NewzIntel.com

Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Sanctuary cities can’t protect people from ICE immigration raids − but they don’t actually violate federal law

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Benjamin Gonzalez O’Brien, Professor of Political Science, San Diego State University

    While sanctuary policies for immigrants have grown in the U.S. since the 1980s, the Trump administration is the first to challenge them. Marcos Silva/iStock/Getty Images Plus

    The Trump administration plans to send special response teams of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents to conduct immigration raids in four cities run by Democratic mayors, NBC news reported on June 11, 2025, citing two unnamed sources familiar with the planning process.

    NBC reports that New York City, Philadelphia, Chicago and Seattle are four of the five places that would be affected by this deployment, as well as northern Virginia. These cities are also among the other major metropolitan hubs – as well as more than 200 small towns and counties and a dozen states – that over the past 40 years have adopted what are often known as sanctuary policies.

    Special response teams are tactical units under ICE that are trained to respond to extreme situations such as drug and arms smugglers. These units have been used to respond to recent immigration protests in Los Angeles in response to ICE raids. President Donald Trump has also deployed 4,000 National Guard troops, as well as about 700 Marines, to quell protests in that city. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass and California Gov. Gavin Newsom have said the presence of troops is exacerbating the situation and are challenging the legality of these deployments in court.

    While sanctuary policies often prohibit local participation in immigration enforcement or cooperation with ICE, if large-scale raids take place in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago and Seattle, their designation as sanctuary cities offers little protection to immigrants living without legal authorization from deportation.

    There is not a single definition of a sanctuary policy. But it often involves local authorities not asking about a resident’s immigration status, or not sharing that personal information with federal immigration authorities.

    So when a San Francisco police officer pulls someone over for a traffic violation, the officer will not ask if the person is living in the country legally.

    American presidents, from Ronald Reagan to Joe Biden, have chosen to leave sanctuary policies largely unchallenged since different places first adopted them in the 1970s. This changed in 2017, when President Donald Trump first tried to cut federal funding to sanctuary places, claiming that their policies “willfully violate Federal law.” Legal challenges during his first term stopped him from actually withholding the money.

    At the start of his second term, Trump signed two executive orders in January and April 2025 which again state that his administration will withhold federal money from areas with sanctuary policies.

    “Working on papers to withhold all Federal Funding for any City or State that allows these Death Traps to exist!!!” Trump said, according to an April White House statement. This statement was immediately followed by his April executive order.

    These two executive orders task the attorney general and secretary of homeland security with publishing a list of all sanctuary places and notifying local and state officials of “non-compliance, providing an opportunity to correct it.” Those that do not comply with federal law, according to the orders, may lose federal funding.

    San Francisco and 14 other sanctuary cities, including New Haven, Connecticut, and Portland, Oregon, sued the Trump administration in February on the grounds that it was illegally trying to coerce cities to comply with its policies. A U.S. district court judge in California issued an injunction on April 24 preventing the administration – at least for the time being – from cutting funding from places with sanctuary policies.

    However, as researchers who have studied sanctuary policies for over a decade, we know that Trump’s claim that sanctuary policies violate federal immigration law is not correct.

    It’s true that the federal government has exclusive jurisdiction over immigration. Yet there is no federal requirement that state or local governments participate or cooperate in federal immigration enforcement, which would require an act of Congress.

    A sign is seen at the Nogales, Ariz., and Mariposa, Mexico, border crossing.
    Jan Sonnenmair/Getty Images

    What’s behind sanctuary policies

    In 1979, the Los Angeles Police Department was the first to announce a prohibition on local officials asking about a resident’s immigration status.

    However, it was not until the 1980s that the sanctuary movement took off, when hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans, Guatemalans and Nicaraguans fled civil war and violence in their home countries and migrated to the U.S. This prompted a number of cities to declare solidarity with the faith-based sanctuary movement that offered refuge to Salvadoran, Guatemalan and Nicaraguan asylum seekers facing deportation.

    In 1985, Berkeley, Calif., and San Francisco pledged that city officials, including police officers, would not report Central Americans to immigration authorities as long as they were law abiding.

    Berkeley also banned officials from using local money to work with federal immigration authorities.

    “We are not asking anyone to do anything illegal,” Nancy Walker, a supervisor for San Francisco, said in 1985, according to The New York Times. “We have got to extend our hand to these people. If these people go home, they die. They are asking us to let them stay.”

    Today, there are hundreds of sanctuary cities, towns, counties and states across the country that all have a variation of policies that limit their cooperation with federal immigration authorities.

    Sometimes – but not always – places with sanctuary policies bar local law enforcement agencies from working with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the country’s main immigration enforcement agency.

    A large part of ICE’s work is identifying, arresting and deporting immigrants living in the U.S. illegally. In order to carry out this work, ICE issues what is known as “detainer requests” to local law enforcement authorities. A detainer request asks local law enforcement to hold a specific arrested person already being held by police until that person can be transferred to ICE, which can then take steps to deport them.

    While places without sanctuary policies tend to comply with these requests, some sanctuary jurisdictions, like the state of California, only do so in the cases of particular violent criminal offenses.

    Yet local officials in sanctuary places cannot legally block ICE from arresting local residents who are living in the country illegally, or from carrying out any other parts of its work.

    Can Trump withhold federal funding?

    Trump claimed in 2017 that sanctuary policies violated federal law, and he issued an executive order that tried to rescind federal grants that these jurisdictions received.

    However, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in a 2018 case involving San Francisco and Santa Clara County, California, that the president could not refuse to “disperse the federal grants in question without congressional authorization.”

    Federal courts, meanwhile, split over whether Trump could freeze funding attached to a specific federal program called the Edward Byrne Memorial Assistance Grant Program, which provides about US$250 million in annual funding to state and local law enforcement.

    These cases were in the process of being appealed to the Supreme Court when the Department of Justice, under Biden, asked that they be dismissed.

    Other Supreme Court rulings also suggest that the Trump administration’s claim that it can withhold federal funding from sanctuary places rests on shaky legal ground.

    The Supreme Court ruled in 1992 and again in 1997 that the federal government could not coerce state or local governments to use their resources to enforce a federal regulatory program, or compel them to enact or administer a federal regulatory program.

    Under pressure

    The first Trump administration was not generally successful, with the exception of the split over the Edward Byrne Memorial Assistance Grant Program, at stripping funding from sanctuary places. But cutting federal funding – even if it happens temporarily – can be economically damaging to cities and counties while they challenge the decision in court.

    Local officials also face other kinds of political pressure to comply with the Trump administration’s demands.

    A legal group founded by Stephen Miller, deputy chief of staff in the Trump administration, for example, sent letters to dozens of local officials in January threatening criminal prosecution for their sanctuary policies.

    Michelle Wu, the mayor of Boston, a sanctuary city, testifies during a House committee hearing on sanctuary city mayors on March 5, 2025, in Washington.
    Nathan Posner/Anadolu via Getty Images

    The real effects of sanctuary policies

    One part of Trump’s argument against sanctuary policies is that places with these policies have more crime than those that do not.

    But there is no established relationship between sanctuary status and crime rates.

    There is, however, evidence that when local law enforcement and ICE work together, it reduces the likelihood of immigrant and Latino communities to report crimes, likely for fear of being arrested by federal immigration authorities.

    Sanctuary policies are certainly worthy of debate, but this requires an accurate representation of what they are, what they do, and the effects they have.

    This is an updated version of a story originally published on May 28, 2025.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Sanctuary cities can’t protect people from ICE immigration raids − but they don’t actually violate federal law – https://theconversation.com/sanctuary-cities-cant-protect-people-from-ice-immigration-raids-but-they-dont-actually-violate-federal-law-255831

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Microaggressions’ can fly under the radar in schools. Here’s how to spot them and respond

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Leslie, Lecturer in Curriculum and Pedagogy with a focus on Educational Psychology, University of Southern Queensland

    Klaus Vedfelt/ Getty Images

    Bullying is sadly a common experience for Australian children and teenagers. It is estimated at least 25% experience bullying at some point in their schooling.

    The impacts can be far-reaching and include depression and anxiety, poorer school performance, and poorer connection to school.

    The federal government is currently doing a “rapid review” of how to better prevent bullying in schools. This do this, we need a clear understanding of the full spectrum of aggressive behaviours that occur in schools.

    We already know bullying can be physical, verbal and social, and can occur in person and online. But there is less awareness among educators and policymakers of “microaggressions”. These can be more subtle but are nonetheless very damaging.



    Read more:
    With a government review underway, we have to ask why children bully other kids

    What’s the difference between bullying and microaggressions?

    Bullying is unwanted aggressive behaviour by a person or group against a targeted victim, with the intent to harm. The behaviour is repeated and there is a power imbalance between the perpetrator and victim.

    Microaggressions are a form of aggression that communicate a person is less valued because of a particular attribute – for example, their race, gender or disability.

    Microaggressions are repeated, cumulative and reflect power imbalances between social groups. A key difference with traditional bullying is microaggressions are often unconscious on the part of the perpetrator – and can be perpetrated with no ill intent.

    For example, traditional bullying could include a child always excluding another child from the group, always pushing them when they walk past them, or calling them a rude name.

    Microaggressions could include:

    • saying “you don’t look disabled” to a student with an invisible disability

    • mispronouncing a student’s name with no attempt to correct the pronunciation

    • saying to a student of colour, “wow, you’re so articulate”, implying surprise at their language skills

    • minimising a student with disability’s experience by saying “it can’t be that difficult. Just try harder.”

    We don’t have specific statistics on prevalence within Australia, although there is ample research to say those from minority groups frequently experience microaggressions.

    For example, studies of young people in the United States found incidents of microaggressions, often focused on racism, homophobia, transphobia and fat stigma. Students who held more than one identity (for example, a minority race and sexual orientation), were more likely to be targets.

    Microaggressions in schools

    My 2025 research on microaggressions towards dyslexic students in Australia found both students and parents can be on the receiving end. Teachers, school support officers and other students could be perpetrators.

    These interactions minimised the students’ experiences of dyslexia and made them feel like second class students compared to their peers.

    Some of the children reported comments from peers such as “oh yeah, reading, writing is hard already” which minimised the difficulties caused by dyslexia. Another student recalled how a peer had corrected her spelling “by snatching my book and re-writing it”, assuming she couldn’t do it herself. One student was made to feel bad for using a laptop in class as “someone said it was cheating”.

    The impact of microaggressions

    Schools where microaggressions occur are not safe spaces for all students.

    This can have serious implications for students’ school attendance, harm their mental health and ability to learn and socialise.

    Research on US university students, showed students may also become hypervigilant waiting for future microaggressions to occur.

    One Australian study found microaggressions can be so bad for some school students, they change schools in search of environments where staff and peers are more accepting.

    How to address microaggressions

    Research suggests addressing microaggressions can work as a prevention strategy to reduce other forms of bullying before it starts.

    Studies also show teacher awareness of microaggressions is key to preventing and addressing incidents.

    So a first step step is to make sure schools, teachers and students are aware of microagressions. Teachers should be educated about the relationship between microaggressions and bullying.

    Schools need to create environments where microaggressions are understood, recognised and addressed. All students need to be taught how to respond appropriately as bystanders if they see microaggressions happening in the classroom, playground or online.

    If a student feels that they or a friend has been made to feel less because of their identity, then they should be encouraged to seek help from an appropriate adult.

    Schools also need proactive programs to foster inclusion in schools. Research shows school psychologists can help by delivering programs in mental health and social and emotional development.

    Just as schools, teachers and school psychologists can be proactive in addressing microaggressions, so too can the federal government – by including microaggressions in its anti-bullying review.

    If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14 or Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800.

    Rachel Leslie is a committee member for the Australian Psychologists and Counsellors in Schools association.

    – ref. ‘Microaggressions’ can fly under the radar in schools. Here’s how to spot them and respond – https://theconversation.com/microaggressions-can-fly-under-the-radar-in-schools-heres-how-to-spot-them-and-respond-258684

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Medical scans are big business and investors are circling. Here are 3 reasons to be concerned

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sean Docking, Research Fellow, School of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, Monash University

    wedmoments.stock/Shutterstock

    Timely access to high-quality medical imaging can be lifesaving and life-altering. Radiology can confirm a fractured bone, give us an early glimpse of our baby or detect cancer.

    But behind the x-ray, ultrasound, CT and MRI machines is a growing, highly profitable industry worth almost A$6 billion a year.

    Corporate ownership dominates the sector. In our new study, we show how for-profit corporations own about three in every five private radiology clinics.

    As radiology becomes an increasingly attractive target for investors, are we letting business interests reshape a key part of our health-care system?

