NewzIntel.com

Category: Analysis Assessment

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Jack’s Law expansion is a symbolic step – it’s not a solution to knife crime

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janet Ransley, Professor, Griffith Criminology Institute, Griffith University

    khak/Shutterstock

    Laws just passed in Queensland give police unprecedented powers to scan people with a handheld wand and potentially search them in all public places, without needing a warrant or reasonable suspicion.

    Earlier versions of “Jack’s Law” were copied in other jurisdictions, such as New South Wales, Tasmania, the Northern Territory and Western Australia. Queensland’s expanded laws may flow on to them now, too.

    However, while the newly expanded Jack’s Law may detect more weapons, there’s no evidence it reduces violent crime. It may, in fact, do more harm than good, while putting human rights at risk.

    What is Jack’s Law?

    Jack’s Law is named after 17-year-old Jack Beasley who was stabbed to death outside a convenience store in Surfers Paradise in 2019.

    Passed in 2021, the law resulted in a time-limited trial allowing officers to “wand” people with metal detectors in some entertainment precincts.

    Since then, the trial was expanded twice to include public transport, stations, shopping centres and licensed entertainment venues.

    In a little more than two years, Queensland police conducted 116,287 scans and removed 1,126 weapons – a detection rate of about 0.9%.

    The majority of charges that followed were for minor drug offences, or breaches of knife-carrying bans.

    The trial was set to expire on October 30, 2026 after another mandatory review.

    Instead, the law has now been made permanent with the scope extended again to allow wanding in all public places.

    The changes also remove safeguards, such as the need for senior officer oversight, reporting requirements and a further review of the impact of wands on crime and on civil liberties.

    Our research into Jack’s Law

    Our review of the 12-month trial of Jack’s Law on the Gold Coast in 2021–22 is the only publicly available evidence about the impact of metal detector wanding on knife violence in Queensland.

    We found there was no reduction in violence as a result of the use of the hand-held scanners.

    There’s also potential for bias when officers using the wands are influenced by factors that aren’t related to evidence. This includes the unfair targeting of minorities. More people could also be caught up in the justice system for minor, non-violent breaches.

    What’s needed to reduce knife violence are evidence-based programs addressing underlying causes such as mental health, poverty, child maltreatment and domestic and family violence.

    Wanding has no impact on these underlying causes and diverts resources and police attention from where they’re really needed.

    Does the law reduce knife crime?

    While the intention behind Jack’s Law is to enhance public safety by deterring knife-related crimes, the evidence suggests this is unlikely to happen.

    Our study found that although the use of metal-detecting wands can lead to increased detection of weapons, there is no evidence this in turn reduces violent crimes involving knives.

    Confiscated knives are easily replaced and we found no evidence that scanning deterred people from carrying weapons.

    This is consistent with research from the UK showing “stop and search” laws had no effect on violent crime, and Victorian research showing no effect of similar stop and search laws on violent crimes.

    Concern over human rights

    The expansion of police powers under Jack’s Law raises human rights concerns.

    The ability to stop and search people without reasonable suspicion may lead to racial profiling and erode public trust in law enforcement.

    A 2022 independent inquiry into the Queensland Police Service highlighted issues of systemic racism and sexism within the force, underscoring the potential risks of granting broader discretionary powers without adequate oversight.

    Our review also found evidence of police wanding decisions being based on discriminatory stereotypes. This makes the removal of oversight and review mechanisms of particular concern.

    Additionally, searches for knives following wanding have led to a rise in minor drug charges. This funnels more young people into the criminal justice system, which increases their risk of re-offending and also places more pressure on an already overburdened criminal justice system.

    While the expansion of Jack’s Law is a visible response to public concerns about knife crime, it is essential to recognise such measures are not a silver bullet.

    Further erosion of the already tenuous trust in the police service among minority communities in Queensland, particularly Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, could lead to reduced public trust and have long-term negative impacts on public safety.

    Why a holistic approach is needed

    Addressing the root causes of knife violence requires a comprehensive approach that includes investment in support services and community programs.

    We also need to recognise around 50% of serious violent crime occurs in the context of domestic and family violence, in private settings. Wanding does nothing to help those victims.

    Understanding why people carry knives and implementing targeted prevention strategies are crucial steps toward creating a safer society.

    While Jack’s Law serves as a symbolic gesture honouring the memory of Jack Beasley, its efficacy in reducing knife crime remains unlikely and will now not be reviewed.

    Policymakers must balance the desire for immediate action with evidence-based strategies that address underlying factors contributing to violence.

    Only through a holistic approach can we hope to achieve lasting change and truly honour the lives lost to such senseless acts.

    Janet Ransley receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Paul Ramsay Foundation. The Queensland Police Service funded the research referred to in this article.

    – ref. The Jack’s Law expansion is a symbolic step – it’s not a solution to knife crime – https://theconversation.com/the-jacks-law-expansion-is-a-symbolic-step-its-not-a-solution-to-knife-crime-258804

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: How visionary Beach Boys songwriter Brian Wilson changed music – and my life

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jadey O’Regan, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary Music, Sydney Conservatorium of Music, University of Sydney

    The Beach Boys in 1962 in Los Angeles, California. Brian Wilson is on the left. Michael Ochs Archives/Getty Images

    Brian Wilson, leader, songwriter and producer of the Beach Boys, has passed away at age 82.

    He leaves behind a legacy of beautiful, joyous, bittersweet and enduring music, crafted over a career spanning six decades.

    While this news isn’t unexpected – Wilson was diagnosed with dementia last year and entered a conservatorship after the loss of his wife, Melinda – his passing marks the end of a long and extraordinary chapter in musical history.

    A life of music

    Formed in the early 1960s in Hawthorne California, the Beach Boys were built on a foundation of family and community: brothers Brian, Dennis and Carl Wilson, their cousin Mike Love, and school friend Al Jardine.

    Growing up, the Wilson household was a turbulent place; their father, Murry Wilson, was strict and at times violent. Music was the one way in which the family could connect.

    During these early years Brian discovered the sounds that would shape his musical identity: Gershwin, doo wop groups, early rock and roll, and, a particular favourite, the vocal group the Four Freshmen, whose tight-harmony singing style Wilson studied meticulously.

    The Beach Boys in rehearsal in 1964; Brian Wilson sits at the piano .
    Photo by Michael Ochs Archives/Getty Images

    It was an unexpected combination of influences for a pop band. Even from the Beach Boys’ earliest recordings – the surf, the cars, the girls – the stirrings of the complexity and musical adventurousness Wilson is known for is audible. Listen to the unexpected structure of The Lonely Sea (1962), the complex chords of The Warmth of the Sun (1963), or the subtle modulation in Don’t Worry Baby (1964).

    These early innovations hinted at a growing creativity that would continue to evolve over the rest of the 1960s, and beyond.

    A story of resilience

    In later years, Brian Wilson often appeared publicly as a fragile figure. But what stands out most in his story is resilience.

    His ability to produce such an expansive and diverse catalogue of work while navigating difficult family relationships, intense record label pressures, misdiagnosed and mistreated mental health conditions, addiction and much more, is extraordinary. Wilson not only survived, but continued to create music.

    Brian Wilson on the piano and Al Jardine on guitar perform in Los Angeles in 2019.
    Scott Dudelson/Getty Images

    He eventually did something few Beach Boys’ fans would have imagined – he returned to the stage.

    Wilson’s unexpected return to public performance during the Pet Sounds and SMiLE tours in the early 2000s began a revival interest in the Beach Boys, and a critical reconsideration of their musical legacy. This continues with a consistent release of books, documentaries, movies and podcasts about Wilson and the legacy of the Beach Boys’ music.

    The focus of a thesis

    I grew up near Surfers Paradise on the Gold Coast in Queensland. Their early songs about an endless summer had a particular resonance to my hometown, even if, like Brian Wilson, I only admired the beach from afar.

    I chose to study the Beach Boys’ music for my PhD thesis and spent the next few years charting the course of their musical development from their early days in the garage to creating Pet Sounds just five years later.

    The Beach Boys perform onstage around 1963. Brian Wilson is on the left.
    Michael Ochs Archives/Getty Images

    I was fascinated by how a band could create such a groundbreaking volume of work and progress so quickly from the delightful, yet wobbly Surfin’ to the complex arrangements of God Only Knows.

    To understand their music, I spent years listening to Beach Boys’ tracking sessions, take after take, to hear how their songs were so cleverly and delicately put together.

    What struck me just as powerfully as the music itself was the sound of Brian Wilson’s voice in those recordings. Listening to Wilson leading hours of tracking sessions was to hear an artist at the top of their game – decisive, confident, funny, collaborative and deeply driven to make music that would express the magic he heard in his mind, and connect with an audience.

    One of the more unexpected discoveries in my analysis of the Beach Boys’ music came from their lyrics. Using a word frequency tool to examine all 117 songs in my study, I found that the most common word was “now”.

    The Beach Boys pose for a portrait around1964. Brian Wilson stands at the back.
    Michael Ochs Archives/Getty Images

    In many cases, it appears in a conversational sense – “Well, she got her Daddy’s car, and she cruised through the hamburger stand now” – but on a broader level, it perfectly encapsulates what Brian Wilson’s music offered so many listeners.

    He created an endless present: a world where the sun could always be shining, where you could feel young forever, and you could visit that world any time you needed to.

    Jadey O’Regan with Brian Wilson, Enmore Theatre, Sydney 2010.
    Jadey O’Regan

    In 2010, I had the remarkable experience of meeting Brian Wilson in his dressing room before his performance at the Enmore Theatre in Sydney. He was funny and kind. He sat at a small keyboard, taught me a harmony and for a moment, we sang Love and Mercy together.

    It was one of the most magical moments of my life. It is also one of Wilson’s most enduring sentiments: “love and mercy, that’s what we need tonight”.

    Farewell and thank you, Brian. Surf’s up.

    Jadey O’Regan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How visionary Beach Boys songwriter Brian Wilson changed music – and my life – https://theconversation.com/how-visionary-beach-boys-songwriter-brian-wilson-changed-music-and-my-life-258794

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘He stopped me from talking to male colleagues’: new research shows how domestic violence so often starts with isolation and control

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elizabeth McLindon, Research Fellow, The University of Melbourne

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    When it comes to domestic violence, cases involving catastrophic physical violence are the ones that most often make it into the media.

    But our new research shows there are often signs of trouble long before such tragic outcomes – before couples move in together or get married.

    We asked a large group of women about how domestic violence (also known as intimate partner violence) they’d experienced had started and escalated.

    A general pattern emerged. First came psychological abuse, then physical abuse, then sexual abuse.

    So if women, health workers and others can recognise the signs of psychological abuse early on, there’s a chance to intervene before abusive behaviour progresses.

    How does this relate to coercive control?

    The types of psychological abuse women told us about indicate they’d experienced coercive control.

    Coercive control is defined as a pattern of restrictive, manipulative and dominating behaviours used to undermine a partner’s autonomy and freedom. While it can occur in any type of relationship, it is most commonly perpetrated by men against women partners and is underpinned by inequitable gender roles and misogynistic attitudes.

    Another way of describing coercive control is a pattern of behaviours that aim to prevent a partner from being in charge of their life. For instance, this could mean controlling who a partner can see, what they can wear, or where they can go. Or it could mean questioning a partner’s sanity when they raise concerns about abusive behaviour.

    There’s been growing awareness of the impact of coercive control and domestic violence more broadly on women’s health and wellbeing. There’s also growing awareness that coercive control can escalate to catastrophic abuse against women and children, including homicide.

    So, Australian states and territories have scrambled to tackle the issue legally. Queensland recently joined New South Wales in making coercive control a standalone criminal offence.

    What we did and what we found

    We wanted to know more about the progression of domestic violence and if there were key stages to intervene to help prevent the worst harms.

    So we surveyed a nationally representative sample of 815 Australian women who had experienced domestic violence in the past five years and asked them to create a timeline of their relationship.

    Women started with the earliest warning signs that something was wrong and then added what happened around important life events, such as moving in together, having children, seeking help or leaving. Women could describe their experiences in their own words.

    When we analysed all the timelines together, we created a summary of the general sequence of abuse over time.

    First, there were attacks to a survivor’s mind, then her physical body, then her sexual self.

    How behaviours escalated, from the earliest sign something was wrong.
    Author provided

    Psychological abuse an early sign

    Psychological abuse was present in almost all relationships early in the timeline. It usually emerged before moving in together or getting married.

    The earliest indicator of abuse was being isolated from others, as one woman said:

    He stopped me from talking to male colleagues.

    Controlling a woman’s day-to-day activities happened next. One survivor told us how her money and car were used against her:

    He kept my belongings from me […] to prevent me from leaving.

    Then, as one woman said, there was other emotional abuse:

    If I said anything he didn’t like, a brick wall would be erected […] I wouldn’t be spoken to for two to three days.

    Another said:

    He called me crazy when he had done something wrong.

    On average, women told us physically abusive behaviours first appeared after a major life commitment, such as marriage or moving in together.

    In general, sexual abuse by a partner first emerged after the psychological and physical abuse started.

    For survivors who had a child during the relationship and whose partner was sexually abusive, the worst of that sexual violence generally came sometime after giving birth.

    For many survivors, a growing concern about the impact of abuse on their children occurred around the same time as leaving their relationship and trying to get help.

    What next?

    This research sets out clear opportunities for prevention and early intervention.

    We need to train health professionals to look for signs and ask about psychological abuse when their patients are contemplating life transitions. This includes raising awareness and targeted resources for staff working in pregnancy care.

    Future research should see if these patterns of abuse apply in different diverse groups of survivors.

    We also need better community education, particularly for young women, about the features of psychological abuse that occur early in relationships, before physical and sexual abuse.

    As one participant told us:

    More domestic violence campaigns should focus on emotional abuse. We focus so much on the physical, but I can feel immediately when I am hit. It takes longer to feel gaslighting, manipulation and other emotionally heavy abuse. It lingers with you. It alters the way you think and traps you far worse than the physical does.

    The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Service – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

    Elizabeth McLindon received funding from Oak Foundation for this research. She is affiliated with The Royal Women’s Hospital, Victoria, where she is the Deputy Director of the Centre for Family Violence Prevention.

    Kelsey Hegarty receives funding from Oak Foundation, Medical Research Futures Fund, and National Health and Medical Research Council.

    – ref. ‘He stopped me from talking to male colleagues’: new research shows how domestic violence so often starts with isolation and control – https://theconversation.com/he-stopped-me-from-talking-to-male-colleagues-new-research-shows-how-domestic-violence-so-often-starts-with-isolation-and-control-257457

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What’s the potential effect of sanctions on Israeli ministers? Here’s what my research shows

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anton Moiseienko, Senior Lecturer in Law, Australian National University

    Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway and the UK this week announced sanctions against two members of the Israeli cabinet: National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.

    This is a momentous development. The governments concerned make it clear that they consider Ben-Gvir and Smotrich to be involved in “serious abuses of Palestinian human rights”, including “a serious abuse of the right of individuals not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment”.

    This is an allegation rarely levelled against sitting ministers of a democratic state, predictably causing the Israeli government to protest.

    While diplomatic consequences play out, what are sanctions anyway, and what do they mean for Ben-Gvir and Smotrich?

    3 direct consequences

    “Sanctions” is a broad umbrella term. Whole countries can be sanctioned, but so can be individuals.

    Sanctions on individuals are imposed by means of a government placing them on its national sanctions list, such as Australia’s Consolidated List (which now features both Ben-Gvir and Smotrich).

    Three direct consequences flow from such a sanctions designation.

    First, all of the sanctioned person’s assets in the relevant country are frozen. This means that, while in principle they remain the sanctioned person’s property, they cannot be used or sold. This places those assets in limbo, potentially for a very long time.

    Second, no person within the sanctioning state’s jurisdiction – that is, no one in its territory, nor any of its citizens or residents – is allowed to make money or other resources available for the benefit of the sanctioned person.

    So, it is an offence for anyone in Australia to send funds to anyone on the Consolidated List. Interestingly, there is no prohibition on receiving money from sanctioned persons.

    Third, sanctioned persons are subject to an entry ban.

    So, if a foreigner is sanctioned by the Australian government, their permission to enter Australia will be denied or revoked.

    Legal challenges are possible. For example, in 2010, the daughter of a Burmese general studying at Western Sydney University unsuccessfully sued the foreign minister for sanctioning her and cancelling her visa based on her family ties.

    The sanctions against Ben-Gvir and Smotrich are what’s known as “Magnitsky” sanctions.

    This refers not to the substance of sanctions, but rather the reasons for their adoption, namely alleged corruption or human rights abuse, rather than other forms of wrongdoing. The imposition of sanctions on those grounds was pioneered by two US statutes named after Sergei Magnitsky, a Russian whistleblower killed in a Moscow prison.

    In the case of the Israeli ministers, human rights abuses are alleged.

    Sanctions can hurt in other ways, too

    But what is the practical effect of these kinds of sanctions designations?

    After all, many people sanctioned by Australia will not have any property in the country, will never receive any money from Australia, and may never contemplate visiting.

    One might be tempted to conclude that, in those circumstances, sanctions are ineffectual. But the reality is more complicated.

    In 2023, together with the London-based International Lawyers Project, I conducted the first study of the effect (or impact) of “Magnitsky” sanctions, focussing on the first 20 individuals sanctioned for alleged corruption under the US Global Magnitsky Act 2016.

    We found there were no less than ten types of effects that sanctions might have.

    And in at least two-thirds of the case studies we looked at, sanctions had an impact.

    This may be skewed by the high-profile nature of those first 20 corruption-related designations under the 2016 act, which included former heads of states and major businesspeople. Still, sanctions can mean more than their direct impact.

    Of these categories of effects, private sector action is especially important. This involves businesses globally dropping the targeted person as a customer even when not legally required to do so.

    For example, non-Australian banks are not bound by Australian sanctions. But, once Australian sanctions are in place, they feed into major private-sector sanctions databases that are used by banks worldwide.

    Global banks may well decide that – once someone is accused of human rights abuse, corruption or other misconduct by a credible government – keeping the targeted person on the books is no longer worthwhile, not least reputationally.

    For US sanctions, this effect is turbocharged by the fact virtually all banks need to route US dollar transactions via the US financial system, and they cannot do so on behalf of a sanctioned person. Banks soon drop such customers.

    In a famous example, Carrie Lam, the chief executive of Hong Kong, complained of having to keep piles of cash at home due to US sanctions precluding any Hong Kong bank from taking her on as a customer. (To be clear, the US has not imposed any sanctions on Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, and has opposed their designation by Australia and others.)

    Could Ben-Gvir and Smotrich fight these sanctions?

    Australian sanctions would not have such a profound impact, but they are a reputational irritant at the very least.

    This may account for the (failed) judicial challenges brought against Australian sanctions by two Russian oligarchs, Alexander Abramov and Oleg Deripaska, as well as another billionaire’s more successful petitioning of Australia’s foreign minister to lift the sanctions against him.

    In general, contesting sanctions in court is exceedingly difficult. Few claimants succeed, in Australia or elsewhere.

    It is far more likely the sanctions against Ben-Gvir and Smotrich will result in diplomatic discussions and lobbying behind the scenes.

    Anton Moiseienko has received funding from the Open Society Foundations in connection with the research cited in this article.

    – ref. What’s the potential effect of sanctions on Israeli ministers? Here’s what my research shows – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-potential-effect-of-sanctions-on-israeli-ministers-heres-what-my-research-shows-258692

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What will be the effect of Australia’s sanctions on Israeli ministers? Here’s what my research shows

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anton Moiseienko, Senior Lecturer in Law, Australian National University

    Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway and the UK this week announced sanctions against two members of the Israeli cabinet: National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.

    This is a momentous development. The governments concerned make it clear that they consider Ben-Gvir and Smotrich to be involved in “serious abuses of Palestinian human rights”, including “a serious abuse of the right of individuals not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment”.

    This is an allegation rarely levelled against sitting ministers of a democratic state, predictably causing the Israeli government to protest.

    While diplomatic consequences play out, what are sanctions anyway, and what do they mean for Ben-Gvir and Smotrich?

    3 direct consequences

    “Sanctions” is a broad umbrella term. Whole countries can be sanctioned, but so can be individuals.

    Sanctions on individuals are imposed by means of a government placing them on its national sanctions list, such as Australia’s Consolidated List (which now features both Ben-Gvir and Smotrich).

