Source: International Criminal Court (video statements)
On 27 January 2025, ICC Prosecutor Karim A.A. Khan KC briefed the UN Security Council on the Situation in Darfur, Sudan, pursuant to Resolution 1593 (2005), live from New York.
Source: International Criminal Court (video statements)
On 27 January 2025, ICC Prosecutor Karim A.A. Khan KC briefed the UN Security Council on the Situation in Darfur, Sudan, pursuant to Resolution 1593 (2005), live from New York.
Source: United States Attorneys General 10
Following a four-day jury trial, Chad Lester, a former lieutenant at the Southern Regional Jail in Beaver, West Virginia, was found guilty yesterday of conspiracy, witness tampering, and giving false statements to the FBI. The charges arose out of a staff assault of an inmate named Quantez Burks, who later died from injuries he suffered during the assault. Seven correctional officers pleaded guilty in connection with the assault of Burks; several of those former officers testified against the defendant during the trial. The defendant faced charges related to his efforts to obstruct the investigation into the assault.
According to the evidence presented at trial, the defendant conspired with other officers at the Southern Regional Jail to tamper with witnesses to cover up the assault of Burks. The evidence showed the defendant directed a subordinate correctional officer to leave truthful information out of his report related to the circumstances of Burks’ death. The defendant directed another officer to include in his report false information about Burks. The defendant told a third officer that he would beat him if he discovered that the officer was providing information about the assault to investigators. Finally, the defendant provided false information relating to the assault of Burks to the FBI during an interview.
Lester is scheduled for sentencing on April 16 and faces a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence based on the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.
The FBI Pittsburgh Field Office, Charleston Resident Agency, investigated the case.
Deputy Chief Christine M. Siscaretti and Trial Attorney Tenette Smith of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division prosecuted the case in partnership with the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of West Virginia.
Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:
JEDDAH, Saudi Arabia, January 28, 2025/APO Group/ —
The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) (www.ITFC-IDB.org) is proud to continue its work on the Aid for Trade Initiative for Arab States (AfTIAS 2.0), a program designed to enhance the trade capacity and competitiveness of Arab states. Building on past achievements, AfTIAS 2.0 is focused on empowering small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to navigate global markets and expand intra-regional trade.
With an emphasis on policy reform and capacity building, AfTIAS 2.0 addresses the core challenges faced by businesses across the region, fostering economic development and facilitating trade.
The AfTIAS 2.0 program is implemented across 10 Arab countries, all of which are members of the League of Arab States. These countries are the primary beneficiaries of the program, which aims to promote economic integration and sustainable development through trade in the Arab region.
One of the flagship initiatives under AfTIAS 2.0 is the Jordan Export Launchpad, which aims to equip Jordanian SMEs with the skills and resources to access international markets. In partnership with the Trade Facilitation Office (TFO) Canada and the Jordan Enterprise Development Corporation (JEDCO), the 13-month program offered specialized training to help export-ready businesses succeed globally. The initiative reflects AfTIAS 2.0’s commitment to fostering economic growth and creating jobs across the Arab region by enhancing the export potential of local enterprises.
The program concluded with a graduation ceremony on October 28th, where 27 trainers received certifications. The event featured key figures, including JEDCO’s CEO, a representative from the Canadian Embassy, and TFO Canada’s Executive Director, who participated virtually.
Another successful project under AfTIAS 2.0 is the initiative by the Arab Academy for Science, Technology, and Maritime Transport. This project established a comprehensive mechanism and database to support the shipbuilding and repair industry in Arab countries, marking a major achievement in regional collaboration. It underscores the program’s strategic focus on developing key industries to drive economic integration across the Arab world.
Also, under AfTIAS 2.0, is Egypt’s Training is a STEP towards Exports (STEP) Project. The STEP project is a comprehensive program designed to equip Egyptian youth and SMEs with the necessary skills to successfully navigate the global export market. By providing targeted training in agricultural production and manufacturing, the program aims to enhance the competitiveness of the country’s exports and create new opportunities for economic growth. Through the program, participants will receive valuable guidance on accessing loans and funding to support their export endeavors.
In Algeria, the AfTIAS 2.0 program is working to strengthen the agri-food and beverage sector through a project focused on improving the business environment for SMEs and enhancing institutional support. This 16-month initiative, launched in collaboration with the Ministry of Trade, ALGEX, and the International Trade Centre (ITC), seeks to bolster Algeria’s export competitiveness and contribute to the country’s achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
“Through AfTIAS 2.0, we are dedicated to enhancing the trade capabilities of SMEs in the Arab region, thus driving economic growth and promoting sustainable development,” explained Eng. Hani Salem Sonbol, CEO of the International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC). “This program exemplifies our commitment to reducing economic disparities and fostering regional market integration.”
AfTIAS 2.0 continues to support a wide range of projects across the region, strengthening competitiveness, eliminating trade barriers, and fostering economic resilience. The program works in close partnership with key institutions, including the League of Arab States (LAS) and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), to ensure that capacity building, infrastructure development, and institutional strengthening remain central to its goals.
By fostering intra-regional trade and reducing reliance on imports, AfTIAS 2.0 addresses economic inequalities and promotes sustainable growth across the Arab world.
Source: International Atomic Energy Agency – IAEA
Ambassador Matilda Aku Alomatu Osei-Agyeman. (Photo: D. Calma/IAEA)
In a special meeting today the IAEA Board of Governors elected Ambassador Matilda Aku Alomatu Osei-Agyeman of Ghana as its Chairperson for 2025. She will complete the remainder of the term of office of her predecessor, Ambassador Philbert Abaka Johnson of Ghana, who was elected in September 2024. Ambassador Osei-Agyeman’s term commences today and will end in September 2025.
Ambassador Osei-Agyeman is the Permanent Representative of Ghana to the IAEA, the United Nations Offices and other international organizations in Vienna. A career diplomat with over 25 years of experience, she has held various positions in Ghana and abroad covering both bilateral and multilateral issues.
Prior to her appointment in Vienna, Ambassador Osei-Agyeman served as Minister Plenipotentiary and Deputy Ambassador in the Embassy of the Republic of Ghana to Italy from 2023 to 2024. She has also served in diplomatic postings in the United Kingdom, Malta, the United States of America and at Ghana’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations Office in Geneva, Switzerland.
Ambassador Osei-Agyeman has also held numerous posts in Ghana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration, including, most recently, serving as Director of the Europe Bureau from 2021 to 2023 and as the first Director of the Candidatures Portfolio in 2021, where she ensured effective advocacy resulting in Ghana’s election as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for 2022 and 2023.
Ambassador Osei-Agyeman holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in political science from the University of Ghana and a Master of Arts in international affairs from the Legon Centre for International Affairs & Diplomacy in Ghana. She has also participated in various courses on leadership and diplomacy.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Caroline Fowler, Starr Director of the Research and Academic Program, Clark Art Institute, and lecturer in Art History, Williams College
The so-called golden age of Dutch painting in the 1600s coincided with an economic boom that had a lot to do with the transatlantic slave trade. But how did the slave trade shape the art market in the Netherlands? And how is it reflected in the paintings of the time?
This is the subject of a new book called Slavery and the Invention of Dutch Art by art historian Caroline Fowler. We asked about her study.
The earliest paintings that would be called Dutch were predominantly religious. They were made for Christian devotion. In the 1500s, major divisions in the church led to a fragmentation of Christianity called the Reformation.
In this new religious climate, artists began to create new types of paintings, studying the world around them. They included landscapes, seascapes, still lifes, and interior scenes of their homes. Instead of working for the church, many painters began to work within an art market. There was a rising middle class that could afford to buy paintings.
Historically, this period in Dutch economic prosperity has been called the “golden age”. This is when many of the most famous Dutch painters worked, such as Rembrandt van Rijn and Johannes Vermeer.
Their work was made possible by a strong Dutch economy built on global trade networks. This included the transatlantic slave trade and the rise of the middle class. Although artists did not directly paint the transatlantic slave trade, in my book I argue that it is central to understanding the paintings produced in the 1600s as it made the economic market possible.
In turn, many of the types of painting that developed, like maritime scenes and interior scenes, are often obliquely or directly about international trade. The slave trade is a haunting presence in these images.
The new “middle class” consisted of economically prosperous merchants, artisans, lawyers and doctors. For many of the wealthiest merchants, their prosperity was fuelled by their investments in trade overseas. In land and plantations, and also commodities such as sugar, salt, mace and nutmeg.
Slavery was illegal within the boundaries of the Dutch Republic on the European continent. But it was widely practised within Dutch colonies around the world. Slavery was central to their trade overseas – from the inter-Asian slave network that made possible their domination in the export of nutmeg, to the use of enslaved labour on plantations in the Americas. It also contributed in less visible ways to Dutch economic prosperity, like the development of maritime insurance.
In the new school of painting, artists would sometimes travel to the Dutch colonies. For example, Frans Post travelled to Dutch Brazil and painted the sugar plantations and mills. Another artist named Maria Sibylla Merian went to Dutch Suriname, where she studied butterflies and plants on the Dutch sugar plantations.
Both depict landscapes and the natural world but don’t directly engage with the profound dehumanisation of slavery, and an economic system dependent on enslaved labour. But this doesn’t mean that it’s absent in their sanitised renditions.
Among the sources that I used to think about the presence of the transatlantic slave trade in a culture that did not overtly depict it were inventories of paintings and early museum collections. Often the language in these sources differed from the painting in important ways. They demonstrate how the violence of the system emerges in unexpected places.
One inventory that describes paintings by Frans Post, for example, also narrates the physical punishment meted out if the enslaved tried to run away from the Dutch sugar plantations. This isn’t depicted in the painting, but it is part of the inventory that travelled beside the painting.
These moments reveal the profound presence of this system within Dutch painting, and point to the ways in which artists negotiated making this structure invisible in their paintings although they were not able to completely erase its presence.
Historically, studies of the transatlantic slave trade in early modern painting (about 1400-1700) have looked at paintings that directly depict either enslaved or Black individuals.
One of the points of this book is that this limits our understanding of the transatlantic slave trade in Dutch painting. A focus on blackness, for example, precludes understanding how whiteness is constructed at the same time. It fails to recognise the ways in which artists sought to diminish the presence of the slave trade in their sanitised rendition of Dutch society.
One painting that I use to think about this is Rembrandt van Rijn’s very famous work called Syndics of the Draper’s Guild. It’s a group portrait of wealthy, white merchants gathered around a table looking at a book of fabric samples.
Although there aren’t enslaved or black individuals depicted, this painting would be impossible without the transatlantic slave trade. Cloth from the Netherlands was often exchanged for enslaved people in west Africa, for example.
In my book, I draw attention to these understudied histories to understand how certain assumptions around whiteness, privilege, and wealth developed in tandem with an emerging visual vocabulary around blackness and the transformation of individual lives into chattel property.
I hope that readers will think about how many of our ideas about freedom, the middle class, art markets, and economic prosperity began in the 17th-century Dutch Republic. As this book demonstrates, a central part of this narrative that has been overlooked was the transatlantic slave trade in building this fantasy.
This is in many ways an invention that traces back to the paintings of overt consumption and wealth produced in the Dutch Republic – like Vermeer’s interiors of Dutch homes.
Read more: How we proved a Rembrandt painting owned by the University of Pretoria was a fake
My aim with this book is to present not only a more complex view of Dutch painting but also a reconsideration of certain dogmas today around prosperity and the art market. The rise of our current financial system, art markets and visible celebration of landscapes, seascapes and interior scenes are all inseparable from the transformation of individual lives into property. We live with this legacy today in our systems built on racial, economic and gendered inequalities.
– Rereading Rembrandt: how the slave trade helped establish the golden age of Dutch painting
– https://theconversation.com/rereading-rembrandt-how-the-slave-trade-helped-establish-the-golden-age-of-dutch-painting-247918
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julius A. Amin, Professor of History, University of Dayton
What began in late 2016 as a peaceful protest by lawyers and teachers in Cameroon’s North West and South West regions quickly turned violent and developed into what’s become known as Cameroon’s anglophone crisis.