    30 million scans and counting

    In 2023–24, two in five Australians had an x-ray, ultrasound, CT scan or MRI. That’s about 30.8 million scans in total (individuals may have two or more scans).

    Medicare funds most of this imaging. In fact, imaging is now Medicare’s second-largest area of spending, behind only GP visits.

    But a growing number of scans are not bulk billed and patients are out of pocket on average about $125 per scan. An estimated 274,000 Australians are delaying or forgoing scans each year because of the cost.

    There have also been dramatic changes behind the scenes. Since the early 2000s, for-profit corporations have been buying small radiologist-owned clinics.

    Today, 65% of private radiology practices are owned by publicly listed shareholders or private investors, including private equity firms. This marks a significant shift from clinician-led to investor-driven health care.

    Need an ultrasound? You may end up at a private radiology clinic.
    Inside Creative House/Shutterstock

    Why should we care?

    Advocates of corporate ownership suggest this business-focused approach can make the system more efficient through economies of scale. They say this allows consolidation of administration tasks and a reduction in overheads.

    Easy access to finance can help buy expensive imaging machines. It can also provide investment towards new technologies, such as artificial intelligence.

    Yet, there are three main reasons why corporate ownership of the radiology sector may be cause for concern.

    1. It reduces competition

    Large corporations buying up a bunch of smaller practices ultimately leads to less competition. In Tasmania, for example, 11 of the 17 private radiology clinics are owned by one company, significantly limiting patient choice.

    We also found limited competition among radiology providers in South Australia, the Northern Territory and Australian Capital Territory.

    When a single company dominates a local market, it creates the conditions for higher fees and reduced incentives to bulk bill. However, objective data on the impact of reduced competition on the affordability of scans is scarce.

    2. It may lead to too many expensive scans

    High-cost scans, such as MRIs and CTs, are lucrative. Medicare expenditure on MRI scans alone has doubled since 2012.

    This may reflect improved access and a recommended shift towards more sensitive tests for some conditions. However, for-profit corporations now own about 76% of MRI machines in private clinics. These corporations may be financially incentivised to offer more costly imaging over equally effective, lower-cost options.

    With profits tied to the number of scans, there’s growing unease financial motives may be influencing when and how often these scans are used.

    While radiology corporations are not the ones requesting scans, there is little incentive for them to address overuse of radiology services, an issue for high-income countries such as Australia.

    Low-value imaging may also generate overdiagnosis (when something shows up on imaging but will never cause the patient any health issues, for example). It can lead to unnecessarily exposing patients to radiation and cause unwarranted patient (and doctor) anxiety. This can ultimately lead to more tests and unnecessary treatment.

    Is an MRI scan really necessary? Sometimes cheaper imaging is best.
    illustrissima/Shutterstock

    3. Radiology clinics become an asset

    Private equity firms view radiology clinics as a commodity to be bought, their value increased, then sold over a relatively short time frame (typically three to seven years).

    These firms generate profit not from delivering care, but from boosting the clinic’s value and charging them annual “management fees”.

    A prime example is unfolding. I-MED, Australia’s largest radiology provider, is considering listing the business on the Australian Stock Exchange after failing to sell at a reported $3 billion. Its UK private equity owner bought I-MED for about $1.26 billion in 2018. If sold, this would be the latest of multiple owners since delisting from the stock exchange in 2006.

    If there are debts, health-care companies can collapse, as we’ve seen recently with hospital chain Healthscope, which is owned by a Canadian-based private equity firm.

    Experience of private equity’s role in health care in the United States also offers a cautionary tale. Reductions in the quality of care, asset stripping and ultimately the closure and bankruptcy of vital health-care providers have prompted Congressional investigations. The state of Oregon is on the verge of blocking private equity firms from controlling health-care providers.

    What next?

    As radiology becomes an increasingly attractive target for investors, questions are mounting about whether this profit-driven model can coexist with the public’s need for affordable, accessible health care.

    Medicare was designed to guarantee affordable access to quality health care for all Australians, not guarantee revenue for corporations.

    While unwinding corporate participation in the radiology sector is near impossible, there is still time to implement safeguards that prevent wealthy investors from prioritising financial gain over Australians’ health and wellbeing.

    Stronger oversight and greater transparency from these corporations are needed to ensure Medicare dollars deliver real value for patients and the public.

    We would like to acknowledge Jenn Lacy-Nichols (University of Melbourne) and Martin Hensher (University of Tasmania) who co-authored the paper mentioned in this article.

    Sean Docking is a member of UniSuper (Industry Super Holdings Pty Ltd) as part of his superannuation; Unisuper is an investor in PRP Diagnostic Imaging. He has no direct investments in any diagnostic imaging companies.

    Rachelle Buchbinder has received grant funding from NHMRC, MRFF, Arthritis Australia and HCF Foundation. She receives royalties from UpToDate for writing and editing ‘Plantar fasciitis’. She also receives royalties for her book entitled ‘Hippocrasy: How doctors are betraying their oath’. She has not received funding from for-profit industry, including from radiology companies.

    – ref. Medical scans are big business and investors are circling. Here are 3 reasons to be concerned – https://theconversation.com/medical-scans-are-big-business-and-investors-are-circling-here-are-3-reasons-to-be-concerned-257820

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Were the first kings of Poland actually from Scotland? New DNA evidence unsettles a nation’s founding myth

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University

    An illustration from a 15th-century manuscript showing the coronation of the first king of Poland, Boleslaw I. Chronica Polonorum by Mathiae de Mechovia

    For two centuries, scholars have sparred over the roots of the Piasts, Poland’s first documented royal house, who reigned from the 10th to the 14th centuries.

    Were they local Slavic nobles, Moravian exiles, or warriors from Scandinavia?

    Since 2023, a series of genetic and environmental studies led by molecular biologist Marek Figlerowicz at the Poznań University of Technology has delivered a stream of direct evidence about these enigmatic rulers, bringing the debate onto firmer ground.

    Digging up the dynasty

    Field teams have now opened more than a dozen crypts from the Piast era. The largest single haul came from Płock Cathedral in what is now central Poland.

    The exhumed bones were dated between 1100 and 1495, matching written records. Genetic analysis showed several individuals were close relatives.

    “There is no doubt we are dealing with genuine Piasts,” Figlerowicz told a May 2025 conference.

    The Poznań group isolated readable DNA from 33 individuals (30 men and three women) believed to span the dynasty’s full timeline.

    Surprise on the Y chromosome

    The male skeletons almost all carry a single, rare group of genetic variants on the Y chromosome (which is only carried and passed down by males). This group is today found mainly in Britain. The closest known match belongs to a Pict buried in eastern Scotland in the 5th or 6th century.

    These results imply that the dynasty’s paternal line arrived from the vicinity of the North Atlantic, not nearby.

    Mieszko I, the first Piast ruler documented in written sources.
    Jan Matejko, c. 1893 (via Wikimedia)

    The date of that arrival is still open: the founding clan could have migrated centuries before the first known Piast, Mieszko I (who died in 992), or perhaps only a generation earlier through a dynastic marriage. Either way, the new data kill the notion of an unbroken local male lineage.

    Yet genetics also shows deep local continuity in the wider population. A separate survey of Iron Age cemeteries across Poland, published in Scientific Reports, revealed that people living 2,000 years ago already shared the genetic makeup seen in early Piast subjects.

    Another project that sequenced pre-Piast burials drew the same conclusion: local Poles were part of the broader continental gene pool stretching from Denmark to France.

    In short, even if the Piasts were exotic rulers, they governed a long-established community.

    A swamp tells its tale

    While the DNA work progressed, another Poznań team dug into the history of the local environment via samples from the peaty floor of Lake Lednica near Poznań, the island-ringed stronghold often dubbed the cradle of the Piast realm.

    Their study of buried pollen, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, shows an abrupt switch in the 9th century: oak and lime pollen plummet, while cereal and pasture indicators soar. Traces of charcoal and soot point to widespread fires.

    The authors call the shift an “ecological revolution”, driven by slash-and-burn agriculture and the need to feed concentrated garrisons of soldiers guarding local trade routes carrying amber and slaves.

    Modelling boom and bust

    Using this environmental data, historians and complexity scientists constructed a feedback model of population, silver paid as tribute to rulers, and fort-building. As fields expanded, tributes rose; as tributes rose, chiefs could hire more labour to clear more forest and build forts.

    The model reproduces the startling build-out of ramparts at Poznań, Giecz and Gniezno around 990. It also predicts collapse once the silver stopped flowing.

    Pollen data indeed show the woodlands recovered to some extent after 1070, while archaeological surveys record abandoned hamlets and shrinking garrisons.

    The early Piast state rode a resource boom as the Piasts controlled part of the amber and slave trade routes that linked the shores of the Baltic Sea to Rome.

    The impact of Mieszko’s conversion to Christianity on that lucrative trade remains subject to scholarly debate.

    Reconciling foreigners and locals

    How do these strands fit together? Evidence of a Scottish man in the Piast paternal line does not necessarily imply a foreign conquest. Dynasties spread by marriages as well as by swords.

    For example, Świętosława (the sister of the first Piast king, Bolesław the Brave), married the kings of both Denmark and Sweden, and her descendants ruled England for a time. The networks of Europe’s nobility were highly mobile.

    Conversely, the stable genetic profile of ordinary folk suggests that, whoever sat on the ducal bench, most people remained where their grandparents had farmed.

    The broader research engine

    None of this work happens in isolation. Poland’s National Science Centre has bankrolled a 24-person team across archaeology, palaeoecology and bioinformatics since 2014, generating 16 peer-reviewed papers and a public database of ancient genomes.

    Conferences at Lednica and Dziekanowice now bring historians and molecular biologists to the same table. The methodological pay-off is clear: Polish labs can now process their own ancient DNA rather than exporting it to Copenhagen or Leipzig.

    What still puzzles researchers

    Three questions remain. First, does that British-leaning male line really start with a Pict? The closest known match to the Piasts may change as new burials are sequenced.

    Second, how many commoners carried the same genetic variant? Spot samples from Kowalewko and Brzeg hint that it was rare among locals, but the data set is small.

    Third, why did the silver dry up so fast? Numismatists suspect a shift in Viking routes after 1000 AD, yet the matter is far from settled.

    A balanced verdict

    Taken together, the evidence paints a nuanced picture. The Piasts were probably not ethnic Slavs in the strict paternal sense, yet they ruled, and soon resembled, an overwhelmingly Slavic realm.

    Their meteoric rise owed less to outsider brilliance than to the chance alignment of fertile soils, cheap labour, and an export boom in amber and captives.

    As geneticists conduct more DNA sequencing of remains, such as those of princes in crypts at Kraków’s Wawel castle, and palaeoecologists push their lakebed pollen samples back to 7th century, we can expect further surprises.

    Darius von Guttner Sporzynski receives funding from the National Science Centre, Poland as a partner investigator in the grant ‘The “Chronicle of the Poles” by Bishop Vincentius of Cracow also known as Kadłubek. First critical Latin-English Edition.’ (2022/47/B/HS3/00931).

    – ref. Were the first kings of Poland actually from Scotland? New DNA evidence unsettles a nation’s founding myth – https://theconversation.com/were-the-first-kings-of-poland-actually-from-scotland-new-dna-evidence-unsettles-a-nations-founding-myth-258579

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: What family firms like Rothschild can teach Canadian businesses about resilience

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Liena Kano, Professor, Haskayne School of Business, University of Calgary

    The Gunnersbury Estate, which was purchased by merchant and financier Nathan Mayer Rothschild in 1835, is seen in London in 2022. (Shutterstock)

    Family businesses constitute a vital component of Canada’s economic landscape. They make up 63 per cent of privately held firms, employ nearly seven million people and generate about $575 billion a year.

    While Canadian family-run businesses express international ambitions, their overseas engagement tends to be more conservative compared to their non-family counterparts.

    In today’s turbulent economic environment — marked by geopolitical tensions, technological disruption and shifting trade patterns — international competitiveness is more important than ever.

    Around the world, family firms have shown remarkable resilience in the face of external shocks. Some of the world’s longest-standing corporations are family-owned, having endured world wars, revolutions, natural disasters and pandemics. For Canadian family firms aspiring to expand abroad, such examples offer both inspiration and insight.

    Among such long-standing multinationals is Rothschild, a centuries-old European family-run investment bank. Our case study of Rothschild, based on historical analysis, highlights how the family’s enduring relationships, reliable routines and long-term goals gave it significant advantages in international business.

    At the same time, however, families can contribute unique biases, especially “bifurcation bias” — a tendency to favour family resources over equally or more valuable non-family ones. Our study reveals that bifurcation bias can compromise a firm’s international trajectory, especially in distant and complex markets.