    Three direct consequences flow from such a sanctions designation.

    First, all of the sanctioned person’s assets in the relevant country are frozen. This means that, while in principle they remain the sanctioned person’s property, they cannot be used or sold. This places those assets in limbo, potentially for a very long time.

    Second, no person within the sanctioning state’s jurisdiction – that is, no one in its territory, nor any of its citizens or residents – is allowed to make money or other resources available for the benefit of the sanctioned person.

    So, it is an offence for anyone in Australia to send funds to anyone on the Consolidated List. Interestingly, there is no prohibition on receiving money from sanctioned persons.

    Third, sanctioned persons are subject to an entry ban.

    So, if a foreigner is sanctioned by the Australian government, their permission to enter Australia will be denied or revoked.

    Legal challenges are possible. For example, in 2010, the daughter of a Burmese general studying at Western Sydney University unsuccessfully sued the foreign minister for sanctioning her and cancelling her visa based on her family ties.

    The sanctions against Ben-Gvir and Smotrich are what’s known as “Magnitsky” sanctions.

    This refers not to the substance of sanctions, but rather the reasons for their adoption, namely alleged corruption or human rights abuse, rather than other forms of wrongdoing. The imposition of sanctions on those grounds was pioneered by two US statutes named after Sergei Magnitsky, a Russian whistleblower killed in a Moscow prison.

    In the case of the Israeli ministers, human rights abuses are alleged.

    Sanctions can hurt in other ways, too

    But what is the practical effect of these kinds of sanctions designations?

    After all, many people sanctioned by Australia will not have any property in the country, will never receive any money from Australia, and may never contemplate visiting.

    One might be tempted to conclude that, in those circumstances, sanctions are ineffectual. But the reality is more complicated.

    In 2023, together with the London-based International Lawyers Project, I conducted the first study of the effect (or impact) of “Magnitsky” sanctions, focussing on the first 20 individuals sanctioned for alleged corruption under the US Global Magnitsky Act 2016.

    We found there were no less than ten types of effects that sanctions might have.

    And in at least two-thirds of the case studies we looked at, sanctions had an impact.

    This may be skewed by the high-profile nature of those first 20 corruption-related designations under the 2016 act, which included former heads of states and major businesspeople. Still, sanctions can mean more than their direct impact.

    Of these categories of effects, private sector action is especially important. This involves businesses globally dropping the targeted person as a customer even when not legally required to do so.

    For example, non-Australian banks are not bound by Australian sanctions. But, once Australian sanctions are in place, they feed into major private-sector sanctions databases that are used by banks worldwide.

    Global banks may well decide that – once someone is accused of human rights abuse, corruption or other misconduct by a credible government – keeping the targeted person on the books is no longer worthwhile, not least reputationally.

    For US sanctions, this effect is turbocharged by the fact virtually all banks need to route US dollar transactions via the US financial system, and they cannot do so on behalf of a sanctioned person. Banks soon drop such customers.

    In a famous example, Carrie Lam, the chief executive of Hong Kong, complained of having to keep piles of cash at home due to US sanctions precluding any Hong Kong bank from taking her on as a customer. (To be clear, the US has not imposed any sanctions on Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, and has opposed their designation by Australia and others.)

    Could Ben-Gvir and Smotrich fight these sanctions?

    Australian sanctions would not have such a profound impact, but they are a reputational irritant at the very least.

    This may account for the (failed) judicial challenges brought against Australian sanctions by two Russian oligarchs, Alexander Abramov and Oleg Deripaska, as well as another billionaire’s more successful petitioning of Australia’s foreign minister to lift the sanctions against him.

    In general, contesting sanctions in court is exceedingly difficult. Few claimants succeed, in Australia or elsewhere.

    It is far more likely the sanctions against Ben-Gvir and Smotrich will result in diplomatic discussions and lobbying behind the scenes.

    Anton Moiseienko has received funding from the Open Society Foundations in connection with the research cited in this article.

    – ref. What will be the effect of Australia’s sanctions on Israeli ministers? Here’s what my research shows – https://theconversation.com/what-will-be-the-effect-of-australias-sanctions-on-israeli-ministers-heres-what-my-research-shows-258692

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Trump may try to strike a deal with AUKUS review, but here’s why he won’t sink it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Blaxland, Professor, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University

    The Pentagon has announced it will review the massive AUKUS agreement between the United States, United Kingdom and Australia to ensure it’s aligned with US President Donald Trump’s “America first” agenda.

    The US undersecretary of defence for policy, Elbridge Colby, is reportedly going to oversee the review.

    The announcement has raised concern in Australia, but every government is entitled to review policies that their predecessors have made to consider whether or not there’s a particular purpose.

    The UK has launched a parliamentary inquiry into AUKUS too, so it’s not actually unreasonable for the US to do the same.

    There’s a degree of nervousness in Australia as to what the implications are because Australia understandably has the biggest stake in this.

    But we need to consider what Colby has articulated in the past. In his book, The Strategy of Denial: American Defence in the Nature of Great Power Conflict, he made the case the US could “prepare to win a war with China it cannot afford to lose – in order to deter it from happening”.

    So, with a deterrent mindset, he sees the need for the US to muscle up militarily.

    He’s spoken about the alliance with Australia in very positive terms on a couple of occasions. And he has called himself an “AUKUS agnostic”, though he has expressed deep concern about the ability of the submarine industrial base in the US to manufacture the ships quickly enough.

    And that leads to the fear the US Navy would not have enough submarines for itself if Washington is also sending them to Australia.

    As part of the deal, Australia would eventually be able to contribute to accelerating the production line. That involves Australian companies contributing to the manufacture of certain widgets and components that are needed to build the subs.

    Australia has already made a nearly A$800 million (US$500 million) down payment on expanding the US industrial capacity as part of the deal to ensure we get some subs in a reasonable time frame.

    There’s also been significant legislative and industrial reforms in the US, Australia and UK to help facilitate Australian defence-related industries unplug the bottleneck of submarine production.

    There’s no question there’s a need to speed up production. But we are already seeing significant signs of an uptick in the production rate, thanks in part to the Australian down payment. And it’s anticipated the rate will significantly increase in the next 12–18 months.

    Even still, projects like this often slide in terms of timelines.

    Why the US won’t spike the deal

    I’m reasonably optimistic that, on balance, the Trump administration will come down on the side of proceeding with the deal.

    There are a few key reasons for this:

    1) We’re several years down the track already.

    2) We have more than 100 Australian sailors already operating in the US system.

    3) Industrially, we’re on the cusp of making a significant additional contribution to the US submarine production line.

    And finally, most people don’t fully appreciate that the submarine base just outside Perth is an incredibly consequential piece of real estate for US security calculations.

    Colby has made very clear the US needs to muscle up to push back and deter China’s potential aggression in the region. In that equation, submarines are crucial, as is a substantial submarine base in the Indian Ocean.

    China is acutely mindful of what we call the “Malacca dilemma”. Overwhelmingly, China’s trade of goods and fossil fuels comes through the Malacca Strait between Malaysia and Indonesia’s island of Sumatra. The Chinese know this supply line could be disrupted in a war. And the submarines operating out of Perth contribute to this fear.

    This is a crucial deterrent effect the US and its allies have been seeking to maintain. And it has largely endured.

    Given nobody can predict the future, we all want to prevent a war over Taiwan and we all want to maintain the status quo.

    As such, the considered view has been that Australia will continue to support the US to bolster its deterrent effect to prevent such a scenario.

    Could Trump be angling for a deal?

    As part of the US review of the deal, we could see talk of a potential slowdown in the delivery rate of the submarines. The Trump administration could also put additional pressure on Australia to deliver more for the US.

    This includes the amount Australia spends on defence, a subject of considerable debate in Canberra. Taking Australia’s overall interests into account, the Albanese government may well decide increasing defence spending is an appropriate thing to do.

    There’s a delicate dance to be had here between the Trump administration, the Australian government, and in particular, their respective defence departments, about how to achieve the most effective outcome.

    It’s highly likely whatever decision the US government makes will be portrayed as the Trump administration “doing a deal”. In the grand scheme of things, that’s not a bad thing. This is what countries do.

    We talk a lot about the Trump administration’s transactional approach to international relations. But it’s actually not that different to previous US administrations with which Canberra has had to deal.

    So I’m reasonably sanguine about the AUKUS review and any possible negotiations over it. I believe the Trump administration will come to the conclusion it does not want to spike the Australia relationship.

    Australia has been on the US side since federation. Given this, the US government will likely make sure this deal goes ahead. The Trump administration may try to squeeze more concessions out of Australia as part of “the art of the deal”, but it won’t sink the pact.

    However, many people will undoubtedly say this is the moment Australia should break with AUKUS. But then what? What would Australia do instead to ensure its security in this world of heightened great power competition in which Australia’s interests are increasingly challenged?

    Walking away now would leave Australia more vulnerable than ever. I think that would be a great mistake.

    From 2015 to 2017 John Blaxland received funding from the US Department of Defense Minerva Research Initiative (subsequently disbanded by the Trump administration). This was used to write a book (with Greg Raymond) entitled “The US Thai Alliance and Asian International Relations” (Routledge, 2021). John currently is a fulltime employee of the ANU.

    – ref. Trump may try to strike a deal with AUKUS review, but here’s why he won’t sink it – https://theconversation.com/trump-may-try-to-strike-a-deal-with-aukus-review-but-heres-why-he-wont-sink-it-258798

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for June 12, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on June 12, 2025.

    Trump may try to strike a deal with AUKUS review, but here’s why he won’t sink it
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Blaxland, Professor, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University The Pentagon has announced it will review the massive AUKUS agreement between the United States, United Kingdom and Australia to ensure it’s aligned with US President Donald Trump’s “America first” agenda. The US undersecretary of defence

    Why are sunsets so pretty in winter? There’s a simple explanation
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chloe Wilkins, Associate Lecturer and PhD Candidate, Solar Physics, University of Newcastle nelo2309/Shutterstock If you live in the southern hemisphere and have been stopped in your tracks by a recent sunset, you may have noticed they seem more vibrant lately. The colours are brighter and bolder, and

    After weeks of confusion and chaos, Tasmania heads back to the polls on July 19
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robert Hortle, Deputy Director, Tasmanian Policy Exchange, University of Tasmania The Tasmanian government has called a state election for July 19, the fourth in a little over seven years. Following days of high drama, Governor Barbara Baker finally granted Liberal Premier Jeremy Rockliff’s election request, saying there

    Goodbye to all that? Rethinking Australia’s alliance with Trump’s America
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Beeson, Adjunct professor, Australia-China Relations Institute, University of Technology Sydney Even the most ardent supporters of the alliance with the United States – the notional foundation of Australian security for more than 70 years – must be having some misgivings about the second coming of Donald

    A reversal in US climate policy will send renewables investors packing – and Australia can reap the benefits
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christian Downie, Professor, Australian National University President Donald Trump is trying to unravel the signature climate policy of his predecessor Joe Biden, the Inflation Reduction Act, as part of a sweeping bid to dismantle the United States’ climate ambition. The Inflation Reduction Act, or IRA, is a

    ‘Hard to measure and difficult to shift’: the government’s big productivity challenge
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Bartos, Professor of Economics, University of Canberra Higher productivity has quickly emerged as an economic reform priority for Labor’s second term. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has laid down some markers for a productivity round table in August, saying he wants it to build the “broadest possible

    Extreme weather could send milk prices soaring, deepening challenges for the dairy industry
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milena Bojovic, Lecturer, Sustainability and Environment, University of Technology Sydney Australia’s dairy industry is in the middle of a crisis, fuelled by an almost perfect storm of challenges. Climate change and extreme weather have been battering farmlands and impacting animal productivity, creating mounting financial strains and mental

    201 ways to say ‘fuck’: what 1.7 billion words of online text shows about how the world swears
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Schweinberger, Lecturer in Applied Linguistics, The University of Queensland Our brains swear for good reasons: to vent, cope, boost our grit and feel closer to those around us. Swear words can act as social glue and play meaningful roles in how people communicate, connect and express

    Were the first kings of Poland actually from Scotland? New DNA evidence unsettles a nation’s founding myth
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University An illustration from a 15th-century manuscript showing the coronation of the first king of Poland, Boleslaw I. Chronica Polonorum by Mathiae de Mechovia For two centuries, scholars have sparred over the roots of the Piasts, Poland’s first documented royal

    Medical scans are big business and investors are circling. Here are 3 reasons to be concerned
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sean Docking, Research Fellow, School of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, Monash University wedmoments.stock/Shutterstock Timely access to high-quality medical imaging can be lifesaving and life-altering. Radiology can confirm a fractured bone, give us an early glimpse of our baby or detect cancer. But behind the x-ray, ultrasound,

    ‘Microaggressions’ can fly under the radar in schools. Here’s how to spot them and respond
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Leslie, Lecturer in Curriculum and Pedagogy with a focus on Educational Psychology, University of Southern Queensland Klaus Vedfelt/ Getty Images Bullying is sadly a common experience for Australian children and teenagers. It is estimated at least 25% experience bullying at some point in their schooling. The

    New Zealand’s ‘symbolic’ sanctions on Israel too little, too late, say opposition parties
    By Russell Palmer, RNZ News political reporter Opposition parties say Aotearoa New Zealand’s government should be going much further, much faster in sanctioning Israel. Foreign Minister Winston Peters overnight revealed New Zealand had joined Australia, Canada, the UK and Norway in imposing travel bans on Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar

    More deaths reported out of Sugapa in West Papua clashes with military
    By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist Further reports of civilian casualties are coming out of West Papua, while clashes between Indonesia’s military and the armed wing of the Free Papua Movement continue. One of the most recent military operations took place in the early morning of May 14 in Sugapa District, Intan Jaya in Central

    Q+A follows The Project onto the scrap heap – so where to now for non-traditional current affairs?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denis Muller, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Advancing Journalism, The University of Melbourne Two long-running television current affairs programs are coming to an end at the same time, driving home the fact that no matter what the format, they have a shelf life. The Project on Channel

    Sanctioning extremist Israeli ministers is a start, but Australia and its allies must do more
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jessica Whyte, Scientia Associate Professor of Philosophy and ARC Future Fellow, UNSW Sydney The Australian government is imposing financial and travel sanctions on two far-right Israeli ministers: Itamar Ben-Gvir (the national security minister) and Bezalel Smotrich (finance minister). This is a significant development. While Australia has previously

    Malaria has returned to the Torres Strait. What does this mean for mainland Australia?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cameron Webb, Clinical Associate Professor and Principal Hospital Scientist, University of Sydney Aspect Drones/Shutterstock Malaria is one of the deadliest diseases spread by mosquitoes. Each year, hundreds of millions of people worldwide are infected and half a million people die from the disease. While mainland Australia was

    Is regulation really to blame for the housing affordability crisis?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicole Gurran, Professor of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Sydney ymgerman/Shutterstock The Albanese government has a new mantra to describe the housing crisis, which is showing no signs of abating: homes have simply become “too hard to build” in Australia. The prime minister and senior ministers

    NZ’s goal is to get smoking rates under 5% for all population groups this year – here’s why that’s highly unlikely
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janet Hoek, Professor in Public Health, University of Otago Getty Images Next week is “scrutiny week” in parliament – one of two weeks each year when opposition MPs can hold ministers accountable for their actions, or lack thereof. For us, it’s a good time to take stock

    Labor’s win at the 2025 federal election was the biggest since 1943, with its largest swings in the cities
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne We now have the (almost!) final results from the 2025 federal election – with only Bradfield still to be completely resolved. Labor won 94 of the 150

    What are the ‘less lethal’ weapons being used in Los Angeles?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samara McPhedran, Principal Research Fellow, Griffith University After United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents arrested multiple people on alleged immigration violations, protests broke out in Los Angeles. In response, police and military personnel have been deployed around the greater LA area. Authorities have been using

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why are sunsets so pretty in winter? There’s a simple explanation

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chloe Wilkins, Associate Lecturer and PhD Candidate, Solar Physics, University of Newcastle

    nelo2309/Shutterstock

    If you live in the southern hemisphere and have been stopped in your tracks by a recent sunset, you may have noticed they seem more vibrant lately. The colours are brighter and bolder, and they linger longer in the sky.

    Why are sunsets “better” at some times of the year compared to others? We can use science to explain this.

    There are many ingredients for a “good” sunset, but the main three are clear skies, low humidity, and the Sun sitting low in the sky.

    In winter, sunsets sometimes look much more vivid that in summer – and yes, temperature plays a role.
    Jeremy Bishop/Unsplash

    From light to colour

    To understand why we get such vibrant sunsets in the colder months of the year, we first need to know how colours appear in the sky.

    All visible light is actually energy that travels in waves; the length of those waves determines the colour that our eyes see.

    Although sunlight might look white to us, it’s actually a mix of different wavelengths of light that make up all the visible colours – from fiery reds and oranges (longer wavelengths) to deep blues and purples (shorter wavelengths).

    The wavelength of light determines the colour we see. At shorter wavelengths, the colours are purple and blue, while at longer wavelengths they are red and orange.
    DrSciComm/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    These individual colours become visible when sunlight is “scattered”, which is precisely what happens when it passes through the invisible gas molecules in Earth’s atmosphere – mostly nitrogen and oxygen.

    When sunlight hits these molecules, it’s absorbed and shot back out (scattered) in different directions. Blue and violet light is scattered more strongly than red and orange light – this is also why the sky looks blue during the day.

    The path of the Sun

    In the middle of the day when the Sun is high in the sky, sunlight travels a more direct path through the atmosphere.

    The path of the Sun’s light through the atmosphere is longer at sunset than it is at noon.
    The Conversation

    But when the Sun is closer to the horizon, the path is less direct. This means that during sunrises and sunsets, sunlight travels through more of Earth’s atmosphere. And more atmosphere means more scattering.

    In fact, during sunsets, the blue and violet light encounters so many oxygen and nitrogen molecules that it is completely scattered away. What we’re left with is the longer wavelengths of light – the reds and oranges. In other words, more atmosphere means more fiery sunsets.

    But why are sunsets especially magnificent during winter? One reason is the Sun’s position in the sky during different times of the year.

    The Sun travels a longer and higher path in the sky in summer compared to winter. This affects the duration of sunsets.
    The Conversation, Shutterstock

    Earth rotates on its axis every 24 hours, giving us day and night. But this axis isn’t perfectly “upright” relative to the Sun – it’s tilted at an angle of about 23.5 degrees. This tilt is why we have seasons. The southern hemisphere is tilted towards the Sun around the start and end of the calendar year (southern summer), and away from the Sun around the middle of the year (southern winter).

    Because of this tilt, the Sun sits lower in the sky during winter, which is why the days are shorter. And because the Sun sits lower, it spends more time near the horizon as it rises and sets. That’s why winter sunsets often seem to last longer.

    Earth has seasons because its axis is tilted. The axis always points in the same direction as our planet orbits the Sun.
    Bureau of Meteorology

    The quality of the air

    Humidity and air quality also play a big role when it comes to vibrant winter sunsets.

    In winter, humidity is typically much lower than in the warmer summer months, meaning there’s less moisture in the air. Humid air often contains tiny water droplets, which can scatter incoming sunlight. This scattering is slightly different to how the oxygen and nitrogen molecules scatter light – here, even red and orange light can be affected.

    When humidity is high, the extra scattering by these small water droplets can cause sunsets to appear softer or more washed out.

    Even on a clear summer’s night, the sunset will appear more muted if the air humidity is high.
    Doug Bagg/Unsplash

    In drier winter air, with fewer of these water droplets in the way, sunlight can travel through the atmosphere with less interference. This means the colours can shine through more vividly, making for crisper and more vibrant sunsets.

    If you’re looking to a catch a spectacular sunset, you’ll want to wait for a nice, clear winter’s evening. Cloud cover and air pollution can block the sunlight and mute the colours we see.

    So the next time you find yourself wrapped up in a warm jumper at dusk, be sure to look up – there could be a spectacular light show playing out just above you.

    Chloe Wilkins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why are sunsets so pretty in winter? There’s a simple explanation – https://theconversation.com/why-are-sunsets-so-pretty-in-winter-theres-a-simple-explanation-258192

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: After weeks of confusion and chaos, Tasmania heads back to the polls on July 19

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robert Hortle, Deputy Director, Tasmanian Policy Exchange, University of Tasmania

    The Tasmanian government has called a state election for July 19, the fourth in a little over seven years.