The protest was instigated by perceived marginalisation of Cameroon’s anglophone region, which makes up 20% of the nation’s 29 million people.
The conflict has resulted in immense destruction and casualties. Cameroon’s military responded to the protest with arrests and torture. Voices that called for complete secession of the anglophone regions from the Republic of Cameroon gained momentum.
They created a virtual Ambazonia Republic and an interim government in exile, and vowed to fight back. They formed a military wing, Ambazonia Self-Defence Force, which attacked and disrupted economic and social services in the region.
As of October 2024, over 1.8 million people have needed humanitarian assistance. Over 584,000 have been internally displaced. Over 73,000 have become refugees in next-door Nigeria. Over 6,500 have been killed.
Read more: Cameroon: how language plunged a country into deadly conflict with no end in sight
And the conflict still rages.
One possible avenue that could be pursued to end the impasse is mediation, with help from other countries. But the Cameroonian government has repeatedly rebuffed intervention from organisations such as the African Union, arguing that the conflict is an internal affair.
It also ended a government-sponsored mediation by the Swiss in 2022.
It is clear to me, as a historian who has studied Cameroon foreign policy for the past three decades, that Cameroon’s leadership will not look to external actors to help solve their crisis.
Founding leader Ahmadou Ahidjo, and later his successor Paul Biya, did not respond to external pressure to address issues. Cameroon’s diplomatic relations are based on respect of national sovereignty and nonintervention in each other’s internal affairs.
My research shows that the Cameroonian leadership rejects outside intervention on issues it regards as within its sovereignty and internal affairs.
Removing Cameroon from aid programmes such as the United States Agency for International Development programme and the African Growth and Opportunity Act has not deterred its leaders.
An understanding of this background is crucial in the search for solutions to the ongoing anglophone crisis.
In the 1960s, Ahidjo used brutal force against a nationalist organisation called the Maquisard. His presidency was characterised by murders, imprisonments and torture.
Political rivals were imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Biya, who served in Ahidjo’s government, learned that repressive measures work. As president, he used similar tactics against rivals and the opposition.
But the use of force as a response to the anglophone protest was a miscalculation. The Biya regime failed to see the crisis in its context of changing times, misunderstood the sources of the conflict, and misread the role of social media in protest activities in the 21st century.
The crisis originated from a series of grievances: poverty, unemployment, political and economic neglect of the anglophone region, failure to treat French and English as equal languages in the country, and disrespect and disregard of English-speaking Cameroonians.
At the beginning protesters were generally peaceful, but things changed in 2017. Biya stated that Cameroon was being hijacked by “terrorists masking as secessionists” and vowed to eliminate them.
To anglophone leaders it was a formal declaration of war, and the message spread quickly on social media. The Biya team did little to slow or stop its spread, and anglophones inside and outside the country accepted the message as fact. It mobilised the region. And few took the time to read the full text of his remarks.
The brutality of the war on both sides intensified. Everything had all happened so quickly, and most did not anticipate the intensity of the violence.
Read more: Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle
In its diplomatic relations, Cameroon has a long history of protecting what it sees as its own business.
One example was in 1992, after the US administration criticised Biya for electoral fraud. The Cameroon government fired back. Biya withdrew Cameroon’s ambassador from Washington DC, and informed the US ambassador that America should stay clear of Cameroon’s internal affairs.
In 2008, tension erupted again when Biya changed Cameroon’s constitution to eliminate presidential term limits. The US ambassador criticised the move in the Cameroonian press. Again, Cameroonian officials pushed back, asking the ambassador not to interfere in the nation’s internal politics.
America’s disposition towards the anglophone crisis has been one of non-interference. Other major powers have responded similarly, asking both sides to end the violence.
The Cameroon government has rebuffed initiatives from Switzerland and Canada, both friendly to the country, publicly stating it asked no nation to mediate.
The rejection of the Swiss initiative was surprising, given that Biya spends much time in that country. Unlike the Swiss plan, in which conversations began, the Canadian initiative did not even take off.
Measurable indicators show that the Biya regime is failing to end the anglophone crisis. The killings – including those of law enforcement officers – kidnaps, brutality and ransom demands are now normalised in the anglophone region, especially in rural areas.
Biya’s Grand National Dialogue and National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism have failed to address the sources of the crisis. Locals dismiss them as a joke.
People are exasperated by public service announcements about what the government has achieved. Their condition remains much worse than it was in the pre-crisis period.
Ordinary people are focused on bread-and-butter issues and the desire for dignity and respect. But they don’t see it.
Young Cameroonians need to see both anglophone and francophone residents at every level of government, on every rung of the business ladder, in every management position, at every school — even on every billboard advertisement.
Only such a widespread and visible approach can convincingly challenge Cameroon’s pattern of discrimination and exclusion.
The Biya regime must commit to doing that and not be distracted by supporters urging him to be a candidate in the upcoming presidential election.
It is important to track and bring to justice the apparent sponsors of the killings in the country. This must be done while government keeps its promises to make things right for those living in the anglophone regions.
Finally, given China’s investment in Cameroon, it can do more to engage the Biya regime on the anglophone crisis. Like Cameroon, China’s policy also stipulates a policy of nonintervention, but it has repeatedly changed course when its strategic interests are threatened.
Major power status demands major responsibilities, and showing the will to stop chronic human rights violations remains an important obligation.
– Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it
– https://theconversation.com/cameroon-could-do-with-some-foreign-help-to-solve-anglophone-crisis-but-the-state-doesnt-want-it-244770
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Gerrit Kurtz, Peace and Conflict Researcher, German Institute for International and Security Affairs
Intense fighting has ravaged Sudan since 15 April 2023. The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and its erstwhile comrades-in-arms, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, has created one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world. Famine, displacement and mass atrocities are wreaking havoc in the country.
International mediation efforts have been lacklustre and fruitless. The United Nations security council has been preoccupied with other crises and blocked by its own divisions. The African Union has created diplomatic groups, a high-level panel and a presidential committee, none of which has been particularly active. It has been very slow in tackling the political process it wanted to lead.
The US and Saudi Arabia convened several rounds of talks, first in Jeddah, then in Switzerland. The Sudanese Armed Forces delegation failed to turn up in Switzerland. The Rapid Support Forces expressed willingness to talk peace, while simultaneously committing sexual and gender-based violence on a massive scale. The Biden administration only lately slapped sanctions on the top leaders of both forces, Abdelfattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (also known as Hemedti).
I have studied civil wars, mediation and peacebuilding for more than 12 years, with a focus on Sudan, including regular visits to the country and the region in the past five years. Based on this experience I have identified five reasons why mediation has failed. These are: the resistance of the conflict parties based on the dynamic nature of the war; continued military and financial aid by their external sponsors; as well as mediation attempts that were too narrow, not viewed as impartial, and lacking in coherence.
Clearly, a new approach to mediation is needed, not simply a new mediator. Turkey has recently offered to lead talks between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the United Arab Emirates, the main backer of the Rapid Support Forces, but Egypt, Kenya and several multilateral organisations also keep looking for opportunities.
Any new initiative will have to have certain components if it’s going to succeed:
political parameters, ideally set by a parallel civilian political process, of what might come next for Sudan should guide mediators
negotiations should take place in secret so that trust can be established
back channel communications networks must be established with potential spoilers without ceding undue legitimacy to them
a gender- and youth-inclusive approach
more effective international coordination
consistent pressure on the conflict parties and their external backers.
Firstly, neither the Sudanese Armed Forces nor the Rapid Support Forces have shown significant willingness to stop hostilities.
The military fortunes of the two sides has waxed and waned. As long as either side feels successful militarily, they are unlikely to commit to sincere negotiations. Outright military victory leading to control of the whole territory (and its borders) remains out of reach for all.
Secondly, their respective allies have not shown any particular interest in peace.
External actors have provided military support to the warring parties, and helped finance them. The UAE is the main sponsor of the Rapid Support Forces. The Sudanese Armed Forces cooperates with Egypt, Eritrea, Iran and Russia, for arms deliveries and training. The UAE promised the US to stop supporting the Rapid Support Forces, but the arms flows continued.
Thirdly, some conflict management efforts were based on a flawed conflict analysis. There were attempts to organise a face-to-face meeting between Hemedti and Burhan, by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and the African Union. But the war is not primarily a contest of “two generals”. Neither Hemedti nor Burhan has full control of their forces. Nor is a renewed military government acceptable to large parts of Sudan’s vibrant civil society.
Fourth, mediation efforts suffered because some of the parties saw them as lacking impartiality. Sudanese Armed Forces leaders don’t trust Kenya, whose President William Ruto is closely aligned with the UAE and has, until recently, allowed the Rapid Support Forces to conduct meetings and a press conference in Nairobi. Kenya was supposed to lead the Intergovernmental Authority on Development quartet of mediators, which never really got off the ground. Similarly, Sudan remains suspended from the African Union.
Finally, there was a competition of mediation platforms, allowing the warring parties to shop for the most convenient forum for them.
International attention is currently focused on Turkish president Recep Erdogan, who has offered to mediate between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the UAE. The Sudanese Armed Forces has harshly criticised the UAE for its support to the Rapid Support Forces. The offer, then, is based on the assumption the UAE might actually cease that support.
Any new approach should differ from previous efforts.
But international mediators should grant the warring parties political recognition and legitimacy only in exchange for feasible concessions.
Negotiations should take place in secret, allowing confidential exchanges between declared enemies. This is particularly important for the Sudanese Armed Forces given the rivalry among its leadership.
Back channel communications should be established to all actors with real constituencies in Sudan, without empowering them unnecessarily. Turkey is well-placed to reach out to senior members of the previous (Bashir) regime who have found exile there. They control large parts of the fighting forces on the side of Sudanese Armed Forces and could prove to be a major spoiler. The armed groups in the so-called “joint forces” would also need to feel somewhat included.
Mediators should find ways to include a broad array of civilian actors, in particular women and youth groups. Instead of only targeting “men with guns”, a peace process should be gender-inclusive.
Any lead mediator should keep other interested parties such as the EU, the UK, Norway, and the other countries and organisations already mentioned, informed and engaged.
Pressure should be kept up by the US, UK and EU on external backers of the two main warring parties, and target both military and financial flows. Policies, including further targeted sanctions, should be as aligned as possible.
There’s no guarantee that the violence would cease even if these conditions were met. The main belligerents are likely to continue their current offensives. The Sudanese Armed Forces will try to oust the Rapid Support Forces from central Khartoum completely. The Rapid Support Forces will keep trying to take El Fasher, the only capital in Darfur not under their control.
The impending re-capture of Khartoum by the Sudanese Armed Forces may provide an opportunity for a new round of talks, if it comes with consistent international pressure. Mediators should be ready to push for an end to the fighting.
– Peace in Sudan: a fresh mediation effort is needed – how it could work
– https://theconversation.com/peace-in-sudan-a-fresh-mediation-effort-is-needed-how-it-could-work-248330
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julius A. Amin, Professor of History, University of Dayton
What began in late 2016 as a peaceful protest by lawyers and teachers in Cameroon’s North West and South West regions quickly turned violent and developed into what’s become known as Cameroon’s anglophone crisis.
The protest was instigated by perceived marginalisation of Cameroon’s anglophone region, which makes up 20% of the nation’s 29 million people.
The conflict has resulted in immense destruction and casualties. Cameroon’s military responded to the protest with arrests and torture. Voices that called for complete secession of the anglophone regions from the Republic of Cameroon gained momentum.
They created a virtual Ambazonia Republic and an interim government in exile, and vowed to fight back. They formed a military wing, Ambazonia Self-Defence Force, which attacked and disrupted economic and social services in the region.
As of October 2024, over 1.8 million people have needed humanitarian assistance. Over 584,000 have been internally displaced. Over 73,000 have become refugees in next-door Nigeria. Over 6,500 have been killed.