    A brief history of Rothschild

    Mayer Amschel Rothschild was a German-Jewish banker and the founder of the Rothschild banking dynasty.
    (Wikimedia Commons)

    Initially a merchant business, the firm was founded in the late 18th century by Mayer Amschel Rothschild, a Frankfurt Jew.

    Rothschild and his wife, Guttle, had 10 children, including five sons: Amschel, Salomon, Nathan, Carl and James.

    In 1798, Rothschild sent Nathan to Manchester, England, which initiated the firm’s growth in that country and a transition from merchant operations to financial transactions.

    By the 1820s, Rothschild became a multinational bank, with Amschel, Salomon, Nathan, Carl and James leading banking houses in Frankfurt, Vienna, London, Naples and Paris, respectively.

    Bonuses and burdens of family bonds

    Nathan Mayer Rothschild was sent to Manchester in 1798.
    (Wikimedia Commons)

    In the 19th century, the Rothschild’s strategy of relying on family members initially worked well for the firm.

    The five Rothschild brothers corresponded in a coded language and shared a common pool of resources at a time when shared balance sheets were uncommon in international banking.

    Their close familial bonds allowed the brothers to move information, money and goods across international borders with a speed and reach that wasn’t accessible to competitors. Rivals, by contrast, had to worry about protecting sensitive information and enforcing commitments.

    This internal cohesiveness safeguarded the Rothschild’s business, facilitated transactions and allowed them to maintain resilience through the periods of significant political upheaval: the Napoleonic wars, revolutions and, ultimately, the First World War, which interrupted economic and social progress in Europe.

    However, this same over-reliance on family became a disadvantage when Rothschild expanded into the United States.

    Missed opportunity and bifurcation bias

    The Rothschilds showed an interest in the American market as early as the 1820s. However, their repeated attempts to send family members to the U.S to expand operations failed, as none were willing to stay, preferring the comforts of European life.

    August Belmont was a German-Jewish immigrant to New York City in 1837 as an agent of the Rothschild bank in Frankfurt.
    (Shutterstock)

    Since they were unable to establish a family-based anchor in the country, the Rothschilds appointed an agent, August Belmont, to run the U.S. operations on their behalf in 1837.

    However, Belmont wasn’t given the authority to exercise entrepreneurial judgment, make investments or enter into deals. He also didn’t have unrestricted access to capital, was never entrusted with an official Rothschild mandate or acknowledged as a full-fledged partner.

    The Rothschilds were unwilling to delegate such decisions to someone who was not a direct male descendant of the founder, Mayer Amschel Rothschild.

    This failure to use Belmont as a link between the family — with its successful experiences, capabilities, routines and connections in Europe — and the American market — with its growing opportunities and the valuable networks Belmont had begun to develop — ultimately prevented Rothschild from replicating its success in the U.S.

    The Rothschilds were eventually eclipsed by the Barings and JP Morgan banks in America. Both competitors followed a different path in the market by opening full-fledged U.S. subsidiaries under their corporate brands with significant funds and decision-making autonomy.

    Escaping the trap of bifurcation bias

    Bifurcation bias does not always have an immediate negative impact. In fact, biased governance practices remained inconsequential for the Rothschilds — as long as there were enough capable family heirs available to lead the bank’s dispersed operations.

    In the short- to medium-term, the family’s connections, time-tested routines and mutual reliability built a well of resilience that sustained the bank through the 19th century, one of the most volatile political periods in European history.

    But as a firm’s international ambitions outgrow the size of the family, bifurcation bias can damage competitiveness, both in international markets and at home.

    At some point, family firms must shift from emotional, biased decision-making to efficient governance systems, which may involve incorporating non-family managers and selecting resources, locations and projects that do not carry emotional significance.

    A Cargill factory building in Wroclaw, Poland in 2020. American business executive William Wallace Cargill founded the Cargill company as an Iowa grain storage business in 1865.
    (Shutterstock)

    Many successful family firms implement tools in their governance systems to detect and eliminate biased behaviour. For instance, family-owned multinationals such as Merck (Germany), Cargill (U.S.) and Tata Group (India) have checks and balances that prevent decision-makers from thinking only in family terms.

    The most successful strategies to safeguard against bifurcation bias invite outside scrutiny into corporate decision-making: appointing non-family CEOs, establishing independent boards, hiring consultants and granting partners decision-making powers.

    Lessons for family firms

    Today, as the global business environment faces arguably unprecedented volatility, firms are seeking to build resilience to survive the turbulence.

    While multi-generational family firms must learn to guard against bifurcation bias to thrive in international markets, their demonstrated ability to withstand external shocks offers valuable lessons for other companies.

    How can non-family firms emulate the Rothschild’s success and longevity? The Rothschild case teaches us the value of having a shared organizational language, setting long-term goals, maintaining stable routines and placing a strong emphasis on brand reputation.

    These strategies can help any company, family-owned or not, build resilience during volatile times.

    Liena Kano receives funding from SSHRC.

    Alain Verbeke receives funding from SSHRC.

    Luciano Ciravegna receives funding from INCAE Business School, where he leads the Steve Aronson Endowed Chair.

    Andrew Kent Johnston does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What family firms like Rothschild can teach Canadian businesses about resilience – https://theconversation.com/what-family-firms-like-rothschild-can-teach-canadian-businesses-about-resilience-254279

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Global: More free school meals is a start – here’s what would really address child poverty

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will Baker, Associate Professor of Sociology and Education, University of Bristol

    victoriyasmail/Shutterstock

    All children in England living in households claiming universal credit will soon be eligible for free school meals, the UK government has announced. This will improve the lives of 500,000 more children and save their families £500 per year.

    This will reduce hunger at school. But it will not solve the UK’s child poverty crisis.

    In her spending review on 11 June, Chancellor Rachel Reeves described the move – as well as investment in education – as “a downpayment ahead of publication of the Child Poverty Strategy in the autumn”. However, the two-child benefit cap, which the government is considering scrapping, and challenging school budgets, remain major barriers to addressing child poverty and food insecurity.

    According to analysis from the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the new free school meals policy will ultimately lift 100,000 children out of poverty and cost £1 billion a year. Under the current system, only families in receipt of universal credit and earning below £7,400 a year qualify for free school meals. This incredibly low threshold has excluded a huge number of children living in poverty from getting a good meal at school.

    Reactions have been justifiably positive. Nick Harrison, CEO of social mobility charity the Sutton Trust, has called the move “a significant step towards taking hunger out of the classroom”.

    The Institute for Fiscal Studies pointed out, however, that the implied poverty reducing benefits of the policy will only be realised in the long term.

    Eligibility for free school meals had temporarily widened during the roll out of universal credit.
    Juice Flair/Shutterstock

    This is partly because, since 2018, the eligibility for free school meals has been temporarily widened to mitigate the impact of changes in the welfare system (the roll out of universal credit) on families. During this period, which ended in April this year, children still received free school meals even if family entitlements to universal credit changed.

    This means that many children made eligible for free school meals under the new policy are already receiving them. And far fewer than 100,000 children will immediately be “lifted out of poverty”, as the government had claimed.

    A mission against child poverty?

    The education secretary, Bridget Phillipson, called the new school meals entitlement part of “the moral mission of this government to tackle the stain of child poverty”. She said: “Today this government takes a giant step towards ending it with targeted support that puts money back in parents’ pockets.”

    Such forceful language almost does justice to the scale of the problem. In the UK, 4.45 million children live in poverty. One in five children live in food insecure households – meaning their families struggle to put food on the table.

    My own research shows that a fifth of all schools now run a food bank. Extending free school meals is an undoubtedly positive step but it will only scratch the surface of these much deeper problems.

    Given the depths of child poverty in the UK, the government must build on this development if it really wants to tackle the problem. Firstly, the government must commit to removing the two-child benefit cap, which limits benefits paid for children to the first two children in a family. Doing so would lift 350,000 children out of poverty immediately and reduce the number of children turning up to school too hungry to learn.

    Extending free schools meal coverage is the less contentious policy option. There is, rightly or wrongly, public support for the two-child limit.

    But it is also the comparatively less ambitious and effective one. Lifting the two child benefit cap would help more children at a lower cost per child.

    Secondly, too often the government asks schools to meet essential costs, duties and innovations out of their existing budgets. In the long run, this disadvantages all children and particularly those living in poverty. This needs to change.

    For example, the government currently only funds 75% of the costs of the new national school breakfast clubs. Next year schools will have to find £400 million from their existing budgets to fund pay rises for teachers. This figure dwarfs the amount schools will receive next year for extending free school meals.

    Finally, we need to tackle the root causes of poverty and build viable pathways out of it. This cannot be achieved by largely focusing on education and providing more funding to schools – important as this is.

    Child poverty is shaped by how our welfare and benefits system is organised, insecure and low-paid work, the high costs of housing and bills, and the absence of high-quality services and community resources that help children thrive. Only by tackling all of these issues in a coordinated and progressive way will be able to make child hunger and poverty things of the past, which is where they belong.

    Will Baker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. More free school meals is a start – here’s what would really address child poverty – https://theconversation.com/more-free-school-meals-is-a-start-heres-what-would-really-address-child-poverty-258509

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Inside the chimpanzee medicine cabinet: we’ve found a new way chimps treat wounds with plants

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Elodie Freymann, Post-doc affiliate, University of Oxford

    Robin Nieuwenkamp/Shutterstock

    As it turns out, chimpanzees make pretty good doctors. For decades, scientists have been studying what chimpanzees do when they fall ill. This search has led to the identification of medicinal behaviour, which often involves the ingestion of plants with chemical or physical properties that can help the animal’s recovery.

    My team’s recent study in the Budongo Forest of western Uganda found its chimpanzees show a range of healthcare behaviour – one of which, applying chewed botanical material to wounds, had never before been documented in chimpanzees.

    Previous studies have shown that wild chimpanzees appear to treat their wounds and maintain sexual hygiene using medicinal plants found in their environment. What’s more, they treat other group members, even ones who are unrelated to them.

    In 2022, a study in Gabon, west Africa found that wild chimpanzees catch and apply insects to their wounds as well as the wounds of non-kin community members. A previous study had reported that chimpanzees in the Kibale Forest of Uganda occasionally dab the wounds of unrelated group members with leaves.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Now our research, published in Frontiers in Ecology and Evolution, shows the chimpanzees of the Budongo Forest engaging in topical healthcare, both on themselves and others.

    To figure out whether the Budongo chimpanzees practice first aid, we combed through more than three decades of hand-written observations from field staff and researchers who have worked in this forest, and searched video archives by Budongo primatologists. We also headed into the field to collect eight months of our own behavioural data. The aim: to accumulate all the cases we could find of external healthcare behaviour and see if a pattern emerged.

    What we found surprised us. The Budongo chimpanzees appear to have quite a diverse behavioural toolkit for tending to their own wounds and maintaining hygiene in the wild. This behaviour ranges from simple actions like wound licking, to more complicated behaviour such as applying plant material to an injury.

    In some cases, chimpanzees dabbed their open wounds with leaves. In rarer cases, they chewed up plant material (like leaves or stem bark) and applied it directly to the affected area with their mouths. Similar behaviour was shown in Sumatran orangutans in 2024.



    Read more:
    What the hidden rhythms of orangutan calls can tell us about language – new research

    But these chimpanzees don’t limit their self-care to treating wounds. We recorded them freeing themselves from wire snares set by hunters, and cleaning their genitals with leaves after mating. In one notable case documented in the forest’s logbook from 2009, a chimpanzee wiped herself with a leaf after defecating.

    Chimpanzees are known to tend each other’s wounds.
    Patrick Rolands/Shutterstock

    We also wanted to determine which plants the Budongo chimpanzees were selecting. We discovered that some of these plants, such as Alchornea floribunda and a species of Acalypha, have traditional medicinal uses and chemical properties related to wound-healing or infection prevention. Whether this is a coincidence, or an indicator that chimpanzees can identify medicinal plants helpful for wound care, is a question for future research.

    Chimpanzee doctors

    Buried in logbooks and video archives, we also found seven cases of chimpanzees providing healthcare for others in their community. Even more interesting, the demographics of the providers and receivers of this healthcare varied dramatically – occurring between both genetically related and unrelated chimpanzees.

    Our study includes cases of chimpanzees licking each other’s wounds and applying plant material to the wounds of injured group members. This kind of wound care, directed toward others, is considered “prosocial” as it offers no obvious or immediate benefit to the carer. In fact, this kind of direct interaction with the wounds of others can pose risks for the carer, exposing them to infectious pathogens or infections.

    As far as we know, this is the first time prosocial wound care has been reported among chimpanzees in the Budongo forest reserve. We also noted cases in which chimpanzees helped free others from nylon snares, and one case in which a female wiped the genitals of a male in her group with leaves after mating.

