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Category: Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Namibia: The Chinese Embassy Donates Mattresses to Local Hospital

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    On June 6, the Chinese Embassy in Namibia donated a batch of mattresses to pediatric patients in Gobabis District Hospital. Namibian Officials including Hon. Pijoo Nganate, Governor of Omaheke Region, Hon. Ruth Masake, Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries, Water and Land Reform, Ms. Tuyakula Haipinge, Executive Director of the Office of the Prime Minister attended the handover ceremony and gave speeches respectively. The Namibian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) covered the event on the scene.

    In her speech on behalf of Namibian Prime Minister Rt. Hon. Dr. Elijah Ngurare, Ms. Haipinge expressed sincere gratitude to the Chinese government for its long-term strong support in the areas of health, education, agriculture to Namibia in achieving national objectives. Governor Nganate and Deputy Minister Masake said that the mattresses donated by the Chinese Embassy are very handy for child patients in the hospital to get through winter warmly.

    On behalf of Ambassador Zhao Weiping, Minister Counselor Shen Jian delivered a speech saying that the sector of health has always been a priority for China’s development assistance cooperation with Namibia. During the FOCAC 2024 Beijing Summit, President Xi Jinping announced that China will work with Africa to take Ten Partnership Actions for Modernization, which included the partnership action for health. China is actively implementing relevant achievements and is ready to work with Namibia to strengthen cooperation in the field of health.

    – on behalf of Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the Republic of Namibia.

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    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Kenya: Cabinet Secretary (CS) Hon. Aden Duale Briefs Parliament on Social Health Insurance Tariff Regulations at Bunge Towers

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    Health Cabinet Secretary Hon. Aden Duale today appeared before the National Assembly Committee on Delegated Legislation, chaired by Ainabkoi MP Hon. Samuel Chepkonga, to discuss the Social Health Insurance (Tariffs for Healthcare Services) Regulations, 2025 (Legal Notice No. 56 of 2025). The session was held at Bunge Towers, Nairobi.

    During the engagement, Hon. Duale provided a comprehensive briefing on the scope of services covered under the tariff structure, anchored on the three key health funds established under the Social Health Authority:

    1. Primary Health Care Fund – Supports access to preventive and basic healthcare services, with a focus on community-level interventions, disease prevention, and health education.
    2. Social Health Insurance Fund – Provides coverage for essential medical services, targeting routine and necessary treatments to ensure members receive comprehensive healthcare.
    3. Emergency, Chronic and Critical Illnesses Fund – Offers financial protection for high-cost and urgent medical needs, including long-term and specialised care.

    The CS also explained the use of means testing during SHA registration to determine eligibility for government support based on income and assets. He highlighted the Lipa SHA Pole Pole initiative—an instalment-based contribution model—and the planned shift from monthly to annual payment cycles to enhance flexibility and compliance.

    Hon. Duale reaffirmed the Ministry’s commitment to good governance, transparency, and robust public participation in the formulation of statutory instruments, in line with the Statutory Instruments Act, Cap. 2A.

    He was accompanied by Principal Secretary for Medical Services Dr. Ouma Oluga, Director General for Health Dr. Patrick Amoth, and Social Health Authority CEO Dr. Mercy Mwangangi.

    – on behalf of Ministry of Health, Kenya.

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    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Kenya Bolsters Immunisation Drive as Cabinet Secretary (CS) Hon. Aden Duale Flags Off 6.2 Million Vaccine Doses to Counties

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    Health Cabinet Secretary Hon. Aden Duale  flagged off 3 million doses of BCG (used to prevent tuberculosis) and 3.2 million doses of Oral Polio Vaccine (OPV) at Afya House, Nairobi, marking a major boost to Kenya’s national immunisation programme.

    During the flag-off, the CS called on all county governments—through the Council of Governors (CoG) and their County Executive Committee Members (CECMs) for Health—to prioritise the collection of the vaccines from regional depots and ensure timely distribution to health facilities, particularly in remote and underserved areas.

    Hon. Duale commended the government for moving with urgency to facilitate the delivery of the vaccines, describing it as a strong demonstration of Kenya’s commitment to safeguarding the health of its children.

    He acknowledged immunisation partners, including UNICEF, for their rapid procurement and delivery of the vaccines, and reaffirmed the Ministry’s commitment to working closely with all stakeholders to minimise disruptions and sustain the country’s immunisation momentum.

    Parents and Caregivers across the country are encouraged to visit local health facilities to have their children vaccinated and catch up on any missed doses.

    The CS was joined by Principal Secretaries Dr. Ouma Oluga (Medical Services) and Ms. Mary Muthoni (Public Health and Professional Standards), Director General for Health Dr. Patrick Amoth, CoG CEO Ms. Mary Mwiti, and representatives from UNICEF and the World Health Organization.

    – on behalf of Ministry of Health, Kenya.

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    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Egypt: President El-Sisi Speaks with German Chancellor

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

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    Today, President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi spoke by phone with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz.

    The Spokesman for the Presidency, Ambassador Mohamed El-Shennawy, said President El-Sisi congratulated the German Chancellor on his well-deserved victory in the German elections, which reflected the confidence of the German people. The President wished the new government success in its ambitious plans to consolidate Germany’s pivotal role on the European and international arenas. The President noted that the current situation is of paramount importance in light of the accelerating regional and international changes and the urgent need to respect established international rules and principles and international law, in alignment with Germany’s efforts and expertise over recent decades.

    The German Chancellor expressed his appreciation for the kind gesture and emphasized his country’s commitment to maintaining close relations with Egypt. Both sides affirmed their commitment to strengthening and deepening bilateral relations in all fields, particularly economic, trade, and investment, as well as enhancing development cooperation, thus strengthening ties between the two friendly peoples.

    The call focused on the current regional and international developments. President El-Sisi reviewed ceasefire efforts in Gaza and stressed that it was important for the international community to exert pressure for an immediate cessation of military operations in the Strip and the provision of humanitarian aid, in addition to the complete rejection of plans to displace Palestinians from their land. The President noted the importance of expanding recognition of the Palestinian state in line with the two-state solution.

    The call also touched on the developments in Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Sudan, and Somalia, as well as ways to restore stability in the Middle East. The German Chancellor affirmed his country’s commitment to continuing coordination and consultation with Egypt to restore regional calm and peace.

    – on behalf of Presidency of the Arab Republic of Egypt.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Chinese Foreign Minister Calls for Strengthening Ties with African Countries

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    CHANGSHA, June 12 (Xinhua) — Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on Thursday held separate meetings with a number of high-ranking African officials who arrived in China to attend the opening ceremony of the 4th China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo and the ministerial meeting of the coordinators of the implementation of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FCAC) in Changsha, capital of central China’s Hunan Province.

    Among the African dignitaries Wang met were Ugandan Prime Minister Robin Nabbanja, Liberian Vice President Jeremiah Kun, Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe, Somali Foreign Minister Abdisalam Abdi Ali, Mozambican Foreign Minister Maria Manuela dos Santos Lucas and Togolese Foreign Minister Robert Dusset.

    At the meeting with Robina Nabbanja, Wang Yi, also a member of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, said that the leaders of China and Uganda have established mutual trust and friendship, providing impetus and guarantees for the development of bilateral relations. According to him, in the first quarter of this year, Ugandan exports to China increased by nearly 90 percent year-on-year, and the Chinese side hopes to deepen practical cooperation with Uganda in various fields.

    The Ugandan leader thanked China for its valuable support in Uganda’s infrastructure construction and socio-economic development over a long period of time. She expressed hope to deepen cooperation with China in key areas such as airport expansion, digital transformation and agricultural modernization.

    Speaking with Jeremiah Kuhn, Wang Yi recalled that the leaders of China and Liberia held a meeting on the sidelines of the FCAC Beijing Summit, during which they announced a new positioning of the strategic partnership between the two countries. The Chinese diplomat said that China is willing to continue to implement the agreements reached by the heads of state and the important results of the FCAC Beijing Summit with Liberia, so as to continuously bring benefits to the peoples of the two countries.

    The Vice President of Liberia expressed gratitude to China for his country’s long-term and selfless support and assistance. He stressed his willingness to continue to work with China to implement the consensus of the leaders of the two countries and advance cooperation in such sectors as maritime affairs, green energy, health care and agriculture.

    Meeting with Olivier Nduhungirehe, Wang Yi stressed that the leaders of China and Rwanda have jointly elevated China-Rwanda relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership and provided strong strategic guidance for the development of bilateral ties. Wang Yi noted that China is willing to deepen exchanges and mutual learning with Rwanda in public administration, and strengthen practical cooperation in various fields.

    The Rwandan Foreign Minister, for his part, stated that Rwanda expects to implement the results of the Beijing summit of the FCAS, especially the ten partnership action programs for the joint promotion of modernization, in order to jointly move towards independent and self-sufficient modernization.

    During the meeting with Abdisalam Abdi Ali, Wang Yi said that during the FCAS summit in Beijing, the leaders of China and Somalia elevated bilateral relations to a strategic partnership. He noted that China is willing to work with Somalia to implement the outcomes of the summit, bring more tangible benefits to the Somali people, and help the country restore peace and stability, as well as accelerate the process of reconstruction and development.

    The Somali Foreign Minister, for his part, thanked China for its strong support during the most difficult times for his country. He stressed that China holds a particularly important place in the hearts of Somalis and that Somalia highly values and expects to actively participate in a number of global initiatives put forward by China.

    At the meeting with Maria Manuela dos Santos, Lucas Wang Yi said that China is willing to deepen the China-Mozambique comprehensive strategic partnership of cooperation and is willing to help Mozambique accelerate its industrialization and modernization. The Chinese diplomat highly appreciates Mozambique’s firm commitment to the one-China principle.

    The Mozambican Foreign Minister, for her part, said that her country is sincerely grateful to China for its new measures to support Africa’s development, as well as its countermeasures to counter the introduction of additional unilateral customs duties.

    During the conversation with Robert Dusset, Wang Yi congratulated Togo on its smooth transition to a new political system and expressed support for Togo in actively seeking a governance path that suits its national conditions. The Chinese Foreign Minister added that China will continue to support Togo in safeguarding its independence, sovereignty and national dignity.

    R. Dusset, for his part, said that a number of global initiatives put forward by China are imbued with the spirit of unity and cooperation and have made a decisive contribution to promoting stability and prosperity in the world. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News –

  • MIL-OSI: UPDATE – Nika Pharmaceuticals, Inc. to Present at the Life Sciences Virtual Investor Forum June 11th-12th

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    HENDERSON, Nev., June 12, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Nika Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (OTCQB:NIKA), based in Colorado, focused on cures for life-threatening diseases, today announced that Dimitar Savov, CEO, will present live at the Life Sciences Virtual Investor Frum hosted by VirtualInvestorConferences.com, on June 11th, 2025

    DATE: June 11th
    TIME: 1:00 PM ET
    LINK: REGISTER HERE
    Available for 1×1 meetings: June 12th-17th between 09:00am ET and 11:30am ET

    This will be a live, interactive online event where investors are invited to ask the company questions in real-time. If attendees are not able to join the event live on the day of the conference, an archived webcast will also be made available after the event.

    It is recommended that online investors pre-register and run the online system check to expedite participation and receive event updates.  

    Learn more about the event at www.virtualinvestorconferences.com.

    Recent Company Highlights

    • On May 19, 2025, NIKA published a market analysis for the countries of Ukraine, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, UAE, where NIKA has exclusive distribution agreements and has estimated a total of around €656 million in potential revenue.
    • NIKA’s partner company, Nika Europe, has made the second $195,554 payment for the vial production line and is currently finalizing the details of the clean rooms design in order to start construction. The production facility is expected to be completed in H2, 2025.
    • On April 11, 2025, Nika Pharmaceuticals, Inc. published a report on the therapeutic effect and potential economic impact of ITV-1, which can be found  here.
    • On July 11, 2024 Nika Pharmaceuticals, Inc. signed an exclusive distribution agreement for the Republic of Nigeria. Under the terms, NIKA will receive €1,980 per each set of ITV-1 with two sets necessary for each treatment, which could result in €7.9 billion revenue.

    About Nika Pharmaceuticals, Inc.

    Nika Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (NIKA) is a pharmaceutical company, specializing in the treatment of HIV/AIDS, Hepatitis B and C, Rheumatoid Arthritis, Cancer, Diabetes, and all diseases, for which strengthened cell immunity is of vital importance. NIKA’s intellectual property includes six drugs in injection form – two of which have successfully undergone clinical trials with good treatment results – four drugs in tablet form, and eleven dietary supplements. NIKA’s goal is to not only achieve corporate profits, but to provide better and easier access to life-saving medicinal drugs and useful dietary supplements. Find more on www.nikapharmaceuticals.com.

    Forward-looking Statement:

    This press release contains forward-looking statements. Certain statements, other than purely historical information, including estimates, projections, statements relating to our business plans, objectives, and expected operating results, and the assumptions upon which those statements are based, are “forward- looking statements.” These forward-looking statements generally are identified by the words “believes,” “expects,” “anticipates,”” estimates,” “intends,” “strategy,” “plan,” “may,” “will,” “would,” “will be,” “will continue,” “will likely result,” and similar expressions. Forward-looking statements are based on current expectations and assumptions that are subject to risks and uncertainties which may cause actual results to differ materially from the forward-looking statements. Our ability to predict results or the actual effect of future plans or strategies is inherently uncertain.

    About Virtual Investor Conferences®
    Virtual Investor Conferences (VIC) is the leading proprietary investor conference series that provides an interactive forum for publicly traded companies to seamlessly present directly to investors.

    Providing a real-time investor engagement solution, VIC is specifically designed to offer companies more efficient investor access.  Replicating the components of an on-site investor conference, VIC offers companies enhanced capabilities to connect with investors, schedule targeted one-on-one meetings and enhance their presentations with dynamic video content. Accelerating the next level of investor engagement, Virtual Investor Conferences delivers leading investor communications to a global network of retail and institutional investors.

    CONTACTS:
    Nika Pharmaceuticals, Inc.
    Name Clifford P. Redekop
    Title Corporate Secretary
    Phone (702) 326-3615        
    Email cliffredekop@gmail.com 

    Virtual Investor Conferences
    John M. Viglotti
    SVP Corporate Services, Investor Access
    OTC Markets Group
    (212) 220-2221
    johnv@otcmarkets.com 

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Chinese Foreign Minister Calls for More Success Stories to Be Written in China-Africa Cooperation Chronicle

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    CHANGSHA, June 12 (Xinhua) — Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has called for more successful examples of China-Africa cooperation to promote China-Africa friendship and bring hope for independent development and better livelihoods to the African continent.

    Wang Yi, also a member of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, cited the experience of Gambian agricultural entrepreneur Musa Darboe, who benefited greatly from Chinese hybrid rice technology.

    Wang Yi made the remarks on Wednesday during a conversation with Darboe at a reception to mark the 25th anniversary of the establishment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in Changsha, capital of central China’s Hunan Province.

    At the reception, M. Darboe shared his experience of how the introduction of hybrid rice cultivation technology developed by Chinese scientist Yuan Longping has significantly increased rice yields in Gambia. According to him, thanks to the help of Chinese agricultural experts in Africa, he has achieved prosperity and his homeland has said goodbye to hunger.

    M. Darboe, who brought rice from The Gambia to China as a sign of respect for Yuan Longping, expressed his willingness to learn more about China’s agricultural technology and modernization experience and to promote the deepening and expansion of Gambian-Chinese cooperation.

    Wang Yi noted that one of the key priorities of China’s friendship with African countries is to improve the living conditions of ordinary Africans. He assured that China will continue to strive to achieve the common good and common interests, and bring more tangible benefits to the people of the African continent.

    Hunan Province is the birthplace of Yuan Longping, a rice scientist who made significant contributions to the development of rice farming in China and is known as the “father of hybrid rice.” Yuan Longping passed away in 2021 at the age of 91. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Conversation scoops two awards in one night, including Podcast Publisher of the Year

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Head of Audio, The Conversation UK

    The Conversation UK’s Head of Audio, Gemma Ware, at the Publisher Podcast Awards on June 11.