Read more:
Cameroon: how language plunged a country into deadly conflict with no end in sight
And the conflict still rages.
One possible avenue that could be pursued to end the impasse is mediation, with help from other countries. But the Cameroonian government has repeatedly rebuffed intervention from organisations such as the African Union, arguing that the conflict is an internal affair.
It also ended a government-sponsored mediation by the Swiss in 2022.
It is clear to me, as a historian who has studied Cameroon foreign policy for the past three decades, that Cameroon’s leadership will not look to external actors to help solve their crisis.
Founding leader Ahmadou Ahidjo, and later his successor Paul Biya, did not respond to external pressure to address issues. Cameroon’s diplomatic relations are based on respect of national sovereignty and nonintervention in each other’s internal affairs.
My research shows that the Cameroonian leadership rejects outside intervention on issues it regards as within its sovereignty and internal affairs.
Removing Cameroon from aid programmes such as the United States Agency for International Development programme and the African Growth and Opportunity Act has not deterred its leaders.
An understanding of this background is crucial in the search for solutions to the ongoing anglophone crisis.
In the 1960s, Ahidjo used brutal force against a nationalist organisation called the Maquisard. His presidency was characterised by murders, imprisonments and torture.
Political rivals were imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Biya, who served in Ahidjo’s government, learned that repressive measures work. As president, he used similar tactics against rivals and the opposition.
But the use of force as a response to the anglophone protest was a miscalculation. The Biya regime failed to see the crisis in its context of changing times, misunderstood the sources of the conflict, and misread the role of social media in protest activities in the 21st century.
The crisis originated from a series of grievances: poverty, unemployment, political and economic neglect of the anglophone region, failure to treat French and English as equal languages in the country, and disrespect and disregard of English-speaking Cameroonians.
At the beginning protesters were generally peaceful, but things changed in 2017. Biya stated that Cameroon was being hijacked by “terrorists masking as secessionists” and vowed to eliminate them.
To anglophone leaders it was a formal declaration of war, and the message spread quickly on social media. The Biya team did little to slow or stop its spread, and anglophones inside and outside the country accepted the message as fact. It mobilised the region. And few took the time to read the full text of his remarks.
The brutality of the war on both sides intensified. Everything had all happened so quickly, and most did not anticipate the intensity of the violence.
Read more:
Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle
In its diplomatic relations, Cameroon has a long history of protecting what it sees as its own business.
One example was in 1992, after the US administration criticised Biya for electoral fraud. The Cameroon government fired back. Biya withdrew Cameroon’s ambassador from Washington DC, and informed the US ambassador that America should stay clear of Cameroon’s internal affairs.
In 2008, tension erupted again when Biya changed Cameroon’s constitution to eliminate presidential term limits. The US ambassador criticised the move in the Cameroonian press. Again, Cameroonian officials pushed back, asking the ambassador not to interfere in the nation’s internal politics.
America’s disposition towards the anglophone crisis has been one of non-interference. Other major powers have responded similarly, asking both sides to end the violence.
The Cameroon government has rebuffed initiatives from Switzerland and Canada, both friendly to the country, publicly stating it asked no nation to mediate.
The rejection of the Swiss initiative was surprising, given that Biya spends much time in that country. Unlike the Swiss plan, in which conversations began, the Canadian initiative did not even take off.
Measurable indicators show that the Biya regime is failing to end the anglophone crisis. The killings – including those of law enforcement officers – kidnaps, brutality and ransom demands are now normalised in the anglophone region, especially in rural areas.
Biya’s Grand National Dialogue and National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism have failed to address the sources of the crisis. Locals dismiss them as a joke.
People are exasperated by public service announcements about what the government has achieved. Their condition remains much worse than it was in the pre-crisis period.
Ordinary people are focused on bread-and-butter issues and the desire for dignity and respect. But they don’t see it.
Young Cameroonians need to see both anglophone and francophone residents at every level of government, on every rung of the business ladder, in every management position, at every school — even on every billboard advertisement.
Only such a widespread and visible approach can convincingly challenge Cameroon’s pattern of discrimination and exclusion.
The Biya regime must commit to doing that and not be distracted by supporters urging him to be a candidate in the upcoming presidential election.
It is important to track and bring to justice the apparent sponsors of the killings in the country. This must be done while government keeps its promises to make things right for those living in the anglophone regions.
Finally, given China’s investment in Cameroon, it can do more to engage the Biya regime on the anglophone crisis. Like Cameroon, China’s policy also stipulates a policy of nonintervention, but it has repeatedly changed course when its strategic interests are threatened.
Major power status demands major responsibilities, and showing the will to stop chronic human rights violations remains an important obligation.
Julius A. Amin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it – https://theconversation.com/cameroon-could-do-with-some-foreign-help-to-solve-anglophone-crisis-but-the-state-doesnt-want-it-244770
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Gerrit Kurtz, Peace and Conflict Researcher, German Institute for International and Security Affairs
Intense fighting has ravaged Sudan since 15 April 2023. The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and its erstwhile comrades-in-arms, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, has created one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world. Famine, displacement and mass atrocities are wreaking havoc in the country.
International mediation efforts have been lacklustre and fruitless. The United Nations security council has been preoccupied with other crises and blocked by its own divisions. The African Union has created diplomatic groups, a high-level panel and a presidential committee, none of which has been particularly active. It has been very slow in tackling the political process it wanted to lead.
The US and Saudi Arabia convened several rounds of talks, first in Jeddah, then in Switzerland. The Sudanese Armed Forces delegation failed to turn up in Switzerland. The Rapid Support Forces expressed willingness to talk peace, while simultaneously committing sexual and gender-based violence on a massive scale. The Biden administration only lately slapped sanctions on the top leaders of both forces, Abdelfattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (also known as Hemedti).
I have studied civil wars, mediation and peacebuilding for more than 12 years, with a focus on Sudan, including regular visits to the country and the region in the past five years. Based on this experience I have identified five reasons why mediation has failed. These are: the resistance of the conflict parties based on the dynamic nature of the war; continued military and financial aid by their external sponsors; as well as mediation attempts that were too narrow, not viewed as impartial, and lacking in coherence.
Clearly, a new approach to mediation is needed, not simply a new mediator. Turkey has recently offered to lead talks between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the United Arab Emirates, the main backer of the Rapid Support Forces, but Egypt, Kenya and several multilateral organisations also keep looking for opportunities.
Any new initiative will have to have certain components if it’s going to succeed:
political parameters, ideally set by a parallel civilian political process, of what might come next for Sudan should guide mediators
negotiations should take place in secret so that trust can be established
back channel communications networks must be established with potential spoilers without ceding undue legitimacy to them
a gender- and youth-inclusive approach
more effective international coordination
consistent pressure on the conflict parties and their external backers.
Firstly, neither the Sudanese Armed Forces nor the Rapid Support Forces have shown significant willingness to stop hostilities.
The military fortunes of the two sides has waxed and waned. As long as either side feels successful militarily, they are unlikely to commit to sincere negotiations. Outright military victory leading to control of the whole territory (and its borders) remains out of reach for all.
Secondly, their respective allies have not shown any particular interest in peace.
External actors have provided military support to the warring parties, and helped finance them. The UAE is the main sponsor of the Rapid Support Forces. The Sudanese Armed Forces cooperates with Egypt, Eritrea, Iran and Russia, for arms deliveries and training. The UAE promised the US to stop supporting the Rapid Support Forces, but the arms flows continued.
Thirdly, some conflict management efforts were based on a flawed conflict analysis. There were attempts to organise a face-to-face meeting between Hemedti and Burhan, by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and the African Union. But the war is not primarily a contest of “two generals”. Neither Hemedti nor Burhan has full control of their forces. Nor is a renewed military government acceptable to large parts of Sudan’s vibrant civil society.
Fourth, mediation efforts suffered because some of the parties saw them as lacking impartiality. Sudanese Armed Forces leaders don’t trust Kenya, whose President William Ruto is closely aligned with the UAE and has, until recently, allowed the Rapid Support Forces to conduct meetings and a press conference in Nairobi. Kenya was supposed to lead the Intergovernmental Authority on Development quartet of mediators, which never really got off the ground. Similarly, Sudan remains suspended from the African Union.
Finally, there was a competition of mediation platforms, allowing the warring parties to shop for the most convenient forum for them.
International attention is currently focused on Turkish president Recep Erdogan, who has offered to mediate between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the UAE. The Sudanese Armed Forces has harshly criticised the UAE for its support to the Rapid Support Forces. The offer, then, is based on the assumption the UAE might actually cease that support.
Any new approach should differ from previous efforts.
But international mediators should grant the warring parties political recognition and legitimacy only in exchange for feasible concessions.
Negotiations should take place in secret, allowing confidential exchanges between declared enemies. This is particularly important for the Sudanese Armed Forces given the rivalry among its leadership.
Back channel communications should be established to all actors with real constituencies in Sudan, without empowering them unnecessarily. Turkey is well-placed to reach out to senior members of the previous (Bashir) regime who have found exile there. They control large parts of the fighting forces on the side of Sudanese Armed Forces and could prove to be a major spoiler. The armed groups in the so-called “joint forces” would also need to feel somewhat included.
Mediators should find ways to include a broad array of civilian actors, in particular women and youth groups. Instead of only targeting “men with guns”, a peace process should be gender-inclusive.
Any lead mediator should keep other interested parties such as the EU, the UK, Norway, and the other countries and organisations already mentioned, informed and engaged.
Pressure should be kept up by the US, UK and EU on external backers of the two main warring parties, and target both military and financial flows. Policies, including further targeted sanctions, should be as aligned as possible.
There’s no guarantee that the violence would cease even if these conditions were met. The main belligerents are likely to continue their current offensives. The Sudanese Armed Forces will try to oust the Rapid Support Forces from central Khartoum completely. The Rapid Support Forces will keep trying to take El Fasher, the only capital in Darfur not under their control.
The impending re-capture of Khartoum by the Sudanese Armed Forces may provide an opportunity for a new round of talks, if it comes with consistent international pressure. Mediators should be ready to push for an end to the fighting.
Gerrit Kurtz is also a non-resident fellow with the Global Public Policy Institute and a member of the Forum New Security Policy of the Heinrich Böll Foundation.
– ref. Peace in Sudan: a fresh mediation effort is needed – how it could work – https://theconversation.com/peace-in-sudan-a-fresh-mediation-effort-is-needed-how-it-could-work-248330
Source: United Nations 4
As fighting intensifies between the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel group and Congolese forces, UN chief of Peace Operations Jean-Pierre Lacroix underscored the critical state of the battle for eastern DRC’s regional capital Goma, describing the crisis as “volatile and dangerous”.
Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:
PARIS, France, January 28, 2025/APO Group/ —
The Africa-Paris Declaration, forged during the 2024 Invest in African Energy (IAE) Forum in Paris, was a pivotal moment in Africa’s quest for sustainable energy solutions. Aimed at strengthening the continent’s energy transition while addressing the urgent issue of energy poverty, the declaration set ambitious targets for expanding access to clean, affordable and reliable energy. With the 2025 edition of the forum approaching, now is the time to reflect on the progress made since the Africa-Paris Declaration and assess how these initiatives are shaping Africa’s energy future.
Increased Engagement in Africa
In the months following the declaration, international investors, development banks and private equity firms have shown a steadfast interest in the African energy market. A key milestone was the launch of the Africa Energy Bank by the African Export-Import Bank and APPO, marking the creation of a first-of-its-kind institution designed to fund and facilitate energy initiatives across the continent. Several final investment decisions were successfully closed, including Shell’s $5.5 billion Bonga North deepwater project. Additionally, strategic partnerships, including new PSCs signed by Panoro Energy in Equatorial Guinea and BW Energy in Gabon, highlight how international collaborations are accelerating energy development and creating new opportunities for exploration and production. This increased engagement is key to addressing the financing gap that has long hindered the growth of Africa’s energy sector.