    Following days of high drama, Governor Barbara Baker finally granted Liberal Premier Jeremy Rockliff’s election request, saying there was no other course of action to break the deadlock gripping Tasmanian politics:

    I make this grant because I am satisfied there is no real possibility that an alternative government can be formed.

    The ballot will be the second state election in just 16 months.

    So how did we get here? And what happens next?

    Dark political mofo

    The Dark Mofo festival kicked off last week, bringing to Hobart its usual mix of weird, dark, and violent modern art. But in the halls of Tasmanian parliament, a similarly macabre and vicious spectacle was playing out.

    I have written a more detailed analysis of events previously, but here’s the quick version.

    On June 3, the Labor opposition moved a motion of no confidence in Rockliff. After two days of acrimonious parliamentary debate, the motion passed on the casting vote of the speaker.

    An election looked inevitable because Rockliff refused to step aside and Opposition Leader Dean Winter ruled out doing a deal with the Greens to govern in minority.

    Parliament returned briefly to pass emergency supply bills, which were needed after the no confidence motion derailed the recent state budget.

    Shortly afterwards, Rockliff asked the governor to dissolve parliament and call an election. This request has now been granted after a few days of deliberation.

    How did it come to this?

    It’s been a rocky road for the Liberal government since the
    last state election in March 2024. Holding only 14 of the House of Assembly’s 35 seats, it has governed in minority thanks to confidence and supply deals with five crossbenchers.

    This tenuous arrangement was under constant pressure. Labor and the crossbench installed Michelle O’Byrne as speaker, and in the second half of 2024 passed three pieces of legislation against the government’s will.

    In August 2024, the implosion of the Jacqui Lambie Network and the forced resignation of Michael Ferguson as deputy premier and treasurer added further complications.

    Against this backdrop, the government has faced a rapidly
    deteriorating fiscal situation    . This is partly the legacy of the COVID pandemic, compounded by recent global uncertainty. However, as economist Saul Eslake notes, the roots of the problem can be found in the policy choices made by previous state Liberal governments.

    Policy setbacks

    Even considering the challenging context, the government has
    done itself few favours. The ongoing project to replace the ageing Spirit of Tasmania ferries has been mired in cost blowouts and poor planning.

    An abrupt about-face on nation-leading gambling reforms, tentative explorations of privatising state assets – since abandoned – and radical changes to the planning system also caused concern.

    And of course, there is the saga over the highly contentious $945 million stadium to support a Tassie team in the AFL.

    Most importantly, though, there has been little progress on the deep structural reforms needed to address the state’s poor health and education outcomes, housing crisis, cost-of-living challenges, and worsening budget situation.

    On the positive side, the government points to achievements recruiting much-needed frontline healthcare workers, increasing the supply of social and affordable housing, and a historically low unemployment rate.

    What happens now?

    The campaign will be a political version of a classic children’s party game: pin the blame on the party.

    Liberal and Labor will both claim the early election is the fault of the other, while the debate over the stadium will likely continue to distract from Tasmania’s other, far more important challenges.

    The election result is hard to predict. In the past, Tasmanians
    have punished minority governments at elections, and in the latest available polling, support for the Liberal Party was at a 16-year low of 29%.

    But the circumstances of this election mean we can’t rely too much on previous trends. The drop in Liberal support is partly driven by northern Tasmanians’ dislike of the Hobart stadium. However, that won’t necessarily help Labor, because they also remain committed to the project.

    Labor will be energised by the federal party’s recent victory. But the most recent polling shows the state branch is barely more popular than the Liberals. Winter lags Rockliff as preferred premier 44%-32%, with a high “never heard of” rating of 24%.

    The Greens could benefit from being the only notable party opposed to the stadium, but will be fighting relentless Labor and Liberal warnings about the perils of forming another minority government.

    None of this points to the July 19 election producing a stable majority government. In fact, there is a strong likelihood the Tasmanian electorate – grumpy about being forced to the polls in mid-winter – will punish both major parties.

    This could result in an even larger and more diverse crossbench, requiring deft and collaborative negotiations to stitch together the numbers to form government.

    While the theatre of the campaign plays out, the ambitious structural reforms that Tasmania desperately needs seem further away than ever.

    The drama is worthy of Dark Mofo, but Tasmanians are already tired of the performance.

    Robert Hortle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. After weeks of confusion and chaos, Tasmania heads back to the polls on July 19 – https://theconversation.com/after-weeks-of-confusion-and-chaos-tasmania-heads-back-to-the-polls-on-july-19-258597

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Goodbye to all that? Rethinking Australia’s alliance with Trump’s America

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Beeson, Adjunct professor, Australia-China Relations Institute, University of Technology Sydney

    Even the most ardent supporters of the alliance with the United States – the notional foundation of Australian security for more than 70 years – must be having some misgivings about the second coming of Donald Trump.

    If they’re not, they ought to read the two essays under review here. They offer a host of compelling reasons why a reassessment of the costs, benefits and possible future trajectory of the alliance is long overdue.

    Review: After America: Australia and the new world order – Emma Shortis (Australia Institute Press), Hard New World: Our Post-American Future; Quarterly Essay 98 – Hugh White (Black Inc)

    And yet, notwithstanding the cogency and timeliness of the critiques offered by Emma Shortis and Hugh White, it seems unlikely either of these will be read, much less acted upon, by those Shortis describes as the “mostly men in suits or uniforms, with no democratic accountability” who make security policy on our behalf.

    White, emeritus professor of strategic studies at the ANU, was the principal author of Australia’s Defence White Paper in 2000. Despite having been a prominent member of the defence establishment, it is unlikely even his observations will prove any more palatable to its current incumbents.

    Shortis, an historian and writer, is director of the Australia Institute’s International & Security Affairs Program. She is also a young woman, and while this shouldn’t matter, I suspect it does; at least to the “mostly men” who guard the nation from a host of improbable threats while ignoring what is arguably the most likely and important one: climate change.

    The age of insecurity

    To Shortis’s great credit, she begins her essay with a discussion of a “world on fire” in which the Trump administration is “locking in a bleaker future”.

    This matters for both generational and geographical reasons. While we live in what is arguably the safest place on the planet, the country has the rare distinction of regularly experiencing once-in-100-year floods and droughts, sometimes simultaneously.

    If that’s not a threat to security, especially of the young, it’s hard to know what is. It’s not one the current government or any other in this country has ever taken seriously enough.

    White gives a rather perfunctory acknowledgement of this reality, reflecting an essentially traditional understanding of security – even if some of his conclusions will induce conniptions in Canberra.

    While suggesting Trump is “the most prodigious liar in history”, White thinks he’s done Australia a favour by “puncturing the complacency” surrounding the alliance and our unwillingness to contemplate a world in which the US is not the reliable bedrock of security.

    Shortis doubts the US ever was a trustworthy or reliable ally. This helps explain what she calls the “strategy of pre-emptive capitulation”, in which Australian policymakers fall over themselves to appear useful and supportive to their “great and powerful friend”. Former prime minister John Howard’s activation of the ANZUS alliance in the wake of September 11 and the disastrous decision to take part in the war in Iraq is perhaps the most egregious example of this unfortunate national proclivity.

    White reminds us that all alliances are always transactional. Despite talk of a “history of mateship”, it’s vital to recognise if the great power doesn’t think something is in its “national interest”, it won’t be doing favours for allies. No matter how ingratiating and obliging they may be. While such observations may be unwelcome in Canberra, hopefully they won’t come as a revelation.

    Although White is one of Australia’s most astute critics of the conventional wisdom, sceptics and aspiring peace-builders will find little to cheer in his analysis.

    A good deal of his essay is taken up with the strategic situations in Europe and Asia. The discussion offers a penetrating, but rather despair-inducing insight into humanity’s collective predicament: only by credibly threatening our notional foes with nuclear Armageddon can we hope to keep the peace.

    The problem we now face, White argues, is the likes of Russia and China are beginning to doubt America’s part in the “balance of resolve”. During the Cold War both sides were confident about the other side’s ability and willingness to blow them to pieces.

    Now mutual destruction is less assured. While some of us might think this was a cause for cautious celebration, White suggests it fatally undermines the deterrent effect of nuclear weapons.

    Even before Trump reappeared, this was a source of angst and/or uncertainty for strategists around the world. The principle underpinning international order in a world in which nuclear weapons exist, according to White, is that

    a nuclear power can be stopped, but only by an unambiguous demonstration of willingness to fight a nuclear war to stop it.

    Trump represents a suitably existential threat to this cheery doctrine. Europeans have belatedly recognised the US is no longer reliable and they are responsible for their own security.

    Likewise, an ageing Xi Jinping may want to assure his position in China’s pantheon of great leaders by forcibly returning Taiwan to the motherland. It would be an enormous gamble, of course, but given Trump’s admiration for Xi, and Trump’s apparent willingness to see the world carved up into 19th century-style spheres of influence, it can’t be ruled out.

    Australia’s options

    If there’s one thing both authors agree on it’s that the AUKUS nuclear submarine project, the notional centrepiece of Australia’s future security is vastly overrated. It’s either a “disaster” (Shortis) or “insignificant” (White).

    Likewise, they agree the US is only going to help Australia if it’s judged to be in America’s interest to do so. Recognising quite what an ill-conceived, ludicrously expensive, uncertain project AUKUS is, and just how unreliable a partner the US has become under Trump, might be a useful step on the path to national strategic self-awareness.

    Shortis thinks some members of the Trump administration appear to be “aligned with Russia”. Tying ourselves closer to the US, she writes, “does not make us safer”. A major rethink of, and debate about, Australia’s security policy is clearly necessary.

    Policymakers also ought to take seriously White’s arguments about the need to reconfigure the armed forces to defend Australia independently in an increasingly uncertain international environment.

    Perhaps the hardest idea for Australia’s unimaginative strategic elites to grasp is that, as White points out,

    Asia’s future, and Australia’s, will not be decided in Washington. It will be decided in Asia.

    Former prime minister Paul Keating’s famous remark “Australia needs to seek its security in Asia rather than from Asia” remains largely unheeded. Despite plausible suggestions about developing closer strategic ties with Indonesia and even cooperating with China to offer leadership on climate change, some ideas remain sacrosanct and alternatives remain literally inconceivable.

    Even if we take a narrow view of the nature of security – one revolving around possible military threats to Australia – US Defence Secretary Pete Hesgeth’s demands for greater defence spending on our part confirm White’s point that,

    it is classic Trump to expect more and more from allies while he offers them less and less. This is the dead end into which our “America First” defence policy has led us.

    Quite so.

    Australia’s strategic elites have locked us into the foreign and strategic policies of an increasingly polarised, authoritarian and unpredictable regime.

    But as Shortis observes, we cannot be confident about our ability, or the world’s for that matter, to “just ride Trump out”, and hope everything will return to normal afterwards.

    It is entirely possible the international situation may get worse – possibly much worse – with or without Trump in the White House.

    The reality is American democracy may not survive another four years of Trump and the coterie of startlingly ill-qualified, inhumane, self-promoting chancers who make up much of his administration.

    A much-needed national debate

    Both authors think attempts to “smother” a serious national debate about defence policy in Australia (White), and the security establishment’s obsession with secrecy (Shortis), are the exact opposite of what this country needs at this historical juncture. They’re right.

    Several senior members of Australia’s security community have assured me if I only knew what they did I’d feel very differently about our strategic circumstances.

    Really? One thing I do know is that we’re spending far too much time – and money! – acting on what Shortis describes as a “shallow and ungenerous understanding of what ‘security’ really is”.

    We really could stop the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza if Xi had a word with Putin and the US stopped supplying Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with the weapons and money to slaughter women and children. But climate change would still be coming to get us.

    More importantly, global warming will get worse before it gets better, even in the unlikely event that the “international community” (whoever that may be) agrees on meaningful collective action tomorrow.

    You may not agree with all of the ideas and suggestions contained in these essays, but in their different ways they are vital contributions to a much-needed national debate.

    An informed and engaged public is a potential asset, not something to be frightened of, after all. Who knows, it may be possible to come up with some genuinely progressive, innovative ideas about what sort of domestic and international policies might be appropriate for an astonishingly fortunate country with no enemies.

    Perhaps Australia could even offer an example of the sort of creative, independent middle power diplomacy a troubled world might appreciate and even emulate.

    But given our political and strategic elites can’t free themselves from the past, it is difficult to see them dealing imaginatively with the threat of what Shortis calls the looming “environmental catastrophe”.

    No wonder so many of the young despair and have little confidence in democracy’s ability to fix what ails us.

    Mark Beeson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Goodbye to all that? Rethinking Australia’s alliance with Trump’s America – https://theconversation.com/goodbye-to-all-that-rethinking-australias-alliance-with-trumps-america-258066

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: 201 ways to say ‘fuck’: what 1.7 billion words of online text shows about how the world swears

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martin Schweinberger, Lecturer in Applied Linguistics, The University of Queensland

    Our brains swear for good reasons: to vent, cope, boost our grit and feel closer to those around us. Swear words can act as social glue and play meaningful roles in how people communicate, connect and express themselves – both in person, and online.

    In our new research published in Lingua, we analysed more than 1.7 billion words of online language across 20 English-speaking regions. We identified 597 different swear word forms – from standard words, to creative spellings like “4rseholes”, to acronyms like “wtf”.

    The findings challenge a familiar stereotype. Australians – often thought of as prolific swearers – are actually outdone by Americans and Brits, both in how often they swear, and in how many users swear online.

    Facts and figures

    Our study focused on publicly available web data (such as news articles, organisational websites, government or institutional publications, and blogs – but excluding social media and private messaging). We found vulgar words made up 0.036% of all words in the dataset from the United States, followed by 0.025% in the British data and 0.022% in the Australian data.

    Although vulgar language is relatively rare in terms of overall word frequency, it was used by a significant number of individuals.

    Between 12% and 13.3% of Americans, around 10% of Brits, and 9.4% of Australians used at least one vulgar word in their data. Overall, the most frequent vulgar word was “fuck” – with all its variants, it amounted to a stunning 201 different forms.

    We focused on online language that didn’t include social media, because large-scale comparisons need robust, purpose-built datasets. In our case, we used the Global Web-Based English (GloWbE) corpus, which was specifically designed to compare how English is used across different regions online.

    So how much were our findings influenced by the online data we used?

    Telling results come from research happening at the same time as ours. One study analysed the use of “fuck” in social networks on X, examining how network size and strength influence swearing in the UK, US and Australia.

    It used data from 5,660 networks with more than 435,000 users and 7.8 billion words and found what we did. Americans use “fuck” most frequently, while Australians use it the least, but with the most creative spelling variations (some comfort for anyone feeling let down by our online swearing stats).

    Teasing apart cultural differences

    Americans hold relatively conservative attitudes toward public morality, and their high swearing rates are surprising. The cultural contradiction may reflect the country’s strong individualistic culture. Americans often value personal expression – especially in private or anonymous settings like the internet.

    Meanwhile, public displays of swearing are often frowned upon in the US. This is partly due to the lingering influence of religious norms, which frame swearing – particularly religious-based profanity – as a violation of moral decency.

    Significantly, the only religious-based swear word in our dataset, “damn”, was used most frequently by Americans.

    Research suggests swearing is more acceptable in Australian public discourse. Certainly, Australia’s public airing of swear words often takes visitors by surprise. The long-running road safety slogan “If you drink, then drive, you’re a bloody idiot” is striking – such language is rare in official messaging elsewhere.

    Australians may be comfortable swearing in person, but our findings indicate they dial it back online – surprising for a nation so fond of its vernacular.

    In terms of preferences for specific forms of vulgarity, Americans showed a strong preference for variations of “ass(hole)”, the Irish favored “feck”, the British preferred “cunt”, and Pakistanis leaned toward “butt(hole)”.

    The only statistically significant aversion we found was among Americans, who tended to avoid the word “bloody” (folk wisdom claims the word is blasphemous).

    Being fluent in swearing

    People from countries where English is the dominant language – such as the US, Britain, Australia, Canada, New Zealand and Ireland – tend to swear more frequently and with more lexical variety than people in regions where English is less dominant like India, Pakistan, Hong Kong, Ghana or the Philippines. This pattern holds for both frequency and creativity in swearing.

    But Singapore ranked fourth in terms of frequency of swearing in our study, just behind Australia and ahead of New Zealand, Ireland and Canada. English in Singapore is increasingly seen not as a second language, but as a native language, and as a tool for identity, belonging and creativity. Young Singaporeans use social swearing to push back against authority, especially given the government’s strict rules on public language.

    One possible reason we saw less swearing among non-native English speakers is that it is rarely taught. Despite its frequency and social utility, swearing – alongside humour and informal speech – is often left out of language education.

    Cursing comes naturally

    Cultural, social and technological shifts are reshaping linguistic norms, blurring the already blurry lines between informal and formal, private and public language. Just consider the Aussie contributions to the July Oxford English Dictionary updates: expressions like “to strain the potatoes” (to urinate), “no wuckers” and “no wucking furries” (from “no fucking worries”).

    Swearing and vulgarity aren’t just crass or abusive. While they can be used harmfully, research consistently shows they serve important communicative functions – colourful language builds rapport, expresses humour and emotion, signals solidarity and eases tension.

    It’s clear that swearing isn’t just a bad habit that can be easily kicked, like nail-biting or smoking indoors. Besides, history shows that telling people not to swear is one of the best ways to keep swearing alive and well.

    Martin Schweinberger has received funding from from the Centre for Digital Cultures and Society and the School of Languages and Cultures at the University of Queensland. He is currently funded by the Language Data Commons of Australia, which has received investment from the Australian Research Data Commons, funded by the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy.

    Kate Burridge does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. 201 ways to say ‘fuck’: what 1.7 billion words of online text shows about how the world swears – https://theconversation.com/201-ways-to-say-fuck-what-1-7-billion-words-of-online-text-shows-about-how-the-world-swears-257815

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Extreme weather could send milk prices soaring, deepening challenges for the dairy industry

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milena Bojovic, Lecturer, Sustainability and Environment, University of Technology Sydney

    Australia’s dairy industry is in the middle of a crisis, fuelled by an almost perfect storm of challenges.

    Climate change and extreme weather have been battering farmlands and impacting animal productivity, creating mounting financial strains and mental health struggles for many farmers.

    Meanwhile, beyond the farm gate, consumer tastes are shifting to a range of dairy substitutes. Interest and investment in alternative dairy proteins is accelerating.

    Earlier this month, industry figures warned consumers to prepare for price rises amid expected shortages of milk, butter and cheese. Already mired in uncertainty, the dairy industry is now being forced to confront some tough questions about its future head on.

    Dairy under pressure

    Dairy is Australia’s third-largest rural industry. It produces more than A$6 billion worth of milk each year, and directly employs more than 30,000 people.

    But the sector has been under sustained pressure. This year alone, repeated extreme weather events have affected key dairy-producing regions in southern and eastern parts of Australia.

    In New South Wales, dairy farmers face increased pressure from floods. In May, many regions had their monthly rainfall records broken – some by huge margins.

    In Victoria, drought and water shortages are worsening. Tasmania, too, continues to endure some of the driest conditions in more than a century.

    Conditions have prompted many farmers to sell down their cattle numbers to conserve feed and water.

    All of this heavily impacts farm productivity. Agriculture has long been predicated on our ability to predict climate conditions and grow food or rear animals according to the cycles of nature.

    As climate change disrupts weather patterns, this makes both short and long-term planning for the sector a growing challenge.

    High costs, low profits

    Climate change isn’t the only test. The industry has also been grappling with productivity and profitability concerns.

    At the farm level, dairy farmers are feeling the impacts of high operating costs. Compared to other types of farming (such as sheep or beef), dairy farms require more plant, machinery and equipment capital, mostly in the form of specialised milking machinery.

    The price of milk also has many farmers concerned. The modest increase in farmgate milk prices – just announced by dairy companies for the start of the next financial year – left many farmers disappointed. Some say the increase isn’t enough to cover rising operating costs.

    Zooming out, there are concerns about a lack of family succession planning for dairy farms. Many young people are wary of taking on such burdens, and the total number of Australian dairy farms has been in steady decline – from more than 6,000 in 2015 to just 4,163 in 2023.

