community members aged 20 to 80, with special attention to elders, who are the main custodians of traditional primate knowledge. However, women and young hunters were also included to enrich the information gathered.

    Through the free list technique, which asks participants for open-ended answers without restrictions, I identified 10 primate species recognized and named by the Paiter-Suruí.

    The primates of the territory

    Among the 10 primate species documented in the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, three are traditionally used as food, while four have special symbolic importance, woven into key cultural, ecological, and mythological aspects of the Paiter cosmology.

    An illustrative case is the red-necked night monkey—called Yaah in Paiter. Elders say this species is excluded from the community’s typical primate classifications and instead regarded as an omen. Hearing its call or unexpectedly seeing one signals the approach of external enemies or impending death in the community.

    While exploring these cultural ties to the region’s primates, I also observed the practice of rearing infant animals, especially among girls. Species such as Alouatta puruensis (howler monkey), Saimiri ustus (squirrel monkey), and Mico nigriceps (black-headed marmoset) are commonly involved.

    In Paiter-Suruí society, adolescent girls often care for offspring of monkeys hunted by the community, as well as other small animals outside their typical diet. Encouraged by parents, this tradition is a vehicle for socialization and passing down valued skills. By raising young animals, girls develop emotion, empathy, nurturing skills, and hands-on experience seen as foundational for motherhood in Paiter tradition.

    Beyond developing caretaking abilities, these interactions strengthen symbolic and emotional connections with local wildlife—especially primates—reinforcing ideals of belonging, reciprocity, and respect for nature. These practices demonstrate the interplay among social learning, interspecies relations, and ecological wisdom passed down through generations.

    Community members also reported declining populations of certain primate species, including two—Yaah (Aotus nigriceps) and Arimẽ-Iter (Ateles chamek)—that hold special cultural significance. The latter became a central focus of my research.

    The endangered Arimẽ-Iter

    The black-faced spider monkey (Ateles chamek), or Arimẽ-Iter to the Paiter, is classified as endangered on the IUCN Red List. Its sacred status and diverse roles led me to propose it as a ‘Cultural Key Species’ for the Paiter-Suruí.

    In various Indigenous communities, certain biological species are of exceptional cultural importance and are called Cultural Key Species. Defined by their significant role, many uses and deep integration in community life, these species embody the interdependence between people and their environment.

    For the Paiter-Suruí, the black-faced spider monkey (Ateles chamek) stands out for its multiple uses and appears to meet the criteria of a Cultural Key Species.

    Based on field observations, I cataloged five uses the Paiter-Suruí associate with this species:

    · Food: The meat of Ateles chamek (called Sobag) is an important protein source in the Paiter-Suruí diet.

    · Traditional dishes: Its meat is used in cultural recipes, often with Mamé—a flatbread made from corn flour. This practice passes down culinary knowledge and highlights the species’ nutritional, medicinal, and symbolic value in the community.

    · Handicrafts: Spider monkey teeth are made into body ornaments (Sogap Arimẽ Ikaáp)—such as necklaces and bracelets—which reflect status or ceremonial participation and reinforce ties between people and local fauna.

    · Medicine: The animal’s lard is traditionally applied to wounds (Ikawah), part of the community’s oral ethnopharmacological knowledge passed down by elders and healers.

    · Caretaking: When infants are orphaned through hunting, adolescent girls may raise young spider monkeys. This reinforces learning about caretaking and builds affectionate, reciprocal ties between people and primates (Yatĩga), reflecting broader values of coexistence with nature.

    Together with ancestral stewardship of spider monkey habitats, these uses highlight the species’ role as essential for cultural preservation and identity among the Paiter-Suruí.

    Territorial and environmental management plan

    Facing growing socio-environmental challenges, the Paiter have created internal policies for territorial management, grassroots political organization, and culturally centered development—all to protect their culture and traditional knowledge.

    This laid the foundation for the Territorial and Environmental Management Plan (PGTA) for the Sete de Setembro Indigenous Land, launched in 2000 as a comprehensive framework guiding conservation, resource management, and recognition of cultural practices.

    In my research, I examine TISS land management practices, focusing on the protection of primates as essential to ecological preservation. These animals are vital both for maintaining natural balance and for the cultural continuity of the territory.

    Of the 10 primate species recognized by the Paiter, five now qualify as threatened under the IUCN Red List. However, the PGTA currently lacks targeted conservation measures for these at-risk populations. My findings suggest the management plan could serve as a platform to protect local primates.

    Ultimately, enacting effective conservation efforts for these ethno-species is critical to the coexistence of the region’s biodiversity and the traditional knowledge of the Paiter-Suruí.

    Fabrício Gatagon Suruí não presta consultoria, trabalha, possui ações ou recebe financiamento de qualquer empresa ou organização que poderia se beneficiar com a publicação deste artigo e não revelou nenhum vínculo relevante além de seu cargo acadêmico.

    ref. Ethnoprimatology: research examines the traditional knowledge of Indigenous peoples about primates in their territories – https://theconversation.com/ethnoprimatology-research-examines-the-traditional-knowledge-of-indigenous-peoples-about-primates-in-their-territories-258345

    MIL OSI – Global Reports