    The Conversation’s audio team is celebrating a very successful night at the Publisher Podcast awards where The Conversation won Podcast Publisher of the Year.

    The judges said: “This particular publisher has been entering these awards since the start and it’s been a real honour to watch their work grow in quality and depth each year, to the point they were placed in the top 3 of every single category they entered this year.”

    We were also thrilled that our recent series Scam Factories won the Best Investigative Podcast category in a very strong field. The series exposed the brutal workings of scam centres in south east Asia where thousands of people, many tricked into being there, are forced to work scamming others around the world. We worked with three researchers on a multimedia project and three part podcast series that involved producers and translators in Cambodia, China and Uganda.

    We’re a small team working across multiple time zones to bring academic expertise and research to new audiences in audio and I’m thrilled that our type of journalism has been recognised in this way.

    You can listen to all episodes of Scam Factories, now available on The Conversation Documentaries feed and explore the accompanying multimedia series.

    Visit our podcast page to explore our other podcasts including The Conversation Weekly, Know Your Place: what happened to class in British politics and The Conversation’s Curious Kids.

    – ref. The Conversation scoops two awards in one night, including Podcast Publisher of the Year – https://theconversation.com/the-conversation-scoops-two-awards-in-one-night-including-podcast-publisher-of-the-year-258879

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Russia: One Survivor Found After Indian Plane Crash – Media

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    NEW DELHI, June 12 (Xinhua) — One passenger from a plane that crashed in western India has been found alive hours after the tragedy, the Ahmedabad police chief confirmed on Thursday.

    However, the identity of the survivor has not yet been established.

    “Police have found one survivor sitting in seat 11A. He is currently undergoing medical treatment. I cannot say anything about the number of casualties yet. The death toll may increase as the plane crashed in a residential area,” Ahmedabad Police Chief G S Malik was quoted as saying.

    The Air India flight had 169 Indians, 53 British, seven Portuguese and one Canadian on board. The plane crashed shortly after takeoff from Ahmedabad’s Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel International Airport, about 17 km south of Gandhinagar, the capital of Gujarat state.

    There were also 12 crew members on board. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why can’t we stop feeding monkeys? Experts explain the reasons behind a dangerous habit

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sian Waters, Research fellow at the Department of Anthropology, Durham University

    A monkey waits for food from tourists in Thailand.
     Miroslaw Gierczyk/Shutterstock

    We’ve seen it happen. For example, a visit to the Ouzoud waterfalls in Morocco’s High Atlas led to an encounter with a group of nearby tourists feeding chips – supplied by the tour guide – to some waiting Barbary macaques. Pointing to a nearby sign that read “do not feed the monkeys” was met with complaints about spoiling their fun.

    Scenes like this play out across the globe. Feeding wild primates is common in many countries. Scientists have spent years studying its effects on primate behaviour. But much less attention has been paid to the other side of the interaction – the people doing the feeding.

    Our recent research explores not just the effects on animals, but why people feed monkeys in the first place. Understanding that is essential if we want to change behaviour and keep both humans and primates safe.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    As tourism expands and infrastructure develops, humans and primates are living in closer quarters than ever before. Some species like macaques and baboons readily adapt to living in developed areas by foraging in rubbish bins and dumps.

    Habitat loss also plays a major role. The wide scale destruction of primate habitat means they come to rely on human food waste or people feeding them.

    In some tourism hot spots, feeding the primates, known as “provisioning”, is deliberate but regulated, ensuring tourists see the monkeys but cannot feed them. In others, tourists feed even endangered species freely, with little oversight. That’s when problems arise.

    Thieving monkeys steal from tourists and barter for treats on BBC’s Planet Earth.

    Uncontrolled feeding brings animals and humans into unusually close contact, and not always in welcome ways. Primates can become aggressive, resulting in bites, scratches and potential disease transmission. They may enter homes and shops, damage property, or intimidate people. Some primates even learn to beg or to steal valuables, returning them only when a food bribe is offered in exchange.

    When food sources suddenly disappear, this type of behaviour can escalate. For example, during the pandemic, some macaque populations in Thailand made headlines as “gangs” that caused chaos when tourists stopped visiting. When animals are seen as a public nuisance, calls for culling or relocation often follow.



    Read more:
    Why monkeys attack people – a primate expert explains

    Nutrition is another issue. The types of foods given to primates are usually calorie-rich and highly processed. Excess consumption of these foods can make primates obese or lead to chronic disease like diabetes. The extra calories allow some species to reproduce every year, leading to larger group sizes and compounding human-wildlife conflict.

    Feeding of packaged foods also results in large amounts of plastic and other litter left behind by people. New roads contribute to this problem by offering opportunities to vendors to sell food to road users. The resulting food waste can attract monkeys to the roadside where passing motorists throw them more food. This puts both people and primates at risk of road accidents.

    Some societies have fed monkeys for centuries and these interactions can be neutral or positive. However, many instances of people feeding primates causes negative interactions, so understanding why people feed monkeys is vital.

    Feeding wildlife often results in plastic waste.
    maxontravel/Shutterstock

    Why people do it

    As primate experts, we deal with the negative effects of uncontrolled monkey feeding all the time and know the complexities of this common human behaviour. Our recent review of the relevant research coupled with our own field experiences found a surprising range of motivations for why people feed primates.

    We found that feeding primates could be a religious obligation, a way to perform a good deed or obtain good fortune. It may be helpful in managing a person’s mental health. Many people feed primates for emotional reasons like pity, or to feel a connection to the animals.

    At some sites, residents have a vested interest in the continued practice of monkey feeding as it provides them with an income. Tour guides often receive higher tips when they can provide close animal encounters. Bus and taxi drivers can benefit from taking tourists to sites where they can observe and feed wild primates.



    Read more:
    Three surprising reasons human actions threaten endangered primates

    Attempting to stop people from feeding primates is difficult as most perceive it as an enjoyable and carefree activity. Campaigns must be carefully designed and relevant to the local context. This includes understanding why people are feeding primates in the first place.

    As scientists we need to better communicate the negative effects of feeding primates to a wider audience. We also need to prevent it from becoming an accepted activity, particularly in areas that could prove dangerous to both people and primates, such as roadsides.

    Unfortunately, there is no one-size-fits-all approach. But talking to people who feed primates to understand why they do it is fundamental for designing effective management strategies in future.

    Sian Waters is affiliated with the IUCN SSC Primate Specialist Group’s Section for Human-Primate Interactions (SHPI) and receives funding from

    Artis Zoo, Amsterdam, NL
    Ouwehand Zoo Foundation NL
    Re:Wild

    Tracie McKinney is affiliated with the IUCN SSC Primate Specialist Group’s Section for Human-Primate Interactions (SHPI).

    – ref. Why can’t we stop feeding monkeys? Experts explain the reasons behind a dangerous habit – https://theconversation.com/why-cant-we-stop-feeding-monkeys-experts-explain-the-reasons-behind-a-dangerous-habit-257485

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: France’s final nuclear tests in the South Pacific, 30 years on

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Roxanne Panchasi, Associate Professor, Department of History, Simon Fraser University

    Former French President Jacques Chirac encounters a protest from members during an official visit to the European Parliament in Strasbourg in July 1995.
     (European Parliament)

    In recent months, the viability of France’s nuclear arsenal has been making headlines with talk of a French “nuclear umbrella” that might shield its allies on the European continent. In the face of the Russia-Ukraine war, and Russian President Vladimir Putin’s statements regarding the possibility of deploying nuclear weapons in that conflict, the question of how to best defend Europe has taken on an urgency not seen since the height of the Cold War.

    Despite its more robust nuclear weapons capabilities, the United States in the Donald Trump era appears less committed to the defence of its NATO allies. Debates about a French nuclear umbrella aside, these discussions — combined with increased military spending worldwide and resurgent fears of nuclear war — make the history of France’s nuclear readiness and weapons testing feel uneasily current.

    In June 1995, French President Jacques Chirac announced that France would resume testing nuclear weapons in the South Pacific. Just weeks after being elected to office, Chirac ended a three-year moratorium on testing that his predecessor, François Mitterrand, had put into effect in April 1992.

    Chirac insisted this additional series of weapons tests was essential to France’s national security and the continued independence of its nuclear deterrent. The eight planned detonations scheduled to take place over the next several months would, he claimed, provide the data needed to move from real-world detonations to computer simulations in the future. He also said it would enable France to sign the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban-Treaty (CTBT) banning all nuclear explosions, for military or other purposes, by the fall of 1996.

    France’s history of nuclear tests

    A report on France’s nuclear tests in the South Pacific. (Disclose)

    Chirac’s June 1995 announcement, followed by the first new detonation in September that year, provoked intense opposition from environmental and peace groups, and protests from Paris to Papeete, throughout the Pacific region and across the globe.

    Representatives from the world’s other nuclear-armed states expressed concern that France was choosing to conduct further tests so close to a comprehensive ban. The governments of Australia, New Zealand and Japan also registered their staunch opposition, issuing diplomatic statements, calling for the boycott of French goods and pursuing other measures of rebuke.

    A defensive posture had been a pillar of France’s nuclear weapons policy since the nation first entered the atomic club in 1960 with the detonation of Gerboise Bleue, a 70-kiloton bomb, at Reggane in Algeria. The following three atmospheric and 13 underground Saharan tests resulted in serious long-term health and environmental consequences for the region’s inhabitants.

    In 1966, France’s nuclear testing program relocated to Maō’hui Nui, colonially known as “French Polynesia.”

    The next 26 years saw a further 187 French nuclear and thermonuclear detonations above and beneath the Pacific atolls of Moruroa and Fangataufa. They exposed the local population to dangerous levels of radiation, contaminating food and water supplies, and harming corals and other forms of ocean life.

    These experiments — along with the final six underground detonations the French carried out in 1995 and 1996 — left a toxic legacy for generations to come.

    Inadequate compensation for lingering harm

    When Chirac shared his rationale for France’s latest nuclear test series with a room full of journalists gathered at the Elysée Palace in June 1995, he was adamant that these planned tests, and all of France’s nuclear detonations, had absolutely no ecological consequences.

    Today, we know this claim was more than incorrect. It was a falsehood reliant on data and conclusions that grossly underestimated the harmful impact that France’s nuclear testing program had on the health of French soldiers and non-military personnel onsite, inhabitants in the surrounding areas and the environments where these explosions took place.

    Most recently, during the 2024 Paris Olympics, there was an evident deep contradiction between “French Polynesia” as a tourist paradise and idyllic location for the Games’ surf competitions and a space of continuing injustice for test victims that highlights the history of France’s nuclear imperialism in the region.

    In 2010, the French government passed the Morin law ostensibly aimed at addressing the suffering of those significantly harmed by radiation during France’s nuclear weapons detonations from 1960 through 1996.

    The number of people who have been successful in their applications for recognition and compensation remains inadequate, particularly in Algeria. Out of the 2,846 applications submitted by only a fraction of the thousands of estimated victims, just over 400 people in Maō’hui Nui and only one Algerian have received compensation since 2010.

    In 2021, French President Emmanuel Macron acknowledged that France “owes a debt” to the people of Maō’hui Nui. He has since called for the opening up of key archives pertaining to this history, but there is much more work to be done on all fronts.

    The findings of a recent French parliamentary commission on the effects of testing in the Pacific, scheduled to be released soon, may contribute to greater transparency and justice for victims in the future.

    In Maō’hui Nui, demands for acknowledgement and restitution have been intertwined with the independence movement, while confronting the impact and legacies of the nuclear detonations in Algeria has been fraught with tensions between Algeria and France over the colonial past.

    Future of the test ban treaty

    In January 1996, France conducted its last nuclear test by detonating a 120-kiloton bomb underground in the South Pacific. In September, France added its signature to the CTBT, joining the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, China and 66 other states without nuclear weapons in their commitment not to engage in further nuclear explosions in any context.

    Almost 30 years later, the CTBT has still not come into force. While most signatories have ratified the treaty, China, Egypt, Iran, Israel and the U.S. are among the nine that have not. Meanwhile, Russia withdrew its own ratification in 2023. Key non-signatories include India, North Korea and Pakistan — all nuclear-armed states that have conducted their own tests since 1996.

    Given these crucial exceptions to a test ban, the prospects for something as ambitious as the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which not a single nuclear weapons state has signed to date, remain uncertain, to say the least.

    Roxanne Panchasi has previously received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    – ref. France’s final nuclear tests in the South Pacific, 30 years on – https://theconversation.com/frances-final-nuclear-tests-in-the-south-pacific-30-years-on-256439

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: The Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC)-Supported Nakkaş-Başakşehir Motorway Wins TXF Social Infrastructure Deal of the Year 2024

    The Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC) (http://ICIEC.IsDB.org), a Shariah-compliant multilateral insurer and member of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group, is proud to announce that the Nakkaş-Başakşehir Motorway Project in Türkiye has been named TXF’s Social Infrastructure Deal of the Year 2024, awarded during the TXF Global Awards Ceremony held on 11 June 2025.

    This landmark project involves EUR 1.044 billion in non-recourse financing for the development of a 35-kilometer greenfield motorway in Istanbul Province—the final section of the Northern Marmara Motorway, a 450-kilometer corridor connecting Türkiye’s Asian and European regions. The public-private partnership is expected to significantly reduce traffic congestion, improve trade logistics, and cut commute times by up to 40 minutes.

    The project aligns with multiple UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), notably SDG 8 (Decent Work), SDG 9 (Infrastructure), SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities), and SDG 17 (Partnerships), by creating jobs, modernizing transport infrastructure, and fostering international cooperation.

    ICIEC played a pivotal role in the financial close by offering a comprehensive risk mitigation solution, including a EUR 74 million Non-Honoring of Sovereign Financial Obligations (NHSFO) policy to Standard Chartered and Deutsche Bank, and Equity Investment Insurance to Korean investors.

    “This award reflects the strength of our partnership with the Government of Türkiye, our member institutions, and the private sector,” said Dr. Khalid Khalafalla, CEO of ICIEC. “We are particularly proud to have supported this project alongside other Export Credit Agencies and Multilateral Development Banks—most notably our parent institution, the Islamic Development Bank, and our sister entity, the Islamic Corporation for the Development of the Private Sector. Together, we leveraged synergies to mobilize Islamic finance and de-risk strategic infrastructure. Congratulations to all parties involved in delivering a project with lasting developmental impact.”

    This transaction exemplifies ICIEC’s mission to provide innovative risk mitigation solutions that enable impactful trade and infrastructure investment across its 50 member states.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC).

    Media Contact:
    Email: ICIEC-Communication@isdb.org

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    About The Islamic Corporation for the Insurance of Investment and Export Credit (ICIEC):
    ICIEC commenced operations in 1994 to strengthen economic relations between OIC Member States and promote intra-OIC trade and investments by providing risk mitigation tools and financial solutions. The Corporation is uniquely the only Islamic multilateral insurer in the world. It has led from the front in delivering a comprehensive suite of solutions to companies and parties in its 50 Member States. ICIEC, for the 17th consecutive year, maintained an “Aa3” insurance financial strength credit rating from Moody’s, ranking the Corporation among the top of the Credit and Political Risk Insurance (CPRI) Industry. Additionally, ICIEC has been assigned a First-Time “AA-“ long-term Issuer Credit Rating by S&P with Stable Outlook.  ICIEC’s resilience is underpinned by its sound underwriting, reinsurance, and risk management policies. Cumulatively, ICIEC has insured more than USD 121 billion in trade and investment. ICIEC activities are directed to several sectors – energy, manufacturing, infrastructure, healthcare, and agriculture.

    For more information: visit: http://ICIEC.IsDB.org

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Burundi: Elections Without Opposition

    Legislative and local elections in Burundi on June 5, 2025, took place in a context of severely restricted free speech and political space, Human Rights Watch said today. 