    What’s the solution?

    Is there a way to make the dairy industry more productive, profitable and sustainable? Australian Dairy Farmers is the national policy and advocacy group supporting the profitability and sustainability of the sector.

    In the lead up to this year’s federal election, the group called for $399 million in government investment to address what it said were key priorities. These included:

    • investment in on-farm technologies to improve efficiencies
    • funding for water security
    • upskilling programs for farmers
    • support for succession planning.
    Industry figures have warned consumers to brace for possible increases in the cost of dairy products.
    wisely/Shutterstock

    However, as the industry struggles to grapple with a changing climate, financial strain and mental health pressures, there should also be pathways for incumbent farmers to transition, either to farming dairy differently (such as by reducing herd sizes) or exiting out of dairy farming and into something else.

    Dairy without the cows

    The push to make dairy production more sustainable and efficient faces its own competition. A number of techniques in development promise dairy products without the cows, through cellular agriculture – and more specifically, “precision fermentation”.

    Australian company Eden Brew, in partnership with dairy giant Norco, has plans to produce and commercialise precision fermentation dairy proteins.

    And last year, Australian company All G secured approval to sell precision fermentation lactoferrin (a key dairy ingredient in baby formula) in China – another animal-free milk product.

    It is important to note that cost and scalability for cellular agriculture remains a challenge.

    Nonetheless, Australia’s rapidly growing non-dairy milk market – soy, oat, and so on – is now worth over $600 million annually. This reflects the global shift towards plant-based options driven by health, environmental, and ethical concerns.

    Is there a win-win outcome?

    Is there a possible future where more funding is given to produce milk at scale through precision fermentation while we also look after incumbent dairy workers, farms and the rural sector at large to diversify or leave the sector altogether?

    Some believe this future is possible. This is what researchers call “protein pluralism” – a market where traditional and alternative proteins coexist. Long-term planning from both the dairy industry and government would be needed.

    Remember, while techniques like precision fermentation offer the promise of animal-free dairy products, their benefits are largely yet to materialise. How they will ultimately benefit the whole of society remains speculative.

    What we can do now

    For this reason, some scholars have argued we should prioritise actions that can be taken now. This includes support for practices such as agroecology, which seek to address injustice and inequity in food systems to help empower primary food producers.

    A recent study found Australian dairy farmers were interested in financial and technical advice to make decisions about where they take their business in future.

    Despite growing recognition of the challenges facing the dairy sector, responses from government and alternative dairy remain uneven. A more coordinated approach is needed for affected farmers, helping them adapt or diversify with guidance from government and industry experts.

    Milena Bojovic volunteers with Farm Transitions Australia, a registered charity which helps Australian dairy and beef farmers facing hardship and seeking a transition from the industry. She is affiliated with ARC Centre for Excellence in Synthetic Biology.

    – ref. Extreme weather could send milk prices soaring, deepening challenges for the dairy industry – https://theconversation.com/extreme-weather-could-send-milk-prices-soaring-deepening-challenges-for-the-dairy-industry-258175

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Hard to measure and difficult to shift’: the government’s big productivity challenge

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Bartos, Professor of Economics, University of Canberra

    Higher productivity has quickly emerged as an economic reform priority for Labor’s second term.

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has laid down some markers for a productivity round table in August, saying he wants it to build the “broadest possible base” for further economic reform.

    The government is right to focus on productivity. Improving economic efficiency will increase real wages, help bring down inflation and interest rates, and improve living standards.

    Treasurer Jim Chalmers is flagging a broad productivity agenda, but acknowledges the rewards will take time to percolate through the economy:

    Human capital, competition policy, technology, energy, the care economy – these are where we are going to find the productivity gains, and not quickly, but over the medium term.

    Making the economy operate more efficiently is simple in concept. But Albanese and Chalmers would be well aware productivity is hard to measure, and even more difficult to shift.

    The numbers are fraught

    What do we mean by productivity growth? And how will it help lift the economy? The authors of the bestselling new book Abundance offer this neat explanation:

    People need to think up new ideas. Factories need to innovate new processes. These new ideas and new processes must be encoded into new technologies. All this is grouped under the sterile label of productivity: How much more can we produce with the same number of people and resources?

    At its most basic, productivity measures outputs divided by inputs – what we produce compared to the resources such as labour and capital used to produce it.

    But large parts of the “non-market” economy including the public service, health care and education are excluded from the official productivity figures.

    The Australian Bureau of Statistics is working to address the gap in the data. For example, it is developing “experimental estimates” for the health sector, which suggests hospital productivity has fallen.

    However measurement is fraught. If a nurse, for instance, who previously cared for four patients now looks after eight, is that a productivity improvement? Or a drop in standard of care?

    Flatlining productivity

    Australian productivity growth has averaged just 0.4% a year since 2015 – the lowest rate in 60 years.

    The exception was during COVID, when industries with low productivity, such as accommodation and food, were shut down and those with high productivity – such as IT and communications – thrived.

    The objective must be to return to, or even surpass, historical levels of productivity. However, it won’t be easy given economists have no clear idea why productivity growth has fallen in Australia and overseas.

    Theories include:

    • measurement problems
    • new industries
    • decline in business investment in equipment and technology
    • more service industries, where productivity is lower
    • the easy reforms have all been done.

    No shortage of advice

    Productivity is multidimensional, with an absurd number of moving parts. It depends on skills, technology, investment, knowledge, management, and a host of other factors. Like the movie, it’s “everything, everywhere all at once”.

    The government has a plethora of advice on how to improve productivity. Scientists argue for more scientific research; business lobbies for more investment breaks;
    innovators for more technological advances.

    This poses a dilemma for the Treasurer. Most suggestions on their own would make some difference. Doing all of them would make a huge difference. Alas, government cannot do everything. It must choose where to apply its limited resources.

    Beyond money and time, the government must also have appetite for the fight.

    Interest groups typically support productivity reforms in principle, but resist them if they are directly affected. Every inefficient regulation or program has a supporter somewhere.

    Five pillars

    Jim Chalmers does not need another shopping list. He needs help to sort through options and set priorities for which fights to pick. To this end, in December year he tasked the Productivity Commission with new inquiries into the five main drivers – “pillars” – of higher productivity.



    Read more:
    Labor says its second term will be about productivity reform. These ideas could help shift the dial

    Yet the Albanese government has already been handed a comprehensive blueprint for productivity reform.

    In March 2023, the Productivity Commission released the Advancing Prosperity report, which it described as a “road map”.

    However, it had more of a shopping list feel, incorporating 71 recommendations and 29 “reform directives”. Many were of the “should” variety, lacking a detailed plan of how to do them.

    Roughly speaking, any government only has bandwidth for one big and a few small reforms a term. It cannot implement more than 70, even if that’s ideal.

    Productivity reform will succeed if it involves only a few changes – preferably those that deliver the most improvement for the least complaint.

    Some proposed measures are desirable but controversial. The tax system, for example, is crying out for improvement, but the government is unlikely to take it on.

    Reforming occupational licences to make it easier for tradies to move states is a more modest aim. It would not generate the same productivity gains, but politically would be simpler to implement.

    Nothing to fear

    Finally, some words of caution.

    Productivity is not code for exploiting workers. As The Guardian recently noted:

    When most people hear the word ‘productivity’ they think of their boss wanting them to take on more duties for the same pay. That’s not the case. It’s about getting more out of the hours you work.

    Working harder to get the same result is in fact a drop in productivity. Working shorter hours for the same outputs is productivity growth, with the benefits seen in better work-life balance.

    Nor is productivity just about producing more outputs. Who needs more useless stuff?

    And statistics can mislead, because they measure the value of production, not the quality. A broader accounting for production, incorporating society and the environment, would help the productivity debate avoid this trap.

    Albanese and Chalmers readily acknowledge the government can do more on productivity. Anyone with an interest in driving a more efficient economy, higher real wages and better living standards will hold them to their word.

    This article is part of The Conversation’s series examining the productivity dilemma.

    Stephen Bartos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Hard to measure and difficult to shift’: the government’s big productivity challenge – https://theconversation.com/hard-to-measure-and-difficult-to-shift-the-governments-big-productivity-challenge-257968

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: A reversal in US climate policy will send renewables investors packing – and Australia can reap the benefits

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christian Downie, Professor, Australian National University

    President Donald Trump is trying to unravel the signature climate policy of his predecessor Joe Biden, the Inflation Reduction Act, as part of a sweeping bid to dismantle the United States’ climate ambition.

    The Inflation Reduction Act, or IRA, is a A$530 billion suite of measures that aims to turbocharge clean energy investment and slash emissions in the US. Once hailed as a game-changer for the global clean energy transition, it set in train a fierce international competition for renewable energy investment.

    But the policy is now hanging by a thread, after the US House of Representatives last month narrowly passed a bill to repeal many of its clean energy measures.

    Should the bill pass the Senate, billions of dollars in renewables investment once destined for the US could be looking for a new home. Now is the time for the Albanese government to woo investors with a bolder program of climate action in Australia.

    The Trump administration is seeking to wind back Biden’s signature climate policy.
    Jemal Countess/Getty Images for Climate Power 2020

    What is the Inflation Reduction Act?

    The Inflation Reduction Act passed US Congress in 2022. It legislated billions of dollars in tax credits for solar panels, wind turbines, batteries and geothermal plants, among other technologies.

    It included around A$13 billion in rebates for Americans to electrify their homes, tax credits of almost A$11,000 to electrify their cars, and billions more to establish a “green bank” and target agricultural emissions.

    The money flowed. Last year, almost A$420 billion was invested in the manufacture and deployment of clean energy – double that in 2021, the year before the legislation passed.

    Even in the first quarter of this year, under a Trump presidency, A$103 billion was invested in clean energy tech – an increase on the first quarter results of 2024. Electric vehicle manufacturing projects, especially batteries, were standout performers.

    Then US president Joe Biden in August 2023, celebrating the first anniversary of the Inflation Reduction Act. The policy aimed to turbocharge the clean energy transition.
    Win McNamee/Getty Images

    But then came the proposed repeal. The Trump administration wants to gut tax credits for clean energy technologies. The measures passed the House of Representatives and must now clear the US Senate, where the Republicans have a margin of three votes.

    Initial modelling suggests the bill, if passed, could derail clean energy manufacturing in the US – including in Republican states where new projects were planned.

    The potential economic damage has sparked concern even among Trump’s own troops. Some Republicans last week reportedly urged the scaling back of the cuts, despite voting for the bill in the House.

    Opportunities for Australia

    After the IRA was enacted, many countries followed the US’ lead – including Australia’s Albanese government, which legislated the A$22.7 billion Future Made in Australia package.

    So how will Trump’s unravelling of the policy affect the rest of the world?

    The economic impacts are still being modelled. Some studies suggest the US could cede A$123 billion in investment to other countries.

    The US axing of tax credits for battery and solar technology paves the way for nations such as China and South Korea to capitalise – given, for example, they already dominate battery manufacturing.

    Australia should be doing its utmost to attract investors that no longer see the US as an option. Our existing policies are a start, but they are not sufficient.

    In February this year, Labor increased the investment capacity of the Clean Energy Finance Corporation – Australia’s “green bank” – by A$2 billion. But more will be needed if the government is serious about crowding-in private investment in low-emission technologies exiting the US.

    The government would also be wise to remove incentives that increase fossil fuel use. This includes the diesel fuel rebate, which encourages the use of diesel-powered trucks on mine sites. Fortescue Metals this week announced a push for the subsidy to be wound back – potentially providing the political opening Labor needs.

    What about nuclear?

    Trump has also promised a “nuclear renaissance”, signing four executive orders designed to reinvigorate the US nuclear energy industry.

    But those measures are likely to fail, just as Trump’s 2016 promise to revive the coal industry never eventuated.

    In fact, his cuts to the Loan Programs Office – which helps finance new energy projects including nuclear – threaten to undermine the viability of new nuclear plants. The office has been the guarantor for every new US nuclear plant this century, bar one.

    If the US is struggling to scale up its existing nuclear industry, this does not bode well for the technology’s hopes in Australia. Here, the prospect of a nuclear energy policy still appears alive in the Coalition party room, even though the technology remains politically unpopular, and the economics don’t stack up.

    What’s next?

    Predicting US climate and energy policy is a fool’s errand, given the potential IRA repeal, flip-flopping tariff announcements and daily social media tirades from Trump, including a social media bust-up with former ally Elon Musk over the merits of the repeal itself.

    Stepping back from the politics, we cannot ignore the climate harms flowing from a walk-back on US climate action.

    The US is the world’s second-largest emitter of greenhouse gases. As climate change reaches new extremes, the policy vacuum created by Donald Trump must urgently be filled by the rest of the world.

    Christian Downie receives funding from the Australian Research Council

    – ref. A reversal in US climate policy will send renewables investors packing – and Australia can reap the benefits – https://theconversation.com/a-reversal-in-us-climate-policy-will-send-renewables-investors-packing-and-australia-can-reap-the-benefits-258388

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: The leading risk factor for cancer isn’t what you think

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kristen Haase, Associate Professor, Nursing, University of British Columbia

    International guidelines say that all older adults should have a geriatric assessment prior to making a decision about their cancer treatment. (Shutterstock)

    If you were to ask most people what causes cancer, the answer would probably be smoking, alcohol, the sun, hair dye or some other avoidable element. But the most important risk factor for cancer is something else: aging. That’s right, the factor most associated with cancer is unavoidable — and a condition that we will all experience.

    Why is this important? Older adults are the fastest growing population in Canada and globally. By 2068, approximately 29 per cent of Canadians will be over age 65. With cancer being one of the most common diseases in older adults and one of the most common diseases in Canada, it means we need to think about how to provide the best cancer care for older adults.

    Demographic shift

    So how are we doing so far? The answer is: not great. This may be surprising, but we also have a great opportunity to innovate and prepare for this demographic shift in cancer care.

    International guidelines — including those from the American Society of Clinical Oncology — say that all older adults should have a geriatric assessment prior to making a decision about their cancer treatment. The most widely used models of geriatric assessment involve a geriatrician.

    With cancer being one of the most common diseases in older adults and one of the most common diseases in Canada, it means we need to think about how to provide the best cancer care for older adults.
    (Shutterstock)

    Consultation with a geriatrician for an older adult allows the oncologist and older adult to engage in a conversation about cancer treatment armed with information. Things like how treatment might affect their cognition, their function, their existing illnesses (which most older adults have when they are diagnosed with cancer), and the years of remaining life.

    Importantly, geriatricians centre their assessment on what matters most to patients. This approach anchors any decision about cancer around the wishes of older adults and their support system. When diagnosed with cancer, older adults undergo many tests and measures of function, but the evidence supports that these are not as accurate as geriatric assessment for identifying problems that may be below the surface.

    Care in Canada

    In Canada, there are currently only a handful of specialized geriatric oncology clinics. The oldest clinic is in Montréal at the Jewish General Hospital, followed closely by the Older Adult with Cancer Clinic at Princess Margaret Cancer Centre in Toronto, led by Shabbir Alibhai, one of the authors of this story. As researchers, we are in touch with clinics in Ontario and Alberta that have told us they have geriatric oncology services under development, so we hope to see new programs soon.

    These clinics aren’t just good for patients. In fact, a study led by Shabbir Alibhai demonstrated a cost savings of approximately $7,000 per older adult seen in these clinics. If we map this onto the number of older adults diagnosed with cancer in Canada every year, this represents a huge cost savings for our public health system. Despite this overwhelming evidence, this is still not routine care.

    In Canada, there are currently only a handful of specialized geriatric oncology clinics.
    (Shutterstock)

    In British Columbia, there are currently no specialized services for older adults with cancer. Over the last five years, Kristen Haase — also an author of this story — has been working with colleagues to understand whether these services are needed and how they could help older adults with cancer in B.C.

    This work involved conversations with more than 100 members of the cancer community. The research team spoke with older adults undergoing cancer treatment, who sometimes had to relocate for cancer treatment. Other participants included caregivers who cared for elderly family members during their cancer treatment and described numerous challenges they faced, and volunteers who ran a free transportation service — a service also mostly staffed by older adult volunteers.

    The research team also heard from health-care professionals: oncologists, nurses, physiotherapists and social workers. The latter group coalesced around the need for additional supports within the cancer care system so they could do their job well, and best support older adults.

    The results indicate that both those working in the system and those using the system want and need better support.

    Barriers to care

    So where are we now and why don’t we have these services across Canada?

    Cost is obviously a barrier to any health-care service. But with evidence that any costs will be offset by demonstrated cost savings, this is a non-starter.

    Health human resources are one huge restriction. Geriatricians are in high demand and there is low supply. However, nurse-led models have also been shown to be successful. With the expanding role of nurse practitioners across Canada, this option has huge potential to innovate care, and at a lower cost.

    There is an opportunity to innovate models of care that are targeted to those who need services the most: those who are most frail, are most likely to benefit from tailored care, and will reap the most benefit in terms of quality of life.
    (Shutterstock)

    Another reason is good old inertia. Our clinical care model in oncology has remained mostly intact for over three decades. It is primarily a single physician-driven model. Although modern therapies for cancer have emerged at a breathtaking pace and have been introduced into clinical practice, it is much harder to change the model of care, particularly for strategies such as geriatric assessment that are harder to implement than a new drug or surgical/radiation technique.

    The last, and perhaps the most difficult to pin down of all potential reasons for the absence of specialized cancer services for older adults, is agism. Agism is discrimination based on age. It is one of the most common forms of discrimination and it is deeply embedded in many of our systems. Imagine a scenario where children diagnosed with cancer couldn’t access a pediatrician. We would collectively be outraged. Yet somehow, we accept this for older adults.

    Due to the overwhelming number of older adults who are and will be diagnosed with cancer in the coming years, it will never be possible for all of them to receive specialized geriatric services. But there is an opportunity to innovate models of care that are targeted to those who need services the most: those who are most frail, are most likely to benefit from tailored care, and will reap the most benefit in terms of quality of life.

    Stratifying these programs around those who need them the most will also have the greatest financial impact. And if personal stories of improving quality of life for older adults with cancer or international guidelines don’t move decision-makers, hopefully cost savings will.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The leading risk factor for cancer isn’t what you think – https://theconversation.com/the-leading-risk-factor-for-cancer-isnt-what-you-think-253834

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Sanctuary cities can’t protect people from ICE immigration raids − but they don’t actually violate federal law

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien, Professor of Political Science, San Diego State University

    While sanctuary policies for immigrants have grown in the U.S. since the 1980s, the Trump administration is the first to challenge them. Marcos Silva/iStock/Getty Images Plus

    The Trump administration plans to send special response teams of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents to conduct immigration raids in four cities run by Democratic mayors, NBC news reported on June 11, 2025, citing two unnamed sources familiar with the planning process.

    NBC reports that New York City, Philadelphia, Chicago and Seattle are four of the five places that would be affected by this deployment, as well as northern Virginia. These cities are also among the other major metropolitan hubs – as well as more than 200 small towns and counties and a dozen states – that over the past 40 years have adopted what are often known as sanctuary policies.

    Special response teams are tactical units under ICE that are trained to respond to extreme situations such as drug and arms smugglers. These units have been used to respond to recent immigration protests in Los Angeles in response to ICE raids. President Donald Trump has also deployed 4,000 National Guard troops, as well as about 700 Marines, to quell protests in that city. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass and California Gov. Gavin Newsom have said the presence of troops is exacerbating the situation and are challenging the legality of these deployments in court.

    While sanctuary policies often prohibit local participation in immigration enforcement or cooperation with ICE, if large-scale raids take place in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago and Seattle, their designation as sanctuary cities offers little protection to immigrants living without legal authorization from deportation.

    There is not a single definition of a sanctuary policy. But it often involves local authorities not asking about a resident’s immigration status, or not sharing that personal information with federal immigration authorities.

    So when a San Francisco police officer pulls someone over for a traffic violation, the officer will not ask if the person is living in the country legally.

    American presidents, from Ronald Reagan to Joe Biden, have chosen to leave sanctuary policies largely unchallenged since different places first adopted them in the 1970s. This changed in 2017, when President Donald Trump first tried to cut federal funding to sanctuary places, claiming that their policies “willfully violate Federal law.” Legal challenges during his first term stopped him from actually withholding the money.