    Our findings add this site to the growing list of places where altruistic healthcare has been observed among non-kin, advancing our understanding of chimpanzees’ capacity for compassion and empathy.

    Survival of the kindest?

    Chimpanzees are often painted as aggressive, Machiavellian and self-interested, especially in comparison to their peace-loving bonobo cousins. But it appears that these highly social animals have a softer side.

    Chimpanzees are not the only animals who have been observed administering first aid to others. Recently, a US study found that mice help pull the tongues out of the mouths of unconscious cage companions, clearing their air passages. The carer mice were more likely to do this if they were familiar with the incapacitated mouse.

    Even Matabele ants from sub-Saharan Africa will help treat nest mates’ infected wounds with self-generated antibiotic secretions.

    Non-human healthcare may take different forms, but it appears that animals throughout the animal kingdom can administer first aid to themselves and others. It may not be such a dog-eat-dog world after all.

    Elodie Freymann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Inside the chimpanzee medicine cabinet: we’ve found a new way chimps treat wounds with plants – https://theconversation.com/inside-the-chimpanzee-medicine-cabinet-weve-found-a-new-way-chimps-treat-wounds-with-plants-258094

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Spending review delivers big boosts for health and defence – but Rachel Reeves is focused on investment

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Linda Yueh, Fellow in Economics/Adjunct Professor of Economics, University of Oxford

    UK chancellor Rachel Reeves has delivered the government’s spending review, setting out its plans and priorities for the next three years. The aim of the review is of course to allocate spending over that time period – but this government is keen for economic growth and so has directed the funds to try to boost GDP. This approach could work but is particularly challenging in an uncertain global environment.

    The parameters of the UK’s fiscal policy were set in the budget last October and the spring statement in March when the chancellor confirmed her fiscal rules, which allowed borrowing only for investment. Day-to-day spending on public services like the NHS and schools has to be met by tax revenues.

    As a result of an earlier tweak to the fiscal rules, public investment – spending on things like roads and hospitals – will total about £113 billion from now until nearly the end of this parliament.

    Many investors and creditors will have been looking out for this boost, as the UK has lagged behind comparable economies partly due to its lower levels of investment. The announcements have the potential to bring in private funding if more investors see an opportunity to benefit from increased economic growth, particularly if the UK’s relatively high energy costs are also addressed.

    Also in line for government investment is social and affordable housing. The announcement of £39 billion for this sector in England was a centrepiece of Reeves’ announcement. Coupled with planning reforms, the independent Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) judged in March that this could indeed boost growth.

    There will be more money for social housing – £39 billion over ten years in England.
    Irene Miller/Shutterstock

    In terms of day-to-day spending, health and defence received the biggest increases among government departments because of, respectively, pressures on the NHS arising from COVID-19 and the ageing population, and from geopolitical challenges like the war in Ukraine.

    Both departments, though, also have the potential to raise economic growth. Rates of economic inactivity (people who aren’t in paid work, for example) in the UK have not fallen back to their pre-COVID levels as they have in other major economies such as the US, France and Germany. Improving health services, cutting waiting lists and widening access to mental health support could help get more people back to work, which would boost employment and support growth.

    And on defence, spending in this area has the potential (depending greatly on the type of spend) to create technology that could eventually boost the nation’s productivity. GPS, for example, was developed by the US Department of Defense, as were many innovations now used in smartphones. Boosting UK defence spending to 2.6% of GDP by 2027 and investing in technology has the potential to unlock advances in equipment for the UK.

    Who loses out?

    This is not to say that increasing the settlements to other government departments would not support growth too. But some of those departments, including the Home Office, Foreign Office and transport, are now facing cuts in real terms to their spending. And they may find themselves under even more pressure should GDP growth slow.

    This is because of the chancellor’s fiscal rule about funding current spending from taxes. This would mean cuts if these receipts fall as a result of slowing growth, since Reeves has very little “fiscal headroom” (spare cash) to ensure she can meet her rules – only £9.9 billion.

    But the reverse may also prove to be true. Should investment in research and development (£22.6 billion per year by 2029‑30), renewable energy and infrastructure, alongside planning reforms, increase GDP growth, then the chancellor may find that she has more funding to allocate to day-to-day departmental spending to support public services.

    However, it takes time for investment to generate growth. OBR forecasts only expect increased growth of around 1.7% to 1.8% in the second half of this parliament. But those growth forecasts pre-date the US president Donald Trump’s tariffs announced in April, which are causing turmoil in global trade.

    This is why it is even more important for the UK to raise domestic economic growth through investing in people, technology and productivity. To govern is to choose, as the saying goes, and the government will hope that these are the right trade-offs to have made in order to grow during such shaky times. Despite the uncertain global picture, the chancellor has laid some promising foundations. Now the challenge will be delivering the growth.

    Linda Yueh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Spending review delivers big boosts for health and defence – but Rachel Reeves is focused on investment – https://theconversation.com/spending-review-delivers-big-boosts-for-health-and-defence-but-rachel-reeves-is-focused-on-investment-258746

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: E-bikes are becoming e-waste – here’s how to reduce the environmental cost

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yvonne Ryan, Associate Professor in Environmental Science, University of Limerick

    Electric e-bikes make cycling easier, faster and more accessible. They are already playing an important role in reducing the environmental impact of transport, particularly when they replace a trip in a private car.

    But when you scrap an e-bike, you also have to scrap its battery. And these batteries can be particularly dangerous and tricky to dispose of. This means the growth of e-bikes is leading to at least one related environmental problem: a rise in electronic or e-waste.

    The sector needs stronger regulations to encourage it to cut its waste. This includes encouraging bikes to be designed to be easier to repair or recycle, and establishing universal standards that allow parts to work across different brands and models, so components can be reused instead of thrown away.

    However, e-bikes often fall between legislative cracks, and their exclusion from the priority products under the EU Ecodesign for Sustainable Products Regulation, introduced in 2024, was unfortunate.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    At the University of Limerick in Ireland, colleagues and I have been researching the environmental impact of e-bikes. We’re interested in their full lifecycle, from metals in rocks to extraction, manufacturing, years of use and eventual disposal – to see if there are ways to reduce the materials they use.

    We interviewed retailers and people who work in waste management. They expressed concerns about online sales of lower-quality e-bikes with easily broken components, as well as the high turnover rates of e-bikes.

    E-bike rental services like this one in Dublin, Ireland are growing fast.
    Brendain Donnelly / shutterstock

    Using data from the fleet of e-bikes loaned out at our university, we noted issues with design and compatibility of components. Bike tyres, for instance, have become increasingly non-standard and specialised.

    Additive manufacturing, such as 3D printing, may become more important for bike retailers and repairers, who could use it to “print” themselves replacements nuts, screws or even seats. This may be particularly needed in island states such as Ireland, where there are often delays in sourcing parts.

    But first, the e-bikes must be of sufficient quality to be repaired. Then, to create the replacement parts, people will need to access the necessary data – digital files with precise designs of objects such as a bicycle tyre or handlebar.

    Keeping e-bikes in use

    New business models are emerging. Some companies are lending e-bikes to their employees, with a management company taking care of maintenance and repair.

    There are also a growing number of mobile e-bike repair services, and specialist training for e-bike repair and retail through manufacturer platforms like Bosch and Shimano.

    E-bike brands are shifting from a focus on selling bikes towards offering ongoing services. For example, e-bike retailer Cowboy offers a subscription to mobile bike mechanics, and VanMoof partners with authorised repair services. But while these models work well in big towns and cities, they may not be suitable for rural and smaller urban areas.

    Care needs to be taken to ensure that consumers are not disadvantaged or locked out from repair options. In the US, e-bike manufacturers have been requesting exceptions to laws designed to make products easier to repair – while urging that the public should not be allowed to access data needed to make repairs.

    E-bikes can be hard to spot

    On the waste handling side, some of the innovations that have made e-bikes more accessible are also creating new problems.

    For example, e-bikes have evolved to be sleeker and sometimes indistinguishable from regular bikes. This makes it easier for them to end up in regular waste management facilities that aren’t equipped for electronic waste. If a lithium-ion battery inside an e-bike still holds charge and gets crushed or shredded, it can start a fire.

    But this is a problem we can solve. Computer vision and other AI technologies could help to recognise e-bikes and batteries at waste management facilities. QR codes on bike frames could be used to provide information on the entire product lifecycle, including repair manuals and service history – just like the EU’s proposed product passports.

    Consumer awareness, choice and education are key. While it’s up to consumers to initiate the maintenance and repair of e-bikes, policymakers need to ensure these options are available and affordable, and that consumers are aware of them.

    Retailers need support to embed “repair and reuse” in their business models. This includes cycle-to-work schemes for people to buy e-bikes, as well as better access to insurance and legal protections for selling refurbished e-bikes, and a workforce with the skills to repair these bikes.

    Across the world, bike libraries and “try before you buy” schemes are helping consumers make better decisions, as people can test an e-bike before committing. Moving away from traditional ownership – especially for expensive e-bikes – could make active mobility more accessible.

    Policies that drive sales, such as grants and incentives for new bike purchases, can work against efforts to reduce waste. We need more policies that support refurbished and repaired e-bikes.

    The e-bike sector is one with great potential to improve both environmental and public health. But to realise these benefits, we need to focus on making them last longer and use less resources.

    Yvonne Ryan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. E-bikes are becoming e-waste – here’s how to reduce the environmental cost – https://theconversation.com/e-bikes-are-becoming-e-waste-heres-how-to-reduce-the-environmental-cost-258367

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Hidden gems of LGBTQ+ cinema: Saving Face is a complicated romcom that tenderly depicts the experiences of queer Asians

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Eva Cheuk-Yin Li, Lecturer in Media & Cultural Studies, Lancaster University

    As a queer woman of East Asian descent who researches transnational queer media and culture, Saving Face (2004), the debut feature by Alice Wu, holds a special place in both my heart and my research.

    Set in the tightly knit Chinese-American community of Flushing, New York, Saving Face follows Wil (Michelle Krusiec), a young, promising yet closeted surgeon whose carefully balanced life is thrown into chaos when her widowed mother, Hwei-Lan (Joan Chen), shows up on her doorstep. Hwei-Lan is pregnant and has been banished by her community, and is refusing to name the father.

    What unfolds is a story that blends romantic comedy with drama. As well as Wil’s budding relationship with a dancer named Vivian (Lynn Chen), the film explores the tensions between mothers and daughters, identity and duty, and the quiet pressure of silence and the fear of coming out.

    But what makes Saving Face stand out two decades after its release is its portrayal of love and family – through a lens of tenderness and care. It was one of the first mainstream films to centre a queer Asian American woman.

    The emotional heart of the film lies in the layered interplay between personal desire and cultural expectation, which is felt not only by Wil but also by her mother. While Wil is carefully exploring a same-sex romance, Hwei-Lan’s unexpected pregnancy has left the family reeling with shame. The film explores how these two women of different generations are pushed to perform “respectability”, even as they long for love and self-determination on their own terms.

    This article is part of a series highlighting brilliant films that should be more widely known and firmly part of the canon of queer cinema .

    In many East Asian societies, the idea of “face” – a person’s reputation, dignity and social currency – shapes the way they move through the world. To “lose face” is to lose one’s social standing, bringing shame on oneself and one’s family.

    Growing up as a tomboyish daughter in Hong Kong, I was acutely aware of how even my clothing, hairstyle or mannerisms could be read as a reflection of my parents’ success or failure in raising me. In other words, my gender expression could make my family lose face, something that queer ethnographer Denise Tang has also observed in the experiences of her lesbian informants in Hong Kong. This social pressure – the way neighbours stare and talk, the way family reputation hinges on everyday interaction – can be exhausting.

    And like Wil in the film, I channelled my energy into academic achievement. This was perhaps to compensate for my (unspoken-yet-socially recognised) queerness, to prove my worth and save face – both mine and my family’s. In environments where silence is preferred, excelling becomes a form of camouflage – a way of negotiating who you are without having to say it aloud.

    Wu’s film captures this perfectly. Both Wil and her mother are caught in webs of expectation: to be the “dutiful daughter” and “respectable mother”.

    But what I love about Saving Face is that it doesn’t demonise culture or community. Instead, it invites viewers to witness how love – queer love, maternal love, self-love – can expand our understanding of what it means to belong. The mother-daughter dynamic is just as central as the romantic plot, and it is rare to see this kind of intergenerational, diasporic storytelling rendered with such care and grace.

    Shot on 35mm, Saving Face is a visual joy. The warm, lived-in colours and soft, quiet richness give the film a timeless, intimate feel. There is a restrained elegance to Wu’s direction that lets the emotional currents breathe.