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (Commission électorale nationale indépendante, CENI) announced on June 11 during a press conference that the ruling party had won 96.5 percent of votes and all elected national assembly seats. The ruling party also won almost every seat in the commune-level election. Ruling party officials and youths intimidated, harassed, and threatened the population and censored media coverage to secure a landslide victory. 

    “Burundians voted in an atmosphere devoid of genuine political competition as the ruling party further consolidated power,” said Clémentine de Montjoye, senior Great Lakes researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Against a backdrop of growing discontent over a deepening economic crisis and systemic human rights failings, the ruling party took no chances in the elections.”

    The National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie, CNDD–FDD), in power since 2005, has sought to dismantle all meaningful opposition, including from its main rival, the National Congress for Freedom (Congrès national pour la liberté, CNL). Several opposition parties, including the CNL, the Patriots’ Council (Conseil des Patriotes, CDP), and the Union for National Progress (Union pour le progrès national, UPRONA) denounced irregularities in the vote. Senatorial and further local elections are scheduled for July 23 and August 25, respectively, and the next presidential polls will be in 2027.

    In the days following the vote, Human Rights Watch spoke with local activists, journalists, private citizens, and a member of the ruling party’s youth league – the Imbonerakure – who spoke of intimidation and irregularities in both the lead-up to the election and during the voting.

    Media reports and witness accounts indicate that the voting on June 5 was overwhelmingly dominated by the ruling party. “The Imbonerakure were in front of the polling station telling people to vote for the ruling party,” said a voter in the town of Bururi. “All the workers at the polling station were members of the ruling party. The head of the polling station himself told me to vote for the ruling party.” 

    People interviewed in Bujumbura, the country’s largest city, Cibitoke, and Rumonge described similar scenes at their polling places. A Burundian civil society organization reported the same patterns in Bubanza, Gitega, Makamba, and Ngozi. “We were told to do everything necessary to make sure that people only voted for the CNDD-FDD,” the Imbonerakure member said. 

    Opposition parties and witnesses said that opposition party representatives, journalists, and observers were prevented from entering polling places, including when votes were being counted. 

    In several communes (municipalities), the number of votes cast reportedly exceeded the number of registered voters. Media and witnesses also reported ballot stuffing and the selective distribution of voter cards, excluding opposition members from voting.

    A coalition of radio stations, television channels, and print or online media outlets coordinated coverage of the elections, reportedly funded by the Ministry of Communication, Information Technology and Media, and all content produced had to be submitted to a central editorial team, which censored reports that did not align with the official narrative, media reported. A journalist told Human Rights Watch that officials of the electoral body told the media “not to talk about irregularities.”

    In December, the electoral commission barred opposition candidates, including members of the opposition Burundi for All (Burundi Bwa Bose in Kirundi) coalition and the CNL, from contesting the June elections, effectively sidelining major opposition voices. Some were able to appeal the decision at the Constitutional Court, but presidential runner-up and former leader of the CNL, Agathon Rwasa, was among those still barred from running.

    In January 2024, the interior minister accused the CNL of collaborating with a terrorist organization, after which the party’s general assembly voted to remove Rwasa from leadership. In April 2024, Burundi adopted a new electoral code that significantly raised candidate registration fees and imposed a two-year waiting period for those leaving political parties before they can run again, effectively ensuring that Rwasa would not be eligible.

    The authorities, aided by the Imbonerakure, forced the population to register to vote in late 2024, according to media reports and witness accounts. “The population wanted to show that they don’t see the point in this election, and tried to boycott the registration process,” said an observer in Cibitoke. “They were forced [to register], prevented from accessing markets, healthcare centers, administrative services or going to the fields. The Imbonerakure were everywhere to intimidate people.”

    The African Union deployed an observation mission and issued a preliminary report on June 7 praising the “peaceful” conduct of Burundi’s legislative and communal elections. It also praised high voter turnout, the “climate of freedom and transparency,” and media coverage. This stands in stark contrast to the AU’s own normative framework on democracy, elections, and human rights, which emphasizes credible, inclusive, and transparent electoral processes. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region and the Economic Community of Central African States also deployed observer missions. The Catholic Church, which has criticized previous elections, deployed observers but some were turned away from polling places.

    General elections in May 2020 took place in a highly repressive environment, marred by allegations of irregularities. Throughout the pre-election period, Imbonerakure members committed widespread abuses, especially against people perceived to be against the ruling party, including killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, beatings, extortion, and intimidation. 

    Burundians have told Human Rights Watch that they feel growing frustration at the ruling party’s governance, at a time when the population is facing a 40 percent annual inflation rate, chronic shortages, significant discrepancies between official and unofficial exchange rates, limited foreign currency reserves, and a fuel crisis that has crippled transport for years. The escalating conflict in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo, which has jeopardized cross-border trade and prompted the arrival of over 70,000 refugees and asylum seekers since January 2025, as well as cuts in donor funding have further compounded the situation.

    In February, Burundian authorities expelled the director and security officer of the United Nations World Food Programme from the country, after they reportedly advised staff to stock up on essential goods. Civil society and opposition figures continue to report ongoing harassment, extortion, arbitrary detention, and beatings by the Imbonerakure and the authorities as the government remains deeply hostile to perceived criticism. 

    Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Burundi is a party, states, “Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity … [t]o vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors.”

    “Burundi’s democracy has been hollowed out, with a ruling party unaccountable to its people and unwilling to tolerate dissent, even as economic desperation grows,” de Montjoye said. “Without credible opposition, this election only further entrenches authoritarian rule and pushes Burundians further into a deeply rooted governance crisis.”

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Human Rights Watch (HRW).

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Third Strategic Dialogue between the State of Qatar and the French Republic

    Source: Government of Qatar

    Paris,  June 12, 2025

    The Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar, His Excellency Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani, and the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of the French Republic, Mr Jean-Noël Barrot, co-chaired the third annual Qatar-France Strategic Dialogue in Paris on June 12 2025. 

    Qatar and France welcomed the holding of their third Annual Strategic Dialogue and reviewed the important progress made since the State Visit of His Highness the Amir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani to France in February 2024 which resulted in new cooperation initiatives within the fields of security, defence, economy, trade, investment and education. Both countries affirmed the strength of their bilateral relationship and pledged to further develop it by expanding strategic partnership on key files.

    POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC COOPERATION

    Both Ministers reaffirmed the commitment of Qatar and France to upholding a rules-based international order and international law, the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the Middle East, and to close cooperation in relation to regional and global crises.

    Palestine-Israel: Both Ministers called for a ceasefire, the release of all remaining hostages and a long-term political solution that will offer the best hope for the victims of this conflict on all sides and achieving a pathway to a two-state solution. The Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs expressed France’s deep appreciation for all Qatar’s mediation efforts, including those to secure an immediate ceasefire in Gaza.

    Both Ministers called for full, unhindered humanitarian access allowing aid for the Palestinian population to enter Gaza. The Ministers further stated that politicising of humanitarian assistance, threats of forced displacement, or Israel’s plans to remain in Gaza after the war are unacceptable. The two Ministers stated that the Israeli government’s restrictions of essential humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian population of Gaza are totally deplorable and breach International Humanitarian Law.  They further highlighted that Israel is duty-bound to meet all its obligations to ensure immediately a massive and unhindered flow of aid to Gaza – this includes engaging with the UN to ensure aid delivery is in line with humanitarian principles. 

    Both ministers reiterated their opposition to any forced displacement of Gaza’s Palestinian population, which would be a serious violation of international law and a major destabilizing factor for the entire region.

    Qatar welcomes the endorsement by France of the Gaza Reconstruction plan formulated by the League of Arab States in March as a serious, credible basis for immediately meeting reconstruction, governance and security needs in the aftermath of the war in Gaza. It guarantees the respect of international law and maintains Gaza’s future within the framework of a future Palestinian State.

    HE Prime Minister Al Thani welcomed the French-Saudi jointly chaired international meeting on June 18 for the implementation of a two-state solution. Both Ministers declared such efforts as the only way to bring durable peace and security to Israelis and Palestinians while ensuring the stability of the wider region.   

    They stressed that the High-Level International Conference on the peaceful resolution of the question of Palestine and the implementation of the two-State solution, decided by UNGA resolution A/RES/79/81, would contribute to this goal by designing a credible roadmap for the implementation of this solution in which the two countries would be able to live side-by-side in peace within their internationally recognized borders. Both ministers stressed that the future Palestinian state would have sole responsibility for rule of law, including policing primacy. 

    Syria: Both Ministers acknowledged the historic transition process underway in Syria. They emphasised the importance of an inclusive political dispensation that protects the rights of all irrespective of ethnicity, sect, religion or gender. They reiterated their support for the reconstruction of a new Syria – free, stable, sovereign, that respects all components of society. They agreed that stability and security in Syria is paramount for all its citizens as well as the surrounding region. To that end both Ministers committed to work together wherever possible to provide humanitarian assistance, as well as support economic development, and long-term reconstruction. They welcomed the lifting of international sanctions on Syria’s economy and encouraged foreign investments in the country. Qatar welcomed French support for the recent EU decision to lift economic sanctions on Syria and the recent meeting between President Macron and Syria’s interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa. Such support and initiatives enable Syria and the Syrian people to undertake a transition to stability, peace and prosperity. The Ministers condemned violations of Syria’s territorial integrity and warned of escalation tactics designed to de-stabilize the region.  

    Lebanon: Qatar welcomed the hosting by France of the International Conference in Support of Lebanon’s People and Sovereignty in October 2024. Progress to political and economic reform in Lebanon is welcomed by both countries. 

    Qatar and France support the territorial integrity and sovereign rights of the Lebanese people, both Ministers called on all parties to honour the commitments made under the ceasefire reached in November 2024. To this end they called for a full withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon, the complete deployment of the Lebanese Armed Forces and their ongoing support to ensure security and achieve State monopoly on arms, assisted by UNIFIL and the supervision mechanism of the November 2024 ceasefire agreement, of which France alongside the U.S. participates in. 

    They emphasized their support to the process of change that has begun under the new Lebanese government, aimed at putting Lebanon back on the path of reconstruction, recovery and stability. They expressed their continuing support to the Lebanese Armed Forces and to the UN interim force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) whose action is essential to guarantee the stability of South Lebanon.

    Iran: Both Ministers reaffirmed Qatar and France’s support for a diplomatic solution leading to an agreement that addresses and resolves all international concerns related to Iran’s nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief, in order to preserve the non-proliferation global architecture as well as stability and de-escalation in the Gulf region. They reiterated their support to the ongoing talks between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America.  They also called on Iran to fully and effectively cooperate with the legitimate requests and work of the International Atomic Energy Agency.   

    Rwanda and eastern DRC: Both ministers emphasised their shared commitment to peace, stability and security in the Great Lakes region. France commended Qatar’s mediation efforts between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo and between Congolese authorities and AFC/M23. They stressed the need for parties to continue working towards the conclusion of a ceasefire, as called upon by United Nations Security Council Resolution 2773 (2025). Following its participation, along with the U.S., DRC, Rwanda and Togo, to the Doha meeting on April 30, France recalled its continued support to Qatar’s peace efforts.

    Sudan: Both Ministers resolved to further work together to address the devastating conflict in Sudan. Qatar and France recalled the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2736 (2024) demanding that the Rapid Support Forces halt the siege of El Fasher and calling for an immediate de-escalation. They reaffirmed their support to the unity of the country and called on the warring parties to immediately cease hostilities, abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law, protect civilians, and guarantee full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. 

    UNOC: Both ministers welcomed the organization of the United Nations Ocean Conference in Nice, France, from 9 to 13 June 2025, inter alia to support a blue carbon economy and the fight against illicit fishing. They praised the treaty on marine biodiversity beyond areas of national jurisdiction on the high seas (BBNJ) as a milestone in the collective protection of the high seas.

    ECONOMY, TRADE AND INVESTMENTS

    Qatar and France emphasized the importance of their growing economic, trade and investment partnership, with a total trade of more than €1.3 billion in 2024. The Ministers highlighted that bilateral trade makes a significant contribution to supporting jobs, innovation, and economic development in both countries.

    The two Ministers reviewed progress on Qatar’s 2024 landmark engagement to invest 10 billion euros into key sectors of the French economy. Qatar’s investment will cover mutually beneficial sectors ranging from food security, digital economy, AI and IT, semiconductors, energy transition, space, Intellectual Property, health, tourism and hospitality and culture. They also welcomed the forthcoming Qatar-France Business Forum as an opportunity for mutual trade growth and investment. They discussed ways to further strengthen their investment partnership and underlined their willingness to facilitate cooperation between the Qatari and French private sectors. They also explored areas of common interest, such as fiscal policy, sustainable finance and public-private partnerships (PPPs).

    Qatar’s innovative investment in France’s semiconductor industry highlights its role in key technology subsectors, including supply chain developments that are also propelling digital and green transformations across vital industries such as AI, mobility, and consumer technology. 

    Both sides discussed ways to further develop their trade and investment partnership, through a Roadmap focused on strategic areas in alignment with the framework of the economic diversification goals stated by Qatar’s National Vision 2030 and in accordance with the economic plan “France 2030.” 

    The French Minister praised Qatar’s ongoing commitment to ensure continued and reliable supplies of energy to Europe, including France and thus contributing to the country’s energy security. 

    DEFENSE, SECURITY AND COUNTERTERRORISM 

    Qatar and France reaffirmed the importance of the defence and security as a foundation stone of their partnership.  This was illustrated by the increase in official-level visits in the last 12 months, and the deepening coordination on an operational level.  

    The Ministers welcomed the implementation of joint defence operational partnership including joint planning, training and military exercises, most recently the Pegase, Al Salam, Al Koot exercises, as well as joint projects in defence industries and innovation and ongoing defence acquisitions including cooperation through both nations’ air forces, facilitated by the common possession of Rafale combat aircrafts. 

    They praised the strategic convergences between Qatar and France, which contribute to enhancing bilateral interactions between the two military institutions. Qatar and France are keen to explore ways to develop new synergies between their armed forces for future defence capabilities. 

    They also explored ways to build on existing links and expand activities on common strategic interests particularly as they contribute to de-escalation and security in the Gulf and the Red Sea.  

    Both Ministers welcomed the robust and long-lasting partnership between their respective security forces, including cooperation and important knowledge-sharing on Mega Sports Events, Crisis Management and Major Event Management, Air and Aviation Security, Cybersecurity and Digital Investigations, and mutual professionalization and capacity-building. 

    They commended the friendship and trust between the French Gendarmerie and the Qatari Lekhwiya celebrating in 2025 the 20th anniversary of their cooperation. They also welcomed the development of a strategic partnership between the French and Qatari national police forces and the establishment of a High Police Committee. They also emphasised building on this cooperation. 

    Both Ministers emphasised that the fight against terrorism remains a key bilateral realm for cooperation. They said that such cooperation is crucial in prevention and countering terrorism and ensuring the safety of their citizens. These efforts reflect the need for a coordinated approach to deal with an ever-evolving set of terrorist threats that transcend national borders. They also agreed to continue their strong partnership in cybersecurity and in combating terrorism, countering violent extremism and illicit financial flows. 

    HUMANITARIAN AND DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION

    On humanitarian and international development cooperation, both Ministers affirmed the continuing success of programmatic bilateral cooperation and coordination between their respective implementing agencies including QFFD, EAA, Silatech and AFD.

    Regarding development, both Ministers welcomed the renewal of their bilateral cooperation in this field, building on the signing of two major agreements between the French Development Agency (AFD) and the Qatar Fund for Development, the Education Above All (EAA) foundation and Silatech in February 2024. They expressed their appreciation concerning the first cooperation between AFD and QFFD for an ambitious project to renovate and expand Saint Joseph’s Hospital in East Jerusalem. They welcomed that QFFD and the AFD Group (AFD, Proparco and Expertise France) renewed their commitment to cofinance development projects and agreed to raise the cofinancing target from $50 million to $100 million for the duration of the MoU. In the short term, QFFD and the AFD Group commit to operationalizing the partnership in the following countries where there are pressing needs and discussions have already started on joint priorities: Lebanon, Palestine and Syria. They welcomed that QFFD and AFD Group will also, in the medium term, work on joint global advocacy activities and expand the partnership to innovative finance.