    At the start of his second term, Trump signed two executive orders in January and April 2025 which again state that his administration will withhold federal money from areas with sanctuary policies.

    “Working on papers to withhold all Federal Funding for any City or State that allows these Death Traps to exist!!!” Trump said, according to an April White House statement. This statement was immediately followed by his April executive order.

    These two executive orders task the attorney general and secretary of homeland security with publishing a list of all sanctuary places and notifying local and state officials of “non-compliance, providing an opportunity to correct it.” Those that do not comply with federal law, according to the orders, may lose federal funding.

    San Francisco and 14 other sanctuary cities, including New Haven, Connecticut, and Portland, Oregon, sued the Trump administration in February on the grounds that it was illegally trying to coerce cities to comply with its policies. A U.S. district court judge in California issued an injunction on April 24 preventing the administration – at least for the time being – from cutting funding from places with sanctuary policies.

    However, as researchers who have studied sanctuary policies for over a decade, we know that Trump’s claim that sanctuary policies violate federal immigration law is not correct.

    It’s true that the federal government has exclusive jurisdiction over immigration. Yet there is no federal requirement that state or local governments participate or cooperate in federal immigration enforcement, which would require an act of Congress.

    A sign is seen at the Nogales, Ariz., and Mariposa, Mexico, border crossing.
    Jan Sonnenmair/Getty Images

    What’s behind sanctuary policies

    In 1979, the Los Angeles Police Department was the first to announce a prohibition on local officials asking about a resident’s immigration status.

    However, it was not until the 1980s that the sanctuary movement took off, when hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans, Guatemalans and Nicaraguans fled civil war and violence in their home countries and migrated to the U.S. This prompted a number of cities to declare solidarity with the faith-based sanctuary movement that offered refuge to Salvadoran, Guatemalan and Nicaraguan asylum seekers facing deportation.

    In 1985, Berkeley, Calif., and San Francisco pledged that city officials, including police officers, would not report Central Americans to immigration authorities as long as they were law abiding.

    Berkeley also banned officials from using local money to work with federal immigration authorities.

    “We are not asking anyone to do anything illegal,” Nancy Walker, a supervisor for San Francisco, said in 1985, according to The New York Times. “We have got to extend our hand to these people. If these people go home, they die. They are asking us to let them stay.”

    Today, there are hundreds of sanctuary cities, towns, counties and states across the country that all have a variation of policies that limit their cooperation with federal immigration authorities.

    Sometimes – but not always – places with sanctuary policies bar local law enforcement agencies from working with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the country’s main immigration enforcement agency.

    A large part of ICE’s work is identifying, arresting and deporting immigrants living in the U.S. illegally. In order to carry out this work, ICE issues what is known as “detainer requests” to local law enforcement authorities. A detainer request asks local law enforcement to hold a specific arrested person already being held by police until that person can be transferred to ICE, which can then take steps to deport them.

    While places without sanctuary policies tend to comply with these requests, some sanctuary jurisdictions, like the state of California, only do so in the cases of particular violent criminal offenses.

    Yet local officials in sanctuary places cannot legally block ICE from arresting local residents who are living in the country illegally, or from carrying out any other parts of its work.

    Can Trump withhold federal funding?

    Trump claimed in 2017 that sanctuary policies violated federal law, and he issued an executive order that tried to rescind federal grants that these jurisdictions received.

    However, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in a 2018 case involving San Francisco and Santa Clara County, California, that the president could not refuse to “disperse the federal grants in question without congressional authorization.”

    Federal courts, meanwhile, split over whether Trump could freeze funding attached to a specific federal program called the Edward Byrne Memorial Assistance Grant Program, which provides about US$250 million in annual funding to state and local law enforcement.

    These cases were in the process of being appealed to the Supreme Court when the Department of Justice, under Biden, asked that they be dismissed.

    Other Supreme Court rulings also suggest that the Trump administration’s claim that it can withhold federal funding from sanctuary places rests on shaky legal ground.

    The Supreme Court ruled in 1992 and again in 1997 that the federal government could not coerce state or local governments to use their resources to enforce a federal regulatory program, or compel them to enact or administer a federal regulatory program.

    Under pressure

    The first Trump administration was not generally successful, with the exception of the split over the Edward Byrne Memorial Assistance Grant Program, at stripping funding from sanctuary places. But cutting federal funding – even if it happens temporarily – can be economically damaging to cities and counties while they challenge the decision in court.

    Local officials also face other kinds of political pressure to comply with the Trump administration’s demands.

    A legal group founded by Stephen Miller, deputy chief of staff in the Trump administration, for example, sent letters to dozens of local officials in January threatening criminal prosecution for their sanctuary policies.

    Michelle Wu, the mayor of Boston, a sanctuary city, testifies during a House committee hearing on sanctuary city mayors on March 5, 2025, in Washington.
    Nathan Posner/Anadolu via Getty Images

    The real effects of sanctuary policies

    One part of Trump’s argument against sanctuary policies is that places with these policies have more crime than those that do not.

    But there is no established relationship between sanctuary status and crime rates.

    There is, however, evidence that when local law enforcement and ICE work together, it reduces the likelihood of immigrant and Latino communities to report crimes, likely for fear of being arrested by federal immigration authorities.

    Sanctuary policies are certainly worthy of debate, but this requires an accurate representation of what they are, what they do, and the effects they have.

    This is an updated version of a story originally published on May 28, 2025.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Sanctuary cities can’t protect people from ICE immigration raids − but they don’t actually violate federal law – https://theconversation.com/sanctuary-cities-cant-protect-people-from-ice-immigration-raids-but-they-dont-actually-violate-federal-law-255831

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Microaggressions’ can fly under the radar in schools. Here’s how to spot them and respond

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Leslie, Lecturer in Curriculum and Pedagogy with a focus on Educational Psychology, University of Southern Queensland

    Klaus Vedfelt/ Getty Images

    Bullying is sadly a common experience for Australian children and teenagers. It is estimated at least 25% experience bullying at some point in their schooling.

    The impacts can be far-reaching and include depression and anxiety, poorer school performance, and poorer connection to school.

    The federal government is currently doing a “rapid review” of how to better prevent bullying in schools. This do this, we need a clear understanding of the full spectrum of aggressive behaviours that occur in schools.

    We already know bullying can be physical, verbal and social, and can occur in person and online. But there is less awareness among educators and policymakers of “microaggressions”. These can be more subtle but are nonetheless very damaging.



    Read more:
    With a government review underway, we have to ask why children bully other kids

    What’s the difference between bullying and microaggressions?

    Bullying is unwanted aggressive behaviour by a person or group against a targeted victim, with the intent to harm. The behaviour is repeated and there is a power imbalance between the perpetrator and victim.

    Microaggressions are a form of aggression that communicate a person is less valued because of a particular attribute – for example, their race, gender or disability.

    Microaggressions are repeated, cumulative and reflect power imbalances between social groups. A key difference with traditional bullying is microaggressions are often unconscious on the part of the perpetrator – and can be perpetrated with no ill intent.

    For example, traditional bullying could include a child always excluding another child from the group, always pushing them when they walk past them, or calling them a rude name.

    Microaggressions could include:

    • saying “you don’t look disabled” to a student with an invisible disability

    • mispronouncing a student’s name with no attempt to correct the pronunciation

    • saying to a student of colour, “wow, you’re so articulate”, implying surprise at their language skills

    • minimising a student with disability’s experience by saying “it can’t be that difficult. Just try harder.”

    We don’t have specific statistics on prevalence within Australia, although there is ample research to say those from minority groups frequently experience microaggressions.

    For example, studies of young people in the United States found incidents of microaggressions, often focused on racism, homophobia, transphobia and fat stigma. Students who held more than one identity (for example, a minority race and sexual orientation), were more likely to be targets.

    Microaggressions in schools

    My 2025 research on microaggressions towards dyslexic students in Australia found both students and parents can be on the receiving end. Teachers, school support officers and other students could be perpetrators.

    These interactions minimised the students’ experiences of dyslexia and made them feel like second class students compared to their peers.

    Some of the children reported comments from peers such as “oh yeah, reading, writing is hard already” which minimised the difficulties caused by dyslexia. Another student recalled how a peer had corrected her spelling “by snatching my book and re-writing it”, assuming she couldn’t do it herself. One student was made to feel bad for using a laptop in class as “someone said it was cheating”.

    The impact of microaggressions

    Schools where microaggressions occur are not safe spaces for all students.

    This can have serious implications for students’ school attendance, harm their mental health and ability to learn and socialise.

    Research on US university students, showed students may also become hypervigilant waiting for future microaggressions to occur.

    One Australian study found microaggressions can be so bad for some school students, they change schools in search of environments where staff and peers are more accepting.

    How to address microaggressions

    Research suggests addressing microaggressions can work as a prevention strategy to reduce other forms of bullying before it starts.

    Studies also show teacher awareness of microaggressions is key to preventing and addressing incidents.

    So a first step step is to make sure schools, teachers and students are aware of microagressions. Teachers should be educated about the relationship between microaggressions and bullying.

    Schools need to create environments where microaggressions are understood, recognised and addressed. All students need to be taught how to respond appropriately as bystanders if they see microaggressions happening in the classroom, playground or online.

    If a student feels that they or a friend has been made to feel less because of their identity, then they should be encouraged to seek help from an appropriate adult.

    Schools also need proactive programs to foster inclusion in schools. Research shows school psychologists can help by delivering programs in mental health and social and emotional development.

    Just as schools, teachers and school psychologists can be proactive in addressing microaggressions, so too can the federal government – by including microaggressions in its anti-bullying review.

    If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14 or Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800.

    Rachel Leslie is a committee member for the Australian Psychologists and Counsellors in Schools association.

    – ref. ‘Microaggressions’ can fly under the radar in schools. Here’s how to spot them and respond – https://theconversation.com/microaggressions-can-fly-under-the-radar-in-schools-heres-how-to-spot-them-and-respond-258684

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Medical scans are big business and investors are circling. Here are 3 reasons to be concerned

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sean Docking, Research Fellow, School of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, Monash University

    wedmoments.stock/Shutterstock

    Timely access to high-quality medical imaging can be lifesaving and life-altering. Radiology can confirm a fractured bone, give us an early glimpse of our baby or detect cancer.

    But behind the x-ray, ultrasound, CT and MRI machines is a growing, highly profitable industry worth almost A$6 billion a year.

    Corporate ownership dominates the sector. In our new study, we show how for-profit corporations own about three in every five private radiology clinics.

    As radiology becomes an increasingly attractive target for investors, are we letting business interests reshape a key part of our health-care system?

    30 million scans and counting

    In 2023–24, two in five Australians had an x-ray, ultrasound, CT scan or MRI. That’s about 30.8 million scans in total (individuals may have two or more scans).

    Medicare funds most of this imaging. In fact, imaging is now Medicare’s second-largest area of spending, behind only GP visits.

    But a growing number of scans are not bulk billed and patients are out of pocket on average about $125 per scan. An estimated 274,000 Australians are delaying or forgoing scans each year because of the cost.

    There have also been dramatic changes behind the scenes. Since the early 2000s, for-profit corporations have been buying small radiologist-owned clinics.

    Today, 65% of private radiology practices are owned by publicly listed shareholders or private investors, including private equity firms. This marks a significant shift from clinician-led to investor-driven health care.

    Need an ultrasound? You may end up at a private radiology clinic.
    Inside Creative House/Shutterstock

    Why should we care?

    Advocates of corporate ownership suggest this business-focused approach can make the system more efficient through economies of scale. They say this allows consolidation of administration tasks and a reduction in overheads.

    Easy access to finance can help buy expensive imaging machines. It can also provide investment towards new technologies, such as artificial intelligence.

    Yet, there are three main reasons why corporate ownership of the radiology sector may be cause for concern.

    1. It reduces competition

    Large corporations buying up a bunch of smaller practices ultimately leads to less competition. In Tasmania, for example, 11 of the 17 private radiology clinics are owned by one company, significantly limiting patient choice.

    We also found limited competition among radiology providers in South Australia, the Northern Territory and Australian Capital Territory.

    When a single company dominates a local market, it creates the conditions for higher fees and reduced incentives to bulk bill. However, objective data on the impact of reduced competition on the affordability of scans is scarce.

    2. It may lead to too many expensive scans

    High-cost scans, such as MRIs and CTs, are lucrative. Medicare expenditure on MRI scans alone has doubled since 2012.

    This may reflect improved access and a recommended shift towards more sensitive tests for some conditions. However, for-profit corporations now own about 76% of MRI machines in private clinics. These corporations may be financially incentivised to offer more costly imaging over equally effective, lower-cost options.

    With profits tied to the number of scans, there’s growing unease financial motives may be influencing when and how often these scans are used.

    While radiology corporations are not the ones requesting scans, there is little incentive for them to address overuse of radiology services, an issue for high-income countries such as Australia.

    Low-value imaging may also generate overdiagnosis (when something shows up on imaging but will never cause the patient any health issues, for example). It can lead to unnecessarily exposing patients to radiation and cause unwarranted patient (and doctor) anxiety. This can ultimately lead to more tests and unnecessary treatment.

    Is an MRI scan really necessary? Sometimes cheaper imaging is best.
    illustrissima/Shutterstock

    3. Radiology clinics become an asset

    Private equity firms view radiology clinics as a commodity to be bought, their value increased, then sold over a relatively short time frame (typically three to seven years).

    These firms generate profit not from delivering care, but from boosting the clinic’s value and charging them annual “management fees”.

    A prime example is unfolding. I-MED, Australia’s largest radiology provider, is considering listing the business on the Australian Stock Exchange after failing to sell at a reported $3 billion. Its UK private equity owner bought I-MED for about $1.26 billion in 2018. If sold, this would be the latest of multiple owners since delisting from the stock exchange in 2006.

    If there are debts, health-care companies can collapse, as we’ve seen recently with hospital chain Healthscope, which is owned by a Canadian-based private equity firm.

    Experience of private equity’s role in health care in the United States also offers a cautionary tale. Reductions in the quality of care, asset stripping and ultimately the closure and bankruptcy of vital health-care providers have prompted Congressional investigations. The state of Oregon is on the verge of blocking private equity firms from controlling health-care providers.

    What next?

    As radiology becomes an increasingly attractive target for investors, questions are mounting about whether this profit-driven model can coexist with the public’s need for affordable, accessible health care.

    Medicare was designed to guarantee affordable access to quality health care for all Australians, not guarantee revenue for corporations.

    While unwinding corporate participation in the radiology sector is near impossible, there is still time to implement safeguards that prevent wealthy investors from prioritising financial gain over Australians’ health and wellbeing.

    Stronger oversight and greater transparency from these corporations are needed to ensure Medicare dollars deliver real value for patients and the public.

    We would like to acknowledge Jenn Lacy-Nichols (University of Melbourne) and Martin Hensher (University of Tasmania) who co-authored the paper mentioned in this article.

    Sean Docking is a member of UniSuper (Industry Super Holdings Pty Ltd) as part of his superannuation; Unisuper is an investor in PRP Diagnostic Imaging. He has no direct investments in any diagnostic imaging companies.

    Rachelle Buchbinder has received grant funding from NHMRC, MRFF, Arthritis Australia and HCF Foundation. She receives royalties from UpToDate for writing and editing ‘Plantar fasciitis’. She also receives royalties for her book entitled ‘Hippocrasy: How doctors are betraying their oath’. She has not received funding from for-profit industry, including from radiology companies.

    – ref. Medical scans are big business and investors are circling. Here are 3 reasons to be concerned – https://theconversation.com/medical-scans-are-big-business-and-investors-are-circling-here-are-3-reasons-to-be-concerned-257820

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Were the first kings of Poland actually from Scotland? New DNA evidence unsettles a nation’s founding myth

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University

    An illustration from a 15th-century manuscript showing the coronation of the first king of Poland, Boleslaw I. Chronica Polonorum by Mathiae de Mechovia

    For two centuries, scholars have sparred over the roots of the Piasts, Poland’s first documented royal house, who reigned from the 10th to the 14th centuries.

    Were they local Slavic nobles, Moravian exiles, or warriors from Scandinavia?

    Since 2023, a series of genetic and environmental studies led by molecular biologist Marek Figlerowicz at the Poznań University of Technology has delivered a stream of direct evidence about these enigmatic rulers, bringing the debate onto firmer ground.

    Digging up the dynasty

    Field teams have now opened more than a dozen crypts from the Piast era. The largest single haul came from Płock Cathedral in what is now central Poland.

    The exhumed bones were dated between 1100 and 1495, matching written records. Genetic analysis showed several individuals were close relatives.

    “There is no doubt we are dealing with genuine Piasts,” Figlerowicz told a May 2025 conference.

    The Poznań group isolated readable DNA from 33 individuals (30 men and three women) believed to span the dynasty’s full timeline.

    Surprise on the Y chromosome

    The male skeletons almost all carry a single, rare group of genetic variants on the Y chromosome (which is only carried and passed down by males). This group is today found mainly in Britain. The closest known match belongs to a Pict buried in eastern Scotland in the 5th or 6th century.

    These results imply that the dynasty’s paternal line arrived from the vicinity of the North Atlantic, not nearby.

    Mieszko I, the first Piast ruler documented in written sources.
    Jan Matejko, c. 1893 (via Wikimedia)

    The date of that arrival is still open: the founding clan could have migrated centuries before the first known Piast, Mieszko I (who died in 992), or perhaps only a generation earlier through a dynastic marriage. Either way, the new data kill the notion of an unbroken local male lineage.

    Yet genetics also shows deep local continuity in the wider population. A separate survey of Iron Age cemeteries across Poland, published in Scientific Reports, revealed that people living 2,000 years ago already shared the genetic makeup seen in early Piast subjects.

    Another project that sequenced pre-Piast burials drew the same conclusion: local Poles were part of the broader continental gene pool stretching from Denmark to France.

    In short, even if the Piasts were exotic rulers, they governed a long-established community.

    A swamp tells its tale

    While the DNA work progressed, another Poznań team dug into the history of the local environment via samples from the peaty floor of Lake Lednica near Poznań, the island-ringed stronghold often dubbed the cradle of the Piast realm.

    Their study of buried pollen, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, shows an abrupt switch in the 9th century: oak and lime pollen plummet, while cereal and pasture indicators soar. Traces of charcoal and soot point to widespread fires.

    The authors call the shift an “ecological revolution”, driven by slash-and-burn agriculture and the need to feed concentrated garrisons of soldiers guarding local trade routes carrying amber and slaves.

    Modelling boom and bust

    Using this environmental data, historians and complexity scientists constructed a feedback model of population, silver paid as tribute to rulers, and fort-building. As fields expanded, tributes rose; as tributes rose, chiefs could hire more labour to clear more forest and build forts.

    The model reproduces the startling build-out of ramparts at Poznań, Giecz and Gniezno around 990. It also predicts collapse once the silver stopped flowing.

    Pollen data indeed show the woodlands recovered to some extent after 1070, while archaeological surveys record abandoned hamlets and shrinking garrisons.

    The early Piast state rode a resource boom as the Piasts controlled part of the amber and slave trade routes that linked the shores of the Baltic Sea to Rome.

    The impact of Mieszko’s conversion to Christianity on that lucrative trade remains subject to scholarly debate.

    Reconciling foreigners and locals

    How do these strands fit together? Evidence of a Scottish man in the Piast paternal line does not necessarily imply a foreign conquest. Dynasties spread by marriages as well as by swords.

    For example, Świętosława (the sister of the first Piast king, Bolesław the Brave), married the kings of both Denmark and Sweden, and her descendants ruled England for a time. The networks of Europe’s nobility were highly mobile.

    Conversely, the stable genetic profile of ordinary folk suggests that, whoever sat on the ducal bench, most people remained where their grandparents had farmed.

    The broader research engine

    None of this work happens in isolation. Poland’s National Science Centre has bankrolled a 24-person team across archaeology, palaeoecology and bioinformatics since 2014, generating 16 peer-reviewed papers and a public database of ancient genomes.

    Conferences at Lednica and Dziekanowice now bring historians and molecular biologists to the same table. The methodological pay-off is clear: Polish labs can now process their own ancient DNA rather than exporting it to Copenhagen or Leipzig.

    What still puzzles researchers

    Three questions remain. First, does that British-leaning male line really start with a Pict? The closest known match to the Piasts may change as new burials are sequenced.