    Joan Chen is magnetic as Wil’s mother, bringing unexpected comedic charm alongside poignancy. Krusiec and Lynn Chen, as Wil and Vivian, bring a nuanced chemistry that feels genuine. Their connection has all the longing and awkwardness that makes a romcom work, without falling into cliché.

    Despite its cult status in queer Asian and Sinitic-language communities, Saving Face is still often left out of broader LGBTQ+ film canons – even though it was recently added to the Criterion Collection, known for curating significant classic and contemporary cinema. But it should not be.

    This film is far more than a “representation win”. It’s a sharp, funny and emotionally rich story that complicates the binary between personal freedom and responsibility. And queer Asian characters are still rarely portrayed with this much nuance, complexity – and joy.

    For viewers unfamiliar with the cultural backdrop, Saving Face offers a glimpse into the negotiations many of us make within families and communities who prioritise harmony and silence over disruption. For those of us who know this world intimately, the film is a gift. It is a recognition that our experiences are not only valid, but beautiful.

    Eva Cheuk-Yin Li does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Hidden gems of LGBTQ+ cinema: Saving Face is a complicated romcom that tenderly depicts the experiences of queer Asians – https://theconversation.com/hidden-gems-of-lgbtq-cinema-saving-face-is-a-complicated-romcom-that-tenderly-depicts-the-experiences-of-queer-asians-258520

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Anxiety is the most common mental health problem – here’s how tech could help manage it

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian, Professor of Clinical Neuropsychology, University of Cambridge

    Anxiety disorders are the world’s most common mental health problem. But it isn’t always easy to get professional help, with long waiting lists in many countries.

    Worldwide, only about 28% of people with anxiety receive treatment. The figure is similar for the UK, and in the US about 37% receive a treatment. This is due to a number of factors such as lack of resources, including mental health staff, and stigma associated with mental health problems.

    But if you’re struggling to get help, there are things you could try at home in the meantime – including some novel technologies. To understand how they work, let’s first take a look at how anxiety is expressed in the brain and body.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The symptoms of anxiety are cognitive and emotional as well as physiological. They can include trouble concentrating and making decisions, feeling irritable or tense and having heart palpitations or shaking. Trouble sleeping and feelings of panic or impending danger are also common.

    These symptoms often start in childhood and adolescence. Sadly, it frequently continues into adulthood, especially if untreated.

    There are many genetic and environmental factors involved in the development of anxiety. These can include competition and pressure at school, university or work or financial worries and lack of job security. Social isolation and loneliness are also common factors, often a result of retirement, home working or stemming from bullying or maltreatment in childhood.

    Such experiences may even rewire our brains. For example, our neuroimaging study has shown that maltreatment in childhood is linked to changes in the connectivity of the brain’s centromedial amygdala, which plays a key role in processing emotions, including fear and anxiety, and the anterior insula, which processes emotion among other things.

    Anxiety is commonly associated with depression or other conditions, including attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and autism spectrum disorder. During the COVID pandemic when the prevalence of anxiety and depression increased by 25%, people with such neurodevelopmental conditions exhibited more emotional problems than others.

    According to the Children’s Commissioner this is still on the rise with 500 children per day being referred to mental health services for anxiety, more than double the rate pre-pandemic.

    Researchers are still uncovering new ways for professionals to help treat such people. For example, in our recent study, we noticed that suicidal thoughts and depression were more common in children with anxiety who were also very impulsive. This could impact the treatments they receive. So the science of how to best treat anxiety is constantly moving forward.

    Young people are increasingly anxious.
    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Tech solutions

    Unfortunately though, waiting lists for even receiving a diagnosis can sometimes take years. Neurotechnology can, at least in part, help fill the gap before symptoms get worse. There are a number of startup companies in the anxiety space, working on both hardware and software for anxiety management.

    Technology for managing anxiety is rapidly advancing, offering alternatives and complements to traditional therapies. Moonbird, for example, uses a handheld device that guides users through paced breathing with gentle physical movements. You essentially feel the device move in your hand and breathe along with it. Research has shown that such breathing can help the nervous system to reduce anxiety symptoms.

    The company Parasym influences brain regions involved in mood and stress regulation. People can use it by wearing a small device that applies mild electrical micro impulses running through the vagus nerve, which runs from the ears and downwards trough the neck and activates a key part of the nervous system.

    Neurovalens and Flow Neuroscience are exploring non-invasive brain stimulation, such as transcranial “direct current stimulation (tDCS)”. This can be applied by using electrodes placed on the scalp to deliver a mild, constant electrical current to alter brain activity. These devices ultimately target the prefrontal cortex to support the regulation of emotions. One scientific review of tDCS studies in anxiety has concluded that some research clearly showed benefits of tDCS for treating anxiety symptoms, although larger scale and longer duration studies were needed.

    How we experience life events and feel or react to them also influences physiological functions such as our heart rate. You will have experienced how having a meaningful conversation creates a special connection between two people. This can actually manifest in the body as increased synchronisation of your heart rates and other functions. This is termed “physiological synchrony” and is thought to be important for positive social interaction.

    Unfortunately, in common conditions of anxiety, including social anxiety and postpartum maternal anxiety, heart rate can become less variable and therefore less able to synchronise. Therefore, a device that promotes physiological synchrony would be beneficial. The company Lyeons is currently developing such a device, targeting anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder and ADHD.

    On the digital side, Headspace offers structured meditation and cognitive behavioural therapy based programmes. Similarly, ieso offer typed text-based CBT therapy for mild to moderate anxiety and low mood. These platforms use guided meditation, breathing exercises and behavioural tools to help users build emotion resilience and reduce anxious thought patterns.

    Other emerging tools also include virtual reality, which is being explored for exposure therapy and immersive stress reduction, in particular. All these technologies have used scientific and medical information to offer diverse options that address both mind and body.

    If we can halt the trend towards increasing numbers of people suffering from anxiety and find ways to improve access to effective treatments, it will lead to a better quality of life for individuals and their families, improved productivity and wellbeing at work and promote a flourishing society.

    Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian receives funding from the Wellcome Trust. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes.

    Christelle Langley receives funding from the Wellcome Trust. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes.

    – ref. Anxiety is the most common mental health problem – here’s how tech could help manage it – https://theconversation.com/anxiety-is-the-most-common-mental-health-problem-heres-how-tech-could-help-manage-it-258116

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: A portrait taken in North Philly in the 1980s reconnects poet with cherished memories of her own beloved father

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kimmika Williams-Witherspoon, Professor of Theater, Temple University

    Local residents sitting on the steps in the shade at 3106 N. Broad St. in North Philadelphia in 1986.
     Joseph V. Labolito/Philadelphia Collections

    To celebrate Father’s Day, The Conversation U.S. asked Philadelphia anthropologist, playwright and poetic ethnographer Kimmika Williams-Witherspoon to reflect on a poem she recently performed to accompany a 1986 photograph by Philadelphia photographer Joseph V. Labolito.

    Williams-Witherspoon, who also serves as senior associate dean of the Center for the Performing and Cinematic Arts at Temple University, shares how the collaboration came about, and why one of Labolito’s photos in particular brought back a rush of cherished memories of being a little girl hanging out with her dad.

    Local residents sitting on the steps in the shade at 3106 N. Broad St. in North Philadelphia in 1986.
    Joseph V. Labolito/Philadelphia Collections

        There Are Black Fathers 
    To Daddy, Father’s Day, June 19, 1983

    I’ve known men 
    Who rise at dawn 
    To run a sort of race; 
    Working through sleep 
    Stopping long enough to yawn
    Providing for their families Just a little      
    place. 
    Black men going, going, going 
    (sometimes, till their gone.) 

    I’ve known men 
    Who trudge home after long hours 
    And an even longer pain, 
    And still manage to smile, 
    Warmed by the voice of a child. 
    "Hi, Daddy!" 
    "How was your day?" 

    I’ve known men Who take care 
    Even when Mommy can’t. 
    And, even though they can only 
    Cook hamburgers really good, 
    They put band-aids on awfully well. 

    I’ve known men 
    Who loving replace lost teeth 
    With shiny new dimes; 
    Remember birthdays and Christmas’. 
    Dutifully repair 
    Old, broken toys And, even, sometimes, 
    Wipe away salty tears. 

    I’ve known men 
    Who reprimand, 
    Teach us values 
    And, if we’re lucky, 
    Along with Mom, 
    Help us take a stand. 
    Who calm us when we’re frightened; 
    Scare us when we’re bad — Hold our hands. 

    I’ve known men, 
    Not just as Fathers; 
    But, more so, as "Dads" — 
    Who give us what we get 
    And gave us what we had. 
    Loving and kind; 
    Stern, yet strong, 
    I’ve known men 
    Who’ve guided generations along 
    As provider, supporter, parent — Pop, Dad! 

    There are Black fathers 
    Who would gladly do it again 
    Parenting future generations. 
    Yes, I have known These men. 

    © 2025 Kimmika L. H. Williams-Witherspoon

    What do you want people to take away from the poem?

    The whole poem is a tribute to my father, Samuel Hawes Jr., who lived from 1920 to 1989, and the many men like him who were always present and participatory in the parenting of their children and the providing for their families.

    Because of stereotypes and popular culture – media, movies, news stories – that tend to demonize and pathologize Black men, there’s a myth that men in our communities are all cut from the same cloth.

    For me, the poem discounts that stereotypical narrative and celebrates the African American men that I knew growing up – Daddy, my uncles, the deacons in our church, the neighborhood dads on my block.

    The men in this photograph represent men like Daddy, who at one point worked two jobs to provide for his family. He drove a yellow cab and worked the graveyard shift as a presser at the U.S. Mint. He took me to school every morning when I was in high school. He made it to every school function or occasion, drove me to and from parties so I could hang out with friends, took me to church every Sunday morning and on those special road trips to Cleveland, Akron, Ohio, and Fort Lauderdale, Florida, throughout my life.

    Tell us about your collaborator for this piece

    Joe Labolito is a Philadelphia photographer whose work, I believe, is visual ethnography at its best. Throughout the ‘80s, ’90s and 2000s, he documented the people, streets and neighborhoods of Philadelphia. His photographs are housed in several public and private collections, including the Special Collections Research Center at Temple University and the Free Library of Philadelphia’s Print and Picture Collection.

    About a year ago, I saw an exhibit of Joe’s work at Temple. Since that time, I have been using some of his photographs as a visual prompt for my students, while he and I talked about doing something together down the road.

    When I was asked to participate in Temple University President John Fry’s investiture events in March 2025, I asked Joe if he wanted to do something with me. Right away he said “Yes … whatever it is.” I asked him to send me maybe 25 of his favorite photos, and instead, he sent me about a hundred. When I got a minute to sift through them, there were 11 that, as soon as I looked at them, immediately prompted lines of poetry.

    This photograph of the two men and the little girl, however, made me remember an old poem, “There Are Black Fathers,” I had written a long time ago – on Father’s Day on June 19, 1983 – for my father before he passed away from prostate and bone cancer. I went digging through my old journals until I found the poem that I had written for Daddy, and I performed that poem to this photograph at the event.

    What stood out to you about this photograph?

    The juxtaposition between the men and the little girl – their beautiful, bright smiles, the joy they seemed to radiate – it all made me think about and remember how much I loved Daddy my entire life but especially as a little girl.

    That’s the power in these kinds of artistic, material and visual artifacts. This photograph transported me right back to my childhood, filled with the warmth of a summer’s day, hanging out with my dad, and the promise of a banana Popsicle later in the afternoon.

    What is your process for writing a poem to accompany a photograph?

    Whatever the prompt – a photograph, a landscape, a person I’ve passed on the street, a word or phrase – the first draft is a free-write sensory download dump. I ruminate and then write down everything that comes to me in whatever order it comes.

    And then with each subsequent draft or pass at it, I start reading the poem out loud and tweaking it, making edits, moving and changing things while crafting lines that frame and build the story. I read the piece aloud over and over and over again until the poem tells me when I’ve got it right. I don’t know how, but my ear will tell me when it’s done and right with my spirit.

    What is poetic ethnography?

    Ethnography is an area of anthropology. From the Greek word “ethnos,” ethno simply means people or culture, and graphy, from the Greek word “graphia,” is the writing about said people or culture.

    Traditional ethnographies are usually written in a diarylike journal form. You end up jotting things down – thoughts, feelings, expressions, verbatim texts from interview participants – alongside bits and pieces of theory that correlate. Field notes are a combination of prose and scientific inquiry. I am a proponent of compiling poetic ethnographies – turning my observation and investigation of cultures, communities, and my field notes, into poetic form.

    Growing up in Philadelphia and a product of Philadelphia public schools, my primary language is mainstream U.S. English, but I tell people that my actual language is poetry. I see the world through poetry, and through the medium of poetry, I think I am better able to articulate the world I see.