    Both Ministers praised the ongoing discussions between the Crisis and Support Centre of the French ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs and the Qatar Fund for Development to explore possible new areas of dialogue and joint funding, including in the Middle East, Africa and Asia as well as in the field of humanitarian logistics. 

    Following the joint commitment by the Emir of Qatar and the President of the French Republic to dedicate 200 million dollars in 2024 to humanitarian relief in Gaza both Ministers expressed the necessity of answering without delay the urgent needs for aid there. The Ministers also commended the humanitarian impact of joint health relief efforts in Gaza, including medical evacuations, delivery and flow of humanitarian aid, medicines and ambulances. Additionally, they highlighted joint relief efforts in Lebanon to support conflict-affected populations. Recalling these recent successful joint humanitarian operations, both Ministers support a new joint emergency operation to supply medical equipment and medicine to Afghanistan.

    Such cooperation is the embodiment of the longstanding strategic partnership as well as the commitment of Qatar and France to stand by conflict-affected populations.  

    EDUCATION, HEALTH AND SPORTS 

    Both Ministers lauded the strong cooperation in the fields of education, health and sports. On education the Ministers addressed the growing partnership in the field of education, in particular knowledge sharing and research agreements between Qatari and French Institutions of Higher Education (HEI), including Sciences Po and Doha Institute. 

    Cooperation on research and innovation has been boosted by the strong collaboration between Qatar Research Development and Innovation Council (QRDI) and French HEI’s including Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS), Commissariat à l’énergie atomique et aux energies alternatives (CEA), Institut national de la santé et de la recherche médicale (INSERM) and HEC Paris. Under the Qatar Open Innovation Scheme French companies have also received QRDI awards and are working in collaboration with Qatar-based SME’s and institutions to make strides in Agricultural Sciences and Medical Healthcare.  

    Qatar and France are looking forward to the signing of the 8th executive program enhancing bilateral cooperation particularly in French language learning, technical, professional and higher education, and mobility of students and teachers. This agreement aims at establishing a steering committee dedicated to learning French from the 9th (third French) class in Qatari public institutions, as well as a steering committee related to the development of university cooperation. Both sides expressed their mutual intention to strengthen their cooperation in higher education and research, promoting exchanges of students and researchers, as well as further exploring joint training and programmes that enable students to achieve their personal and professional goals.

    Qatar and France also expressed their wish to strengthen the sharing of expertise between the medical communities of the two countries, through the rapprochement or exchange of researchers. The minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs expressed his appreciation for the help of Qatar for the recent opening of the World Health Organization Academy in Lyon.The Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Al Thani congratulated the Republic of France on its hugely successful hosting of the Paris 2024 Summer Olympic and Paralympic Games.  Both sides expressed their willingness to share expertise and knowledge and to continue their cooperation on the positive impact and the legacy of hosting mega sporting events.  In particular, they addressed the ways in which strong commitments in terms of social and environmental issues, including on emissions reduction and carbon absorption, opportunities to promote inclusion and diversity, and combat hate speech, racism and other forms of prejudice and discrimination, is offered by sport. 

    CULTURE, ART, HERITAGE COOPERATION

    Both Ministers welcomed the deep institutional and people-to-people connections forged through shared ties on culture, art and heritage. They recalled the visit in April, at the invitation of the Qatari authorities and HE Sheikha Al Mayassa bint Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, Chairperson of Qatar Museums, of HE Rachida Dati, Minister of Culture of the French Republic. 

    The visit came as part of framework commitments made in the MoU signed in June 2024 between HE Rachida Dati, on behalf of the Ministry of Culture, and HE Sheikha Al Mayassa, Chairperson of Qatar Museums. Both Ministers welcomed the signing of 6 partnership agreements in April 2025 between the French Ministry of Culture, Qatar Museums and the cultural institutions of both countries, and pertaining to a broad range of areas of cooperation, in particular training, exhibitions, loans, research, artist residencies, development of image education workshops for young audiences, development of co-productions, support in the creation of a cinematheque. Qatari and French cultural institutions are currently working on the implementation of these agreements.

    The accords include a framework agreement between the French Ministry of Culture and Qatar Museums for professional training in the cultural sector; an agreement between Qatar Museums and the Etablissement public du musée d’Orsay et du musée de l’Orangerie – Valérie Giscard d’Estaing, including research projects, joint exhibition projects, and academic and educational projects. Qatar Museums and the Musée Guimet will proceed on collaboration that includes research, conservation and educational projects dedicated to Asian arts. Qatar Museums also proceeded with a partnership agreement with Manufactures nationales – Sèvres and Mobilier national dedicated to the design and crafts sectors, aiming to strengthen links between French and Qatari designers and craftspeople. Under the framework further Qatar-France agreements include a Memorandum of Understanding between the Doha Film Institute and the Centre national du cinéma et de l’image animée as well as a Memorandum of understanding between the National Library of Qatar and the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. 

    They also welcomed the increased cooperation between the Qatari and French Ministries of Culture, in particular through the forthcoming renewal of the cooperation agreement between the two ministries of Culture.

    Both Ministers reiterated the commitment of their nations to heritage protection, especially in conflict areas, and respect for all relevant international agreements of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

    A SHARED AND RESPONSIBLE FUTURE 

    The State of Qatar and France emphasize the importance of their continued partnership which benefits the interests of both countries and consolidates coordination towards a shared and responsible future.

    Qatar and France look forward to reviewing progress in these areas at the fourth Strategic Dialogue to be held in Doha in 2026.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Simon Gikandi, Professor of English and Chair of the English Department, Princeton University

    The passing of celebrated Kenyan writer and scholar Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o on 28 May 2025 marks the end of a remarkable period in African literary history – the fabulous decades in the second half of the 20th century when African writers came to command the world stage.



    Read more:
    Five things you should know about Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, one of Africa’s greatest writers of all time

    This was the time of what I call the African literary revolution. As a scholar of African literature and the author of many books and papers on Ngũgĩ, I have raised several questions about this period. Why and how did this revolution happen? What motivated this turn to the imagination as a tool of decolonisation? And what was Ngũgĩ’s role in this drama?

    To answer these questions one must think of Ngũgĩ inside and outside a generational cultural project.

    The African literary revolution

    Accounting for this project is not difficult. One can say for certain that in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as the African continent entered the last phase of decolonisation, writers and intellectuals became important actors in the fight for independence. They did so by quietly entering and occupying the spaces and knowledge systems that had until then been the preserve of colonial agents.

    They used the work of the imagination to challenge colonial systems of thought and imagine decolonial alternatives. And what made this a period like no other in African literary history was a powerful sense of newness and the possibilities of a world yet to come. As the Nigerian writer and critic Chinua Achebe once put it:

    There was something in the air.

    Literature was asked to herald the possibilities and perils of freedom and Ngũgĩ was to play a major role in chaperoning the language of African being and becoming.

    In the memoirs he wrote about his education, he would often return to his mental imprisonment in English literature and the mythology of Englishness.

    Hidden in these narratives of colonial miseducation, however, was the discovery of the gift of African fiction brought by precursors. Nigeria’s Achebe and Cyprian Ekwensi and South Africa’s Peter Abrahams gave Ngũgĩ a model of how English could be used against Englishness.

    Coming after these writers provided him with an alternative to the “Great Tradition” of English letters.

    Reimagining Africa

    As a student at Alliance High School in Kenya and later at Makerere University College in Uganda, Ngũgĩ positioned himself as part of a literary vanguard that was reimagining Africa.

    His first major fiction was published in Penpoint, a pioneering journal of literature edited by students at the Makerere English department. He was a delegate to the 1962 Conference of African Writers held at the university, sharing the podium with writers who were to define the African culture of letters for several decades. He was one of the few writers at this historic conference without a major publication, but his presence seemed to signal the promise of the future.

    Something else made this period distinctive: this was a time when African intellectuals, writers and politicians shared a common belief in the redemptive work of art and literature. At Makerere, Ngũgĩ had been preceded by Julius Nyerere, a translator of Shakespeare in Swahili who was to become president of Tanzania. At the same college, Apollo Milton Obote, future president of Uganda, had appeared in a 1948 production of Julius Caesar, the first performance of Shakespeare at the university.

    And the contributors represented in Origin East Africa, an anthology of creative writing at Makerere, provide the most vivid example of the role writing and a literary education could come to play in the making of the postcolonial public sphere. Ngũgĩ had four stories published in the anthology, coming just after a short story by Ben Mkapa, future president of Tanzania.

    Ngũgĩ belonged to a generation that saw literature as a forum for critique, of questioning dominant ideas and beliefs. In this context, creative writing was asked to perform at least four tasks:

    • to reimagine an African past whose resources might be rehearsed for the future

    • to rehearse the drama of decolonisation

    • to account for postcolonial failure

    • to produce fictions that might help readers rethink a global African identity.

    Ngũgĩ’s novels rose to fulfil these tasks with conviction and courage. The River Between and Weep Not, Child dealt with the wounds of history. A Grain of Wheat and Petals of Blood were positioned in a zone where the figure of the new nation was caught between its aspirations and desires and the possibility of failure and betrayal. Wizard of the Crow was simultaneously an allegory of postcolonial failure and the possibility of its transcendence.

    And then came banishment and exile.

    The late career

    Although he barely acknowledged it in his writings or in public, Ngũgĩ’s late career was defined by the realities of exile and an awareness of his own displacement from his primary audience and the Gĩkũyũ language that had energised his poetics.

    He was celebrated and honoured in powerful American universities and institutions including the Library of Congress. He was recognised in the global African world and cited by the few African leaders like Ghana’s John Dramani Mahama who understood the need for a forceful response to racial ideologies.



    Read more:
    Drama that shaped Ngũgĩ’s writing and activism comes home to Kenya

    But he was a persona non grata in the one place – Kenya – where recognition mattered most to him.

    In the end, there was a certain kind of belatedness in Ngũgĩ’s later fictions. The subject of these works and their points of reference were distinctly Gĩkũyũ, Kenyan, African, pan-African, and global. Nonetheless, these gestures of being African were enacted far away from the homelands in which Ngũgĩ’s writing and thinking was both intelligible and functional.

    Imagining and writing about Africa away from Africa was a promise and debt. It was an obligation to a place but also a measure of one’s distance from it.



    Read more:
    3 things Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o taught me: language matters, stories are universal, Africa can thrive

    I reflected on this problem as I reviewed Ngũgĩ’s 2006 novel set in an imaginary autocratic country, Murogi wa Kagogo (Wizard of the Crow), in its original Gĩkũyũ edition and later in its translation.

    I was reading the same book, but it was pointing in two different directions – towards home and away from it.

    In our many encounters, Ngũgĩ made fun of the fact that I seemed to have adopted alienation as the essential condition for thinking and writing. What he sought to do until the last minute of his life was carry within himself and his fictions that place that used to be home, its politics and poetics.

    Simon Gikandi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution – https://theconversation.com/ngugi-wa-thiongo-and-the-african-literary-revolution-258428

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hedley Twidle, Associate Professor and head of English Literary Studies, University of Cape Town

    Across three decades of democracy, South Africa has – like many places undergoing complex and uneven social change – seen an outpouring of remarkable nonfiction. The Interpreters is a new book that collects the work of 37 authors, all of it writing (plus some drawing) concerned with actual people, places and events.

    The anthology is the product of many years of reading and discussion between my co-editor Sean Christie (an experienced journalist and nonfiction author) and me (a writer and professor who teaches literature, including creative nonfiction).

    The book is a work of homage to the many strains of ambitious and artful writing that shelter within the unhelpful term “nonfiction”. These include: narrative and longform journalism; essays and memoir; reportage, features and profiles; life writing, from private diaries to public biography; oral histories, interviews and testimony.

    To give an idea of the range, energy and risk of the pieces collected in the anthology, here I discuss five of them.

    1. Fighting Shadows by Lidudumalingani

    We debated for a long time which piece to start the anthology with, and ultimately went for this one, which begins:

    One afternoon my father and the other boys from the Zikhovane village decided to walk across a vast landscape, two valleys and a river, to a village called Qombolo to disrupt a wedding.

    It’s a quietly compelling opening. First of all, there is intrigue: why the disruption? It could also easily be the first sentence of a novel (maybe even one by famous Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe). And so we begin with a reminder of how storytelling is such a deep, ancient and fundamental part of societies – an impulse that long predates writing and moves across and beyond the fiction/nonfiction divide. (Lidudumalingani won the 2016 Caine Prize for a short story, so he works across both.)

    Fighting Shadows is about the tradition of stick fighting, and how it’s transported from rural areas to urban ones. But it’s also about so much more, about “the dance between then and now”, as the writer puts it later on. The prose is so deft and graceful, as if the author is trying to match the “dance” of expert stick fighters with his own verbal arts. For me it’s a story that could only have emerged from this part of the world: it has a distinct voice, precision and poetry to it.

    2. The End of a Conversation by Julie Nxadi

    This is the shortest piece in the anthology, but for me one of the most affecting. It traces how a young girl comes to realise that the (white) family she is being brought up with are not really her family. She is the daughter of the housekeeper, the domestic worker:

    I was not ‘the kids’.
    I was not their kin.

    It’s probably best described as autofiction, a kind of writing that lies somewhere in the borderlands between autobiography and fiction. Nxadi has spoken of how she decided to write in a way that contained her own life story – the “heartbreak” of that moment – but was also able to carry and represent the experience of others who had gone through something similar.

    The piece is also a product of the #FeesMustFall student protests (2015 onwards), when many young South Africans felt able to share unresolved, awkward or shameful stories for the first time.

    The End of a Conversation is such a deft, wise and subtle handling of a difficult subject, with no easy targets or easy resolutions. Somehow the writer has found just the right distance – emotionally and aesthetically – from this moment of childhood realisation.

    3. South African Pastoral by William Dicey

    I co-own a pear farm with my brother. I attend to finances and labour relations, he oversees the growing of the fruit.

    This essay by William Dicey thinks hard, very hard, about what it means to manage a fruit farm in the Boland (an agricultural region still shaped by South Africa’s divided past). It is one of the most frank and unflinching accounts of land and labour I’ve ever come across. The writer makes the point that he could easily have stayed in the city, lived in “liberal” circles and not thought about these issues much.

    But becoming a farmer confronts him with all kinds of difficult questions (How much should he intervene in the lives of his employees? In family and financial planning, in matters of alcohol abuse?) as he is drawn into an awkward but meaningful intimacy with others on the farm.

    The US essayist Philip Lopate suggests that scepticism is often the tool for moving towards truth in personal nonfiction writing:

    So often the “plot” of a personal essay, its drama, its suspense, consists in watching how the essayist can drop past his or her psychic defences toward deeper levels of honesty.

    This is very much what happens in South African Pastoral, and why it is such a mesmerising piece (even while written in such a plain and restrained style).

    4. Hard Rock by Mogorosi Motshumi

    My co-editor said from the start we should include graphic nonfiction (drawn stories and comics) and I’m so grateful he did. Mogorosi Motshumi’s warm, zany but also harrowing account is about coming of age under apartheid and then the heady days of the 1990s transition.

    In his early career, Motshumi was widely known for his comic strips and political cartooning, but this graphic autobiography is far more ambitious. The style of drawing changes and evolves as the protagonist gets older; also, there is something intriguing about seeing weighty subjects like detention, disability, substance abuse and HIV/AIDS stigma approached through the eyes of a wry cartoonist with a keen sense of the absurd.

    Hard Rock is a prologue to the graphic nonfiction memoir that he has been working on for many years, the 360 Degrees Trilogy. The first two instalments have appeared – The Initiation (2016) and Jozi Jungle (2022) – and I would urge anyone to seek them out. Mogorosi’s work is a major achievement in South African autobiography and life writing (or life “drawing”).