Natural gas continues to play a central role in Africa’s energy strategy as a transitional fuel. The Africa-Paris Declaration underscored its importance as a bridge between traditional energy sources and renewable energy. Over the past year, significant strides have been made in natural gas exploration and LNG exports. Notable developments include Senegal’s Greater Tortue Ahmeyim LNG reaching its first gas production, the Republic of Congo’s first LNG exports to Italy from the Congo LNG project, Nigeria’s UTM FLNG receiving its construction license, and Angola’s Sanha Lean Gas Connection project achieving first gas, among others. These initiatives are not only crucial for advancing Africa’s energy transition, but also serve as powerful drivers of economic growth by creating jobs and advancing infrastructure development.
Meanwhile, countries like South Africa, Egypt and Morocco are at the forefront of wind and solar energy development, with momentum expected to build as they meet renewable energy targets and explore new growth opportunities. These investments are driving a shift toward cleaner, more sustainable energy in Africa, though challenges remain. High costs of renewable technologies and insufficient grid infrastructure continue to hinder expansion, underscoring the need for more investment in off-grid and mini-grid solutions.
Investment Gaps Persist
Despite these advancements, Africa still faces significant investment challenges. The financing gap for large-scale energy projects remains substantial and while the private sector has become more engaged, many projects still struggle to secure the necessary capital. In particular, the cost of financing remains high due to the perceived risks associated with energy investments in Africa. This is where continued efforts to de-risk investments and foster public-private partnerships are critical to unlocking the continent’s full energy potential. Institutional capacity continues to be a challenge for many African countries. While progress has been made in improving regulatory frameworks, there is still a need for clearer policies, streamlined permitting processes and better enforcement of regulations. Governments must continue to strengthen their institutions to effectively implement energy projects and create an enabling environment for both local and international investors.
With the IAE 2025 forum just months away, industry stakeholders have an opportunity to reflect on the progress made since the Africa-Paris Declaration and determine next steps for the continent’s energy future. The forum serves as a platform for government officials, industry leaders and financial institutions to renew commitments, share success stories and address ongoing challenges. While the road to universal energy access and a sustainable energy future is long, the declaration has set the framework for a collective effort that can lead to meaningful change. With the right investments, regulatory frameworks and political will, Africa can emerge as a global leader in energy innovation and sustainability.
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
Statement by Ambassador James Kariuki, UK Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN, at the UN Security Council meeting on UNRWA.
I want to offer my condolences again to all UN and humanitarian staff who have been killed in this conflict, including 273 members of your team, Philippe.
President, after 15 months of conflict, we now stand at a rare moment of hope for Palestinians and Israelis. Thanks to the tireless efforts of the United States, Qatar and Egypt we have a ceasefire deal that has seen seven hostages returned, reunited with their families and an end to the violence in Gaza that has claimed so many Palestinian lives.
We cannot and must not forget the suffering that has brought us to this moment. Lives brutally cut short by Hamas. Men, women and children abducted from their families – many of whom are still being held while their loved ones suffer in anguish.
This conflict has also seen over 47,000 Palestinians killed. At least 35,000 children are thought to have lost one or both parents. And an estimated 20% of the population has been left with lifelong disabilities.
The levels of destruction in Gaza are beyond belief.
We must turn the page on this cycle of violence. I want to highlight key actions to support this.
It is vital that we now see the release of all remaining hostages, and a sustained ceasefire to allow us to move from phase one of the agreement through to further phases. Only then can we achieve a lasting peace.
We welcome reports that there has been an increase in humanitarian aid into Gaza. This needs to be sustained and complemented by much-needed supplies of commercial goods.
To support this vital effort, my Minister for Development has today announced a further $21 million in funding to ensure healthcare, food and shelter reaches tens of thousands of civilians and to support vital infrastructure across the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
However, the implementation of Knesset legislation on UNRWA risks upending this humanitarian response as well as threatening the fragile and hard-won gains made through the ceasefire deal.
The vital work of UNRWA in ensuring that Palestinians have access to education and healthcare must also be protected in Gaza as well as the West Bank and East Jerusalem. These represent the most fundamental of human rights.
For this reason, the United Kingdom urges Israel, once again, to ensure that UNRWA can continue its lifesaving operations and provision of essential services across the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
We call on Israel to work urgently with international partners, including the UN, so there is no disruption to this vital work. Israel is obligated under international law to facilitate humanitarian assistance by all means at their disposal. We stand ready to work alongside Israel, the UN and our partners to assist.
We also call on UNRWA to continue to deliver their commitment to neutrality. Implementation of reforms to strengthen their neutrality remains critical. We welcome UNRWA’s commitment to fully investigate any allegations against their employees and the continued implementation of the Colonna Report’s recommendations. We have earmarked over $1.2 million of our funding to UNRWA to support their implementation.
President, the UK will play our full part in the coming days and weeks to seize the opportunity of this ceasefire for a better future. To ensure it leads to a credible pathway towards a two-state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side in peace.
Thank you.
Published 28 January 2025
Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council
Following are UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed’s remarks to the panel on “Policies and Reforms for Transforming African Energy” at the Mission 300 Africa Energy Summit, in Dar es Salaam today:
I want to start by thanking the Government of Tanzania and the African Union for its leadership, and the World Bank, the African Development Bank and the Mission 300 partners for convening this summit.
Mission 300 has undertaken an enormous task: to help close the energy access gap and unlock sustainable development across the continent by delivering electricity to 300 million Africans by 2030. As we have heard, we face a stark reality: 685 million people across the continent still lack access to electricity, with the gap widening as population growth outpaces new electricity connections.
And yet, Africa is richly endowed with natural resources vital for renewable energy technologies: it is home to 60 per cent of the world’s best solar resources and possesses vast wind, hydro and geothermal potential. And critical minerals mined in Africa are powering the renewables revolution around the world.
Despite this abundance, and record global investments in renewable energies worldwide, Africa continues to be left behind and many Africans continue to lack access to clean, affordable energy. This injustice must be urgently resolved. Access to electricity is an essential development requirement, one that can also be the multiplier for acceleration in building a sustainable future for all.
Providing clean energy to local communities represents a unique opportunity to improve health, widen access to education and social protection, make food systems resilient and create green jobs, e-commerce and financial services, while at the same time protecting the environment and biodiversity.
We have heard our distinguished speakers discuss why companies and Governments should get involved. The business case is clear: the falling costs of renewables and storage offer a great opportunity to deliver access to energy, energy security and sovereignty and climate resilience.
With the new African Continental Free Trade Area, aiming at a trade zone without barriers to the transfer of goods and services, the business opportunities will further multiply if the right policy environments — coherent and predictable — are put in place.
As we move into discussing what policies and reforms for transforming African energy can enable millions to access energy, I would like to focus on three areas of urgent attention for policymakers.
First, fostering policy coherence. We are five years away from the target of our SDGs [Sustainable Development Goals], and we are not on track. Policymakers and the international institutions need to strive to ensure sector-wide plans are coherent and aligned with the achievement of the SDGs due in 2030, while investors need robust regulatory laws in place to ensure business can operate aligned with them.
At this Summit, Mission 300 target countries are presenting their first national energy strategies for achieving universal energy access. These strategies need to be part of a broader plan, one that — while achieving universal energy access — needs to be aligned with the new economy-wide national climate action plans, or NDCs, consistent with 1.5°C, well before COP 30 [the 2025 United Nations Climate Change Conference] in November.
NDCs represent a unique opportunity for all countries to align their new climate plans and energy strategies, together with addressing adaptation needs. NDCs must coordinate the transition from fossil fuels with scaling of renewables and grid modernization and expansion, ensuring energy security and affordability. And they must be anchored in justice — providing support for affected workers and communities.
If done right, climate plans align with national development priorities and double as investment plans — becoming blueprints for a more sustainable and prosperous future. The Secretary-General’s panel on critical energy transition minerals offers important principles and actionable recommendations to ensure this new era does not repeat historical patterns of exploitation. SEforALL [Sustainable Energy for All], UN Resident Coordinators and country teams will continue to support country-level policy reforms, integrate stakeholder innovations, build institutional capacities and boost infrastructure investments across the entire clean-energy supply chain.
Second, mobilizing finance and support. While private-sector investments and innovation are important, public financing remains vital — especially in modernizing grid infrastructure to expand access and integrate renewables. Blending concessional public funds with commercial funds can help multiply renewable-energy investments in developing countries. We must work to strengthen the health of Africa’s public finances and tackle unsustainable debt burdens that are crowding out essential public investments.
The fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, that will take place in July to underpin the needs for long-term concessional finance, and the 1.3 trillion roadmap, agreed in Baku, that needs to be delivered by COP 30 in Brazil, must provide investments to scale up, among others, the energy transition.
Third, enhancing transparent international cooperation. International investments and cross-border partnerships hold the key to delivering electricity projects at a massive scale. Institutions must be strengthened to operate in complex regulatory environments, with multiple actors across jurisdictions.
Public-private partnerships need to be subject to stable and transparent public procurement rules throughout the whole project cycle — rules that prioritize long-term sustainability and allow for mutually beneficial contractual relationships. Transparency and accountability should be a hallmark of Mission 300 and set a new standard for cooperation across the continent.
As we start the five-year countdown to delivering on the Sustainable Development Goals, and mark the ten-year anniversary of the Paris Agreement, let us work together to illuminate the lives of millions, power the industries of tomorrow and ensure that no one is left behind in the race to deliver universal clean energy, climate resilience and economic prosperity.
Source: United Nations – English
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Happy Lunar New Year.
I am pleased to send my warmest wishes to everyone celebrating Lunar New Year – and this Year of the Snake.
The snake symbolizes wisdom, resilience, and renewal.
In these trying times, let us be guided by these qualities and renew our commitment to peace, equality, and justice.
Let us embrace this time of new beginnings with hope and determination to create a better future for all.
May the Year of the Snake bring good health, happiness, prosperity, and new beginnings.
Thank you.
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
Statement at Egypt’s Periodic Review at the Human Rights Council in Geneva. Delivered by the UK’s Permanent Representative to the UK, Simon Manley.
Thank you, Mr President.
The United Kingdom recognises Egypt’s progress, including the 2021 National Human Rights Strategy.
The arbitrary detention of journalists, activists and human rights defenders remains deeply concerning. The continued detention of Alaa Abd El-Fattah, detained for spreading false news, who has now served his five-year sentence including pre-trial detention, is unacceptable.
We recommend that Egypt:
Releases Human Rights Defender Alaa Abd El-Fattah,
Releases all detainees held for exercising their right to freedom of expression and lifts restrictions on news and social media websites in line with the ICCPR.
Ensures the new Criminal Procedures Code guarantees fair trial standards, and ends the practice of ‘rotating’ detainees in pre-trial detention,
Published 28 January 2025
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
The Foreign Secretary made a statement to the House of Commons on the situation in Sudan and Eastern DRC on 28 January.
With permission, Madam Deputy Speaker, I will make a statement on the situation in Sudan and eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The latest conflict in Sudan has now lasted twenty-one months.
This weekend, the Rapid Support Forces attacked the last functional hospital in the besieged city of El-Fasher, in Darfur.
The World Health Organisation assess some seventy patients and their families were killed.
This attack is far from isolated.
In recent weeks, the RSF shelled the ZamZam camp, where displaced people are trapped outside El-Fasher.
While there are widespread reports of extrajudicial killings by militias aligned to the Sudanese armed forces in Wad Medani.
The Government condemns these attacks in the strongest possible terms.
They show a callous disregard for international humanitarian law and innocent Sudanese civilians.
Exact figures for those killed and displaced in Sudan are hard to come by.
But we know aid is being blocked from reaching those in need.
And this is without a shadow of a doubt one of the biggest humanitarian catastrophes of our lifetimes.
I saw this for myself, Madam Deputy Speaker, last week in Adré, on the Chad-Sudan border.
This was the first ever Foreign Secretary to visit Chad.
I felt it was my duty to confront the true horror of what is unfolding.
To bear witness.
And raise up the voices of those suffering, mainly women, so horrendously.