    Read more of our stories about Philadelphia.

    Kimmika Williams-Witherspoon has received funding from Lumena Foundation’s Fund for Racial Justice and Equity (2018-19) and PEW Charitable Trusts Arts Grant (2020).

    Joseph V. Labolito owns the copyright to Philadelphia Collections. Philadelphia Collections research and operations is supported and partially funded by the Bridge award; an internal grant provided by the Office of the Vice President for Research (OVPR) at Temple University for the 2024 – 2025 year.

    – ref. A portrait taken in North Philly in the 1980s reconnects poet with cherished memories of her own beloved father – https://theconversation.com/a-portrait-taken-in-north-philly-in-the-1980s-reconnects-poet-with-cherished-memories-of-her-own-beloved-father-255810

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Indoor farming helps community members bring healthy food to northern Manitoba

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ruchira Nandasiri, Instructor, Agrology, University of Manitoba

    Northern communities in Manitoba contend with health issues related to the difficulty of accessing health food. (Shutterstock)

    Healthy food is hard to come by in northern Manitoba. Food shipped from the south is prohibitively expensive and is often stale, and the climate and soil in the region don’t support much traditional outdoor farming.

    This issue disproportionately impacts northern Indigenous communities, many of which have moved away from traditional food practices, creating a supply problem with far-reaching health consequences.

    The 10-year First Nations Food, Nutrition and Environment Study, funded by Health Canada and published in 2018, found that one in four First Nations people in Manitoba is affected by diabetes. Those living in Manitoba’s vast but sparsely populated portion of the Boreal Shield Ecozone experience poorer health outcomes compared to their southern neighbours.

    Community rates of diabetes in northern Manitoba are much higher than the Canadian average.
    (Unsplash/isens usa), CC BY

    A lack of employment opportunities, combined with limited food accessibility and high prices, contributes to food insecurity and poor nutrition. With few affordable, healthy food options — especially fresh produce — communities in the region are grappling with rising rates of diabetes, cardiovascular disease and hypertension.

    To address these inequities effectively, solutions must respect Indigenous autonomy and self-determination, which have been critical to the success of an especially innovative, community-led initiative.

    Addressing health challenges

    The Opaskwayak Cree Nation (OCN), located south of Flin Flon near the Saskatchewan border, has taken bold steps to address diabetes and other health challenges facing its residents.

    According to the OCN Health Authority, more than 40 per cent of adults in the community live with hypertension and diabetes. The implications of this epidemic are profound: not only are health-care costs soaring, but resources that could be allocated to other critical areas, such as infrastructure and education, are being diverted to manage the growing health crisis. In response, OCN has made improved access to nutritious foods a priority.

    In 2016, the community launched a smart vertical farm (SVF), a cutting-edge indoor facility designed to grow fresh fruits, vegetables and herbs year-round. The SVF employs computer-controlled smart technology that optimizes growing conditions by adjusting factors such as light, humidity and CO2 levels, and nutrient delivery. This advanced system ensures that the farm produces high-quality produce, despite the harsh northern climate.

    Overcoming the climate

    The benefits of the SVF go beyond access to fresh vegetables. The system uses energy-efficient LED lights and a closed-loop water and nutrient system, making it both environmentally friendly and economically sustainable.

    By growing food locally, the OCN reduces its reliance on expensive and hard-to-access groceries. This also enhances food security and fosters community empowerment and self-sufficiency.

    Healthy foods

    Among the fresh produce grown, vegetables from the Brassica family — such as broccoli, kale and cabbage — are especially valued for their healthy properties. These vegetables can aid in the management of diabetes, cardiovascular diseases and hypertension.

    Microgreens like broccoli sprouts are of special interest for their bioactive compounds, including phenolics and glucosinolates. These compounds have been linked to improved health outcomes, including improved blood sugar levels and reduced inflammation.

    Vegetables like broccoli, kale and cabbage are packed with nutrients.
    (Shutterstock)

    Optimizing harvests

    The health benefits can be further enhanced by optimizing growing conditions such as light intensity, nutrient levels and water supply.

    The OCN Health Authority, in collaboration with a research team at the University of Manitoba, has been investigating the most effective methods for cultivating these high-value crops in the SVF and exploring post-harvest processing techniques to maximize their bioactive potential.

    Research has shown that air frying vegetables, for example, helps retain nutritional value while enhancing bioactive compounds. The high heat and minimal oil that characterizes air frying preserves nutrients, making it an ideal preparation technique.

    The potential for these optimized vegetables to help manage Type 2 diabetes is significant.

    Community care

    By increasing access to nutrient-dense, bioactive-rich foods, the OCN aims not only to improve community health but also to reduce the burden on the health-care system. As the community continues to explore innovative solutions, its goal is to build a sustainable, locally controlled food system that addresses both immediate health concerns and long-term economic resilience.

    The success of the OCN’s vertical farm demonstrates the powerful interactions of Indigenous knowledge, technological innovation and community-led action in tackling complex health and food security challenges. By empowering local communities to take charge of their own food systems, the OCN is setting an example for other Indigenous and remote communities, striving for self-sufficiency and health equity.

    Ultimately, the collaborative journey toward health equity in northern Manitoba is just beginning. But the lessons learned from the OCN’s innovative approach to food production and diabetes prevention offer valuable lessons and a blueprint for other communities across Canada.

    With continued support and investment in Indigenous-led initiatives, a future where healthy, affordable and culturally appropriate food is accessible to all is within reach.

    Miyoung Suh receives funding from the Canadian Agricultural Partnership (CAP)

    Ruchira Nandasiri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Indoor farming helps community members bring healthy food to northern Manitoba – https://theconversation.com/indoor-farming-helps-community-members-bring-healthy-food-to-northern-manitoba-256295

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Resilient, sustainable food systems are Canada’s best defence against American tariffs

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Érick Duchesne, Professeur, Département de science politique, Université Laval

    Earlier this year, Donald Trump’s administration in the United States reimposed tariffs on Canadian items, including agricultural products, citing supposed national security concerns. Agricultural products have little to do with defence, and the move sent shockwaves through Canada’s farming community.

    We are members of the Common Ground Network, a national initiative of about 100 scholars promoting collaboration for sustainable agriculture and food systems in Canada.

    The Common Ground Network is closely monitoring the impact of tariffs and trade tensions on Canadian communities and the transition to a net-zero economy across all regions of Canada.

    The consequences for Canadian and American agriculture run deep — and could prove long-lasting. According to RealAgristudies’s survey of 660 Canadian farmers, 59 per cent expected a negative impact on their business, rising to 88 per cent in the livestock sector.

    Structural risk ahead if tariffs remain

    Trump’s tariffs have sharply reduced Canada’s agricultural exports to the U.S., with beef, pork and canola hit hardest. U.S. Department of Agriculture data shows an eight to five per cent drop in beef and pork exports in early 2025 compared to 2024.

    Fed cattle prices plummeted 22.6 per cent, with estimated revenue losses of C$4.02 billion. Canola exports are also expected to decline significantly.

    If current tariffs persist, Canada is at risk not just of short-term disruption but long-term structural damage to its agri-food sector. Rising input costs, shrinking revenues and market volatility are squeezing farmers and weakening overall competitiveness. Some Canadian producers are already struggling with oversupply due to market disruption.

    The tariffs could also threaten the economic sovereignty and food access of Indigenous farmers who rely on cross-border trade, and remote communities that depend on imported goods for food supply. If prolonged, these trade shocks could cut Canada’s GDP by three per cent, spark a recession and fuel lasting price volatility.

    American farmers also feeling the pain

    Ironically, Trump’s protectionism is also hurting American farmers. Canada, which supplies 20 per cent of agri-food imports to the U.S., has imposed retaliatory tariffs on goods like cheese and apples, prompting Canadian buyers to shift to other suppliers. That could result in long-term market share loss for U.S. producers.

    Integrated supply chains are strained, with American processors now facing higher costs for Canadian products like canola oil, beef and pork. Combined with domestic issues like water restrictions and labour shortages, U.S. agriculture is under mounting pressure on various fronts.

    Canada and the U.S. have built one of the world’s most integrated agri-food systems. In 2023, bilateral trade in the sector reached US$72.6 billion.

    This interdependence matters: a hamburger might include Canadian beef raised in the U.S., processed in Ontario and served on a Canadian wheat bun. But tariffs and mistrust now threaten this co-operation. Once lost, these market positions may be hard to recover, even after tariffs are lifted, as rebuilding supply chains and cross-border trust will be slow.

    Trade tensions are affecting food security and grocery baskets in multiple ways. Higher costs are passed on to consumers, creating lasting price increases — especially for goods with few substitutes, like coffee.

    The Consumer Price Index shows that prices of food purchased from stores increased 3.9 per cent between January 2025 and April 2025, fuelled by tariffs. Infant formula increased by six per cent, coffee by about 10 per cent and some beef cuts by about 13 per cent.



    Read more:
    Trump tariffs have sparked a ‘Buy Canadian’ surge, but keeping the trend alive faces hurdles

    Shortages from rising costs and reduced U.S. demand limit choices and drive prices up — especially hurting low-income households. These tariffs fuel food inflation and reduce access to essentials.

    Tariffs are also shifting behaviour: Food Processing Skills Canada found that 67 per cent of Canadians are buying more local products, 76 per cent are avoiding U.S. goods and 43 per cent have changed their grocery habits significantly. These trends were echoed in Angus Reid’s February 2025 study.

    The net-zero transition

    The tariffs will probably disrupt Canada’s ability to meet its net-zero emissions targets by 2050. Food processors and farmers in Canada relying on U.S. machinery and clean-tech components now face higher costs, slowing the adoption of low-emission technologies and sustainable agricultural practices.

    The tariffs are likely to undermine efforts to build a resilient, adaptive food system in Canada capable of withstanding climate-related disruptions. Dealing with the tariffs along with the need to reconfigure supply chains will likely increase Canada’s carbon footprint, whether that’s due to the increased transport emissions of distant markets or delayed or cancelled investments in carbon-reducing technologies.

    These trade disruptions also risk diverting political attention away from long-term sustainability goals. The current political focus may prioritize short-term economic stabilization, potentially stalling the momentum needed for a transformative food system change in Canada.



    Read more:
    Canadian Food Policy Advisory Council: A collaborative approach to strengthening food systems

    Canada needs to respond boldly

    Canada can diversify exports through its 15 trade deals, including the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, known as CETA, and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Canada’s 15 trade agreements provide access to 51 countries, representing 66 per cent of global GDP, which is the total value of all goods and services produced in the world during a specific time period.

    Furthermore, Canada can pursue new trade agreements and partnerships in emerging markets and invest more to further help the agri-food sector expand globally.

    Canada can challenge unfair trade practices through the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement’s state-to-state dispute panels and the binational panel review mechanism to challenge U.S. tariffs on Canadian goods.

    Canada can also leverage trade alliances like the Ottawa Group — a 14-member coalition that works on addressing multilateral trade challenges — to voice its concerns on the global stage.

    Investing in agricultural innovation can also boost productivity, reduce emissions, enhance global competitiveness and build resilience against tariff shocks.

    Improvements to transportation networks, storage and processing facilities, and broadband connectivity are also critical for reducing supply chain bottlenecks and enabling rural producers to access broader markets.

    Trump has repeatedly threatened Canada’s supply management system, which controls the dairy, egg and poultry industries. Supply management has been a reliable system for Canadian farmers and consumers. Easing interprovincial trade and supporting local food systems to reduce the unnecessary exports of dairy products and cold-climate fruits, beef and seafood could result in greater national self-reliance.

    Dairy cows at a Québec farm.
    THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ryan Remiorz

    Strategy over retaliation

    In response to American tariffs, there has been a shift in consumer sentiment. This presents an opportunity to encourage consumers to support local producers, reduce dependence on imports and build national economic resilience.

    Canada must rethink its trade and agricultural frameworks for the decades ahead.

    The future of Canada’s farming sector — and by extension its food security, rural communities and economic sovereignty — will depend on its ability to turn today’s crisis into tomorrow’s opportunity.

    Érick Duchesne is a member of the Common Ground Network, which is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

    Gregory Cameron is a member of the Common Ground Network, which is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

    Gumataw Abebe is a member of the Common Ground Network, which is funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

    Monika Korzun is a member of the Common Ground Network. She receives research funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) as well as Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC). Monika Korzun is a board member of the Atlantic Food Action Coalition (AFAC).