    5. The Interpreters by Antjie Krog, Nosisi Mpolweni and Kopano Ratele

    This co-authored piece is what gave the anthology its name. The Interpreters is a reflection on being a language interpreter during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings (1996-1998) into gross human rights violations during white minority rule.

    A series of individuals recall the challenges of that process. Sitting in glass booths in the middle of proceedings, they had to move across South Africa’s many official languages in real time, translating the words of victims, perpetrators, grieving families, lawyers and commissioners.

    The chapter is also a reminder of how our English-language anthology faces the challenge of doing justice to a multilingual, multivocal society where all kinds of cultural translations happen all the time.

    The piece is a blend of many people’s voices, testimonies and reminiscences. As such, it also seemed to symbolise the larger project of The Interpreters: trying to record, render and honour the many voices that make up our complex social world.

    Hedley Twidle worked with Soutie Press in the creation of this anthology.

    – ref. 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories – https://theconversation.com/5-great-reads-by-south-african-writers-from-30-years-of-real-life-stories-258340

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ibrahim Z. Bahreldin, Associate Professor of Urban & Environmental Design, University of Khartoum

    What makes a public space truly public?

    In Khartoum, before the current conflict engulfed Sudan, the answer was not always a park, a plaza or a promenade.

    The city’s streets, tea stalls (sitat al-shai), protest sites and even burial spaces served as dynamic arenas of everyday life, political expression and informal resilience.

    In a recently published article, I studied 64 public spaces across pre-war Greater Khartoum, revealing a landscape far richer – and more contested – than standard urban classifications suggest. Specifically, I uncovered four classifications: formal, informal, privately owned and hybrid spaces – each alive with negotiation and everyday use.

    While some spaces were planned by colonial engineers or municipal authorities, many were carved out by communities: claimed, adapted and reimagined through use.

    My research offers valuable insights into the design and planning of Africa’s cities. As they grow and face mounting political and environmental pressures, it’s time to rethink how public spaces are defined and designed – not through imported models, but by listening to the ways people already make cities public.



    Read more:
    Sudan needs to accept its cultural diversity: urban planning can help rebuild the country and prevent future conflict

    Across the African continent, cities are growing fast – but not always fairly. Urban expansion often privileges gated developments, mega-projects and high-security zones while neglecting the everyday spaces where most people live, work and gather.

    In Sudan, these dynamics have been further complicated by conflict, displacement and economic instability. The ongoing war has disrupted not only governance, but also the spatial fabric of urban life.

    My paper aims to invite those involved in planning policies and post-conflict reconstruction to move beyond formal, western-centric models that often overlook how publicness actually unfolds in African cities: through informality, negotiation and social improvisation.

    Khartoum’s public spaces, as documented in my study, serve as diagnostic tools for understanding how cities survive crises, express identity and contest inequality.

    In the wake of war and displacement, these spaces will play a role in shaping how Sudan rebuilds not just infrastructure, but social cohesion.

    Pre-war Khartoum

    Khartoum’s public spaces cannot be understood through conventional categories – like formal squares and urban parks – alone. These formal squares represent only one layer of a much more plural and negotiated urban reality.

    Drawing on fieldwork and the documentation of 64 public spaces across Greater Khartoum, I identify four overlapping types that reflect how space is produced, accessed and contested.

    1. Formal public spaces: These include planned parks, ceremonial squares, civic plazas and administrative open spaces, often relics of colonial or postcolonial urban planning. They are defined by order, visibility and regulation. Mīdān Abbas, originally an active civic space in the centre of Khartoum, repeatedly reclaimed by informal traders and protesters, is one example, illustrating how even the most formal spaces can become contested. It was notably active during Sudan’s April 1985 uprising, serving as part of a wider network of civic spaces used for political mobilisation. Informal traders consistently transformed it into a bustling marketplace, embedding everyday commerce and social exchange into the formal urban fabric.

    2. Informal and insurgent spaces: These emerge beyond or against official planning logics – riverbanks used for gatherings, neglected lots transformed into social nodes or bridges appropriated by traders. They include spiritual sites like Sufi tombs, and protest spaces such as the sit-in zone outside the city’s army headquarters. These spaces reveal the city’s capacity for bottom-up urbanism and collective adaptation.

    3. Privately owned civic spaces: Shopping malls, privately managed parks and cultural cafés fall into this category. While they appear public, they are often classed, surveilled (monitored through cameras or security presence) or exclusionary. The rise of these spaces coincides with the decline of state-managed urban infrastructure, reflecting the turn in Sudanese urban governance.



    Read more:
    Sudan: the symbolic significance of the space protesters made their own

    4. Public “private” spaces: These spaces blur lines between ownership and use. They include mosque courtyards, school grounds, building frontages or underutilised university lawns that serve as informal gathering points. Access here is governed less by law and more by social codes, trust or class.

    Together, these typologies highlight that “publicness” in Khartoum is relational. It depends not only on who planned a space, but who uses it, how and under what conditions.

    Planning in African cities must therefore move beyond fixed zoning maps to embrace the layered, fluid and lived nature of urban space.

    Rebuilding, rethinking, resisting

    Post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan – and elsewhere in Africa – must resist the allure of “blank slate” master plans. Those involve rebuilding cities from scratch with sweeping, top-down designs that ignore existing social and spatial dynamics.

    Imported models, often guided by bureaucratic thinking or commercial incentives, risk erasing the very spaces where public life already thrives, albeit informally or invisibly.

    Rather than imposing formality, planners should recognise and strengthen the informal and hybrid systems that sustain civic life, especially in times of instability.

    Urban theorists working in and on the global south, such as AbdouMaliq Simone and the late Vanessa Watson, have long argued for planning frameworks that centre on everyday practices, adaptive use and spatial justice.

    Khartoum offers a compelling case.

    From the sit-ins of 2019 to tea stalls run by displaced women, public spaces in Sudan are not inert backdrops. They are active platforms of everyday life, resistance, care and community-making.

    Reconstruction must begin by asking: what spaces mattered to people before the war? Which ones fostered inclusion, dignity and visibility? Only then can new urban futures emerge, ones that are rooted in the practices of those who have always made the city public, even when the state did not.

    What makes spaces truly public?

    The public realm in Sudan has always been shaped through negotiation, sometimes with the state, often despite it.

    Rebuilding after war is not only about reconstructing buildings but also about reimagining the terms of belonging.

    This requires a shift from viewing public space as a fixed asset to understanding it as a dynamic process. Who gets to gather, to speak, to rest, to protest – these are the true measures of publicness.

    Understanding Khartoum’s pre-war public spaces isn’t a nostalgic exercise. It’s a necessary step towards building more inclusive, resilient and locally grounded cities in the wake of crisis.

    Ibrahim Bahreldin is a member of the Sudanese Institute of Architects and the City Planning Institute of Japan, and is registered as a professional architect and urban planner with the Sudanese Engineering Council and the Saudi Council of Engineers. He is also affiliated with the King Abdulaziz University, Saudi Arabia.

    The Author receives funding from KAU Endowment (WAQF) at King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

    – ref. Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together – https://theconversation.com/khartoum-before-the-war-the-public-spaces-that-held-the-city-together-258632

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Remembering Frederick Forsyth: my encounters with the spy who stayed out in the cold

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Lashmar, Reader in Journalism, City St George’s, University of London

    One of the great British purveyors of the spy and cold-war genres, Frederick Forsyth, who has died at the age of 86, was best known for his novels The Day of the Jackal (1971), The Odessa File (1972) and The Dogs of War (1974).

    He wrote another 22 books, which together have sold 75 million copies worldwide, and spawned several successful films. In his 2015 memoirs, Forsyth revealed he had been a spy for the British government.

    My encounters with “Freddie” came late in his life. Back in 2023 my former colleagues at Brunel University were launching a project called Writers in Intelligence. Having no contacts in the murky world of spookery, they approached me for help.

    They needed a high-profile writer who had worked in intelligence for their first event. I suggested Forsyth, as he had admitted to being an MI6 asset between 1968 and 1988. I wrote to him, and he agreed to an interview.

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    It was not my finest hour. I had carefully created a narrative arc of questions and outlined my plan to Forsyth in the green room. He nodded. After we sat down in front of a packed audience Forsyth proceeded to ignore my first question and launched into his own well-practised narrative.

    “What is the point of espionage in the first place?” he asked rhetorically. “I would sum it up in a single word: forewarning – what the bad guys are doing,” he said, launching into his spiel. He was particularly good on the need for a cover story when working abroad, “where the very nasty secret police ruled the roost”. His cover was being a foreign correspondent.

    For the rest of his “talk”, I tried to predict his direction of travel and lob the occasional question to justify my existence. Relief for me came with the Q&A.

    Inevitably a question came up about the Nigerian civil war in which he had a controversial role. Independent from 1960, Nigeria is a creation of the British empire and in broad terms combines three different colonial and ethnic areas. The Muslim north, mostly the Haus-Fulani people; the mixed religions of the Yoruba west; and the Christian Igbo people of the east in the area known then as Biafra, rich in oil reserves. In 1966, an attempted military coup sparked civil war and anti-Igbo pogroms in the north, forcing 1.2 million Igbo refugees to return to the Biafra region.

    Refugees complained that the Lagos-based Nigerian government under General Yakubu Gowon had failed to protect them. Secessionists under the military commander of the east, Colonel Chukwuemeka Ojukwu, declared Biafra a separate republic in May 1967. Gowon ordered the Nigerian army to retake Biafra. Initially the Biafran forces countered attacked but Gowan’s troops, reinforced by secretly delivered British munitions, created a lengthy stalemate.

    Forsyth, aged 29 and now a BBC correspondent (after stints as the RAF’s youngest fighter pilot and a Reuters journalist) was posted to Biafra to cover the war. With few of his reports being used despite him being on the frontline (at one point a bullet grazed his head), he grew increasingly disillusioned. He considered the BBC’s reports from its west Africa correspondent in Lagos hundreds of miles away, to be pro-Gowon.

    Angering BBC bosses by making the case for Biafra, Forsyth was ordered out, after which he said he resigned, although this contradicts the tweet made by the BBC’s John Simpson, who this week said that Forsyth was sacked after “introducing Biafran propaganda into his reports”.

    In 1968 Forsyth reported independently from Biafra on the deliberate starvation of people that shocked the world, and became close to Colonel Ojukwu. Eventually, after three years, Biafra was overwhelmed and reintegrated into Nigeria in 1970.

    In the Brunel audience was Nigerian novelist and journalist Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani who is of Igbo heritage. I asked her this week what she recalled of the evening having travelled to see Forsyth whose books “had been a staple” during her teenage years. She asked Forsyth whether his assessment of the war back then was valid. Forsyth did not really give an opinion but, describing what he had seen, clearly thought his reporting had stood the test of time.

    The Brunel evening was deemed a success as Forsyth had lived up to his reputation as a charismatic raconteur. Even in his eighties he cut an imposing figure – decidedly alpha male and a hard-living world traveller. On the thriller-writer spectrum, he combined the spirit of Hemingway with the cool detached air of le Carré. It was not hard to believe that Forsyth had been a little too close to some of the unsavoury events he wrote about.

    We meet again, Mr Forsyth

    A few months later I asked him for a one-to-one interview and was invited to his house in a Buckinghamshire village. I explained that for nearly 50 years I had been intermittently researching the foreign office’s cold-war covert propaganda operation, the Information Research Department (IRD).

    Set up in 1948 to attack communism, by the late 1960s the IRD was a huge operation and had extended its secret remit from anti-communism to covertly attacking anybody or anything its mandarins perceived as anti-British. I had been reading recently released IRD files on Biafra that had long been withheld.

    The first thing that was clear was that Forsyth was still angry over what he saw as the British betrayal of the Biafran people. He cursed the then prime minister Harold Wilson. As a result of Forsyth’s reporting on Biafra – which he saw as objective – he had come under personal attack.

    Who was responsible, I asked. Forsyth identified the high commissioner in Lagos at the time, Sir David Hunt, “a very unpleasant man” whom he held in very low regard. Indeed Hunt had written in one internal memo that Forsyth was “an ardent Ibo partisan and is now employed by them”, and who “spread the most alarming and exaggerated reports”. The memo is now held in the National Archives.

    I was able to tell Forsyth that the foreign office had deployed the full arsenal of the IRD’s propaganda skills to support Gowon’s government – and made a huge effort to neuter Forsyth’s reporting from Biafra. Wilson’s government did not want to lose access to cheap oil supplied by Nigeria, or for it to be known that Britain was secretly supplying Gowan with arms.

    The IRD’s role was all the more curious in that the Soviet Union was pro-Gowon and Ojukwa was anti-communist. In our meeting Forsyth was surprised at what I had to say; he had never heard of IRD, which in turn surprised me. What was all the more puzzling was that IRD was close to MI6 and, as Forsyth revealed in his memoir, he had been an unpaid MI6 asset for 20 years, beginning in Biafra in 1968.

    He thought his targeting might explain the breadth of the personal attacks any against him. In another memo held in the National Archives, this time written in 1969, another British diplomat said he had met Forsyth and bemoaned it was “hard to understand” how the BBC had employed him as correspondent.

    The war ended in January 1970. The number of deaths is still disputed but claimed to be between one and two million – mostly civilians many of whom starved to death. On his return to the UK Forsyth wrote his first book, a non-fiction account called The Biafran Story, which did not sell.

    By the beginning of 1971 Forsyth was unemployable as a journalist and struggling financially. He sat down and over 35 days wrote The Day of the Jackal, a novel set in 1963 about an assassination plot against the French President, which went on to sell ten million copies. In 1973 it was turned into a film starring Edward Fox and was a huge box office hit. Forsyth never had to worry about money again.

    Paul Lashmar is affiliated with the Labour Party

    – ref. Remembering Frederick Forsyth: my encounters with the spy who stayed out in the cold – https://theconversation.com/remembering-frederick-forsyth-my-encounters-with-the-spy-who-stayed-out-in-the-cold-258762

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Simon Gikandi, Professor of English and Chair of the English Department, Princeton University

    The passing of celebrated Kenyan writer and scholar Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o on 28 May 2025 marks the end of a remarkable period in African literary history – the fabulous decades in the second half of the 20th century when African writers came to command the world stage.

    Read more: Five things you should know about Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, one of Africa’s greatest writers of all time

    This was the time of what I call the African literary revolution. As a scholar of African literature and the author of many books and papers on Ngũgĩ, I have raised several questions about this period. Why and how did this revolution happen? What motivated this turn to the imagination as a tool of decolonisation? And what was Ngũgĩ’s role in this drama?

    To answer these questions one must think of Ngũgĩ inside and outside a generational cultural project.

    The African literary revolution

    Accounting for this project is not difficult. One can say for certain that in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as the African continent entered the last phase of decolonisation, writers and intellectuals became important actors in the fight for independence. They did so by quietly entering and occupying the spaces and knowledge systems that had until then been the preserve of colonial agents.

    They used the work of the imagination to challenge colonial systems of thought and imagine decolonial alternatives. And what made this a period like no other in African literary history was a powerful sense of newness and the possibilities of a world yet to come. As the Nigerian writer and critic Chinua Achebe once put it:

    There was something in the air.

    Literature was asked to herald the possibilities and perils of freedom and Ngũgĩ was to play a major role in chaperoning the language of African being and becoming.

    In the memoirs he wrote about his education, he would often return to his mental imprisonment in English literature and the mythology of Englishness.

    Hidden in these narratives of colonial miseducation, however, was the discovery of the gift of African fiction brought by precursors. Nigeria’s Achebe and Cyprian Ekwensi and South Africa’s Peter Abrahams gave Ngũgĩ a model of how English could be used against Englishness.

    Coming after these writers provided him with an alternative to the “Great Tradition” of English letters.

    Reimagining Africa

    As a student at Alliance High School in Kenya and later at Makerere University College in Uganda, Ngũgĩ positioned himself as part of a literary vanguard that was reimagining Africa.