    Second, how many commoners carried the same genetic variant? Spot samples from Kowalewko and Brzeg hint that it was rare among locals, but the data set is small.

    Third, why did the silver dry up so fast? Numismatists suspect a shift in Viking routes after 1000 AD, yet the matter is far from settled.

    A balanced verdict

    Taken together, the evidence paints a nuanced picture. The Piasts were probably not ethnic Slavs in the strict paternal sense, yet they ruled, and soon resembled, an overwhelmingly Slavic realm.

    Their meteoric rise owed less to outsider brilliance than to the chance alignment of fertile soils, cheap labour, and an export boom in amber and captives.

    As geneticists conduct more DNA sequencing of remains, such as those of princes in crypts at Kraków’s Wawel castle, and palaeoecologists push their lakebed pollen samples back to 7th century, we can expect further surprises.

    Darius von Guttner Sporzynski receives funding from the National Science Centre, Poland as a partner investigator in the grant ‘The “Chronicle of the Poles” by Bishop Vincentius of Cracow also known as Kadłubek. First critical Latin-English Edition.’ (2022/47/B/HS3/00931).

    – ref. Were the first kings of Poland actually from Scotland? New DNA evidence unsettles a nation’s founding myth – https://theconversation.com/were-the-first-kings-of-poland-actually-from-scotland-new-dna-evidence-unsettles-a-nations-founding-myth-258579

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: What family firms like Rothschild can teach Canadian businesses about resilience

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Liena Kano, Professor, Haskayne School of Business, University of Calgary

    The Gunnersbury Estate, which was purchased by merchant and financier Nathan Mayer Rothschild in 1835, is seen in London in 2022. (Shutterstock)

    Family businesses constitute a vital component of Canada’s economic landscape. They make up 63 per cent of privately held firms, employ nearly seven million people and generate about $575 billion a year.

    While Canadian family-run businesses express international ambitions, their overseas engagement tends to be more conservative compared to their non-family counterparts.

    In today’s turbulent economic environment — marked by geopolitical tensions, technological disruption and shifting trade patterns — international competitiveness is more important than ever.

    Around the world, family firms have shown remarkable resilience in the face of external shocks. Some of the world’s longest-standing corporations are family-owned, having endured world wars, revolutions, natural disasters and pandemics. For Canadian family firms aspiring to expand abroad, such examples offer both inspiration and insight.

    Among such long-standing multinationals is Rothschild, a centuries-old European family-run investment bank. Our case study of Rothschild, based on historical analysis, highlights how the family’s enduring relationships, reliable routines and long-term goals gave it significant advantages in international business.

    At the same time, however, families can contribute unique biases, especially “bifurcation bias” — a tendency to favour family resources over equally or more valuable non-family ones. Our study reveals that bifurcation bias can compromise a firm’s international trajectory, especially in distant and complex markets.

    A brief history of Rothschild

    Mayer Amschel Rothschild was a German-Jewish banker and the founder of the Rothschild banking dynasty.
    (Wikimedia Commons)

    Initially a merchant business, the firm was founded in the late 18th century by Mayer Amschel Rothschild, a Frankfurt Jew.

    Rothschild and his wife, Guttle, had 10 children, including five sons: Amschel, Salomon, Nathan, Carl and James.

    In 1798, Rothschild sent Nathan to Manchester, England, which initiated the firm’s growth in that country and a transition from merchant operations to financial transactions.

    By the 1820s, Rothschild became a multinational bank, with Amschel, Salomon, Nathan, Carl and James leading banking houses in Frankfurt, Vienna, London, Naples and Paris, respectively.

    Bonuses and burdens of family bonds

    Nathan Mayer Rothschild was sent to Manchester in 1798.
    (Wikimedia Commons)

    In the 19th century, the Rothschild’s strategy of relying on family members initially worked well for the firm.

    The five Rothschild brothers corresponded in a coded language and shared a common pool of resources at a time when shared balance sheets were uncommon in international banking.

    Their close familial bonds allowed the brothers to move information, money and goods across international borders with a speed and reach that wasn’t accessible to competitors. Rivals, by contrast, had to worry about protecting sensitive information and enforcing commitments.

    This internal cohesiveness safeguarded the Rothschild’s business, facilitated transactions and allowed them to maintain resilience through the periods of significant political upheaval: the Napoleonic wars, revolutions and, ultimately, the First World War, which interrupted economic and social progress in Europe.

    However, this same over-reliance on family became a disadvantage when Rothschild expanded into the United States.

    Missed opportunity and bifurcation bias

    The Rothschilds showed an interest in the American market as early as the 1820s. However, their repeated attempts to send family members to the U.S to expand operations failed, as none were willing to stay, preferring the comforts of European life.

    August Belmont was a German-Jewish immigrant to New York City in 1837 as an agent of the Rothschild bank in Frankfurt.
    (Shutterstock)

    Since they were unable to establish a family-based anchor in the country, the Rothschilds appointed an agent, August Belmont, to run the U.S. operations on their behalf in 1837.

    However, Belmont wasn’t given the authority to exercise entrepreneurial judgment, make investments or enter into deals. He also didn’t have unrestricted access to capital, was never entrusted with an official Rothschild mandate or acknowledged as a full-fledged partner.

    The Rothschilds were unwilling to delegate such decisions to someone who was not a direct male descendant of the founder, Mayer Amschel Rothschild.

    This failure to use Belmont as a link between the family — with its successful experiences, capabilities, routines and connections in Europe — and the American market — with its growing opportunities and the valuable networks Belmont had begun to develop — ultimately prevented Rothschild from replicating its success in the U.S.

    The Rothschilds were eventually eclipsed by the Barings and JP Morgan banks in America. Both competitors followed a different path in the market by opening full-fledged U.S. subsidiaries under their corporate brands with significant funds and decision-making autonomy.

    Escaping the trap of bifurcation bias

    Bifurcation bias does not always have an immediate negative impact. In fact, biased governance practices remained inconsequential for the Rothschilds — as long as there were enough capable family heirs available to lead the bank’s dispersed operations.

    In the short- to medium-term, the family’s connections, time-tested routines and mutual reliability built a well of resilience that sustained the bank through the 19th century, one of the most volatile political periods in European history.

    But as a firm’s international ambitions outgrow the size of the family, bifurcation bias can damage competitiveness, both in international markets and at home.

    At some point, family firms must shift from emotional, biased decision-making to efficient governance systems, which may involve incorporating non-family managers and selecting resources, locations and projects that do not carry emotional significance.

    A Cargill factory building in Wroclaw, Poland in 2020. American business executive William Wallace Cargill founded the Cargill company as an Iowa grain storage business in 1865.
    (Shutterstock)

    Many successful family firms implement tools in their governance systems to detect and eliminate biased behaviour. For instance, family-owned multinationals such as Merck (Germany), Cargill (U.S.) and Tata Group (India) have checks and balances that prevent decision-makers from thinking only in family terms.

    The most successful strategies to safeguard against bifurcation bias invite outside scrutiny into corporate decision-making: appointing non-family CEOs, establishing independent boards, hiring consultants and granting partners decision-making powers.

    Lessons for family firms

    Today, as the global business environment faces arguably unprecedented volatility, firms are seeking to build resilience to survive the turbulence.

    While multi-generational family firms must learn to guard against bifurcation bias to thrive in international markets, their demonstrated ability to withstand external shocks offers valuable lessons for other companies.

    How can non-family firms emulate the Rothschild’s success and longevity? The Rothschild case teaches us the value of having a shared organizational language, setting long-term goals, maintaining stable routines and placing a strong emphasis on brand reputation.

    These strategies can help any company, family-owned or not, build resilience during volatile times.

    Liena Kano receives funding from SSHRC.

    Alain Verbeke receives funding from SSHRC.

    Luciano Ciravegna receives funding from INCAE Business School, where he leads the Steve Aronson Endowed Chair.

    Andrew Kent Johnston does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What family firms like Rothschild can teach Canadian businesses about resilience – https://theconversation.com/what-family-firms-like-rothschild-can-teach-canadian-businesses-about-resilience-254279

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Inside the chimpanzee medicine cabinet: we’ve found a new way chimps treat wounds with plants

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Elodie Freymann, Post-doc affiliate, University of Oxford

    Robin Nieuwenkamp/Shutterstock

    As it turns out, chimpanzees make pretty good doctors. For decades, scientists have been studying what chimpanzees do when they fall ill. This search has led to the identification of medicinal behaviour, which often involves the ingestion of plants with chemical or physical properties that can help the animal’s recovery.

    My team’s recent study in the Budongo Forest of western Uganda found its chimpanzees show a range of healthcare behaviour – one of which, applying chewed botanical material to wounds, had never before been documented in chimpanzees.

    Previous studies have shown that wild chimpanzees appear to treat their wounds and maintain sexual hygiene using medicinal plants found in their environment. What’s more, they treat other group members, even ones who are unrelated to them.

    In 2022, a study in Gabon, west Africa found that wild chimpanzees catch and apply insects to their wounds as well as the wounds of non-kin community members. A previous study had reported that chimpanzees in the Kibale Forest of Uganda occasionally dab the wounds of unrelated group members with leaves.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Now our research, published in Frontiers in Ecology and Evolution, shows the chimpanzees of the Budongo Forest engaging in topical healthcare, both on themselves and others.

    To figure out whether the Budongo chimpanzees practice first aid, we combed through more than three decades of hand-written observations from field staff and researchers who have worked in this forest, and searched video archives by Budongo primatologists. We also headed into the field to collect eight months of our own behavioural data. The aim: to accumulate all the cases we could find of external healthcare behaviour and see if a pattern emerged.

    What we found surprised us. The Budongo chimpanzees appear to have quite a diverse behavioural toolkit for tending to their own wounds and maintaining hygiene in the wild. This behaviour ranges from simple actions like wound licking, to more complicated behaviour such as applying plant material to an injury.

    In some cases, chimpanzees dabbed their open wounds with leaves. In rarer cases, they chewed up plant material (like leaves or stem bark) and applied it directly to the affected area with their mouths. Similar behaviour was shown in Sumatran orangutans in 2024.



    Read more:
    What the hidden rhythms of orangutan calls can tell us about language – new research

    But these chimpanzees don’t limit their self-care to treating wounds. We recorded them freeing themselves from wire snares set by hunters, and cleaning their genitals with leaves after mating. In one notable case documented in the forest’s logbook from 2009, a chimpanzee wiped herself with a leaf after defecating.

    Chimpanzees are known to tend each other’s wounds.
    Patrick Rolands/Shutterstock

    We also wanted to determine which plants the Budongo chimpanzees were selecting. We discovered that some of these plants, such as Alchornea floribunda and a species of Acalypha, have traditional medicinal uses and chemical properties related to wound-healing or infection prevention. Whether this is a coincidence, or an indicator that chimpanzees can identify medicinal plants helpful for wound care, is a question for future research.

    Chimpanzee doctors

    Buried in logbooks and video archives, we also found seven cases of chimpanzees providing healthcare for others in their community. Even more interesting, the demographics of the providers and receivers of this healthcare varied dramatically – occurring between both genetically related and unrelated chimpanzees.

    Our study includes cases of chimpanzees licking each other’s wounds and applying plant material to the wounds of injured group members. This kind of wound care, directed toward others, is considered “prosocial” as it offers no obvious or immediate benefit to the carer. In fact, this kind of direct interaction with the wounds of others can pose risks for the carer, exposing them to infectious pathogens or infections.

    As far as we know, this is the first time prosocial wound care has been reported among chimpanzees in the Budongo forest reserve. We also noted cases in which chimpanzees helped free others from nylon snares, and one case in which a female wiped the genitals of a male in her group with leaves after mating.

    Our findings add this site to the growing list of places where altruistic healthcare has been observed among non-kin, advancing our understanding of chimpanzees’ capacity for compassion and empathy.

    Survival of the kindest?

    Chimpanzees are often painted as aggressive, Machiavellian and self-interested, especially in comparison to their peace-loving bonobo cousins. But it appears that these highly social animals have a softer side.

    Chimpanzees are not the only animals who have been observed administering first aid to others. Recently, a US study found that mice help pull the tongues out of the mouths of unconscious cage companions, clearing their air passages. The carer mice were more likely to do this if they were familiar with the incapacitated mouse.

    Even Matabele ants from sub-Saharan Africa will help treat nest mates’ infected wounds with self-generated antibiotic secretions.

    Non-human healthcare may take different forms, but it appears that animals throughout the animal kingdom can administer first aid to themselves and others. It may not be such a dog-eat-dog world after all.

    Elodie Freymann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Inside the chimpanzee medicine cabinet: we’ve found a new way chimps treat wounds with plants – https://theconversation.com/inside-the-chimpanzee-medicine-cabinet-weve-found-a-new-way-chimps-treat-wounds-with-plants-258094

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Spending review delivers big boosts for health and defence – but Rachel Reeves is focused on investment

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Linda Yueh, Fellow in Economics/Adjunct Professor of Economics, University of Oxford

    UK chancellor Rachel Reeves has delivered the government’s spending review, setting out its plans and priorities for the next three years. The aim of the review is of course to allocate spending over that time period – but this government is keen for economic growth and so has directed the funds to try to boost GDP. This approach could work but is particularly challenging in an uncertain global environment.

    The parameters of the UK’s fiscal policy were set in the budget last October and the spring statement in March when the chancellor confirmed her fiscal rules, which allowed borrowing only for investment. Day-to-day spending on public services like the NHS and schools has to be met by tax revenues.

    As a result of an earlier tweak to the fiscal rules, public investment – spending on things like roads and hospitals – will total about £113 billion from now until nearly the end of this parliament.

    Many investors and creditors will have been looking out for this boost, as the UK has lagged behind comparable economies partly due to its lower levels of investment. The announcements have the potential to bring in private funding if more investors see an opportunity to benefit from increased economic growth, particularly if the UK’s relatively high energy costs are also addressed.

    Also in line for government investment is social and affordable housing. The announcement of £39 billion for this sector in England was a centrepiece of Reeves’ announcement. Coupled with planning reforms, the independent Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) judged in March that this could indeed boost growth.

    There will be more money for social housing – £39 billion over ten years in England.
    Irene Miller/Shutterstock

    In terms of day-to-day spending, health and defence received the biggest increases among government departments because of, respectively, pressures on the NHS arising from COVID-19 and the ageing population, and from geopolitical challenges like the war in Ukraine.

    Both departments, though, also have the potential to raise economic growth. Rates of economic inactivity (people who aren’t in paid work, for example) in the UK have not fallen back to their pre-COVID levels as they have in other major economies such as the US, France and Germany. Improving health services, cutting waiting lists and widening access to mental health support could help get more people back to work, which would boost employment and support growth.

    And on defence, spending in this area has the potential (depending greatly on the type of spend) to create technology that could eventually boost the nation’s productivity. GPS, for example, was developed by the US Department of Defense, as were many innovations now used in smartphones. Boosting UK defence spending to 2.6% of GDP by 2027 and investing in technology has the potential to unlock advances in equipment for the UK.

    Who loses out?

    This is not to say that increasing the settlements to other government departments would not support growth too. But some of those departments, including the Home Office, Foreign Office and transport, are now facing cuts in real terms to their spending. And they may find themselves under even more pressure should GDP growth slow.

    This is because of the chancellor’s fiscal rule about funding current spending from taxes. This would mean cuts if these receipts fall as a result of slowing growth, since Reeves has very little “fiscal headroom” (spare cash) to ensure she can meet her rules – only £9.9 billion.

    But the reverse may also prove to be true. Should investment in research and development (£22.6 billion per year by 2029‑30), renewable energy and infrastructure, alongside planning reforms, increase GDP growth, then the chancellor may find that she has more funding to allocate to day-to-day departmental spending to support public services.

    However, it takes time for investment to generate growth. OBR forecasts only expect increased growth of around 1.7% to 1.8% in the second half of this parliament. But those growth forecasts pre-date the US president Donald Trump’s tariffs announced in April, which are causing turmoil in global trade.

    This is why it is even more important for the UK to raise domestic economic growth through investing in people, technology and productivity. To govern is to choose, as the saying goes, and the government will hope that these are the right trade-offs to have made in order to grow during such shaky times. Despite the uncertain global picture, the chancellor has laid some promising foundations. Now the challenge will be delivering the growth.

    Linda Yueh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Spending review delivers big boosts for health and defence – but Rachel Reeves is focused on investment – https://theconversation.com/spending-review-delivers-big-boosts-for-health-and-defence-but-rachel-reeves-is-focused-on-investment-258746

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: E-bikes are becoming e-waste – here’s how to reduce the environmental cost

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yvonne Ryan, Associate Professor in Environmental Science, University of Limerick

    Electric e-bikes make cycling easier, faster and more accessible. They are already playing an important role in reducing the environmental impact of transport, particularly when they replace a trip in a private car.

    But when you scrap an e-bike, you also have to scrap its battery. And these batteries can be particularly dangerous and tricky to dispose of. This means the growth of e-bikes is leading to at least one related environmental problem: a rise in electronic or e-waste.

    The sector needs stronger regulations to encourage it to cut its waste. This includes encouraging bikes to be designed to be easier to repair or recycle, and establishing universal standards that allow parts to work across different brands and models, so components can be reused instead of thrown away.

    However, e-bikes often fall between legislative cracks, and their exclusion from the priority products under the EU Ecodesign for Sustainable Products Regulation, introduced in 2024, was unfortunate.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    At the University of Limerick in Ireland, colleagues and I have been researching the environmental impact of e-bikes. We’re interested in their full lifecycle, from metals in rocks to extraction, manufacturing, years of use and eventual disposal – to see if there are ways to reduce the materials they use.

    We interviewed retailers and people who work in waste management. They expressed concerns about online sales of lower-quality e-bikes with easily broken components, as well as the high turnover rates of e-bikes.

    E-bike rental services like this one in Dublin, Ireland are growing fast.
    Brendain Donnelly / shutterstock

    Using data from the fleet of e-bikes loaned out at our university, we noted issues with design and compatibility of components. Bike tyres, for instance, have become increasingly non-standard and specialised.

    Additive manufacturing, such as 3D printing, may become more important for bike retailers and repairers, who could use it to “print” themselves replacements nuts, screws or even seats. This may be particularly needed in island states such as Ireland, where there are often delays in sourcing parts.

    But first, the e-bikes must be of sufficient quality to be repaired. Then, to create the replacement parts, people will need to access the necessary data – digital files with precise designs of objects such as a bicycle tyre or handlebar.

    Keeping e-bikes in use

    New business models are emerging. Some companies are lending e-bikes to their employees, with a management company taking care of maintenance and repair.

    There are also a growing number of mobile e-bike repair services, and specialist training for e-bike repair and retail through manufacturer platforms like Bosch and Shimano.

    E-bike brands are shifting from a focus on selling bikes towards offering ongoing services. For example, e-bike retailer Cowboy offers a subscription to mobile bike mechanics, and VanMoof partners with authorised repair services. But while these models work well in big towns and cities, they may not be suitable for rural and smaller urban areas.

    Care needs to be taken to ensure that consumers are not disadvantaged or locked out from repair options. In the US, e-bike manufacturers have been requesting exceptions to laws designed to make products easier to repair – while urging that the public should not be allowed to access data needed to make repairs.

    E-bikes can be hard to spot

    On the waste handling side, some of the innovations that have made e-bikes more accessible are also creating new problems.

    For example, e-bikes have evolved to be sleeker and sometimes indistinguishable from regular bikes. This makes it easier for them to end up in regular waste management facilities that aren’t equipped for electronic waste. If a lithium-ion battery inside an e-bike still holds charge and gets crushed or shredded, it can start a fire.

    But this is a problem we can solve. Computer vision and other AI technologies could help to recognise e-bikes and batteries at waste management facilities. QR codes on bike frames could be used to provide information on the entire product lifecycle, including repair manuals and service history – just like the EU’s proposed product passports.

    Consumer awareness, choice and education are key. While it’s up to consumers to initiate the maintenance and repair of e-bikes, policymakers need to ensure these options are available and affordable, and that consumers are aware of them.

    Retailers need support to embed “repair and reuse” in their business models. This includes cycle-to-work schemes for people to buy e-bikes, as well as better access to insurance and legal protections for selling refurbished e-bikes, and a workforce with the skills to repair these bikes.