88 per cent of the refugees at Adré are women and children.
I met nurses in a clinic, fighting to save the lives of starving children.
I met a woman who showed me her scars.
She had been burned.
She had been beaten.
She had been raped.
Turning to DRC, conflict there has gripped the east for over thirty years.
An M23 rebel offensive at the start of this year had already seized Masisi and Minova.
This weekend saw them enter Goma, the region’s major city, which M23 last occupied in 2012.
Brave UN peacekeepers from South Africa, Malawi and Uruguay have tragically been killed.
And with hundreds of thousands having already fled M23 to Goma, there is potential for a further humanitarian catastrophe.
I have not yet travelled as Foreign Secretary to meet those fleeing Eastern DRC
But the reports speak for themselves.
This is one of the most dangerous places in the world to be a woman or girl with children as young as nine reportedly attacked and mutilated by machete-wielding militias.
Around a quarter of DRC’s population are facing acute food insecurity.
And frequent bombardment of the makeshift camps which shelter those who have fled their homes.
I regret to say, Madam Deputy Speaker, that Foreign Secretaries updating the House on conflicts in Africa is something of a rarity.
As I discussed yesterday with African Ambassadors and High Commissioners, the surge of conflict globally includes the number in Africa almost doubling in the past decade.
This is causing untold damage and holding back economic growth – the bedrock of our future partnership with African countries.
But where is the outrage?
Again and again in Adré, I was asked:
What is the world doing to help us?
The truth is, if we were witnessing the horrors of El-Fasher and Goma on any other continent, or, for that matter, seeing the extremist violence in the Sahel and Somalia anywhere else in the world, there would be far more attention across the Western world.
Indeed, one recent survey of armed conflict in 2024 contained spotlights on Europe, Eurasia, Asia and the Americas, but none on Africa.
There should be no hierarchy of conflicts, but there is one.
Every human life is of equal worth.
The impact of these wars, Madam Deputy Speaker, is clear for all to see.
You only have to be willing to look.
I could not see atrocities such as these, and shrug my shoulders.
However, the House will also understand the UK’s national interest in addressing these conflicts.
Irregular migration from Sudan to Britain alone increased by 16% last year.
Unscrupulous smuggling gangs are looking to profit from the misery in places such as Sudan and DRC.
And the longer these wars last, the greater their ripple effects.
Neighbours like Chad and many others are working hard to manage this crisis alongside others nearby.
But further escalation only increases instability and the risks of conflict elsewhere.
With Sudan sitting along the major trade routes of the Red Sea and eastern DRC one of the most resource-rich regions in the world.
This is something we cannot tolerate.
This Government therefore refuses to let these conflicts be forgotten.
Working with Sierra Leone, the UK prepared a UN Security Council Resolution on Sudan to address the humanitarian catastrophe.
Shockingly, despite support from every other member, including China, Russia wielded their veto.
But Russian cynicism will not deter us.
We will continue to use our Security Council seat to shine a light on what is happening and work with our African partners on broader UN reform.
We have also doubled UK aid, supporting over one million displaced people.
I saw our impact at the Adré crossing, and announced a further twenty million pounds to support food production and sexual and reproductive services.
The UK is the third largest humanitarian donor on the crisis, having offered almost 250 million pounds in support this financial year.
We have been redoubling our diplomatic efforts as well.
In the spring, I am looking to gather Ministers in the UK to galvanise international support for peace.
We need to see three things.
First, the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces committing a permanent ceasefire and protection of civilians.
Second, unrestricted humanitarian access into and within Sudan, and a permanent UN presence.
And finally, an international commitment to a sustained and meaningful political process.
Instead of new and even more deadly weapons entering the conflict, we want to see consistent calls for all political parties to unite behind a common vision of a peaceful Sudan.
We will engage with all those willing to work on bringing the conflict to an end.
On DRC, the UK, has also reacted quickly to the current crisis, we now advise British Nationals not to the Rubavu district in Western Rwanda on the border with Goma.
And we are continuing our humanitarian assistance , having provided 62 million pounds this financial year.
This enables lifesaving assistance such as clean drinking water, treatment for malnourished children, and support for victims of sexual violence.
Ultimately however, we need a political solution.
We know that M23 rebels could not have taken Goma without material support from Rwandan Defence Forces.
My Noble Friend, Lord Collins of Highbury, and I have been urging all sides to engage in good faith in African-led processes.
Lord Collins spoke to the Rwandan and Angolan Foreign Ministers last week.
And in the last few days, I have spoken to both Rwandan President Kagame and South African Foreign Minister Lamola.
For all the complexities of such a long-running conflict, we must find a way to stop the killing.
Madam Deputy Speaker, civilians in Sudan and eastern DRC must feel so powerless.
Power seems gripped by those waging war around them.
The Government, our partners, cannot simply will a ceasefire into being.
But this is not a licence for inaction.
As we have seen in Gaza, it can take hundreds of days of diplomatic failure to reach even the most fragile of ceasefires.
So for our part, Madam Deputy Speaker, the UK will keep doing all in our power to get the world focused on these conflicts.
And, somehow, to bring them to an end.
I comment this statement to the House.
Published 28 January 2025
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Yolaine Frossard de Saugy, PhD Candidate, International Relations, McGill University
In early January, Côte d’Ivoire announced that French troops would be withdrawing from the country and the military base of Port-Bouët would be handed over to Côte d’Ivoire’s army. The announcement is part of a seismic shift in France’s decades-long presence across francophone Africa.
It is the latest echo of a larger trend that’s seen French troops withdraw or be expelled from its former sphere of influence, losing diplomatic and military weight in countries France had formerly colonized. Since 2022, Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Niger, Senegal, and now Côte d’Ivoire, have terminated defence agreements with France.
This may present an opportunity for a long overdue assertion of sovereignty by the region’s countries. However, an ongoing threat from terror groups and the eagerness of other entities to step in could instead lead to more instability and a reinforcement of authoritarianism or regime fragmentation.
Following the wave of independence in the 1960s, France entered in an array of agreements with its former colonies. These helped ensure France’s continued influence in Western Africa and its international standing.
In addition to close political and economic ties, which included currency control by France and support to friendly leaders, this also involved the largest permanent military presence by a former colonial power, with troops stationed at various times in Cameroon, Gabon, Senegal, Burkina Faso, the Central African Republic, Djibouti, Chad, Niger, Mali and Côte d’Ivoire, as well as military assistance to others.
This large military presence has long been controversial. Historically, France was involved in a number of covert or overt military operations with dubious ends, including deadly interventions in Cameroon in the 1960s and support for the Rwandan government during the 1994 genocide.
More recently, it was criticized for backing of authoritarian regimes and leaders and an inadequate approach to anti-terrorism, including through the Serval and Barkhane missions in Mali and the broader Sahel region — the vast semi-arid region of Africa separating the Sahara Desert to the north and tropical savannahs to the south — between 2012 and 2022.
Criticism has also been leveraged at the neocolonial intent of France’s policy, especially in the wake of comments such as President Emmanuel Macron’s remark that African countries were not sufficiently grateful for France’s interventions, which many decried as insensitive to the historical context and implications of France’s role.
Change was therefore long overdue, and over the past three years, a number of developments have seemed to show that France’s star was waning.
A surge of anti-French sentiment spread across the Sahel and beyond. A series of coups in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso put in power military leaders who were eager to shake off French presence, leading to the departure of French forces from bases there.
Leaving Côte d’Ivoire’s Port-Bouët was done in a more orderly fashion, and France presented it as part of a voluntary reorganization of its presence.
Still, it is hard not to read this withdrawal as part of a wider reckoning with the failure of past policies and a rising desire of African leaders to reclaim sovereignty. This was indeed voiced out loud in the cases of Burkina Faso, Chad and Senegal, where a symbolic repudiation of French heritage is also taking place through the changing of street names.
This moment could provide an opportunity for West African states to shake off the remnants of the power imbalance that characterized France’s presence, and reshuffle the cards of military and diplomatic co-operation. This could lead to an era of more equal partnerships and responsiveness to popular aspirations.
There are signs that such moves are taking place in the economic area, with Mali, for instance, asserting its sovereignty on resource extraction.
However, the security situation in the Sahel has continued to deteriorate since the French withdrawal. New partners of Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali and Niger — such as the new iterations of the Wagner group, a Russian mercenary corps used as a proxy by the Russian government to widen its influence — have failed to protect civilians or undermine insurgencies.
In some cases, they have even been accused of taking part in the violence. The military juntas in power have delayed promised democratic transitions, and sometimes turned to the scapegoating of minorities as a litmus test of their anti-western credentials instead.
This situation is therefore more likely to lead to further instability, especially as Russia is consolidating its involvement in the Sahel, China seeks to make further inroads in the region to strengthen its stance as the alternative to western support, and new nations such as Turkey and even Ukraine are seeking to widen their influence and reach.
Read more:
Ukrainian special operations abroad are part of its broader war effort against Russia
Governments in countries like Chad seem to be turning to multiple new partners for support in maintaining security. This could help them conclude fairer agreements, but it also heightens the risk of regime fragmentation and internal violence if competing forces vie for influence.
Sudan’s civil war, fuelled by the support of external countries =like Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, offers a cautionary tale of what is at risk when multiple new entities seek access or export their rivalries to the continent.
The political landscape across West Africa is rapidly changing. France seeks new partners outside of its traditional area but sees its influence diminishing across the board. The potential for a more isolationist United States under President Donald Trump is likely to leave a power vacuum in many parts of the world, further opening the door to new forces drawn to Africa’s natural resources and geostrategic importance.
These trends provide African countries with an opportunity to change longstanding patterns. However, they also come with heightened risks, especially in an emerging multipolar world order where mid-level powers, rising major powers and reconstituting great powers seek opportunities to assert their influence.
The only potential counterbalance to these dangers is strong regional co-ordination between West African states.
Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso have left the historical regional grouping ECOWAS, whose effectiveness had been hampered by its historical dependence on western funding. They have, however, formed their own alliance and there are now talks of expanding co-operation with neighbours, including Togo and Ghana.
Whether this can at last provide truly African solutions to the continent’s challenges and offset the centrifugal forces already at play remains to be seen.
Yolaine Frossard de Saugy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. France’s military withdrawal presents opportunities and risks to West African states – https://theconversation.com/frances-military-withdrawal-presents-opportunities-and-risks-to-west-african-states-248098
Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:
BRAZZAVILLE, Congo (Republic of the), January 28, 2025/APO Group/ —
Angolan logistics provider Sonils has joined the upcoming Congo Energy & Investment Forum (CEIF) 2025 – taking place in Brazzaville from March 24-26 – as a Champion Sponsor. The inaugural CEIF conference will convene industry leaders, policymakers and stakeholders to explore investment opportunities and advancements within the Republic of Congo’s burgeoning energy sector.
Sonils, which serves as the integrated logistics and services arm of Angola’s state-owned Sonangol, supports the country’s primary onshore oil and gas supply bases. The company provides support to Angola’s oil and gas industry through the provision of facilities and areas allocated for the management of the country’s offshore operations.
The inaugural Congo Energy & Investment Forum, set for March 24-26, 2025, in Brazzaville, under the patronage of President Denis Sassou Nguesso and supported by the Ministry of Hydrocarbons and Société Nationale des Pétroles du Congo, will bring together international investors and local stakeholders to explore national and regional energy and infrastructure opportunities. The event will explore the latest gas-to-power projects and provide updates on ongoing expansions across the country.
Sonils has a history of supporting regional oil production through services related to cargo handling, engineering and the development of specialized oil and gas facilities. By leveraging its established infrastructure and industry knowledge, the company is well-positioned to play a pivotal role in supporting the Congo’s energy sector growth.
Having exported its first LNG cargo in February 2024 and with aims to double its crude oil production within the next three years, the Congo is well-positioned to leverage Sonils’ expertise in logistics and infrastructure development. The company’s experience in managing large-scale logistics operations can assist the Congo in efficiently handling increased production volumes and expanding its export capabilities.