    His first major fiction was published in Penpoint, a pioneering journal of literature edited by students at the Makerere English department. He was a delegate to the 1962 Conference of African Writers held at the university, sharing the podium with writers who were to define the African culture of letters for several decades. He was one of the few writers at this historic conference without a major publication, but his presence seemed to signal the promise of the future.

    Something else made this period distinctive: this was a time when African intellectuals, writers and politicians shared a common belief in the redemptive work of art and literature. At Makerere, Ngũgĩ had been preceded by Julius Nyerere, a translator of Shakespeare in Swahili who was to become president of Tanzania. At the same college, Apollo Milton Obote, future president of Uganda, had appeared in a 1948 production of Julius Caesar, the first performance of Shakespeare at the university.

    And the contributors represented in Origin East Africa, an anthology of creative writing at Makerere, provide the most vivid example of the role writing and a literary education could come to play in the making of the postcolonial public sphere. Ngũgĩ had four stories published in the anthology, coming just after a short story by Ben Mkapa, future president of Tanzania.

    Ngũgĩ belonged to a generation that saw literature as a forum for critique, of questioning dominant ideas and beliefs. In this context, creative writing was asked to perform at least four tasks:

    • to reimagine an African past whose resources might be rehearsed for the future

    • to rehearse the drama of decolonisation

    • to account for postcolonial failure

    • to produce fictions that might help readers rethink a global African identity.

    Ngũgĩ’s novels rose to fulfil these tasks with conviction and courage. The River Between and Weep Not, Child dealt with the wounds of history. A Grain of Wheat and Petals of Blood were positioned in a zone where the figure of the new nation was caught between its aspirations and desires and the possibility of failure and betrayal. Wizard of the Crow was simultaneously an allegory of postcolonial failure and the possibility of its transcendence.

    And then came banishment and exile.

    The late career

    Although he barely acknowledged it in his writings or in public, Ngũgĩ’s late career was defined by the realities of exile and an awareness of his own displacement from his primary audience and the Gĩkũyũ language that had energised his poetics.

    He was celebrated and honoured in powerful American universities and institutions including the Library of Congress. He was recognised in the global African world and cited by the few African leaders like Ghana’s John Dramani Mahama who understood the need for a forceful response to racial ideologies.

    Read more: Drama that shaped Ngũgĩ’s writing and activism comes home to Kenya

    But he was a persona non grata in the one place – Kenya – where recognition mattered most to him.

    In the end, there was a certain kind of belatedness in Ngũgĩ’s later fictions. The subject of these works and their points of reference were distinctly Gĩkũyũ, Kenyan, African, pan-African, and global. Nonetheless, these gestures of being African were enacted far away from the homelands in which Ngũgĩ’s writing and thinking was both intelligible and functional.

    Imagining and writing about Africa away from Africa was a promise and debt. It was an obligation to a place but also a measure of one’s distance from it.

    Read more: 3 things Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o taught me: language matters, stories are universal, Africa can thrive

    I reflected on this problem as I reviewed Ngũgĩ’s 2006 novel set in an imaginary autocratic country, Murogi wa Kagogo (Wizard of the Crow), in its original Gĩkũyũ edition and later in its translation.

    I was reading the same book, but it was pointing in two different directions – towards home and away from it.

    In our many encounters, Ngũgĩ made fun of the fact that I seemed to have adopted alienation as the essential condition for thinking and writing. What he sought to do until the last minute of his life was carry within himself and his fictions that place that used to be home, its politics and poetics.

    – Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution
    – https://theconversation.com/ngugi-wa-thiongo-and-the-african-literary-revolution-258428

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ibrahim Z. Bahreldin, Associate Professor of Urban & Environmental Design, University of Khartoum

    What makes a public space truly public?

    In Khartoum, before the current conflict engulfed Sudan, the answer was not always a park, a plaza or a promenade.

    The city’s streets, tea stalls (sitat al-shai), protest sites and even burial spaces served as dynamic arenas of everyday life, political expression and informal resilience.

    In a recently published article, I studied 64 public spaces across pre-war Greater Khartoum, revealing a landscape far richer – and more contested – than standard urban classifications suggest. Specifically, I uncovered four classifications: formal, informal, privately owned and hybrid spaces – each alive with negotiation and everyday use.

    While some spaces were planned by colonial engineers or municipal authorities, many were carved out by communities: claimed, adapted and reimagined through use.

    My research offers valuable insights into the design and planning of Africa’s cities. As they grow and face mounting political and environmental pressures, it’s time to rethink how public spaces are defined and designed – not through imported models, but by listening to the ways people already make cities public.

    Read more: Sudan needs to accept its cultural diversity: urban planning can help rebuild the country and prevent future conflict

    Across the African continent, cities are growing fast – but not always fairly. Urban expansion often privileges gated developments, mega-projects and high-security zones while neglecting the everyday spaces where most people live, work and gather.

    In Sudan, these dynamics have been further complicated by conflict, displacement and economic instability. The ongoing war has disrupted not only governance, but also the spatial fabric of urban life.

    My paper aims to invite those involved in planning policies and post-conflict reconstruction to move beyond formal, western-centric models that often overlook how publicness actually unfolds in African cities: through informality, negotiation and social improvisation.

    Khartoum’s public spaces, as documented in my study, serve as diagnostic tools for understanding how cities survive crises, express identity and contest inequality.

    In the wake of war and displacement, these spaces will play a role in shaping how Sudan rebuilds not just infrastructure, but social cohesion.

    Pre-war Khartoum

    Khartoum’s public spaces cannot be understood through conventional categories – like formal squares and urban parks – alone. These formal squares represent only one layer of a much more plural and negotiated urban reality.

    Drawing on fieldwork and the documentation of 64 public spaces across Greater Khartoum, I identify four overlapping types that reflect how space is produced, accessed and contested.

    1. Formal public spaces: These include planned parks, ceremonial squares, civic plazas and administrative open spaces, often relics of colonial or postcolonial urban planning. They are defined by order, visibility and regulation. Mīdān Abbas, originally an active civic space in the centre of Khartoum, repeatedly reclaimed by informal traders and protesters, is one example, illustrating how even the most formal spaces can become contested. It was notably active during Sudan’s April 1985 uprising, serving as part of a wider network of civic spaces used for political mobilisation. Informal traders consistently transformed it into a bustling marketplace, embedding everyday commerce and social exchange into the formal urban fabric.

    2. Informal and insurgent spaces: These emerge beyond or against official planning logics – riverbanks used for gatherings, neglected lots transformed into social nodes or bridges appropriated by traders. They include spiritual sites like Sufi tombs, and protest spaces such as the sit-in zone outside the city’s army headquarters. These spaces reveal the city’s capacity for bottom-up urbanism and collective adaptation.

    3. Privately owned civic spaces: Shopping malls, privately managed parks and cultural cafés fall into this category. While they appear public, they are often classed, surveilled (monitored through cameras or security presence) or exclusionary. The rise of these spaces coincides with the decline of state-managed urban infrastructure, reflecting the turn in Sudanese urban governance.

    Read more: Sudan: the symbolic significance of the space protesters made their own

    4. Public “private” spaces: These spaces blur lines between ownership and use. They include mosque courtyards, school grounds, building frontages or underutilised university lawns that serve as informal gathering points. Access here is governed less by law and more by social codes, trust or class.

    Together, these typologies highlight that “publicness” in Khartoum is relational. It depends not only on who planned a space, but who uses it, how and under what conditions.

    Planning in African cities must therefore move beyond fixed zoning maps to embrace the layered, fluid and lived nature of urban space.

    Rebuilding, rethinking, resisting

    Post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan – and elsewhere in Africa – must resist the allure of “blank slate” master plans. Those involve rebuilding cities from scratch with sweeping, top-down designs that ignore existing social and spatial dynamics.

    Imported models, often guided by bureaucratic thinking or commercial incentives, risk erasing the very spaces where public life already thrives, albeit informally or invisibly.

    Rather than imposing formality, planners should recognise and strengthen the informal and hybrid systems that sustain civic life, especially in times of instability.

    Urban theorists working in and on the global south, such as AbdouMaliq Simone and the late Vanessa Watson, have long argued for planning frameworks that centre on everyday practices, adaptive use and spatial justice.

    Khartoum offers a compelling case.

    From the sit-ins of 2019 to tea stalls run by displaced women, public spaces in Sudan are not inert backdrops. They are active platforms of everyday life, resistance, care and community-making.

    Reconstruction must begin by asking: what spaces mattered to people before the war? Which ones fostered inclusion, dignity and visibility? Only then can new urban futures emerge, ones that are rooted in the practices of those who have always made the city public, even when the state did not.

    What makes spaces truly public?

    The public realm in Sudan has always been shaped through negotiation, sometimes with the state, often despite it.

    Rebuilding after war is not only about reconstructing buildings but also about reimagining the terms of belonging.

    This requires a shift from viewing public space as a fixed asset to understanding it as a dynamic process. Who gets to gather, to speak, to rest, to protest – these are the true measures of publicness.

    Understanding Khartoum’s pre-war public spaces isn’t a nostalgic exercise. It’s a necessary step towards building more inclusive, resilient and locally grounded cities in the wake of crisis.

    – Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together
    – https://theconversation.com/khartoum-before-the-war-the-public-spaces-that-held-the-city-together-258632

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hedley Twidle, Associate Professor and head of English Literary Studies, University of Cape Town

    Across three decades of democracy, South Africa has – like many places undergoing complex and uneven social change – seen an outpouring of remarkable nonfiction. The Interpreters is a new book that collects the work of 37 authors, all of it writing (plus some drawing) concerned with actual people, places and events.

    Soutie Press

    The anthology is the product of many years of reading and discussion between my co-editor Sean Christie (an experienced journalist and nonfiction author) and me (a writer and professor who teaches literature, including creative nonfiction).

    The book is a work of homage to the many strains of ambitious and artful writing that shelter within the unhelpful term “nonfiction”. These include: narrative and longform journalism; essays and memoir; reportage, features and profiles; life writing, from private diaries to public biography; oral histories, interviews and testimony.

    To give an idea of the range, energy and risk of the pieces collected in the anthology, here I discuss five of them.

    1. Fighting Shadows by Lidudumalingani

    We debated for a long time which piece to start the anthology with, and ultimately went for this one, which begins:

    One afternoon my father and the other boys from the Zikhovane village decided to walk across a vast landscape, two valleys and a river, to a village called Qombolo to disrupt a wedding.

    It’s a quietly compelling opening. First of all, there is intrigue: why the disruption? It could also easily be the first sentence of a novel (maybe even one by famous Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe). And so we begin with a reminder of how storytelling is such a deep, ancient and fundamental part of societies – an impulse that long predates writing and moves across and beyond the fiction/nonfiction divide. (Lidudumalingani won the 2016 Caine Prize for a short story, so he works across both.)

    Lidudumalingani has the stick fighting tradition at the centre of his piece. Soutie Press

    Fighting Shadows is about the tradition of stick fighting, and how it’s transported from rural areas to urban ones. But it’s also about so much more, about “the dance between then and now”, as the writer puts it later on. The prose is so deft and graceful, as if the author is trying to match the “dance” of expert stick fighters with his own verbal arts. For me it’s a story that could only have emerged from this part of the world: it has a distinct voice, precision and poetry to it.

    2. The End of a Conversation by Julie Nxadi

    This is the shortest piece in the anthology, but for me one of the most affecting. It traces how a young girl comes to realise that the (white) family she is being brought up with are not really her family. She is the daughter of the housekeeper, the domestic worker:

    I was not ‘the kids’. I was not their kin.

    It’s probably best described as autofiction, a kind of writing that lies somewhere in the borderlands between autobiography and fiction. Nxadi has spoken of how she decided to write in a way that contained her own life story – the “heartbreak” of that moment – but was also able to carry and represent the experience of others who had gone through something similar.

    Julie Nxadi. Soutie Press

    The piece is also a product of the #FeesMustFall student protests (2015 onwards), when many young South Africans felt able to share unresolved, awkward or shameful stories for the first time.

    The End of a Conversation is such a deft, wise and subtle handling of a difficult subject, with no easy targets or easy resolutions. Somehow the writer has found just the right distance – emotionally and aesthetically – from this moment of childhood realisation.

    3. South African Pastoral by William Dicey

    I co-own a pear farm with my brother. I attend to finances and labour relations, he oversees the growing of the fruit.

    This essay by William Dicey thinks hard, very hard, about what it means to manage a fruit farm in the Boland (an agricultural region still shaped by South Africa’s divided past). It is one of the most frank and unflinching accounts of land and labour I’ve ever come across. The writer makes the point that he could easily have stayed in the city, lived in “liberal” circles and not thought about these issues much.

    William Dicey. Soutie Press

    But becoming a farmer confronts him with all kinds of difficult questions (How much should he intervene in the lives of his employees? In family and financial planning, in matters of alcohol abuse?) as he is drawn into an awkward but meaningful intimacy with others on the farm.

    The US essayist Philip Lopate suggests that scepticism is often the tool for moving towards truth in personal nonfiction writing:

    So often the “plot” of a personal essay, its drama, its suspense, consists in watching how the essayist can drop past his or her psychic defences toward deeper levels of honesty.

    This is very much what happens in South African Pastoral, and why it is such a mesmerising piece (even while written in such a plain and restrained style).

    4. Hard Rock by Mogorosi Motshumi

    My co-editor said from the start we should include graphic nonfiction (drawn stories and comics) and I’m so grateful he did. Mogorosi Motshumi’s warm, zany but also harrowing account is about coming of age under apartheid and then the heady days of the 1990s transition.

    Mogorosi Motshumi. Soutie Press

    In his early career, Motshumi was widely known for his comic strips and political cartooning, but this graphic autobiography is far more ambitious. The style of drawing changes and evolves as the protagonist gets older; also, there is something intriguing about seeing weighty subjects like detention, disability, substance abuse and HIV/AIDS stigma approached through the eyes of a wry cartoonist with a keen sense of the absurd.

    Hard Rock is a prologue to the graphic nonfiction memoir that he has been working on for many years, the 360 Degrees Trilogy. The first two instalments have appeared – The Initiation (2016) and Jozi Jungle (2022) – and I would urge anyone to seek them out. Mogorosi’s work is a major achievement in South African autobiography and life writing (or life “drawing”).

    5. The Interpreters by Antjie Krog, Nosisi Mpolweni and Kopano Ratele

    This co-authored piece is what gave the anthology its name. The Interpreters is a reflection on being a language interpreter during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings (1996-1998) into gross human rights violations during white minority rule.

    Kopano Ratele. Soutie Press

    A series of individuals recall the challenges of that process. Sitting in glass booths in the middle of proceedings, they had to move across South Africa’s many official languages in real time, translating the words of victims, perpetrators, grieving families, lawyers and commissioners.

    Antjie Krog and co-authors write about interpreting language. Brenda Veldtman

    The chapter is also a reminder of how our English-language anthology faces the challenge of doing justice to a multilingual, multivocal society where all kinds of cultural translations happen all the time.

    The piece is a blend of many people’s voices, testimonies and reminiscences. As such, it also seemed to symbolise the larger project of The Interpreters: trying to record, render and honour the many voices that make up our complex social world.

    – 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories
    – https://theconversation.com/5-great-reads-by-south-african-writers-from-30-years-of-real-life-stories-258340

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Security: IAEA and FAO Conduct First Atoms4Food Assessment Mission to Burkina Faso

    Source: International Atomic Energy Agency – IAEA

    The joint IAEA and FAO Assessment Mission team examine new rice varieties during the first Atoms4Food Initiative Assessment Mission in Burkina Faso. (Photo: Victor Owino/IAEA)

    In a critical step toward addressing food insecurity in West Africa, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations have launched their first joint Atoms4Food Initiative Assessment Mission in Burkina Faso. 

    This mission aims to identify key gaps and opportunities for delivering targeted technical support to Burkina Faso for food and agriculture in a country where an estimated 3.5 million people—nearly 20% of the population—are facing food insecurity. By leveraging nuclear science and technology, Atoms4Food seeks to bolster agricultural resilience and agrifood systems in one of the region’s most vulnerable nations.