    Across the world, bike libraries and “try before you buy” schemes are helping consumers make better decisions, as people can test an e-bike before committing. Moving away from traditional ownership – especially for expensive e-bikes – could make active mobility more accessible.

    Policies that drive sales, such as grants and incentives for new bike purchases, can work against efforts to reduce waste. We need more policies that support refurbished and repaired e-bikes.

    The e-bike sector is one with great potential to improve both environmental and public health. But to realise these benefits, we need to focus on making them last longer and use less resources.

    Yvonne Ryan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. E-bikes are becoming e-waste – here’s how to reduce the environmental cost – https://theconversation.com/e-bikes-are-becoming-e-waste-heres-how-to-reduce-the-environmental-cost-258367

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Hidden gems of LGBTQ+ cinema: Saving Face is a complicated romcom that tenderly depicts the experiences of queer Asians

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Eva Cheuk-Yin Li, Lecturer in Media & Cultural Studies, Lancaster University

    As a queer woman of East Asian descent who researches transnational queer media and culture, Saving Face (2004), the debut feature by Alice Wu, holds a special place in both my heart and my research.

    Set in the tightly knit Chinese-American community of Flushing, New York, Saving Face follows Wil (Michelle Krusiec), a young, promising yet closeted surgeon whose carefully balanced life is thrown into chaos when her widowed mother, Hwei-Lan (Joan Chen), shows up on her doorstep. Hwei-Lan is pregnant and has been banished by her community, and is refusing to name the father.

    What unfolds is a story that blends romantic comedy with drama. As well as Wil’s budding relationship with a dancer named Vivian (Lynn Chen), the film explores the tensions between mothers and daughters, identity and duty, and the quiet pressure of silence and the fear of coming out.

    But what makes Saving Face stand out two decades after its release is its portrayal of love and family – through a lens of tenderness and care. It was one of the first mainstream films to centre a queer Asian American woman.

    The emotional heart of the film lies in the layered interplay between personal desire and cultural expectation, which is felt not only by Wil but also by her mother. While Wil is carefully exploring a same-sex romance, Hwei-Lan’s unexpected pregnancy has left the family reeling with shame. The film explores how these two women of different generations are pushed to perform “respectability”, even as they long for love and self-determination on their own terms.

    This article is part of a series highlighting brilliant films that should be more widely known and firmly part of the canon of queer cinema .

    In many East Asian societies, the idea of “face” – a person’s reputation, dignity and social currency – shapes the way they move through the world. To “lose face” is to lose one’s social standing, bringing shame on oneself and one’s family.

    Growing up as a tomboyish daughter in Hong Kong, I was acutely aware of how even my clothing, hairstyle or mannerisms could be read as a reflection of my parents’ success or failure in raising me. In other words, my gender expression could make my family lose face, something that queer ethnographer Denise Tang has also observed in the experiences of her lesbian informants in Hong Kong. This social pressure – the way neighbours stare and talk, the way family reputation hinges on everyday interaction – can be exhausting.

    And like Wil in the film, I channelled my energy into academic achievement. This was perhaps to compensate for my (unspoken-yet-socially recognised) queerness, to prove my worth and save face – both mine and my family’s. In environments where silence is preferred, excelling becomes a form of camouflage – a way of negotiating who you are without having to say it aloud.

    Wu’s film captures this perfectly. Both Wil and her mother are caught in webs of expectation: to be the “dutiful daughter” and “respectable mother”.

    But what I love about Saving Face is that it doesn’t demonise culture or community. Instead, it invites viewers to witness how love – queer love, maternal love, self-love – can expand our understanding of what it means to belong. The mother-daughter dynamic is just as central as the romantic plot, and it is rare to see this kind of intergenerational, diasporic storytelling rendered with such care and grace.

    Shot on 35mm, Saving Face is a visual joy. The warm, lived-in colours and soft, quiet richness give the film a timeless, intimate feel. There is a restrained elegance to Wu’s direction that lets the emotional currents breathe.

    Joan Chen is magnetic as Wil’s mother, bringing unexpected comedic charm alongside poignancy. Krusiec and Lynn Chen, as Wil and Vivian, bring a nuanced chemistry that feels genuine. Their connection has all the longing and awkwardness that makes a romcom work, without falling into cliché.

    Despite its cult status in queer Asian and Sinitic-language communities, Saving Face is still often left out of broader LGBTQ+ film canons – even though it was recently added to the Criterion Collection, known for curating significant classic and contemporary cinema. But it should not be.

    This film is far more than a “representation win”. It’s a sharp, funny and emotionally rich story that complicates the binary between personal freedom and responsibility. And queer Asian characters are still rarely portrayed with this much nuance, complexity – and joy.

    For viewers unfamiliar with the cultural backdrop, Saving Face offers a glimpse into the negotiations many of us make within families and communities who prioritise harmony and silence over disruption. For those of us who know this world intimately, the film is a gift. It is a recognition that our experiences are not only valid, but beautiful.

    Eva Cheuk-Yin Li does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Hidden gems of LGBTQ+ cinema: Saving Face is a complicated romcom that tenderly depicts the experiences of queer Asians – https://theconversation.com/hidden-gems-of-lgbtq-cinema-saving-face-is-a-complicated-romcom-that-tenderly-depicts-the-experiences-of-queer-asians-258520

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Anxiety is the most common mental health problem – here’s how tech could help manage it

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian, Professor of Clinical Neuropsychology, University of Cambridge

    Anxiety disorders are the world’s most common mental health problem. But it isn’t always easy to get professional help, with long waiting lists in many countries.

    Worldwide, only about 28% of people with anxiety receive treatment. The figure is similar for the UK, and in the US about 37% receive a treatment. This is due to a number of factors such as lack of resources, including mental health staff, and stigma associated with mental health problems.

    But if you’re struggling to get help, there are things you could try at home in the meantime – including some novel technologies. To understand how they work, let’s first take a look at how anxiety is expressed in the brain and body.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The symptoms of anxiety are cognitive and emotional as well as physiological. They can include trouble concentrating and making decisions, feeling irritable or tense and having heart palpitations or shaking. Trouble sleeping and feelings of panic or impending danger are also common.

    These symptoms often start in childhood and adolescence. Sadly, it frequently continues into adulthood, especially if untreated.

    There are many genetic and environmental factors involved in the development of anxiety. These can include competition and pressure at school, university or work or financial worries and lack of job security. Social isolation and loneliness are also common factors, often a result of retirement, home working or stemming from bullying or maltreatment in childhood.

    Such experiences may even rewire our brains. For example, our neuroimaging study has shown that maltreatment in childhood is linked to changes in the connectivity of the brain’s centromedial amygdala, which plays a key role in processing emotions, including fear and anxiety, and the anterior insula, which processes emotion among other things.

    Anxiety is commonly associated with depression or other conditions, including attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and autism spectrum disorder. During the COVID pandemic when the prevalence of anxiety and depression increased by 25%, people with such neurodevelopmental conditions exhibited more emotional problems than others.

    According to the Children’s Commissioner this is still on the rise with 500 children per day being referred to mental health services for anxiety, more than double the rate pre-pandemic.

    Researchers are still uncovering new ways for professionals to help treat such people. For example, in our recent study, we noticed that suicidal thoughts and depression were more common in children with anxiety who were also very impulsive. This could impact the treatments they receive. So the science of how to best treat anxiety is constantly moving forward.

    Young people are increasingly anxious.
    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Tech solutions

    Unfortunately though, waiting lists for even receiving a diagnosis can sometimes take years. Neurotechnology can, at least in part, help fill the gap before symptoms get worse. There are a number of startup companies in the anxiety space, working on both hardware and software for anxiety management.

    Technology for managing anxiety is rapidly advancing, offering alternatives and complements to traditional therapies. Moonbird, for example, uses a handheld device that guides users through paced breathing with gentle physical movements. You essentially feel the device move in your hand and breathe along with it. Research has shown that such breathing can help the nervous system to reduce anxiety symptoms.

    The company Parasym influences brain regions involved in mood and stress regulation. People can use it by wearing a small device that applies mild electrical micro impulses running through the vagus nerve, which runs from the ears and downwards trough the neck and activates a key part of the nervous system.

    Neurovalens and Flow Neuroscience are exploring non-invasive brain stimulation, such as transcranial “direct current stimulation (tDCS)”. This can be applied by using electrodes placed on the scalp to deliver a mild, constant electrical current to alter brain activity. These devices ultimately target the prefrontal cortex to support the regulation of emotions. One scientific review of tDCS studies in anxiety has concluded that some research clearly showed benefits of tDCS for treating anxiety symptoms, although larger scale and longer duration studies were needed.

    How we experience life events and feel or react to them also influences physiological functions such as our heart rate. You will have experienced how having a meaningful conversation creates a special connection between two people. This can actually manifest in the body as increased synchronisation of your heart rates and other functions. This is termed “physiological synchrony” and is thought to be important for positive social interaction.

    Unfortunately, in common conditions of anxiety, including social anxiety and postpartum maternal anxiety, heart rate can become less variable and therefore less able to synchronise. Therefore, a device that promotes physiological synchrony would be beneficial. The company Lyeons is currently developing such a device, targeting anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder and ADHD.

    On the digital side, Headspace offers structured meditation and cognitive behavioural therapy based programmes. Similarly, ieso offer typed text-based CBT therapy for mild to moderate anxiety and low mood. These platforms use guided meditation, breathing exercises and behavioural tools to help users build emotion resilience and reduce anxious thought patterns.

    Other emerging tools also include virtual reality, which is being explored for exposure therapy and immersive stress reduction, in particular. All these technologies have used scientific and medical information to offer diverse options that address both mind and body.

    If we can halt the trend towards increasing numbers of people suffering from anxiety and find ways to improve access to effective treatments, it will lead to a better quality of life for individuals and their families, improved productivity and wellbeing at work and promote a flourishing society.

    Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian receives funding from the Wellcome Trust. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes.

    Christelle Langley receives funding from the Wellcome Trust. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes.

    – ref. Anxiety is the most common mental health problem – here’s how tech could help manage it – https://theconversation.com/anxiety-is-the-most-common-mental-health-problem-heres-how-tech-could-help-manage-it-258116

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: A portrait taken in North Philly in the 1980s reconnects poet with cherished memories of her own beloved father

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kimmika Williams-Witherspoon, Professor of Theater, Temple University

    Local residents sitting on the steps in the shade at 3106 N. Broad St. in North Philadelphia in 1986.
     Joseph V. Labolito/Philadelphia Collections

    To celebrate Father’s Day, The Conversation U.S. asked Philadelphia anthropologist, playwright and poetic ethnographer Kimmika Williams-Witherspoon to reflect on a poem she recently performed to accompany a 1986 photograph by Philadelphia photographer Joseph V. Labolito.

    Williams-Witherspoon, who also serves as senior associate dean of the Center for the Performing and Cinematic Arts at Temple University, shares how the collaboration came about, and why one of Labolito’s photos in particular brought back a rush of cherished memories of being a little girl hanging out with her dad.

    Local residents sitting on the steps in the shade at 3106 N. Broad St. in North Philadelphia in 1986.
    Joseph V. Labolito/Philadelphia Collections

        There Are Black Fathers 
    To Daddy, Father’s Day, June 19, 1983

    I’ve known men 
    Who rise at dawn 
    To run a sort of race; 
    Working through sleep 
    Stopping long enough to yawn
    Providing for their families Just a little      
    place. 
    Black men going, going, going 
    (sometimes, till their gone.) 

    I’ve known men 
    Who trudge home after long hours 
    And an even longer pain, 
    And still manage to smile, 
    Warmed by the voice of a child. 
    "Hi, Daddy!" 
    "How was your day?" 

    I’ve known men Who take care 
    Even when Mommy can’t. 
    And, even though they can only 
    Cook hamburgers really good, 
    They put band-aids on awfully well. 

    I’ve known men 
    Who loving replace lost teeth 
    With shiny new dimes; 
    Remember birthdays and Christmas’. 
    Dutifully repair 
    Old, broken toys And, even, sometimes, 
    Wipe away salty tears. 

    I’ve known men 
    Who reprimand, 
    Teach us values 
    And, if we’re lucky, 
    Along with Mom, 
    Help us take a stand. 
    Who calm us when we’re frightened; 
    Scare us when we’re bad — Hold our hands. 

    I’ve known men, 
    Not just as Fathers; 
    But, more so, as "Dads" — 
    Who give us what we get 
    And gave us what we had. 
    Loving and kind; 
    Stern, yet strong, 
    I’ve known men 
    Who’ve guided generations along 
    As provider, supporter, parent — Pop, Dad! 

    There are Black fathers 
    Who would gladly do it again 
    Parenting future generations. 
    Yes, I have known These men. 

    © 2025 Kimmika L. H. Williams-Witherspoon

    What do you want people to take away from the poem?

    The whole poem is a tribute to my father, Samuel Hawes Jr., who lived from 1920 to 1989, and the many men like him who were always present and participatory in the parenting of their children and the providing for their families.

    Because of stereotypes and popular culture – media, movies, news stories – that tend to demonize and pathologize Black men, there’s a myth that men in our communities are all cut from the same cloth.

    For me, the poem discounts that stereotypical narrative and celebrates the African American men that I knew growing up – Daddy, my uncles, the deacons in our church, the neighborhood dads on my block.

    The men in this photograph represent men like Daddy, who at one point worked two jobs to provide for his family. He drove a yellow cab and worked the graveyard shift as a presser at the U.S. Mint. He took me to school every morning when I was in high school. He made it to every school function or occasion, drove me to and from parties so I could hang out with friends, took me to church every Sunday morning and on those special road trips to Cleveland, Akron, Ohio, and Fort Lauderdale, Florida, throughout my life.

    Tell us about your collaborator for this piece

    Joe Labolito is a Philadelphia photographer whose work, I believe, is visual ethnography at its best. Throughout the ‘80s, ’90s and 2000s, he documented the people, streets and neighborhoods of Philadelphia. His photographs are housed in several public and private collections, including the Special Collections Research Center at Temple University and the Free Library of Philadelphia’s Print and Picture Collection.

    About a year ago, I saw an exhibit of Joe’s work at Temple. Since that time, I have been using some of his photographs as a visual prompt for my students, while he and I talked about doing something together down the road.

    When I was asked to participate in Temple University President John Fry’s investiture events in March 2025, I asked Joe if he wanted to do something with me. Right away he said “Yes … whatever it is.” I asked him to send me maybe 25 of his favorite photos, and instead, he sent me about a hundred. When I got a minute to sift through them, there were 11 that, as soon as I looked at them, immediately prompted lines of poetry.

    This photograph of the two men and the little girl, however, made me remember an old poem, “There Are Black Fathers,” I had written a long time ago – on Father’s Day on June 19, 1983 – for my father before he passed away from prostate and bone cancer. I went digging through my old journals until I found the poem that I had written for Daddy, and I performed that poem to this photograph at the event.

    What stood out to you about this photograph?

    The juxtaposition between the men and the little girl – their beautiful, bright smiles, the joy they seemed to radiate – it all made me think about and remember how much I loved Daddy my entire life but especially as a little girl.

    That’s the power in these kinds of artistic, material and visual artifacts. This photograph transported me right back to my childhood, filled with the warmth of a summer’s day, hanging out with my dad, and the promise of a banana Popsicle later in the afternoon.

    What is your process for writing a poem to accompany a photograph?

    Whatever the prompt – a photograph, a landscape, a person I’ve passed on the street, a word or phrase – the first draft is a free-write sensory download dump. I ruminate and then write down everything that comes to me in whatever order it comes.

    And then with each subsequent draft or pass at it, I start reading the poem out loud and tweaking it, making edits, moving and changing things while crafting lines that frame and build the story. I read the piece aloud over and over and over again until the poem tells me when I’ve got it right. I don’t know how, but my ear will tell me when it’s done and right with my spirit.

    What is poetic ethnography?

    Ethnography is an area of anthropology. From the Greek word “ethnos,” ethno simply means people or culture, and graphy, from the Greek word “graphia,” is the writing about said people or culture.

    Traditional ethnographies are usually written in a diarylike journal form. You end up jotting things down – thoughts, feelings, expressions, verbatim texts from interview participants – alongside bits and pieces of theory that correlate. Field notes are a combination of prose and scientific inquiry. I am a proponent of compiling poetic ethnographies – turning my observation and investigation of cultures, communities, and my field notes, into poetic form.

    Growing up in Philadelphia and a product of Philadelphia public schools, my primary language is mainstream U.S. English, but I tell people that my actual language is poetry. I see the world through poetry, and through the medium of poetry, I think I am better able to articulate the world I see.

    Read more of our stories about Philadelphia.

    Kimmika Williams-Witherspoon has received funding from Lumena Foundation’s Fund for Racial Justice and Equity (2018-19) and PEW Charitable Trusts Arts Grant (2020).

    Joseph V. Labolito owns the copyright to Philadelphia Collections. Philadelphia Collections research and operations is supported and partially funded by the Bridge award; an internal grant provided by the Office of the Vice President for Research (OVPR) at Temple University for the 2024 – 2025 year.

    – ref. A portrait taken in North Philly in the 1980s reconnects poet with cherished memories of her own beloved father – https://theconversation.com/a-portrait-taken-in-north-philly-in-the-1980s-reconnects-poet-with-cherished-memories-of-her-own-beloved-father-255810

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Indoor farming helps community members bring healthy food to northern Manitoba

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ruchira Nandasiri, Instructor, Agrology, University of Manitoba

    Northern communities in Manitoba contend with health issues related to the difficulty of accessing health food. (Shutterstock)

    Healthy food is hard to come by in northern Manitoba. Food shipped from the south is prohibitively expensive and is often stale, and the climate and soil in the region don’t support much traditional outdoor farming.

    This issue disproportionately impacts northern Indigenous communities, many of which have moved away from traditional food practices, creating a supply problem with far-reaching health consequences.

    The 10-year First Nations Food, Nutrition and Environment Study, funded by Health Canada and published in 2018, found that one in four First Nations people in Manitoba is affected by diabetes. Those living in Manitoba’s vast but sparsely populated portion of the Boreal Shield Ecozone experience poorer health outcomes compared to their southern neighbours.

    Community rates of diabetes in northern Manitoba are much higher than the Canadian average.
    (Unsplash/isens usa), CC BY

    A lack of employment opportunities, combined with limited food accessibility and high prices, contributes to food insecurity and poor nutrition. With few affordable, healthy food options — especially fresh produce — communities in the region are grappling with rising rates of diabetes, cardiovascular disease and hypertension.

    To address these inequities effectively, solutions must respect Indigenous autonomy and self-determination, which have been critical to the success of an especially innovative, community-led initiative.

    Addressing health challenges

    The Opaskwayak Cree Nation (OCN), located south of Flin Flon near the Saskatchewan border, has taken bold steps to address diabetes and other health challenges facing its residents.

    According to the OCN Health Authority, more than 40 per cent of adults in the community live with hypertension and diabetes. The implications of this epidemic are profound: not only are health-care costs soaring, but resources that could be allocated to other critical areas, such as infrastructure and education, are being diverted to manage the growing health crisis. In response, OCN has made improved access to nutritious foods a priority.

    In 2016, the community launched a smart vertical farm (SVF), a cutting-edge indoor facility designed to grow fresh fruits, vegetables and herbs year-round. The SVF employs computer-controlled smart technology that optimizes growing conditions by adjusting factors such as light, humidity and CO2 levels, and nutrient delivery. This advanced system ensures that the farm produces high-quality produce, despite the harsh northern climate.

    Overcoming the climate

    The benefits of the SVF go beyond access to fresh vegetables. The system uses energy-efficient LED lights and a closed-loop water and nutrient system, making it both environmentally friendly and economically sustainable.

    By growing food locally, the OCN reduces its reliance on expensive and hard-to-access groceries. This also enhances food security and fosters community empowerment and self-sufficiency.

    Healthy foods

    Among the fresh produce grown, vegetables from the Brassica family — such as broccoli, kale and cabbage — are especially valued for their healthy properties. These vegetables can aid in the management of diabetes, cardiovascular diseases and hypertension.

    Microgreens like broccoli sprouts are of special interest for their bioactive compounds, including phenolics and glucosinolates. These compounds have been linked to improved health outcomes, including improved blood sugar levels and reduced inflammation.