    – ref. Resilient, sustainable food systems are Canada’s best defence against American tariffs – https://theconversation.com/resilient-sustainable-food-systems-are-canadas-best-defence-against-american-tariffs-257946

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Musk apologizes but the bromance is over: What network science tells us about the Trump-Musk breakup

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Anthony Bonato, Professor of Mathematics, Toronto Metropolitan University

    The proverbial gauntlet has been thrown down. The friendship and partnership between United States President Donald Trump and “special government employee” Elon Musk has collapsed in spectacular fashion.

    On X on June 3, Musk posted about the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act, calling it a “disgusting abomination.”

    An argument ensued, and two days later, Trump called Musk “CRAZY” on Truth Social. The fight escalated and Trump’s slur was followed by Musk’s suggestion the president should be impeached and alleging he appeared in the Jeffrey Epstein files.

    These Musk posts in particular were seen as a step too far by many in Trump’s circle, even after the Tesla CEO deleted them.

    Trump and Musk’s storied bromance contributed to one of the greatest comebacks in American presidential history, with Trump winning a second term despite his numerous legal troubles. Musk actively campaigned for Trump, contributing more than $250 million to his re-election bid.

    While we can only speculate about what exactly went wrong between the world’s most powerful man and the world’s richest, their feud reveals a potentially highly impactful disruption in American politics. It also illustrates what happens when social networks fall apart and the impact those types of fissures have on social structures.

    Enter Zachary’s Karate Club

    Feuds between political figures are nothing new, and neither are fissures in social groups. The latter has been studied for decades by network scientists who measure the strength of ties between people.

    Networks, consisting of nodes and links, appear everywhere. They measure interactions and provide us with another lens through which to view the world. For example, we can consider networks of neurons in our brains, networks of banking transactions, or likes and follows on social media.

    Over three years from 1970 to 1972, Temple University anthropologist Wayne Zachary studied the social network of 34 members in a university karate club. He observed a split between the club’s instructor and its administrator. What ensued was a partition of the club into factions, centred on the two respective leaders. Zachary referred to this as fission within the group in his 1977 paper.

    “Communities” in a social network are groups of like-minded individuals who are more likely to interact with one another than those outside the group. Think of a community as a clique in a high school, with separate groups of teenagers who are into football, members of the math club or fans of Taylor Swift.

    The Zachary Karate Club network is a well-cited and early example of the emergence of two distinct communities from one. The network became a popular example of community structure in networks after its use by physicist Michelle Girvan and network scientist Mark Newman in 2002.

    How the split could affect voters

    The split between Trump and Musk echoes the split in the Zachary Karate Club network. While the Karate Club network is much smaller than the the 160 million-plus group of likely U.S. voters, it does suggest the kind of polarization that can occur when powerful individuals go their separate ways.

    Imagine each voter as a node, with two nodes linked if they voted for the same presidential candidate. That would split voters into two main groups: one that voted Republican and the other that voted Democrat, with a smaller group comprising the roughly three million people who voted for independent candidates like Jill Stein in 2024.

    U.S. presidential elections can be razor-close, as was the case with George W. Bush and Al Gore in 2000. Even a minor split among voters can upend the results. For example, in the 1992 presidential election, independent candidate Ross Perot garnered almost 19 per cent of the popular vote, which likely siphoned off Republican votes and contributed to George H.W. Bush’s loss.

    On June 5, Musk polled X about creating a new political party — The America Party. Within hours, about 80 per cent of 1.3 million people who took his poll supported his idea.

    That party could fracture the traditional voting base of Republicans and Democrats, leaving the fate of the White House uncertain for the foreseeable future. While die-hard MAGA voters will likely always support Trump, tech-savvy millennial and Gen Z voters may be more receptive to Musk’s disruptive third-party aspirations.

    Friends and enemies

    Social networks adhere to two core principles that govern ties between individuals. These principles are well accepted and are also common sense.

    The first is the adage that friends of friends are more likely to be friends. Given Musk’s strong past ties to Trump, followers of Musk would more likely consider voting for Trump.

    The second and equally important principle is that the enemy of my enemy is my friend. That could be bad news for Republicans, as independent-leaning voters who don’t like Trump but voted for him in 2024 may consider supporting the hypothetical “America Party.”

    Another possibility is that the feud ends — Musk is already expressing regrets, saying his posts about Trump “went too far.” That could go a long way to reversing the fissure, though it may not ease the hard feelings that could linger among either Musk or Trump fans.

    We can view both Trump and Musk as powerful attractors who influence the social network of U.S. voters.

    While the majority of Democrats may reject the policies and ideology of both men, the 49.9 per cent of Americans who supported Trump in 2024 could splinter.

    Because this is the official final term of Trump’s presidency, Musk could also support Vice President JD Vance or another Republican frontrunner, dropping his musings about a third party altogether.

    Whatever happens next — just like everything else in the Trump presidency — network science tells us it won’t be predictable.

    Anthony Bonato receives funding from NSERC.

    – ref. Musk apologizes but the bromance is over: What network science tells us about the Trump-Musk breakup – https://theconversation.com/musk-apologizes-but-the-bromance-is-over-what-network-science-tells-us-about-the-trump-musk-breakup-258554

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Ghana and Zambia have snubbed Africa’s leading development bank: why they should change course

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Misheck Mutize, Post Doctoral Researcher, Graduate School of Business (GSB), University of Cape Town

    The governments of Ghana and Zambia recently took a decision that could have serious consequences for other African countries. The decision relates to arrangements on how the two countries will repay the debt they owe to Africa Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank).

    They have both taken decisions to relegate Afreximbank to a commercial lender from a preferred creditor. This means that the terms on which Afreximbank has lent money to these two countries will change. And it will lose certain protections. For example preferred creditors are repaid first, before any other lenders.

    This protects preferred creditors’ balance sheets and enables them to continue lending during crisis periods when others cannot. In contrast, commercial banks get paid later or might not get paid at all. This higher risk factor means that they charge higher rates.

    Based on decades of researching Africa’s capital markets and the institutions that govern them it’s my view that the long-term consequences of this precedent are detrimental. If other African borrowers follow suit, treating loans from African multilateral development banks as ordinary commercial debt during restructuring, it will erode the viability of these institutions. Investors who fund Afreximbank through bonds and capital markets may reassess its risk profile, pushing up its cost of funding and making future lending less affordable.

    The ultimate losers will be African countries themselves, especially those with limited access to international capital. Afreximbank, along with other African financial institutions, is a lifeline for trade finance, infrastructure development, and crisis response. Undermining its legal protections weakens the continent’s capacity for self-reliant development.

    Afreximbank was created under the auspices of the African Development Bank (AfDB) in 1993. It was set up with a public interest mandate to develop African trade and promote integration. Its legal status and structural features place it closer to international multilateral development banks than to private creditors, justifying its treatment as a preferred creditor.

    The decision by Accra and Lusaka signals lack of confidence in African financial institutions. It suggests that they do not trust them to the same extent as global institutions like the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. These are treated as preferred creditors, on the assumption that they will lend to countries in crisis or distress when commercial lenders retreat.

    The actions of Ghana and Zambia set a dangerous precedent by sidelining African financial institutions in favour of external creditors. That risks weakening Africa’s financial institutions and undermining the very concept of African solutions to African problems. Investors will become more sceptical and pessimistic, demanding more interest.

    The continent needs to develop an ability to independently design, finance and implement its economic development policies without support from external financial institutions. Afreximbank helps to achieve this through financing African-designed infrastructure and counter-cyclical lending.

    Ghana and Zambia still have an opportunity to correct course. In my view they should do so for the sake of the bank, its member states and the future of African economic sovereignty.

    The background

    Ghana and Zambia have both defaulted on their external bonds in the last four years. Zambia in October 2020 and Ghana in December 2022. This forced them to negotiate new sustainable terms with creditors.

    During their respective debt negotiations, both countries have announced that they would include African multilateral development banks such as Afreximbank and the Trade and Development Bank in the debt restructuring.

    This followed private and bilateral creditors contesting unequal distribution of restructuring burdens, where they face losses while some multilateral institutions are shielded. The International Monetary Fund and World Bank, which are preferred creditors, do not fund infrastructure, they only offer balance of payments support.

    The decision by Ghana and Zambia to relegate Afreximbank was made during an ongoing comprehensive debt restructuring. Ghana and Zambia have been negotiating with creditors for over a year in an attempt to resolve their sovereign debt crises.

    The two countries were complying with International Monetary Fund supported restructuring terms. Bilateral creditors were also demanding fair burden sharing with African multilateral banks.

    Afreximbank: not just another lender

    Ghana and Zambia don’t have a legal leg to stand on.

    Afreximbank’s preferred creditor status is not an informal privilege but derives from Article VX(1) of its founding agreement. The agreement has been signed and ratified by member states into national laws, including Ghana and Zambia.

    This status is further reinforced by the bank’s diplomatic immunities and privileges and its ability to operate across African jurisdictions under protected legal frameworks. The role of Afreximbank, therefore, goes beyond that of a traditional commercial bank.

    Preferred creditor status protects development finance institutions in a number of ways. The biggest protection is that lenders are prioritised for repayment. This protects their balance sheets, enabling them to continue lending when others cannot.

    A preferred creditor status is accorded for a reason. It is to ensure that development finance institutions can lend in times of distress with confidence, on the guarantee that they will be repaid ahead of other creditors. Country actions that violate this principle disrupt the implicit covenant that enables counter-cyclical financing. This is breaking the financial lifeline that countries might need when nobody else is willing to help them. This is precisely the kind of support that Ghana and Zambia relied on during their respective debt crises in December 2022 and October 2020, respectively.

    A bank that has consistently stepped up

    It is worth recalling that during the COVID-19 pandemic (2019–2021) and again when global markets closed access to Eurobond issuances for African countries, investors didn’t want to lend African countries for fear of defaulting. Afreximbank was one of the few institutions that continued to lend to African sovereigns. This included US$750 million to Ghana and US$45 million to Zambia.

    When Ghana, Zambia and other commodity export-dependent countries faced acute foreign currency shortages and tightening global liquidity caused by the 2015/16 commodity crisis of low prices, Afreximbank did not hesitate to deploy resources.

    Zambia has also benefited significantly from Afreximbank’s trade and development finance in energy, agriculture and healthcare. These are areas that many commercial banks view as too risky or low-margin.

    For Zambia and Ghana to classify Afreximbank in the same category as hedge funds, bondholders or purely commercial lenders, is ahistorical and unwarranted.

    Restructuring loans from Afreximbank risks inadvertently raising the cost of capital for African countries. If Afreximbank can no longer be shielded under preferred creditor status norms, it may be forced to adopt more conservative lending practices, charge higher risk premiums or retreat from high-risk markets altogether.

    The knock-on effect is reduced access to affordable, timely financing for countries that need it most.

    Afreximbank has rejected the idea that its loans ought to be restructured.

    Ghana and Zambia should correct course

    Ghana and Zambia still have an opportunity to correct course. They can reaffirm Afreximbank’s preferred creditor status, exclude it from restructuring tables meant for commercial creditors, and honour their legal commitments.

    In doing so, they would not only preserve their reputations as reliable debtors but also strengthen the broader fabric of African financial solidarity.

    African countries must be cognisant that no one else will build their institutions for them. If they do not defend and respect them, they cannot expect the rest of the world to do so. The credibility, sustainability and legitimacy of Africa’s financial independence depends, in large part, on how they treat the institutions they have built.

    The decision to treat Afreximbank and the Trade and Development Bank like commercial lenders is short-sighted and self-defeating. It must be reversed.

    Misheck Mutize does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ghana and Zambia have snubbed Africa’s leading development bank: why they should change course – https://theconversation.com/ghana-and-zambia-have-snubbed-africas-leading-development-bank-why-they-should-change-course-258467

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Family homesteads with tangled titles are contributing to rural America’s housing crisis

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jennifer Pindyck, Assistant Professor of Architecture, Auburn University

    Rural Studio helps families build new housing on land with tangled titles, meaning there’s no clear owner. Auburn University Rural Studio. Photo by Timothy Hursley, CC BY-SA

    Imagine your parents leave you and your siblings a share of land that’s been in your family for generations. Several of your relatives already live on the land, and you’d like to do the same; but you can’t get a loan to build or renovate a home without permission from all the relatives who also share ownership. And at any moment, another heir could sell their share, triggering a court-ordered sale that could force you off the land – and lose everything you’ve invested in.

    This is the reality of what’s known as heirs’ property: land passed down informally, without clear wills or deeds, which results in a “tangled” or “clouded” title.

    It’s more common than you might think in the U.S., especially in rural areas, and it presents significant challenges to long-term housing stability.

    Research shows that within 44 states and the District of Columbia, there are an estimated 508,371
    heirs’ properties, with an assessed value of US$32 billion. (There wasn’t reliable enough data in six states.)

    It’s more of an issue in some states, such as Alabama. But it’s also a problem in cities such as New York City and Philadelphia.