Source: World Food Programme
Photo: WFP/Photolibrary. WFP distribution point operated at the Nusierat camp by WFP’s partner, Global Communities.
GAZA/CAIRO – The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) reached more than 330,000 people in Gaza with food assistance in the first week of the ceasefire, providing food parcels, hot meals and cash assistance to war-weary families.
“The first week has brought hope, but it is still early days. We must keep up this momentum,” said Antoine Renard, WFP Country Director in Palestine. “And with so many people on the move now, keen to reach their homes and reunite with their families in the north, we need to make sure they have food wherever they are. WFP’s priority is to ensure assistance follows the people.”
Here are the latest updates on WFP operations in Gaza:
WFP has brought 10,130 metric tons of food into Gaza since the ceasefire. Food entered Gaza through all available corridors from Jordan, Israel and Egypt.
Download photos here
Download video footage here
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The United Nations World Food Programme is the world’s largest humanitarian organization saving lives in emergencies and using food assistance to build a pathway to peace, stability and prosperity for people recovering from conflict, disasters and the impact of climate change.
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Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
Development Minister Anneliese Dodds gave an oral statement to the House of Commons on the ceasefire agreement in Gaza and effect on humanitarian aid.
With permission, I will update the House on the ceasefire agreement in Gaza and detail our latest efforts to get aid to those in desperate need.
Madam Deputy Speaker, this is a fragile ceasefire – but it brings much-needed hope for the Israeli and Palestinian people.
The agreement to end the fighting and release the hostages is what this Labour government has been pressing for from the moment we came to office.
I thank Qatar, Egypt and the US for their tireless efforts, and echo the Prime Minister in wishing Emily Damari and the other former hostages well as they begin to recover from their horrific ordeals.
We continue to call, Madam Deputy Speaker, for their immediate release of all those still waiting to be reunited with their loved ones, including the remaining hostages with links to the UK.
Madam Deputy Speaker, civilians in Gaza have endured suffering that defies belief, and this deal brings hope that they can start to rebuild their lives.
In the days since the guns were silenced, Israel has opened up mechanisms to surge in aid.
The UN and aid organisations have been working tirelessly to deliver the humanitarian aims of the ceasefire agreement.
After so much time waiting at the border – delays I saw for myself in December – trucks are now streaming in.
Partners on the ground report that more than 200,000 food parcels have been dispatched to more than 130 distribution points since the ceasefire.
This government has been at the forefront of the humanitarian effort in Gaza since we came to office.
Overturning the suspension of funding to UNRWA and then boosting our support. Supporting UK-Med field hospitals to help the injured. Working with Egypt to support those Medevac-ed out of Gaza and providing vital resources to UNICEF and the World Food Programme.
Today, I am pleased to announce that the UK is investing in the ceasefire.
UK support will be distributed to the UN and key medical partners, so that tens of thousands of civilians get the healthcare, food and shelter they need.
That support will amount to £17 million from the UK to get more aid into Gaza and restore services. The figure also includes £2 million for the World Bank to support the construction and restoration of critical water and energy infrastructure.
The UK has already helped around 284,000 people in Gaza to access water, sanitation and hygiene services.
Today’s uplift brings our commitment for the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Palestinian refugees in the region to £129 million this financial year.
I am also pleased to announce to the House that this morning, Jordanian air force helicopters started landing in Gaza with UK-funded medical supplies and logistical support from UK armed forces.
I thank Jordan for their excellent commitment to getting aid in, in such challenging circumstances. We will continue to support our Jordanian partners in this initiative.
But more action is needed.
The air bridge to Gaza is no substitute for road routes, which must remain open.
We also call on Israel to allow more essential items like tents, mattresses and medical equipment in.
As people start to move home, basic services need to be put back in place, and unexploded bombs and mines cleared.
Without this, even more lives will be lost.
And of course, the UN and humanitarian agencies must be able to operate freely.
This Government has repeatedly stated the need for UNRWA to continue its lifesaving assistance to the people of Gaza, Jerusalem and the West Bank.
The Knesset legislation taking effect on the 30th of January risks impeding the progress made since the ceasefire. Israel must allow the agency to continue to operate.
The legislation does not and cannot change the fact that Israel has a responsibility under international law to facilitate humanitarian assistance.
As the UN Security Council heard last week, a million Gazan children need support to process their traumatic experiences – their suffering cannot be underestimated.
And around fifteen and a half thousand patients need medical evacuation, according to the World Health Organisation. Routes must be opened for them to get this treatment.
Madam Deputy Speaker, the UK and wider international community stand ready to support Palestinians as they begin to rebuild their lives, their homes and their communities.
We are under no illusions concerning the scale of the challenge ahead.
The overwhelming majority of homes in Gaza are damaged or destroyed. The economy has collapsed. And basic services, including energy and water, have been knocked out.
So, we are working with partners to urgently find ways to
best finance and support recovery and reconstruction efforts.
It is essential that the coming surge of assistance is properly coordinated, and with the access and security to reach those in need.
The Palestinian Authority has a crucial role to play and we are providing technical and financial assistance to the Authority, including to support the urgent recovery of basic services.
Madam Deputy Speaker, the UK has always been clear that this ceasefire is just the first step. We must build confidence on all sides to help sustain it, progress through all its phases and turn it into a lasting peace that assures the security of Israelis and Palestinians alike.
The UK will focus all of our efforts on keeping up the momentum, using every diplomatic channel available.
As you will know, Madam Deputy Speaker, the Foreign Secretary and the Minister for the Middle East kept up the drumbeat of engagement during their visits to Egypt and the United Nations last week.
We will keep up the pace until every hostage is released, aid reaches all those in need, and Palestinians are able to rebuild their homes and their lives.
I commend this statement to the House.
Published 28 January 2025
Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:
JEDDAH, Saudi Arabia, January 28, 2025/APO Group/ —
The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) (www.ITFC-IDB.org), member of the Islamic Development Bank Group (IsDB), unveiled its new Environmental and Social (ES) policy. This policy reinforces ITFC’s commitment to embedding sustainable practices across its trade finance operations, recognizing the essential role trade finance and trade development can play in mitigating climate change and promoting social equity.
ITFC’s member countries are among the most vulnerable to climate change, social challenges, and economic inequality. This ongoing climate crisis requires urgent action. With trade being responsible for 20-30% of global CO₂ emissions, ITFC is aligning its operations with international frameworks such as the Paris Agreement and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to make trading greener in its markets of operations. By championing responsible and inclusive trade finance, ITFC aims to reduce its carbon footprint while supporting its member countries in achieving sustainable economic growth.
This new ES policy is focused on 5 key areas:
Sustainable and Inclusive Trade Finance. ITFC aims to increase its share of financing in goods and services that promote sustainability. By prioritizing sectors that strengthen resilience, such as sustainable agriculture, financial inclusion, and eco-friendly supply chains, ITFC is contributing to sustainable and inclusive growth in our member countries.
Empowering for Sustainable Impact. Through capacity-building programs and technical assistance, ITFC will help businesses and governments reduce climate risks, advance social inclusion, and access green financing opportunities.
Innovative Treasury Solutions. ITFC is dedicated to increasing investment in Shariah-compliant sustainable financial instruments, including exploring the issuance of green Sukuk to bolster climate-resilient trade and development for ITFC member countries.
Credible Assessment and Disclosure. ITFC is committed to adopting best practices to embed environmental and social considerations in its transactions and projects. We aim to transparently disclose our ES performance, adhering to international best practices, promote accountability and build trust with our stakeholders.
On this note, Eng. Hani Salem Sonbol, CEO ITFC stated: “Our work in some of the world’s most climate-vulnerable regions have given us firsthand insight into the reality of climate change. From rural landscapes to urban centers, we are witnessing the effects of an accelerating environmental shift and as we remain true to our commitment to powering sustainable growth, it has become imperative for the Corporation to fully streamline and operationalize its new direction towards sustainability and climate change.”
ITFC’s new environmental and social policy reflects its vision to foster economic growth that is both inclusive and sustainable, setting a new standard for trade finance institutions globally. ITFC remains committed to fostering intra-OIC trade, enhancing member countries’ capacities to adopt green energy solutions.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Joanne M. Pierce, Professor Emerita of Religious Studies, College of the Holy Cross
Episcopal Bishop Mariann Edgar Budde’s sermon on Jan. 21, 2025, in which she appealed to President Donald Trump to have mercy toward groups frightened by his position on immigrants and LGBTQ+ people – especially children – drew reactions from both sides of the aisle.
In a post on his social networking site, Truth Social, Trump called her comments “nasty in tone” and remarked that she “brought her church into the World of politics in a very ungracious way.”
“She and her church owe the public an apology!,” he posted. Several conservatives criticized her sermon, while many progressives saw her as “speaking truth to power.”
As a specialist in medieval Christianity, I was not surprised by the bishop’s words, as I know that Christian history is full of examples of people who have spoken out, unafraid to risk official censure, or even death.
Even in the early centuries of Christianity, followers of Jesus Christ’s teachings could be outspoken toward political leaders.
For example, in the first-century Gospels, John the Baptist, a contemporary of Jesus, confronts the ruler of Galilee, Herod Antipas, for marrying his brother’s wife – a practice forbidden in the Hebrew scriptures. For that, John the Baptist was ultimately beheaded.
In a prayer later called the Magnificat, Mary, the mother of Jesus, praises the glory and power of God who casts down the mighty and raises the lowly. In recent interpretations, these words have been understood as a call for those in authority to act more justly.
In the late fourth century – a time when Christianity had been made the official religion of the Roman Empire – a respected civil official named Ambrose became bishop of the imperial city of Milan in northern Italy. He became well known for his preaching and theological treatises.
However, after imperial troops massacred innocent civilians in the Greek city of Thessaloniki, Ambrose reproached Emperor Theodosius and refused to admit him to church for worship until he did public penance for their deaths.
Ambrose’s writings on scripture and heresy, as well as his hymns, had a profound influence on Western Christian theology; since his death, he has been venerated as a saint.
In the early sixth century, the Christian Roman senator and philosopher Boethius served as an official in the Roman court of the Germanic king of Italy, Theodoric. A respected figure for his learning and personal integrity, Boethius was imprisoned on false charges after defending others from accusations by corrupt court officials acting out of greed or ambition.
During his time in prison, he wrote a philosophical volume about the nature of what is true good – “On the Consolation of Philosophy” – that is studied even today. Boethius, who was executed in 524, is venerated as a saint and martyr in parts of Italy.
One of the most famous examples of a medieval bishop speaking truth to power is that of Thomas Becket, former chancellor – that is, senior minister – of England in the 12th century. On becoming archbishop of Canterbury, Becket resigned his secular office and opposed the efforts of King Henry II to bring the church under royal control.
After living in exile in France for a time, Becket returned to England and was assassinated by some of Henry’s knights. The king later did public penance for this at Becket’s tomb in Canterbury. Soon after, Becket was canonized a saint.
Another influential saint was the 14th-century Italian mystic and writer Catherine of Siena. Because of the increasing power of the kings of France, the popes had moved their residence and offices from Rome to Avignon, on the French border. They remained there for most of the century, even though this Avignon papacy increased tensions in western Europee.
Many Christian clerics and secular rulers in western Europe believed that the popes needed to return to Rome, to distance papal authority from French influence. Catherine herself even traveled to Avignon and stayed there for months, writing letters urging Pope Gregory XI to return to Rome and restore peace to Italy and the church – a goal the pope finally fulfilled in 1377.
The Reformation era of the 16th and early 17th centuries led to the splitting of Western Christianity into several different denominations. However, many Christian leaders across denominations continued to raise their voices for justice.
One important and ongoing voice is that of the Religious Society of Friends, or Quakers. Early leaders, like Margaret Fell and George Fox, wrote letters to King Charles II of England in the mid-17th century, defending their beliefs, including pacifism, in the face of persecution.
In the 18th century, based on their belief in the equality of all human beings, Quaker leaders spoke in favor of the abolition of slavery in both the United Kingdom and the United States.