    The mission, conducted from 26 May to 1 June, assessed how nuclear and related technologies are being used in Burkina Faso to address challenges in enhancing crop production, improving soil quality and in animal production and health, as well as human nutrition.

    The Atoms4Food Initiative was launched jointly by IAEA and FAO in 2023 to help boost food security and tackle growing hunger around the world. Atoms4Food will support countries to use innovative nuclear techniques such as sterile insect technique and plant mutation breeding to enhance agricultural productivity, ensure food safety, improve nutrition and adapt agrifood systems to the challenges of climate change. Almost €9 million has been pledged by IAEA donor countries and private companies to the initiative so far.

    As part of the Atoms4Food initiative, Assessment Missions are used to evaluate the specific needs and priorities of participating countries and identify critical gaps and opportunities where nuclear science and technology can offer impactful solutions. Based on the findings, tailored and country-specific solutions will be offered.

    Burkina Faso is one of 29 countries who have so far requested to receive support under Atoms4Food, with more expected this year. Alongside Benin, Pakistan, Peru and Türkiye, Burkina Faso was among the first countries to request an Atoms4Food Assessment Mission in 2025.

    A large proportion of Burkina Faso’s population still live in poverty and inequality.  Food insecurity has been compounded by rapid population growth, gender inequality and low levels of educational attainment. In addition, currently, 50% of rice consumed in Burkina Faso is imported. The government aims to achieve food sovereignty by producing sufficient rice domestically to reduce reliance on imports.

    “Hunger and malnutrition are on the rise globally, and Burkina Faso is particularly vulnerable to this growing challenge,” said IAEA Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi. “This first Atoms4Food assessment mission marks a significant milestone in our collective efforts to harness the power of nuclear science to enhance food security. As the Atoms4Food Initiative expands worldwide, we are committed to delivering tangible, sustainable solutions to reduce hunger and malnutrition.”

    The mission was conducted by a team of ten international experts in the areas of crop production, soil and water management, animal production and health and human nutrition. During the mission, the team held high-level meetings with the Burkina Faso Ministries of Agriculture, Health and Environment and conducted site visits to laboratories including the animal health laboratory and crop breeding facility at the Institute of Environment and Agricultural Research, the crop genetics and nutrition laboratories at the University Joseph Ki-Zerbo, and the bull station of the Ministry of Agriculture in Loumbila.

    “The Government of Burkina Faso is striving to achieve food security and sovereignty, to supply the country’s population with sufficient, affordable, nutritious and safe food, while strengthening the sustainability of the agrifood systems value-chain,” said Dongxin Feng, Director of the Joint FAO/IAEA Centre for Nuclear Techniques in Food and Agriculture and head of the mission to Burkina Faso. “Though much needs to be done, our mission found strong dedication and commitment from the Government in developing climate-resilient strategies for crops, such as rice, potato, sorghum and mango, strengthening sustainable livestock production of cattle, small ruminants and local poultry, as well as reducing malnutrition among infants and children, while considering the linkages with food safety.”

    The Assessment Mission will deliver an integrated Assessment Report with concrete recommendations on areas for intervention under the Atoms4Food Initiative. This will help develop a National Action Plan in order to scale up the joint efforts made by the two organizations in the past decades, which will include expanding partnership and resource mobilization. “Our priority now is to deliver a concrete mission report with actionable recommendations that will support the development of the National Action Plan aimed at improving the country’s long term food security,” Feng added.

    MIL Security OSI –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ibrahim Z. Bahreldin, Associate Professor of Urban & Environmental Design, University of Khartoum

    What makes a public space truly public?

    In Khartoum, before the current conflict engulfed Sudan, the answer was not always a park, a plaza or a promenade.

    The city’s streets, tea stalls (sitat al-shai), protest sites and even burial spaces served as dynamic arenas of everyday life, political expression and informal resilience.

    In a recently published article, I studied 64 public spaces across pre-war Greater Khartoum, revealing a landscape far richer – and more contested – than standard urban classifications suggest. Specifically, I uncovered four classifications: formal, informal, privately owned and hybrid spaces – each alive with negotiation and everyday use.

    While some spaces were planned by colonial engineers or municipal authorities, many were carved out by communities: claimed, adapted and reimagined through use.

    My research offers valuable insights into the design and planning of Africa’s cities. As they grow and face mounting political and environmental pressures, it’s time to rethink how public spaces are defined and designed – not through imported models, but by listening to the ways people already make cities public.



    Read more:
    Sudan needs to accept its cultural diversity: urban planning can help rebuild the country and prevent future conflict

    Across the African continent, cities are growing fast – but not always fairly. Urban expansion often privileges gated developments, mega-projects and high-security zones while neglecting the everyday spaces where most people live, work and gather.

    In Sudan, these dynamics have been further complicated by conflict, displacement and economic instability. The ongoing war has disrupted not only governance, but also the spatial fabric of urban life.

    My paper aims to invite those involved in planning policies and post-conflict reconstruction to move beyond formal, western-centric models that often overlook how publicness actually unfolds in African cities: through informality, negotiation and social improvisation.

    Khartoum’s public spaces, as documented in my study, serve as diagnostic tools for understanding how cities survive crises, express identity and contest inequality.

    In the wake of war and displacement, these spaces will play a role in shaping how Sudan rebuilds not just infrastructure, but social cohesion.

    Pre-war Khartoum

    Khartoum’s public spaces cannot be understood through conventional categories – like formal squares and urban parks – alone. These formal squares represent only one layer of a much more plural and negotiated urban reality.

    Drawing on fieldwork and the documentation of 64 public spaces across Greater Khartoum, I identify four overlapping types that reflect how space is produced, accessed and contested.

    1. Formal public spaces: These include planned parks, ceremonial squares, civic plazas and administrative open spaces, often relics of colonial or postcolonial urban planning. They are defined by order, visibility and regulation. Mīdān Abbas, originally an active civic space in the centre of Khartoum, repeatedly reclaimed by informal traders and protesters, is one example, illustrating how even the most formal spaces can become contested. It was notably active during Sudan’s April 1985 uprising, serving as part of a wider network of civic spaces used for political mobilisation. Informal traders consistently transformed it into a bustling marketplace, embedding everyday commerce and social exchange into the formal urban fabric.

    2. Informal and insurgent spaces: These emerge beyond or against official planning logics – riverbanks used for gatherings, neglected lots transformed into social nodes or bridges appropriated by traders. They include spiritual sites like Sufi tombs, and protest spaces such as the sit-in zone outside the city’s army headquarters. These spaces reveal the city’s capacity for bottom-up urbanism and collective adaptation.

    3. Privately owned civic spaces: Shopping malls, privately managed parks and cultural cafés fall into this category. While they appear public, they are often classed, surveilled (monitored through cameras or security presence) or exclusionary. The rise of these spaces coincides with the decline of state-managed urban infrastructure, reflecting the turn in Sudanese urban governance.



    Read more:
    Sudan: the symbolic significance of the space protesters made their own

    4. Public “private” spaces: These spaces blur lines between ownership and use. They include mosque courtyards, school grounds, building frontages or underutilised university lawns that serve as informal gathering points. Access here is governed less by law and more by social codes, trust or class.

    Together, these typologies highlight that “publicness” in Khartoum is relational. It depends not only on who planned a space, but who uses it, how and under what conditions.

    Planning in African cities must therefore move beyond fixed zoning maps to embrace the layered, fluid and lived nature of urban space.

    Rebuilding, rethinking, resisting

    Post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan – and elsewhere in Africa – must resist the allure of “blank slate” master plans. Those involve rebuilding cities from scratch with sweeping, top-down designs that ignore existing social and spatial dynamics.

    Imported models, often guided by bureaucratic thinking or commercial incentives, risk erasing the very spaces where public life already thrives, albeit informally or invisibly.

    Rather than imposing formality, planners should recognise and strengthen the informal and hybrid systems that sustain civic life, especially in times of instability.

    Urban theorists working in and on the global south, such as AbdouMaliq Simone and the late Vanessa Watson, have long argued for planning frameworks that centre on everyday practices, adaptive use and spatial justice.

    Khartoum offers a compelling case.

    From the sit-ins of 2019 to tea stalls run by displaced women, public spaces in Sudan are not inert backdrops. They are active platforms of everyday life, resistance, care and community-making.

    Reconstruction must begin by asking: what spaces mattered to people before the war? Which ones fostered inclusion, dignity and visibility? Only then can new urban futures emerge, ones that are rooted in the practices of those who have always made the city public, even when the state did not.

    What makes spaces truly public?

    The public realm in Sudan has always been shaped through negotiation, sometimes with the state, often despite it.

    Rebuilding after war is not only about reconstructing buildings but also about reimagining the terms of belonging.

    This requires a shift from viewing public space as a fixed asset to understanding it as a dynamic process. Who gets to gather, to speak, to rest, to protest – these are the true measures of publicness.

    Understanding Khartoum’s pre-war public spaces isn’t a nostalgic exercise. It’s a necessary step towards building more inclusive, resilient and locally grounded cities in the wake of crisis.

    Ibrahim Bahreldin is a member of the Sudanese Institute of Architects and the City Planning Institute of Japan, and is registered as a professional architect and urban planner with the Sudanese Engineering Council and the Saudi Council of Engineers. He is also affiliated with the King Abdulaziz University, Saudi Arabia.

    The Author receives funding from KAU Endowment (WAQF) at King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

    – ref. Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together – https://theconversation.com/khartoum-before-the-war-the-public-spaces-that-held-the-city-together-258632

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Cabinda Refinery Eyes 2025 Start, Joins Angola Oil & Gas (AOG) 2025 as Bronze Sponsor

    The Cabinda Refinery plans to start phase one operations in 2025, with a capacity of 30,000 barrels per day (bpd). Developed by investment company Gemcorp, the refinery will be the country’s second operational refining facility once completed. As the facility prepares to start production, Cabinda Refinery has joined the Angola Oil & Gas (AOG) conference – taking place September 3-4 in Luanda – as a Bronze Sponsor.  

    AOG 2025 represents the premier platform for the country’s oil and gas industry and Cabinda Refinery’s sponsorship reflects its broader commitment to enhancing Angolan crude processing and distribution. The Cabinda Refinery seeks to reduce Angolan fuel imports by increasing domestic refining capacity, with a goal to achieve 445,000 bpd in the coming years. With the start of operations at the Cabinda Refinery, the country will achieve 22% of this goal by the end of 2025. Cabinda Refinery’s sponsorship at AOG 2025 will support discussions around Angola’s downstream project pipeline.  

    AOG is the largest oil and gas event in Angola. Taking place with the full support of the Ministry of Mineral Resources, Oil and Gas; the National Oil, Gas and Biofuels Agency; the Petroleum Derivatives Regulatory Institute; national oil company Sonangol; and the African Energy Chamber; the event is a platform to sign deals and advance Angola’s oil and gas industry. To sponsor or participate as a delegate, please contact sales@energycapitalpower.com. 

    The first phase of the Cabinda Refinery – at a cost of $473 million – will produce naphtha, jet fuel, diesel and heavy fuel oil, with the Naphtha and heavy fuel oil destined for exports. This first phase will supply approximately 10% of the country’s domestic fuel demand, with a planned second phase set to double capacity to 60,000 bpd. Engineering works for the second phase will commence once the first phase is operational. The first phase of the refinery was backed by funding provided by multilateral finance institutions Africa Finance Corporation (AFC) and African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), with financial close reached in 2023. Additional financing was provided by the Fund for Export Development in Africa – the impact investment subsidiary of the Afreximbank. Of the total $473 million investment, $138 million represented equity from project sponsors while the remaining $335 million was mobilized through the AFC-led facility.  

    As the largest event of its kind in the country, AOG 2025 will connect global investors and project developers with Angolan opportunities. Cabinda Refinery’s sponsorship will not only open doors to discussions on financing downstream projects, but unlock new opportunities for financing by international institutions. With two additional refining facilities – namely, the 200,000 bpd Lobito Refinery and 150,000 bpd Soyo Refinery – seeking capital, AOG 2025 will facilitate engagement and deal-signing among industry stakeholders.  

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Energy Capital & Power.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: 12 June 2025 Departmental update WHO’s “Beat the Heat” initiative making strides to protect workers and event participants from extreme heat and related environmental hazards

    Source: World Health Organisation

    “Beat the Heat,” an initiative tackling extreme heat and environmental hazards in workplaces and major events, is making strides in turning recommendations into concrete solutions. Running from January 2025 to June 2026 it is the first phase of collaboration between WHO and FIFA under the World Cup 2022 Legacy Fund. The project aims to protect workers, attendees, and local communities from extreme heat and other environmental hazards, such as solar UV exposure, and outdoor air pollution and to provide adequate drinking water and sanitation. By focusing on workplaces, mega sports events, and mass gatherings, it will increase awareness and action to strengthen preparedness and response measures to safeguard health in high-risk settings.

    The WHO supports strengthening health and well-being through sports initiatives as support by the World Health Assembly resolution 77.12. Sport for Health Programme.

    “The Sport for Health Programme is a platform for integrating health into the world of sport, helping to ensure that major events and everyday sporting activities alike promote and protect health of all involved persons,” said Dr Gaudenz Silberschmidt, Director, Health and Multilateral Partnerships. “In the face of rising global temperatures, the Beat the Heat project is both timely and critically important—it provides practical solutions to safeguard workers, staff and spectators from extreme heat, while reinforcing the importance of climate-resilient and healthy sport environments.”

    With extreme heat now recognized as a critical public health issue, the initiative will mobilize global support with a focus on developing action plans to ensure workplaces and public spaces are equipped with heat response strategies.

    Heatwaves alone are projected to cause 1.6 million deaths by 2050, underscoring the urgent need for robust, evidence-based measures to protect high-risk groups. WHO data show that 99% of the global population breathe air that exceeds WHO guideline limits and contains pollutants responsible for 4.2 million premature deaths annually. Occupational hazards kill at least 3 million people each year and cause economic losses of up to 6% of global GDP.

    “The Beat the Heat initiative is about turning global guidance into real-world action,” said Dr Maria Neira, Director, Department of Environment, Climate Change and Health. “By supporting the rollout of protective guidance and tools, we’re helping to build safer, more resilient workplaces and safeguard the health of workers facing rising heat-related risks around the world.”

    According to the ILO, globally, 2.4 billion workers—or 70% of the global workforce—are exposed to excessive heat, resulting in more than 22 million non-fatal injuries annually. In 2022, an estimated 1.6 billion people worked outdoors. People working in and attending outdoor sports and mass gathering events are also at high risk of exposure to extreme heat, air pollution, and solar UV.

    “Protecting people during public health emergencies and mass gatherings must remain a top priority,” said Nedret Emiroglu, Director, Department of Health Emergency Core Capabilities, Emergency Preparedness and Response Programme, WHO. “Climate change is driving more frequent and intense heatwaves, worsening air quality and UV exposure, all of which heighten health risks. Through the Beat the Heat initiative, WHO supports countries and event organizers with tools, early warning systems, and protocols. From local festivals to international tournaments, preparedness and response measures are critical to reduce adverse health impacts and build resilience.”

    Given the significant impact of extreme heat on sports and mass gatherings, WHO is engaging with select countries to implement targeted collaboration. Work has already begun with the United Republic of Tanzania and other countries will join shortly. With their experience in hosting major events and their strong commitment to occupational and environmental health, these countries are well positioned to pilot and scale effective interventions to reduce heat-related risks.

    As the world continues to experience record-breaking temperatures, the initiative remains a cornerstone of WHO’s commitment to climate-related health response—ensuring long-term protection for those most at risk.

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Zimbabwe makes strides in reducing antimicrobial use in poultry with FAO support

    Zimbabwe is making significant progress in combating antimicrobial resistance (AMR) within its poultry sector, thanks to a collaborative effort between the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the Government of Zimbabwe. Through a Multi-Partner Trust Fund (MPTF) supported project and the Fleming Fund global project, the initiative has successfully reduced the overuse of antimicrobials in the broiler value chain by empowering farmers with sustainable and biosecure poultry production practices.