    Vegetables like broccoli, kale and cabbage are packed with nutrients.
    (Shutterstock)

    Optimizing harvests

    The health benefits can be further enhanced by optimizing growing conditions such as light intensity, nutrient levels and water supply.

    The OCN Health Authority, in collaboration with a research team at the University of Manitoba, has been investigating the most effective methods for cultivating these high-value crops in the SVF and exploring post-harvest processing techniques to maximize their bioactive potential.

    Research has shown that air frying vegetables, for example, helps retain nutritional value while enhancing bioactive compounds. The high heat and minimal oil that characterizes air frying preserves nutrients, making it an ideal preparation technique.

    The potential for these optimized vegetables to help manage Type 2 diabetes is significant.

    Community care

    By increasing access to nutrient-dense, bioactive-rich foods, the OCN aims not only to improve community health but also to reduce the burden on the health-care system. As the community continues to explore innovative solutions, its goal is to build a sustainable, locally controlled food system that addresses both immediate health concerns and long-term economic resilience.

    The success of the OCN’s vertical farm demonstrates the powerful interactions of Indigenous knowledge, technological innovation and community-led action in tackling complex health and food security challenges. By empowering local communities to take charge of their own food systems, the OCN is setting an example for other Indigenous and remote communities, striving for self-sufficiency and health equity.

    Ultimately, the collaborative journey toward health equity in northern Manitoba is just beginning. But the lessons learned from the OCN’s innovative approach to food production and diabetes prevention offer valuable lessons and a blueprint for other communities across Canada.

    With continued support and investment in Indigenous-led initiatives, a future where healthy, affordable and culturally appropriate food is accessible to all is within reach.

    Miyoung Suh receives funding from the Canadian Agricultural Partnership (CAP)

    Ruchira Nandasiri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Indoor farming helps community members bring healthy food to northern Manitoba – https://theconversation.com/indoor-farming-helps-community-members-bring-healthy-food-to-northern-manitoba-256295

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Resilient, sustainable food systems are Canada’s best defence against American tariffs

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Érick Duchesne, Professeur, Département de science politique, Université Laval

    Earlier this year, Donald Trump’s administration in the United States reimposed tariffs on Canadian items, including agricultural products, citing supposed national security concerns. Agricultural products have little to do with defence, and the move sent shockwaves through Canada’s farming community.

    We are members of the Common Ground Network, a national initiative of about 100 scholars promoting collaboration for sustainable agriculture and food systems in Canada.

    The Common Ground Network is closely monitoring the impact of tariffs and trade tensions on Canadian communities and the transition to a net-zero economy across all regions of Canada.

    The consequences for Canadian and American agriculture run deep — and could prove long-lasting. According to RealAgristudies’s survey of 660 Canadian farmers, 59 per cent expected a negative impact on their business, rising to 88 per cent in the livestock sector.

    Structural risk ahead if tariffs remain

    Trump’s tariffs have sharply reduced Canada’s agricultural exports to the U.S., with beef, pork and canola hit hardest. U.S. Department of Agriculture data shows an eight to five per cent drop in beef and pork exports in early 2025 compared to 2024.

    Fed cattle prices plummeted 22.6 per cent, with estimated revenue losses of C$4.02 billion. Canola exports are also expected to decline significantly.

    If current tariffs persist, Canada is at risk not just of short-term disruption but long-term structural damage to its agri-food sector. Rising input costs, shrinking revenues and market volatility are squeezing farmers and weakening overall competitiveness. Some Canadian producers are already struggling with oversupply due to market disruption.

    The tariffs could also threaten the economic sovereignty and food access of Indigenous farmers who rely on cross-border trade, and remote communities that depend on imported goods for food supply. If prolonged, these trade shocks could cut Canada’s GDP by three per cent, spark a recession and fuel lasting price volatility.

    American farmers also feeling the pain

    Ironically, Trump’s protectionism is also hurting American farmers. Canada, which supplies 20 per cent of agri-food imports to the U.S., has imposed retaliatory tariffs on goods like cheese and apples, prompting Canadian buyers to shift to other suppliers. That could result in long-term market share loss for U.S. producers.

    Integrated supply chains are strained, with American processors now facing higher costs for Canadian products like canola oil, beef and pork. Combined with domestic issues like water restrictions and labour shortages, U.S. agriculture is under mounting pressure on various fronts.

    Canada and the U.S. have built one of the world’s most integrated agri-food systems. In 2023, bilateral trade in the sector reached US$72.6 billion.

    This interdependence matters: a hamburger might include Canadian beef raised in the U.S., processed in Ontario and served on a Canadian wheat bun. But tariffs and mistrust now threaten this co-operation. Once lost, these market positions may be hard to recover, even after tariffs are lifted, as rebuilding supply chains and cross-border trust will be slow.

    Trade tensions are affecting food security and grocery baskets in multiple ways. Higher costs are passed on to consumers, creating lasting price increases — especially for goods with few substitutes, like coffee.

    The Consumer Price Index shows that prices of food purchased from stores increased 3.9 per cent between January 2025 and April 2025, fuelled by tariffs. Infant formula increased by six per cent, coffee by about 10 per cent and some beef cuts by about 13 per cent.



    Read more:
    Trump tariffs have sparked a ‘Buy Canadian’ surge, but keeping the trend alive faces hurdles

    Shortages from rising costs and reduced U.S. demand limit choices and drive prices up — especially hurting low-income households. These tariffs fuel food inflation and reduce access to essentials.

    Tariffs are also shifting behaviour: Food Processing Skills Canada found that 67 per cent of Canadians are buying more local products, 76 per cent are avoiding U.S. goods and 43 per cent have changed their grocery habits significantly. These trends were echoed in Angus Reid’s February 2025 study.

    The net-zero transition

    The tariffs will probably disrupt Canada’s ability to meet its net-zero emissions targets by 2050. Food processors and farmers in Canada relying on U.S. machinery and clean-tech components now face higher costs, slowing the adoption of low-emission technologies and sustainable agricultural practices.

    The tariffs are likely to undermine efforts to build a resilient, adaptive food system in Canada capable of withstanding climate-related disruptions. Dealing with the tariffs along with the need to reconfigure supply chains will likely increase Canada’s carbon footprint, whether that’s due to the increased transport emissions of distant markets or delayed or cancelled investments in carbon-reducing technologies.

    These trade disruptions also risk diverting political attention away from long-term sustainability goals. The current political focus may prioritize short-term economic stabilization, potentially stalling the momentum needed for a transformative food system change in Canada.



    Read more:
    Canadian Food Policy Advisory Council: A collaborative approach to strengthening food systems

    Canada needs to respond boldly

    Canada can diversify exports through its 15 trade deals, including the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, known as CETA, and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Canada’s 15 trade agreements provide access to 51 countries, representing 66 per cent of global GDP, which is the total value of all goods and services produced in the world during a specific time period.

    Furthermore, Canada can pursue new trade agreements and partnerships in emerging markets and invest more to further help the agri-food sector expand globally.

    Canada can challenge unfair trade practices through the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement’s state-to-state dispute panels and the binational panel review mechanism to challenge U.S. tariffs on Canadian goods.

    Canada can also leverage trade alliances like the Ottawa Group — a 14-member coalition that works on addressing multilateral trade challenges — to voice its concerns on the global stage.

    Investing in agricultural innovation can also boost productivity, reduce emissions, enhance global competitiveness and build resilience against tariff shocks.

    Improvements to transportation networks, storage and processing facilities, and broadband connectivity are also critical for reducing supply chain bottlenecks and enabling rural producers to access broader markets.

    Trump has repeatedly threatened Canada’s supply management system, which controls the dairy, egg and poultry industries. Supply management has been a reliable system for Canadian farmers and consumers. Easing interprovincial trade and supporting local food systems to reduce the unnecessary exports of dairy products and cold-climate fruits, beef and seafood could result in greater national self-reliance.

    Dairy cows at a Québec farm.
    THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ryan Remiorz

    Strategy over retaliation

    In response to American tariffs, there has been a shift in consumer sentiment. This presents an opportunity to encourage consumers to support local producers, reduce dependence on imports and build national economic resilience.

    Canada must rethink its trade and agricultural frameworks for the decades ahead.

    The future of Canada’s farming sector — and by extension its food security, rural communities and economic sovereignty — will depend on its ability to turn today’s crisis into tomorrow’s opportunity.

    Érick Duchesne is a member of the Common Ground Network, which is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

    Gregory Cameron is a member of the Common Ground Network, which is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

    Gumataw Abebe is a member of the Common Ground Network, which is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

    Monika Korzun is a member of the Common Ground Network. She receives research funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) as well as Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC). Monika Korzun is a board member of the Atlantic Food Action Coalition (AFAC).

    – ref. Resilient, sustainable food systems are Canada’s best defence against American tariffs – https://theconversation.com/resilient-sustainable-food-systems-are-canadas-best-defence-against-american-tariffs-257946

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Musk apologizes but the bromance is over: What network science tells us about the Trump-Musk breakup

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Anthony Bonato, Professor of Mathematics, Toronto Metropolitan University

    The proverbial gauntlet has been thrown down. The friendship and partnership between United States President Donald Trump and “special government employee” Elon Musk has collapsed in spectacular fashion.

    On X on June 3, Musk posted about the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act, calling it a “disgusting abomination.”

    An argument ensued, and two days later, Trump called Musk “CRAZY” on Truth Social. The fight escalated and Trump’s slur was followed by Musk’s suggestion the president should be impeached and alleging he appeared in the Jeffrey Epstein files.

    These Musk posts in particular were seen as a step too far by many in Trump’s circle, even after the Tesla CEO deleted them.

    Trump and Musk’s storied bromance contributed to one of the greatest comebacks in American presidential history, with Trump winning a second term despite his numerous legal troubles. Musk actively campaigned for Trump, contributing more than $250 million to his re-election bid.

    While we can only speculate about what exactly went wrong between the world’s most powerful man and the world’s richest, their feud reveals a potentially highly impactful disruption in American politics. It also illustrates what happens when social networks fall apart and the impact those types of fissures have on social structures.

    Enter Zachary’s Karate Club

    Feuds between political figures are nothing new, and neither are fissures in social groups. The latter has been studied for decades by network scientists who measure the strength of ties between people.

    Networks, consisting of nodes and links, appear everywhere. They measure interactions and provide us with another lens through which to view the world. For example, we can consider networks of neurons in our brains, networks of banking transactions, or likes and follows on social media.

    Over three years from 1970 to 1972, Temple University anthropologist Wayne Zachary studied the social network of 34 members in a university karate club. He observed a split between the club’s instructor and its administrator. What ensued was a partition of the club into factions, centred on the two respective leaders. Zachary referred to this as fission within the group in his 1977 paper.

    “Communities” in a social network are groups of like-minded individuals who are more likely to interact with one another than those outside the group. Think of a community as a clique in a high school, with separate groups of teenagers who are into football, members of the math club or fans of Taylor Swift.

    The Zachary Karate Club network is a well-cited and early example of the emergence of two distinct communities from one. The network became a popular example of community structure in networks after its use by physicist Michelle Girvan and network scientist Mark Newman in 2002.

    How the split could affect voters

    The split between Trump and Musk echoes the split in the Zachary Karate Club network. While the Karate Club network is much smaller than the the 160 million-plus group of likely U.S. voters, it does suggest the kind of polarization that can occur when powerful individuals go their separate ways.

    Imagine each voter as a node, with two nodes linked if they voted for the same presidential candidate. That would split voters into two main groups: one that voted Republican and the other that voted Democrat, with a smaller group comprising the roughly three million people who voted for independent candidates like Jill Stein in 2024.

    U.S. presidential elections can be razor-close, as was the case with George W. Bush and Al Gore in 2000. Even a minor split among voters can upend the results. For example, in the 1992 presidential election, independent candidate Ross Perot garnered almost 19 per cent of the popular vote, which likely siphoned off Republican votes and contributed to George H.W. Bush’s loss.

    On June 5, Musk polled X about creating a new political party — The America Party. Within hours, about 80 per cent of 1.3 million people who took his poll supported his idea.

    That party could fracture the traditional voting base of Republicans and Democrats, leaving the fate of the White House uncertain for the foreseeable future. While die-hard MAGA voters will likely always support Trump, tech-savvy millennial and Gen Z voters may be more receptive to Musk’s disruptive third-party aspirations.

    Friends and enemies

    Social networks adhere to two core principles that govern ties between individuals. These principles are well accepted and are also common sense.

    The first is the adage that friends of friends are more likely to be friends. Given Musk’s strong past ties to Trump, followers of Musk would more likely consider voting for Trump.

    The second and equally important principle is that the enemy of my enemy is my friend. That could be bad news for Republicans, as independent-leaning voters who don’t like Trump but voted for him in 2024 may consider supporting the hypothetical “America Party.”

    Another possibility is that the feud ends — Musk is already expressing regrets, saying his posts about Trump “went too far.” That could go a long way to reversing the fissure, though it may not ease the hard feelings that could linger among either Musk or Trump fans.

    We can view both Trump and Musk as powerful attractors who influence the social network of U.S. voters.

    While the majority of Democrats may reject the policies and ideology of both men, the 49.9 per cent of Americans who supported Trump in 2024 could splinter.

    Because this is the official final term of Trump’s presidency, Musk could also support Vice President JD Vance or another Republican frontrunner, dropping his musings about a third party altogether.

    Whatever happens next — just like everything else in the Trump presidency — network science tells us it won’t be predictable.

    Anthony Bonato receives funding from NSERC.

    – ref. Musk apologizes but the bromance is over: What network science tells us about the Trump-Musk breakup – https://theconversation.com/musk-apologizes-but-the-bromance-is-over-what-network-science-tells-us-about-the-trump-musk-breakup-258554

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Ghana and Zambia have snubbed Africa’s leading development bank: why they should change course

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Misheck Mutize, Post Doctoral Researcher, Graduate School of Business (GSB), University of Cape Town

    The governments of Ghana and Zambia recently took a decision that could have serious consequences for other African countries. The decision relates to arrangements on how the two countries will repay the debt they owe to Africa Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank).

    They have both taken decisions to relegate Afreximbank to a commercial lender from a preferred creditor. This means that the terms on which Afreximbank has lent money to these two countries will change. And it will lose certain protections. For example preferred creditors are repaid first, before any other lenders.

    This protects preferred creditors’ balance sheets and enables them to continue lending during crisis periods when others cannot. In contrast, commercial banks get paid later or might not get paid at all. This higher risk factor means that they charge higher rates.

    Based on decades of researching Africa’s capital markets and the institutions that govern them it’s my view that the long-term consequences of this precedent are detrimental. If other African borrowers follow suit, treating loans from African multilateral development banks as ordinary commercial debt during restructuring, it will erode the viability of these institutions. Investors who fund Afreximbank through bonds and capital markets may reassess its risk profile, pushing up its cost of funding and making future lending less affordable.

    The ultimate losers will be African countries themselves, especially those with limited access to international capital. Afreximbank, along with other African financial institutions, is a lifeline for trade finance, infrastructure development, and crisis response. Undermining its legal protections weakens the continent’s capacity for self-reliant development.

    Afreximbank was created under the auspices of the African Development Bank (AfDB) in 1993. It was set up with a public interest mandate to develop African trade and promote integration. Its legal status and structural features place it closer to international multilateral development banks than to private creditors, justifying its treatment as a preferred creditor.

    The decision by Accra and Lusaka signals lack of confidence in African financial institutions. It suggests that they do not trust them to the same extent as global institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. These are treated as preferred creditors, on the assumption that they will lend to countries in crisis or distress when commercial lenders retreat.

    The actions of Ghana and Zambia set a dangerous precedent by sidelining African financial institutions in favour of external creditors. That risks weakening Africa’s financial institutions and undermining the very concept of African solutions to African problems. Investors will become more sceptical and pessimistic, demanding more interest.

    The continent needs to develop an ability to independently design, finance and implement its economic development policies without support from external financial institutions. Afreximbank helps to achieve this through financing African-designed infrastructure and counter-cyclical lending.

    Ghana and Zambia still have an opportunity to correct course. In my view they should do so for the sake of the bank, its member states and the future of African economic sovereignty.

    The background

    Ghana and Zambia have both defaulted on their external bonds in the last four years. Zambia in October 2020 and Ghana in December 2022. This forced them to negotiate new sustainable terms with creditors.

    During their respective debt negotiations, both countries have announced that they would include African multilateral development banks such as Afreximbank and the Trade and Development Bank in the debt restructuring.

    This followed private and bilateral creditors contesting unequal distribution of restructuring burdens, where they face losses while some multilateral institutions are shielded. The International Monetary Fund and World Bank, which are preferred creditors, do not fund infrastructure, they only offer balance of payments support.

    The decision by Ghana and Zambia to relegate Afreximbank was made during an ongoing comprehensive debt restructuring. Ghana and Zambia have been negotiating with creditors for over a year in an attempt to resolve their sovereign debt crises.

    The two countries were complying with International Monetary Fund supported restructuring terms. Bilateral creditors were also demanding fair burden sharing with African multilateral banks.

    Afreximbank: not just another lender

    Ghana and Zambia don’t have a legal leg to stand on.

    Afreximbank’s preferred creditor status is not an informal privilege but derives from Article VX(1) of its founding agreement. The agreement has been signed and ratified by member states into national laws, including Ghana and Zambia.

    This status is further reinforced by the bank’s diplomatic immunities and privileges and its ability to operate across African jurisdictions under protected legal frameworks. The role of Afreximbank, therefore, goes beyond that of a traditional commercial bank.

    Preferred creditor status protects development finance institutions in a number of ways. The biggest protection is that lenders are prioritised for repayment. This protects their balance sheets, enabling them to continue lending when others cannot.

    A preferred creditor status is accorded for a reason. It is to ensure that development finance institutions can lend in times of distress with confidence, on the guarantee that they will be repaid ahead of other creditors. Country actions that violate this principle disrupt the implicit covenant that enables counter-cyclical financing. This is breaking the financial lifeline that countries might need when nobody else is willing to help them. This is precisely the kind of support that Ghana and Zambia relied on during their respective debt crises in December 2022 and October 2020, respectively.

    A bank that has consistently stepped up

    It is worth recalling that during the COVID-19 pandemic (2019–2021) and again when global markets closed access to Eurobond issuances for African countries, investors didn’t want to lend African countries for fear of defaulting. Afreximbank was one of the few institutions that continued to lend to African sovereigns. This included US$750 million to Ghana and US$45 million to Zambia.

    When Ghana, Zambia and other commodity export-dependent countries faced acute foreign currency shortages and tightening global liquidity caused by the 2015/16 commodity crisis of low prices, Afreximbank did not hesitate to deploy resources.

    Zambia has also benefited significantly from Afreximbank’s trade and development finance in energy, agriculture and healthcare. These are areas that many commercial banks view as too risky or low-margin.

    For Zambia and Ghana to classify Afreximbank in the same category as hedge funds, bondholders or purely commercial lenders, is ahistorical and unwarranted.

    Restructuring loans from Afreximbank risks inadvertently raising the cost of capital for African countries. If Afreximbank can no longer be shielded under preferred creditor status norms, it may be forced to adopt more conservative lending practices, charge higher risk premiums or retreat from high-risk markets altogether.

    The knock-on effect is reduced access to affordable, timely financing for countries that need it most.

    Afreximbank has rejected the idea that its loans ought to be restructured.

    Ghana and Zambia should correct course

    Ghana and Zambia still have an opportunity to correct course. They can reaffirm Afreximbank’s preferred creditor status, exclude it from restructuring tables meant for commercial creditors, and honour their legal commitments.

    In doing so, they would not only preserve their reputations as reliable debtors but also strengthen the broader fabric of African financial solidarity.

    African countries must be cognisant that no one else will build their institutions for them. If they do not defend and respect them, they cannot expect the rest of the world to do so. The credibility, sustainability and legitimacy of Africa’s financial independence depends, in large part, on how they treat the institutions they have built.

    The decision to treat Afreximbank and the Trade and Development Bank like commercial lenders is short-sighted and self-defeating. It must be reversed.

    Misheck Mutize does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ghana and Zambia have snubbed Africa’s leading development bank: why they should change course – https://theconversation.com/ghana-and-zambia-have-snubbed-africas-leading-development-bank-why-they-should-change-course-258467

    MIL OSI Analysis –