In fact, it was Bayard Rustin, a Black Quaker, who coined the phrase “to speak truth to power” in the mid-20th century. He adhered to the Quaker commitment to nonviolence in social activism and was active for decades in the American Civil Rights Movement. During the Montgomery bus boycott in the mid-1950s, he met and began working with Martin Luther King Jr., who was an ordained Baptist minister.
In Germany, leaders from various Christian denominations have also united to speak truth to power. During the rise of the Nazis in the 1930s, several pastors and theologians joined forces to resist the influence of Nazi doctrine over German Protestant churches.
Their statement, the Barmen Declaration, emphasized that Christians were answerable to God, not the state. These leaders – the Confessing Church – continued to resist Nazi attempts to create a German Church.
Christians on other continents, too, continued this vocal tradition. Óscar Romero, the Roman Catholic archbishop of San Salvador, preached radio sermons criticizing the government and army for violence and oppression of the poor in El Salvador during a national civil war. As a result, he was assassinated while celebrating Mass in 1980. Romero was canonized a saint by Pope Francis in 2018.
In South Africa, the Anglican bishop Desmond Tutu, archbishop of Cape Town, spent much of his active ministry condemning the violence of apartheid in his native country. After the end of the apartheid regime, Tutu also served as chair of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which was established to investigate acts of violence committed both by government forces and violent activists. Before his death in 2021, Tutu continued to speak out against other international acts of oppression. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984.
For some, Bishop Budde’s words might seem radical, rude, inappropriate or offensive. But she did not speak in isolation; she is surrounded by a cloud of witnesses in the Christian tradition of speaking truth to power.
Joanne M. Pierce does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. In asking Trump to show mercy, Bishop Budde continues a long tradition of Christian leaders ‘speaking truth to power’ – https://theconversation.com/in-asking-trump-to-show-mercy-bishop-budde-continues-a-long-tradition-of-christian-leaders-speaking-truth-to-power-248209
Source: United Nations secretary general
Your Excellency Mr. Doto Biteko, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Energy of the United Republic of Tanzani], Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I want to start by thanking the Government of Tanzania and the African Union for its leadership; and the World Bank, the African Development Bank, and the Mission 300 partners for convening this Summit.
Mission 300’s has undertaken an enormous task: to help close the energy access gap and unlock sustainable development across the continent by delivering electricity to 300 million Africans by 2030.
As we have heard, we face a stark reality: 685 million people across the continent still lack access to electricity, with the gap widening as population growth outpaces new electricity connections.
And yet, Africa is richly endowed with natural resources vital for renewable energy technologies: it is home to 60 per cent of the world’s best solar resources and possesses vast wind, hydro, and geothermal potential.
And critical minerals mined in Africa are powering the renewables revolution around the world.
Despite this abundance, and record global investments in renewable energies worldwide, Africa continues to be left behind and many Africans continue to lack access to clean, affordable energy.
This injustice must be urgently resolved.
Access to electricity is an essential development requirement, one that can also be the multiplier for acceleration in building a sustainable future for all
Providing clean energy to local communities, represents a unique opportunity to improve health, widen access to education and social protection, make food systems resilient, create green jobs and e-commerce and financial services while at the same time protecting the environment and the biodiversity.
We have heard our distinguished speakers discuss why companies and governments should get involved.
The business case is clear: the falling costs of renewables and storage offer a great opportunity to deliver access to energy, energy security and sovereignty, and climate resilience.
With the new African Continental Free Trade Area , aiming at a trade zone without barriers to the transfer of goods and services, the business opportunities will further multiply if the right policy environments, coherent and predictable, are put in place.
As we move into discussing what policies and reforms for transforming African Energy can enable millions to access to energy, I would like to focus on three areas of urgent attention for policy makers:
First, fostering policy coherence.
We are 5 years away from the target of our SDGs. And we are not on track.
Policy makers and the international institutions need to strive to ensure sector wide plans are coherent and aligned with the achievement of the SDGs due in 2030, while investors need robust regulatory laws in place to ensure business can operate aligned with them.
At this Summit, Mission 300 target countries are presenting their first national energy strategies for achieving universal energy access. These strategies need to be part of a broader plan, one that while achieving universal energy access need to be aligned with the new economy-wide national climate action plans – or NDCs – consistent with 1.5 degrees, well before COP 30 in November.
NDCs represent a unique opportunity for all countries to align their new climate plans and energy strategies, together with addressing adaptation needs.
NDCs must coordinate the transition from fossil fuels with scaling of renewables and grid modernization and expansion, ensuring energy security and affordability.
And they must be anchored in justice – providing support for affected workers and communities.
If done right, climate plans align with national development priorities and double as investment plans – becoming blueprints for a more sustainable and prosperous future.
Excellencies,
The Secretary-General’s panel on Critical Energy Transition Minerals offers important Principles and Actionable Recommendations to ensure this new era does not repeat historical patterns of exploitation.
SE4ALL, UN Resident Coordinators and Country Teams will continue to support country level policy reforms, integrate stakeholder innovations, build institutional capacities, and boost infrastructure investments across the entire clean energy supply chain.
Second, mobilizing finance and support.
While private sector investments and innovation are important, public financing, remains vital – especially in modernizing grid infrastructure to expand access and integrate renewables.
Blending concessional public funds with commercial funds can help multiply renewable energy investments in developing countries.
We must work to strengthen the health of Africa’s public finances, and tackle unsustainable debt burdens that are crowding out essential public investments.
The fourth conference on Finance for Development that will take place in July to underpin the needs for long-term concessional finance and the 1.3 trillion roadmap, agreed in Baku, that needs to be delivered by COP 30 in Brazil must provide investments to scale up, among others, the energy transition.
Third, enhancing transparent international cooperation.
International investments and cross-border partnerships hold the key to delivering electricity projects at a massive scale.
Institutions must be strengthened to operate in complex regulatory environments, with multiple actors across jurisdictions.
Public private partnerships need to be subject to stable and transparent public procurement rules throughout the whole project cycle, rules that prioritize long term sustainability and allow for mutually beneficial contractual relationships.
Transparency and accountability should be a hallmark of Mission 300, and set a new standard for cooperation across the continent.
Excellencies,
As we start the 5-year countdown to delivering on the Sustainable Development Goals, and mark the tenth-year anniversary of the Paris Agreement, let us work together to illuminate the lives of millions, power the industries of tomorrow, and ensure that no one is left behind in the race to deliver universal clean energy, climate resilience, and economic prosperity.
Thank you.
Source: United Nations 4
Latest reports from Goma in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from UN teams on the ground indicate a fast-deteriorating situation on Tuesday amid an ongoing assault by M23 rebels on the provincial capital.
Dead bodies lie in the streets, hospitals are overwhelmed and there has been an uptick in reports of sexual violence, rape and looting.
“Roads are blocked, ports are closed and those crossing Lake Kivu risk their lives in makeshift boats,” said Shelley Thakral, spokesperson for the UN World Food Programme (WFP) – one of many UN agencies on the ground striving to provide assistance and protection wherever possible. “I spoke just moments ago to an activist In Goma and he told me, ‘We’re here, we’re hiding. We don’t know who will come to help us.’”
The UN aid coordination office, OCHA, echoed the humanitarian community’s deep concerns about the spiralling violence across the resource-rich region that has uprooted some 300,000 people from camps around Goma in a matter of days.
“Our colleagues in the DRC report heavy, small arms fire and mortar fire across the city and the presence of many dead bodies in the streets,” said OCHA spokesperson Jens Laerke. “We have reports of rapes committed by fighters, looting of property, including of a humanitarian warehouse and humanitarian and health facilities being hit.”
The emergency has left hospitals in Goma reportedly overwhelmed by the influx of wounded people, electricity and water supplies “compromised” and internet services cut off on Monday. “Goma is still offline this morning,” Mr. Laerke told journalists in Geneva.
The development came amid urgent calls from the international community including the Security Council in New York, where ambassadors on Tuesday demanded an immediate halt to the M23 rebel offensive and called for the group to withdraw from territories it has seized.
The ambassadors reiterated their support for the UN peacekeeping force in the DR Congo, MONUSCO, and paid tribute to blue helmets who have lost their lives from South Africa, Malawi and Uruguay in recent days.
The Council also condemned the presence of “external forces” in eastern DRC – amid reports Rwandan troops are heavily involved in the offensive – and called for all parties to adhere to the ceasefire and return to diplomatic talks.
Before the latest escalation in violence in eastern DRC’s Kivus, some 5.1 million people had already been displaced by years of insecurity in the mineral-rich region and forced to live in overcrowded camps with little food and no security.
UN agencies and partners continue to monitor the highly unstable situation which has forced WFP to temporarily pause food assistance activities in around Goma. “The airport and major access roads within the region have been cut off…Depending on the duration of violence, the supply of food into the city could be severely hampered,” said WFP’s Ms. Thakral.
“This is a huge test for Congolese trapped by fighting in Goma and surrounding areas…the next 24 hours will be critical as people start to run low on supplies and will need to see what they can find to survive.”
The highly mobile nature of the emergency has prompted additional fears that existing diseases may spread quickly among uprooted populations, although preventive measures were taken before the latest escalation, the UN World Health Organization (WHO) said.
For the moment the immediate concern is to help victims of the violence.
“There are currently hundreds of people in hospital, most admitted with gunshot and shrapnel wounds, with secondary infections becoming a health risk,” said Dr Adelheid Marschang, Emergency Response Coordinator for the DRC.
She noted that before Goma airport closed on Saturday, WHO had sent critical medical supplies for trauma and emergency care, infection prevention, cholera and more.
The UN agency’s response to the crisis has also included providing tents for hospitals to cope with the increasing number of injured. It has medical hubs in North and South Kivu, in the cities of Goma and Bukavu to support health care needs in eastern DRC.
Last year the provinces of North and South Kivu reported high numbers of cholera, measles and malaria cases and deaths, Dr. Marschang said, warning of a “heightened risk for spillover of cholera” into neighbouring countries and provinces.
The area was also the epicentre of an outbreak of a new strain of mpox, declared a public health emergency of international concern in August 2024. Dr. Marschang warned that the new wave of displacement will make it increasingly hard to track and treat the disease.
Amid the lethal violence, hospitals and health workers themselves are in danger, the WHO official said, with “reports of health workers being shot at and patients including babies being caught in crossfire”.
“Attacks on healthcare violate the rules of war. Healthcare must be protected at all times,” she insisted.
WHO and other UN agencies and partners said that they are especially worried about the increasing risk to women and girls from violence, including rape.
“Pregnant women are at risk, with very high maternal death rates, even before the violence escalated,” WHO said.
“Sadly, hospitals and health workers are in danger. We are hearing reports of health workers being shot at, and patients, including babies, being caught in the crossfire. WHO reminds everyone that attacks on healthcare violate the rules of war. Health care must be protected at all times.”
Echoing those concerns, WFP’s Ms. Thakral reported that mobile teams and mobile clinics are at work amid reports that women had been raped multiple times while searching for firewood or after leaving the perimeter of their camp.
Other reports indicated “an increase in rape along the pathways that some of the conflict partners are now taking into South Kivu,” she said, underscoring the agency’s efforts “to have some solutions to follow the populations as they move”.
Source: Office of United States Attorneys
CHARLESTON, W.Va. – United States Attorney Will Thompson is holding a press conference today, Tuesday, January 28, 2025, at 10 a.m. following the federal jury trial of Chad Lester, the final former West Virginia correctional officer convicted in connection with a fatal March 1, 2022, assault of an inmate and subsequent cover-up.
WHAT: Post-trial press conference
WHEN: Tuesday, January 28, 2025, at 10 a.m.
WHERE: Robert C. Byrd U.S. Courthouse, Charleston, Fourth Floor, Suite 4000
A copy of this press release is located on the website of the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of West Virginia.