    Antimicrobial resistance poses a serious threat to global health, food security, and economic stability. The overuse of antimicrobials in livestock production contributes significantly to this problem, leading to the development of resistant bacteria that can spread to humans, making infections harder to treat.

    The project, implemented in eight districts – Bubi, Chegutu, Masvingo, Marondera, Murewa, Mutare, Mutasa, and Zvimba – employed the Farmer Field School (FFS) approach to promote improved husbandry practices. This hands-on, participatory method equips farmers with the knowledge and skills to enhance biosecurity, prevent diseases, and ultimately reduce their reliance on antimicrobials.

    Speaking at a recent project review meeting, Berhanu Bedane, FAO Livestock Development Officer, emphasized the project’s impact. “This initiative has demonstrated the value and impact of the One Health approach, where sectors across human and animal health collaborated to address the shared threat of antimicrobial resistance,” he stated. He highlighted that FAO’s focus was on delivering practical, evidence-based interventions directly to the animal health sector.

    The FFS model proved instrumental in achieving these goals. By providing farmers with tailored training and communication materials, the project fostered a deeper understanding of disease prevention and the importance of responsible use of antimicrobials. A baseline Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices (KAP) survey informed the development of these materials, ensuring they were relevant and effective.

    “The farmer field schools have been empowering poultry farmers through hands-on training in sustainable and biosecure poultry production,” Bedane explained. “This enhances poultry productivity while simultaneously reducing the use of antimicrobials through the reduction of infections, making our health more secure and sustainable.” He also noted similar initiatives in the dairy value chain aimed at understanding and reducing antimicrobial use through prudent biosecurity and animal health management systems.

    The Chief Director of the Department of Veterinary Services (DVS), Dr Pious Makaya echoed these sentiments, emphasizing the project’s alignment with Zimbabwe’s national development priorities, as outlined in the National Development Strategy 1 (NDS1) and the broader Vision 2030. “What we have heard today is in sync with the national development imperatives that we have,” he said.

    He specifically highlighted the project’s contribution to key national priorities such as health and well-being, food security, and food safety. “Our health would be enhanced and improved, and also the health of the animals as well, the health of the environment as well would also be improved,” he stated, adding that enhanced animal health improves livestock production and promotes food safety.

    The DVS Chief Director recognized the complexity of tackling AMR, describing it as a “wicked problem” requiring multifaceted solutions. “We cannot have one single solution. It is not a linear problem,” he emphasized, underscoring the importance of the multi-sectoral approach adopted by the MPTF and Fleming fund projects. He also stressed the need for continuous review and adaptation of strategies to keep pace with the evolving nature of AMR.

    Looking ahead, both FAO and the Government of Zimbabwe reaffirmed their commitment to maintaining momentum in the fight against AMR. Berhanu Bedane stated that FAO and its partners in the Quadripartite are fully committed to maintaining momentum. He also pointed towards consolidating the achievements realized and identifying clear pathways for continued collaboration in the implementation of Zimbabwe’s AMR National Action Plan 2.0. The country is also being considered for a phase two of the MPTF project.

    The success of this collaborative initiative demonstrates the power of partnerships and the effectiveness of empowering farmers with knowledge and tools to adopt sustainable practices. These achievements also contribute to broader global goals under the RENOFARM initiative (Reduce the Need for Antimicrobials on Farms), which promotes reduced antimicrobial reliance through strengthened biosecurity, preventive animal health strategies, and improved farming practices. By reducing the reliance on antimicrobials in livestock production, Zimbabwe is taking a crucial step toward safeguarding public health, promoting food security, and protecting the environment for future generations.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO): Regional Office for Africa.

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  • MIL-OSI Africa: Work underway to resolve challenges hampering economic growth 

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    Work underway to resolve challenges hampering economic growth 

    Government is maintaining a “razor sharp” focus on the resolution of challenges that are hampering the growth of the South African economy.

    This is according to Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshavheni who delivered the post-Cabinet media statement on Thursday.

    Earlier this month, Statistics South Africa (Stats SA) revealed that real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) had increased marginally by some 0.1% during the first quarter of 2025, following an increase of 0.4% in the previous quarter – showing sluggish performance.

    “Cabinet remains concerned about the decline in the manufacturing industry more so when government has prioritised boosting local manufacturing and thus Cabinet awaits the finalisation of the revised industrial policy.

    “Government understands the impact of the challenges within the freight and logistics [sector] that continues to impact the growth of the mining industry which also experienced a decline. We are maintaining razor sharp focus on the work of Operation Vulindlela Phase Two and [the] Government-Business Partnership in urgently resolving the logistics challenges that are hampering the economic growth of this country,” she said at the briefing held in Cape Town.

    The Minister added that Cabinet welcomes the National Assembly’s approval of the 2025 Fiscal Framework – known as the budget – that is geared at stepping up spending on infrastructure investment to R1 trillion over the medium term.

    In the same vein, Cabinet noted reports which have raised concern about Statistics South Africa’s (Stats SA) Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS) related to the informal sector.

    “The [QLFS] collects data on the labour market activities of individuals aged 15 years and older on a quarterly basis. Furthermore, Stats SA produces a comprehensive report every four years which includes a dedicated module for the survey of employers and self-employed. 

    “This survey aims to provide in-depth insights into the characteristics and operations of the informal sector businesses in South Africa. Cabinet has been discussing the option of either a quarterly or annual [survey]…however, Stats SA would require access to a business register of informal businesses which is currently absent.

    “We previously announced that Cabinet approved the National Business Licensing Policy which will enable a standardisation of licensing of informal businesses…over a period of time of its implementation, the Department of Small Business Development should be able to create a reliable register of informal businesses that will improve the ability of Stats SA to draw reliable data for the QLFS,” she said. – SAnews.gov.za

    NeoB

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  • MIL-OSI Africa: President Ramaphosa rallies Africa behind Green Hydrogen at inaugural Summit

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    President Ramaphosa rallies Africa behind Green Hydrogen at inaugural Summit

    President Cyril Ramaphosa has called on African countries to seize the opportunity presented by green hydrogen as a catalyst for industrial transformation, energy security, and inclusive economic growth across the continent.

    Delivering the keynote address at the inaugural Africa Green Hydrogen Summit at the Century City Conference Centre in Cape Town on Thursday, President Ramaphosa positioned the continent as a key player in the emerging global green hydrogen economy.

    “Our beloved continent Africa, the cradle of humanity, is uniquely positioned to become a major player in green hydrogen because it has abundant renewable resources manifested in high solar irradiance, strong winds and hydropower potential. 

    “The vast land our continent has lends itself to large-scale renewable energy projects. We are therefore perfectly placed to leverage the global shift towards cleaner energy sources for our collective advantage,” the President said. 

    WATCH | 

    Originally launched in 2022 as a South African initiative to articulate its national vision, the summit has now evolved into a continental platform to harness Africa’s green hydrogen potential. 

    Held under the theme: “Unlocking Africa’s Green Hydrogen Potential for Sustainable Growth”, this innovative summit convenes African energy ministers, policymakers, investors, developers, technology partners, and research institutions to shape the continent’s emerging green hydrogen sector.

    READ | Green hydrogen can ‘reposition’ Africa within global value chains

    New energy could spark million of jobs

    President Ramaphosa noted that over 52 large-scale projects have been announced across the continent, including South Africa’s Coega Green Ammonia project, the AMAN project in Mauritania and Project Nour in Morocco. 

    The target, as articulated through the Africa Green Hydrogen Alliance (AGHA), is to produce 30 to 60 million tons of green hydrogen annually by 2050. 

    It is estimated that this could create between two and four million new jobs in alliance member states by 2050.

    The Africa Green Hydrogen Alliance brings together a number of African nations, including Egypt, Kenya, Mauritania, Morocco, Namibia and South Africa. 

    “To make use of these opportunities, we need to establish appropriate policy and regulatory environments. We must continue to move as a continent to develop regional certification schemes, hydrogen corridors and green product export platforms. 

    “We commend the work of countries like Mauritania, which has taken early steps on certification. It will be critical that we learn from one another and converge on standards that work for Africa,” the President said. 

    The President acknowledged the critical need for regulatory certainty, robust certification systems, and market access, stressing that investment and offtake agreements would be key to unlocking Africa’s green hydrogen future.

    “We cannot close that gap with potential alone. We must match it with demand signals, regulatory certainty and project preparation support. We need to ensure that there is sufficient and growing demand. This includes building domestic demand in African countries,” the President said. 

    In this regard, the President noted that the launch of green hydrogen production for mobility in Sasolburg and policy enablers for domestic offtake are important foundational steps. 

    “As we explore these exciting opportunities, we must work to address the impediments to the growth of this industry,” he said. 

    President Ramaphosa also highlighted Germany’s continued support through the H2Global mechanism, which has allocated one of its bidding windows to Africa and praised ongoing bilateral cooperation with the EU on green hydrogen projects, including Sasol’s HySHiFT sustainable aviation fuel initiative.

    READ | Germany, South Africa collaborate on green hydrogen

    The H2Global mechanism is opening its second bidding window, with one of the four lots allocated to Africa. 

    “The African lot, which is funded by the German government, will guarantee offtake for successful projects on the continent. 

    “A Joint Declaration of Intent with the German government focuses on market access, offfake opportunities and value-additive benefits in the production of green steel and green fertiliser. We commend the German government for its commitment to African supply,” the President said. 

    At home, South Africa is accelerating efforts to localise hydrogen production and industrial use. The country has invested R1.49 billion in its Hydrogen South Africa programme, launched new wheeling regulations, and initiated pilot projects, such as green hydrogen mobility in Sasolburg, and advanced planning for the Coega project. 

    In addition, the South African Renewable Energy Masterplan has been launched to integrate renewable energy and hydrogen into broader industrial development goals.

    President Ramaphosa acknowledged the many challenges facing the sector, including high capital costs, global investment gaps, and stiff competition from fossil fuels but urged unity and urgency in building an African-led hydrogen economy.

    “Tempered by these realities, this summit must not only be a platform of ideas. It must be a platform of commitments. We must put the African voice at the centre of global energy rulemaking. We must be authors of our own future,” he said. 

    Africa Green Hydrogen Summit an important part of SA’s G20 vision

    South Africa, which currently chairs the G20, has chosen just energy transitions as a key theme for its presidency, placing green hydrogen at the heart of its climate resilience and industrialisation agenda.

    IN PICTURES | Green Hydrogen Summit

    “The Africa Green Hydrogen Summit is an important part of that vision. Hydrogen is a bridge to a new export industry for African countries. It is an enabler for Africa’s energy independence and climate resilience,” he said. 

    More importantly, the President framed green hydrogen as more than an energy source, describing it as an “anchor for industrial transformation and infrastructure investment”.

    “We are called upon to join hands to build this bridge together as Africans, as partners and as builders of a green, prosperous and inclusive future,” the President said. – SAnews.gov.za

    DikelediM

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: English Teachers Across Madagascar Receive International Training

    The U.S. Embassy in Madagascar is proud to launch the English Language Teacher Training program, which brings together over 100 teachers nationwide to strengthen the quality of instruction, introduce innovative teaching methods, and foster collaboration among educators.  Funded by the U.S. Department of State and implemented in partnership with the English Language Teachers Association (ELTA) of Madagascar, this two-day training — centered on the theme Empowering Teacher Educators through Innovative Teaching and Leadership — features a dynamic blend of hands-on workshops, focus group discussions, and expert-led presentations grounded in best practices in English language teaching.

    Participants will engage with leading experts from the U.S., Madagascar, and beyond — including U.S. English Language Specialists, the Regional English Language Officer, English Language Fellows from Southern Africa, and representatives from ELTA Africa, ELTA Madagascar, and the TESOL International Association.

    The U.S. Ambassador to Madagascar delivered a keynote address highlighting the vital role of English teachers in shaping future generations and emphasized the importance of quality education as a foundation for lasting growth and opportunity.

    This program builds on the U.S. Embassy’s longstanding commitment to advancing the professional development of English educators throughout Madagascar.  Since 2019, the U.S. Government has provided high-quality training and capacity-building opportunities to over 3,000 English educators nationwide — enhancing teaching methodologies, promoting student-centered learning, and expanding access to resources in schools, universities, and community-based learning spaces such as English clubs and teacher associations.

    The Embassy is also proud to support this milestone event as a continuation of its investment in English language education—most notably, the creation of ELTA Madagascar in July 2024.  The establishment of this national association of English teachers is a direct result of the Embassy’s sustained engagement, including a series of targeted professional development initiatives.  Through this training, the Embassy aims to sustain the momentum by helping ELTA Madagascar expand its membership, strengthen its presence in all regions of the country, and develop robust, teacher-led programming.

    Through continued collaboration with local education leaders and institutions, the U.S. Embassy remains dedicated to advancing excellence in English teaching—helping build a future where both teachers and students can thrive, connect, and unlock new opportunities.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of U.S. Embassy in Madagascar.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Angola’s Block 17 Partners Sign License Extension, Signaling Commitment to Increasing Offshore Production

    Energy major ExxonMobil, alongside partners TotalEnergies (operator), Equinor, Azule Energy and Sonangol – has signed a production sharing contract (PSC) extension for Block 17, situated offshore Angola. Securing the long-term future of one of the country’s most productive oil assets, the extension marks a major milestone in Angola’s efforts to sustain oil production above one million barrels per day.

    The African Energy Chamber (AEC) – serving as the voice of Africa’s energy sector – fully supports this extension as a vital move to unlock continued value from legacy assets and stimulate reinvestment in mature fields. By extending the license of mature assets, reinvesting in producing blocks and eyeing new opportunities offshore Angola, major operators stand to accelerate the country’s oil and gas growth while unlocking greater returns in deepwater basins.

    Block 17 is one of Angola’s most prolific and strategically important offshore assets. Home to world-class developments such as Dalia and CLOV, the block has been a cornerstone of Angola’s oil output for over two decades. The extension of the PSC ensures that existing infrastructure and expertise continue to generate value for Angola, reinforcing the significance of mature fields in driving production and attracting investment.

    The AEC sees this agreement as a clear commitment by ExxonMobil and its partners to maximizing existing resources while deploying advanced technologies to enhance recovery. Under the leadership of Katrina Fisher, Managing Director of ExxonMobil Angola, the company has demonstrated a forward-looking approach, aligning with national priorities to maintain and increase oil production. Projects like CLOV and Dalia highlight how mature assets, when paired with innovation and strategic investment, can remain competitive. Meanwhile, beyond Block 17, ExxonMobil’s work in the Namibe Basin, including frontier exploration across Blocks 30, 44 and 45, illustrates a dual-track strategy of sustaining mature fields while pursuing new discoveries. This balanced approach strengthens Angola’s upstream landscape and ensures resilience amid global energy transitions.

    As such, the AEC also applauds the collaborative nature of the PSC extension. TotalEnergies, as operator of Block 17, has built a legacy of operational excellence alongside ExxonMobil and other major stakeholders. Such cooperation between international oil companies and Angola’s government entities is essential for long-term sectoral growth and investment stability. Chevron’s recent signing of risk service contracts for ultra-deepwater Blocks 29 and 50 further underscores the sustained confidence global energy majors place in Angola’s hydrocarbon potential. These developments, combined with ExxonMobil’s Block 17 extension, signal a broader trend: mature fields are not in decline – they are being revitalized.

    “As ExxonMobil continues to lead on legacy asset optimization and frontier exploration, the AEC stands firmly in support of this agreement extension. It is a critical step in reinforcing Angola’s position as a top-tier African oil producer and ensuring continued economic benefit for its people,” states NJ Ayuk, Executive Chairman, AEC. “The AEC remains dedicated to championing policies and partnerships that enable energy independence, maximize resource value and foster inclusive development across the African continent.”

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of African Energy Chamber.

    MIL OSI Africa –