###
Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:
CAPE TOWN, South Africa, January 28, 2025/APO Group/ —
As Africa’s mining industry faces increasing pressure to decarbonize, companies are turning to renewable energy solutions to meet environmental targets while ensuring reliable and affordable energy supplies. This shift is driven by the need to reduce operational costs, achieve sustainability goals and comply with evolving global regulations. From solar and wind to hydropower, renewables are becoming integral to mining operations across the continent. Initiatives across Angola, Zambia, South Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are setting a precedent for how renewables can transform the mining sector and contribute to Africa’s broader energy transition.
Trafigura’s 2,000 MW Green Energy Initiative
Global commodities trader Trafigura, engineering firm ProMarks and the Angolan government agreed to develop a 2,000 MW high-voltage electricity interconnector in July 2024. The project will transport renewable energy, primarily from hydropower projects in northern Angola, to meet growing demand from mining companies in Zambia and the DRC. The project will also supply the Southern Africa Power Pool regional grid.
First Quantum’s 430 MW Renewables Project in Zambia
Canadian mining firm First Quantum Minerals is investing $500 million in a 430 MW renewable energy project to power its Kansanshi and Sentinel mines in Zambia. Developed in partnership with Total Eren and Chariot, the project includes a 230 MW solar PV plant and a 200 MW wind farm. The facilities, set for completion in 2026 and 2027, respectively, aim to reduce First Quantum’s carbon footprint by 30% by 2025.
Tronox Holdings’ 400 MW Portfolio in South Africa
Mining and chemicals firm Tronox Holdings has signed agreements with clean energy firms NOA Group and Sola Group to secure over 400 MW of renewable energy for its mining and smelting operations in South Africa. Once commissioned from 2027, the projects will provide 70% of Tronox Holdings’ energy needs, reducing the firm’s carbon footprint by 25% compared to 2019 levels. The combined capacity includes a 200 MW solar power plant from Sola Group and additional capacity from NOA Group, delivering 497 GWh of electricity annually.
CMOC’s 200 MW Project in the DRC
Chinese mining firm CMOC closed a deal with green energy firm Lualaba Power in July 2024 to accelerate development of the 200 MW Nzilo II hydropower and floating solar project in the DRC. The project will provide CMOC with base load and peak power, supporting the firm’s target to produce 800,000 to 1 million tons of copper annually by 2028.
Northam’s 180 MW Solar Farm in South Africa
In August 2024, mining firm Northam Platinum Group Metals signed a power purchase agreement for a 180 MW solar farm to power its Zondereinde mine in South Africa. The solar plant will generate 220 GWh annually, meeting 15% of the mine’s energy needs while reducing carbon emissions.
Source: Agenzia Fides – MIL OSI
Kinshasa (Agenzia Fides) – Fighting continues in Goma, the capital of North Kivu, which the M23 rebels took over between Sunday 26 and Monday 27 January (see Fides, 27/1/2025). The M23 forces are encountering resistance from soldiers of the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) and pro-government Wazalando militiamen. Four other South African soldiers from the Southern African Development Community Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC) were killed in the clashes, after nine soldiers had already been killed in the last two days. The clashes are concentrated in the area of the airport, which has now also been taken over by the M23.The situation in the city remains chaotic. There are fighting, power and communication outages and looting. Residents are fleeing the city. The World Food Programme (WFP) has meanwhile expressed concern about the suspension of the distribution of humanitarian aid in the region, which could lead to severe food shortages in the next 24 hours. In a message published yesterday, January 27, the Bishop of Goma, Willy Ngumbi Ngengele, reported “I am horrified to learn of the bombings, including those targeting the neonatal department of the Charité Maternelle General Hospital, resulting in the deaths of newborns, and the attack on the diocesan procuracy compound, which shattered the windows of the newly inaugurated building”. “I deplore the looting of certain businesses and warehouses by the population and, at times, by the military, further worsening an already dire humanitarian situation,” wrote the Bishop of Goma. “I urge all parties involved in the current armed conflict, as well as the population, to show absolute respect for human life and for private and public infrastructure, which must be preserved by all under any circumstances, in accordance with human dignity and international law” continues Mgr. Ngumbi Ngengele. The Bishop concludes by urging “the Clergy, Consecrated Persons, as well as the faithful, and all people of goodwill, to provide the necessary assistance to anyone in need”. Meanwhile, demonstrations are taking place in Kinshasa against the “invasion of Rwanda in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo.” (L.M.) (Agenzia Fides, 28/1/2025)
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Source: Agenzia Fides – MIL OSI
Tuesday, 28 January 2025
Vatican City (Agenzia Fides) – The Holy Father has accepted the resignation from the pastoral care of the diocese of Iringa, Tanzania, presented by Bishop Tarcisius Ngalalekumtwa.The Holy Father has appointed the Reverend Romanus Elamu Mihali, of the clergy of Mafinga, until now episcopal vicar for the clergy of the diocese of Mafinga and parish priest of Ujewa, as bishop of Iringa, Tanzania.Msgr. Romanus Elamu Mihali was born on 10 June 1969 in Itulituli, Mufindi, and studied philosophy and theology at Peramiho Major Seminary in Songea.He was ordained a priest on 13 July 2000 for the clergy of Iringa.After ordination, he first served as deputy parish priest of Saint Paul the Apostle in Ilula, Iringa (2000-2003) and teacher and formator at Saint Kizito Minor Seminary in Mafinga (2003-2005). He carried out his studies for a degree in zoological sciences, a degree in natural sciences, and a bachelor’s degree in education at the University of Kerala, India (2005-2011), and went on to hold the roles of deputy parish priest of Virgin Mary of Fatima in Usomaki, Iringa (2012-2015) and parish priest of Virgin Mary of the Assumption in Ujewa, Iringa (2015-2024).After the erection of the diocese of Mafinga in 2024, he was incardinated in the new diocese.Since 2024 he has served as parish priest of Virgin Mary of the Assumption in Ujewa, Mafinga, episcopal vicar for the clergy, and secretary for health of the diocese of Mafinga. (EG) (Agenzia Fides, 28/1/2025)
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Source: US Global Legal Monitor
The Law Library of Congress recently published a multinational report, Access to Information for Persons with Disabilities in Selected Jurisdictions, which provides individual surveys of selected jurisdictions and gives an overview of their legislation on access to information for persons with disabilities. Providing access constitutes one of the human rights protections specifically guaranteed under article 21 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD).
Our research surveyed 27 jurisdictions, namely, Brazil, Canada, China, Colombia, Congo (Democratic Republic), Denmark, Egypt, El Salvador, England, France, Germany, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, Kenya, Malta, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Russia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, Spain, Switzerland, and Taiwan.
This report surveys how the rights of persons with disabilities are protected, notably, if a jurisdiction’s constitution expressly protects persons with disabilities. It further describes the rights to information, in particular legal information, access to justice, and culture, and includes current legislative proposals as they concern persons with disabilities. The report also surveys which jurisdictions offer publicly funded libraries that specifically serve the blind and visually impaired.
A majority of the jurisdictions surveyed are parties to the Marrakesh Treaty to Facilitate Access to Published Works for Persons Who Are Blind, Visually Impaired or Otherwise Print Disabled and the jurisdictions have adopted legislation and procedures to make convenience copies of copyrighted material available to persons with disabilities. Several jurisdictions are also part of networks facilitating such access, such as the Accessible Books Consortium, or provide access to Bookshare.
The report is accompanied by maps and a table of primary resources. The maps reflect our findings on surveyed jurisdictions with the first map describing whether jurisdictions expressly protect persons with disabilities in their constitutions. The second map illustrates whether the jurisdiction has specific legislation that addresses access to information for persons with disabilities. Additional maps show which countries have ratified the Marrakesh Treaty and what countries have designated “NLS-style” libraries, specifically mandated to provide access and services to persons with disabilities.
The report supported the Law Library’s Human Rights Day Webinar on Laws Governing Accessibility from Around the World.
We invite you to review our report, here.
The report is an addition to the Law Library’s Legal Reports (Publications of the Law Library of Congress) collection, which includes over 4,000 historical and contemporary legal reports covering a variety of jurisdictions, researched and written by foreign law specialists with expertise in each area. To receive alerts when new reports are published, you can subscribe to email updates for Law Library Reports (click the “subscribe” button on the Law Library’s website). The Law Library also regularly publishes articles related to human rights and civil liberties in the Global Legal Monitor.
Subscribe to In Custodia Legis – it’s free! – to receive interesting posts drawn from the Law Library of Congress’s vast collections and our staff’s expertise in U.S., foreign, and international law.
Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:
CAIRO, Egypt, January 28, 2025/APO Group/ —
Afreximbank (www.Afreximbank.com), in collaboration with African Union Commission and AfCFTA Secretariat, is excited to launch its new initiative the “African Research and Innovation Hub @IATF”, during the 4th Intra-African Trade Fair (IATF2025). The key objective is to boost academic research output and increase collaboration between academia, industry, and policy makers across Africa in the bid to drive forward intra-African trade and industrialisation.
The platform aims to provide an opportunity for African, Caribbean and Diaspora lecturers, students, and researchers to showcase innovative research and prototypes that contribute towards intra-African trade and industrialisation. It also seeks to develop industry collaborations and exchange knowledge with leading professionals in the field during IATF2025 in Algiers, Algeria from September 4-10, 2025.
The African Research and Innovation Hub @IATF aims to promote and commercialise African research and innovation. It also acknowledges that there are many talented and creative Africans across Africa, the Caribbean and the Diaspora, who have brilliant ideas, concepts, publications and prototypes but lack the relevant support required to help them nurture their ideas and commercialise them.
The platform provides access to more comprehensive information, relevant data, and literature whilst exposing national researchers to potential investors or venture capitalists who could assist with commercialising their research output and prototypes.
A key objective of the Hub is to encourage innovation and entrepreneurship among lecturers and students by connecting them to trade exhibitions, start-up pitches, and networking opportunities with business leaders, potentially leading to new start-ups and increased academic-industry collaborations. It also provides opportunities for networking and potential collaboration with others in academia and practitioners across the continent, research institutions, industry, and policymakers.
Researchers, academics and university students are provided with access to information on emerging issues in the field of intra-African trade and can incorporate these into their research programs and academic curricula. Lastly, it enhances the capacity of lecturers and students in understanding and teaching the complexities of trade policies, trade standards, regional economic communities, the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and industrialisation.
The hub aims to support the broader objectives of enhancing intra-African trade, fostering economic development, and building a connected, informed, and empowered next generation of African trade and investment leaders across all fields. This hub will allow students to exhibit their prototype inventions and published research papers on select topics, which are expected to adhere to world-class standards.
Mrs. Kanayo Awani, Executive Vice President Intra-African Trade and Export Development at Afreximbank said: “IATF2025 is an important moment for African research and innovation, bringing together the brightest minds from universities and research institutions to contribute towards promoting intra-African trade and industrialisation. The African Research and Innovation Hub @IATF will serve as a groundbreaking platform for African, Caribbean and Diaspora lecturers, students, and researchers to demonstrate their capabilities, and connect with industry leaders, investors, and policymakers. This is more than an opportunity to display research; it’s a unique moment to shape the future of intra-African trade and industrialisation to drive economic growth across the continent.”
Entries will be judged by a panel consisting of distinguished trade experts, scholars, and industry leaders from across Africa. The panel will evaluate submissions based on innovation, relevance to African trade and industrialisation, and the potential for practical application.
Candidates should demonstrate a number of key criteria – including academic excellence and a passion for advancing research on intra-African trade, industrialisation, leadership and initiative in projects related to trade, industrialisation and innovation, and regional economic integration; high-quality research outputs or innovative prototypes aligned with IATF’s themes and a commitment to furthering knowledge and collaboration by sharing insights from the event with their academic institutions.
University Lecturers, University Students, and Researchers Affiliated with National Research Institutions from Africa, the Diaspora including the Caribbean are invited to submit their applications directly through this email: ARIH@intrafricantradefair.com by 28 March 2025, 23:59 GMT.
You can find out the eligibility criteria, application requirements and other details on the IATF2025 website: https://apo-opa.co/3EeHRvj