    Because it’s so difficult to finance home construction on this land, sell it or leverage it, heirs’ property can leave families vulnerable to exploitation and perpetuate cycles of poverty. Despite these challenges, many families have nonetheless lived together and supported one another on shared land for generations.

    As faculty and collaborators with Auburn University’s Rural Studio, we study heirs’ property and its role in shaping housing access. Based in Hale County, Alabama, Rural Studio has completed over 200 projects – many of them homes built on heirs’ property – providing critical housing for families facing complex land ownership challenges.

    Land with no clear owner

    The lack of a clear will or deed often happens due to inadequate access to – and distrust of – the legal system.

    Once the land is passed down to the next generation, the heirs are known as “tenants in common,” meaning they own an undivided interest in the entire property. As the property continues to pass down from generation to generation, the number of tenants in common increases exponentially.

    When a couple passes down land to their children – and then those kids pass it down to their kids – the number of heirs dramatically increases.
    Auburn University Rural Studio, CC BY-SA

    Without clear title, no single person or group can make decisions about the property. Every heir must legally sign off on any action, which makes it nearly impossible to secure traditional forms of financing, obtain insurance, access disaster relief, or use the land as collateral.

    Those living on the land often pay their share of property taxes, but distant or unaware heirs might not, which puts the entire property at risk of being lost through a tax lien sale. This leaves families with property in “tangled” status exposed to predatory land acquisition practices that often lead to land loss.

    Any tenant in common can sell their share to an outside party. These outside parties – either individuals or companies – can then request a court to order what’s called a partition by sale, which can push every other owner off the land.

    Imagine three siblings inherit a piece of land from their parents and are now tenants in common. One sibling sells their share to a real estate investor. That investor then goes to court and requests a partition by sale. The court then orders the entire property sold and the proceeds split among the owners, effectively forcing the other two siblings off the land, even if they wanted to keep it.

    Such tactics are especially common in the Black Belt region of the U.S., which covers Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia and South Carolina; as such, they disproportionately affect Black Americans.

    Why family-owned land matters

    Our research in Hale County, Alabama, finds that Black families in particular have supported one another for generations while living on heirs’ property.

    These multigenerational kinship networks rely on one another for child care, elder care, food, transportation and shared utility costs. But the value of this sort of living situation goes beyond social and economic benefits. The land can be woven into family lore or be steeped in the history of the surrounding area.

    So, despite the legal and financial challenges, many extended families will do whatever they can to continue living together on their land. Even a small stake in heirs’ property offers connection to the past and a place to return home in the future.

    Family members often live in different homes spread across heirs’ property, which often exists in a legal gray area.
    Auburn University Rural Studio, CC BY-SA

    These informal kinship networks can provide support and resilience in ways that traditional forms of land and homeownership do not. Putting all of the people who own the land on the title – what’s known as “clearing title” – is not only costly and time-consuming, but it also often requires dividing up the property into smaller parcels, which can prevent some family members from living on the land altogether.

    Meanwhile, traditional legal and financial products – think mortgages and land-use agreements with farmers – tend to be structured with sole ownership in mind. Most banks and institutions simply won’t lend to heirs’ property with tangled titles.

    There have been recent efforts to protect these informal arrangements. The Uniform Partition of Heirs Property Act, which has been enacted in 25 states, ensures due process and sets up safeguards against immediate partition by sale actions.

    For example, if a suit is brought by a co-owner, a fair market value appraisal – or an agreed-upon value by all parties – must be conducted. The other shareholders of the land also have the option to buy out the shareholder bringing the suit. Under the statute, additional partition methods may be considered. And if a sale is required, it’s done on the open market.

    Many organizations are working to address issues related to heirs’ property and tangled titles. Most of the work centers on clearing title, establishing shared land agreements and teaching landowners how to avoid having their property fall into a tangled title situation. For example, the Florida Housing Coalition, Housing Assistance Council and the Alabama Heirs Property Alliance are actively engaged in community education, legal support, data mapping and policy advocacy.

    Build first, ask permission later

    Many rural families on heirs’ property have limited pathways to homeownership. Financial constraints, limited access to quality housing options and lot restrictions have often forced residents to settle for older, substandard, manufactured homes. Small utility sheds have even begun to replace broken-down trailer homes in many rural areas.

    Utility sheds are increasingly being used as homes across the U.S. South.
    Auburn University Rural Studio, CC BY-SA

    There’s clearly a need for safe, durable housing that enables these families to build generational wealth. And that’s where Rural Studio comes in.

    Building new housing or renovating existing structures means dealing with a web of zoning laws, building codes and land development ordinances, which are all tied to financing and lending systems. While many efforts to address heirs’ property aim to change legal policies, we approach this issue through housing.

    We use what we call a “build first” strategy. Using funds from research grants and donations, we simply start building on heirs’ properties with the permission of families. In the process, we show that if tangled titles were no longer an obstacle, much more housing could be built.

    One of our recent Rural Studio projects is the 18×18 House, a compact, multistory home built for a young man living on heirs’ property in Alabama.

    The 18X18 House is a multistory home that was on heirs’ property in Alabama.
    Auburn University Rural Studio. Photo by Timothy Hursley, CC BY-SA

    The home is nestled between several other family members’ homes. We had to work around existing electrical lines, a septic field, roads and steep topography. Despite these site constraints, the house is an ideal starter home: big enough for the young man and a future partner to live comfortably on the family plot. If he ever decides to leave, other family members can move in.

    Rather than focusing on one-off products, our goal with the 18×18 House is to develop replicable housing prototypes that respond to the realities of intergenerational living on family land. We also hope that tangible housing will help policymakers understand the value of reform.

    The question isn’t whether design can respond to these challenges, but how it can lead by pushing antiquated regulatory and legal frameworks to evolve.

    Jennifer Pindyck receives funding from Fannie Mae, Wells Fargo and the Center for Architecture, in partnership with AIA New York. She is affiliated with the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture and is a registered architect in the state of Georgia.

    Christian Ayala Lopez work is funded through a diverse range of organizations such as Fannie Mae, USDA, and Center for Architecture NY. He is affiliated to Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture, National Council of Architectural Registration Boards, and member of Florida Housing Coalition.

    Rusty Smith receives funding from Fannie Mae, USDA, Wells Fargo and Regions Bank. He is affiliated with the Housing Assistance Council, the American Institute of Architects, the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture, the National Renewable Energy Laboratory Innovation Incubator, the EPA Collegiate/Underserved Community Partnership and the Bipartisan Policy Center.

    – ref. Family homesteads with tangled titles are contributing to rural America’s housing crisis – https://theconversation.com/family-homesteads-with-tangled-titles-are-contributing-to-rural-americas-housing-crisis-254679

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: You’re probably richer than you think because of the safety net – but you’d have more of that hidden wealth if you lived in Norway

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Robert Manduca, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan

    You may be wealthier than you realize. Deagreez/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    How wealthy are you?

    Like most people, you probably would do some math before answering this question. You would add up the money in your bank accounts, the value of your investments and any equity in a home you own, then subtract your debts, such as mortgages and car loans.

    But many economists believe this approach, known as calculating your net worth, leaves out a big chunk of your wealth: the benefits you’ll get in the future from Social Security, if you live in the United States, or similar government benefits programs that help retirees pay their bills in other countries.

    As a sociologist who studies income and wealth inequality, I wanted to figure out just how much government safety net programs are worth to their recipients, and whether they truly can substitute for private savings.

    A $40 trillion trove

    A team of researchers recently estimated that future Social Security payments amounted to more than US$40 trillion as of 2019 – about $123,000 for everyone in the U.S. That huge number, which is not adjusted for inflation, was nearly one-third of the $110 trillion of Americans’ collective net worth in that year.

    In a recent peer-reviewed study, published in April 2025 in Socio-Economic Review, I found that even this expanded definition of wealth leaves some important things out: unemployment insurance, the child tax credit and other widely available benefits. People who have access to these programs don’t have to dip into their savings as much when unexpected costs come up.

    Social Security is by far the largest of these programs. As of 2019, the typical worker nearing retirement had banked about $412,000 in future Social Security benefits, I found – nearly as much as the $472,000 in private retirement savings such workers had. This estimate doesn’t include Social Security benefits to orphans, widows or people with disabilities.

    The value of Social Security retirement benefits varies according to workers’ income and work history, ranging from $271,000 for the poorest 10% of recipients to $669,000 for the richest 10%.

    Benefits from smaller safety net programs can also add up. Because some programs differ by state, I analyzed California and Texas, the two largest states. In California, I calculated that the average 45-year-old worker can count on almost $12,000 in unemployment insurance over 26 weeks, while in Texas the same worker would be eligible for more than $15,000 over the same period.

    Meanwhile, under current law, many families having a child in 2025 can expect to receive about $29,000 through the federal child tax credit over the course of that kid’s lifetime.

    Texas doesn’t mandate paid family leave, but California requires that each parent receive eight weeks of their salary. That’s worth another $13,000 to a family earning $90,000 a year – the median in my study – and more if the parents have higher incomes.

    Where there’s even more hidden wealth

    These somewhat hidden sources of wealth are worth far more in many other countries, especially Scandinavian ones. Norway provides a useful contrast.

    The typical Norwegian worker retires with more than $510,000 in public pension wealth, I calculated. The exact amount they collect will vary depending on what they’ve earned and how long they live, as is the case with Social Security. But, unlike in the U.S., if they get sick, Norwegians are eligible for a up to a year of paid sick leave – worth about $57,000 to the median worker.

    Norwegians can get unemployment insurance benefits for almost two years, amounting to $70,000 for the average worker, depending on their wages. And the combination of Norway’s child benefit and parental leave is worth between $60,000 and $80,000 from the time each child is born until they turn 18, depending on the parents’ exact income.

    In the past few years, researchers have estimated the wealth value of public pensions – though not other government benefits – in several countries, including Australia, Austria, Germany, Poland and Switzerland, among others.

    In many nations, this value rivals or exceeds that of all stocks, real estate and other private assets held by their residents combined.

    Because so many people are eligible for Social Security or its equivalent public pension programs in other countries, there is also much less inequality in total retirement wealth than in standard measures of net worth.

    Wealth vs. income

    Wealth is much more unequally distributed than income just about everywhere. In the United States, for example, the richest 5% of the population has 32% of all income, but 70% of all wealth.

    Wealth inequality has grown over time, and the Black-white wealth gap in the United States is particularly large. While typical Black families have incomes that are about 56% of what white families earn, they own only 18% as much wealth as the typical white family.

    For these reasons, many politicians, scholars and activists have proposed ambitious policies to reduce inequality in private wealth, such as a wealth tax. Another idea gaining in popularity is to start issuing “baby bonds,” which give each newborn a prefunded savings account.

    Wealth embedded in government benefits offers a complementary method of addressing wealth inequality. Even today, when Social Security and similar pension programs in other places are counted alongside private savings, inequality in retirement wealth is much lower than in privately held wealth alone.

    Less flexible source of wealth

    To be sure, the wealth you’re eventually due through Social Security and other government programs isn’t the same as the private assets you might own.

    You can’t sell or borrow against your future Social Security benefits to meet an unexpected expense or make a down payment on a home. And if you die before reaching retirement age, you won’t receive any payments from the Social Security system yourself, although your spouse or heirs may be eligible for survivor benefits.

    Also, government programs are not set in stone. Eligibility requirements can change, and benefit levels can be cut.

    For instance, if the Social Security trust fund is depleted, retirees could see their benefits decline. But private wealth is also never guaranteed to last: Stock values can fluctuate wildly, and inflation erodes the value of any cash you’ve saved over time.

    For these reasons, having a combination of private savings and government benefits offers the most promising way for everyone to prepare for their future. This can also help society address wealth inequality.

    Robert Manduca has received funding from the Washington Center for Equitable Growth.

    – ref. You’re probably richer than you think because of the safety net – but you’d have more of that hidden wealth if you lived in Norway – https://theconversation.com/youre-probably-richer-than-you-think-because-of-the-safety-net-but-youd-have-more-of-that-hidden-wealth-if-you-lived-in-norway-255833

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How your air conditioner can help the power grid, rather than overloading it

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Johanna Mathieu, Associate Professor of Electrical Engineering & Computer Science, University of Michigan

    Could this common home machinery help usher in more renewable energy? Holden Henry/iStock / Getty Images Plus

    As summer arrives, people are turning on air conditioners in most of the U.S. But if you’re like me, you always feel a little guilty about that. Past generations managed without air conditioning – do I really need it? And how bad is it to use all this electricity for cooling in a warming world?

    If I leave my air conditioner off, I get too hot. But if everyone turns on their air conditioner at the same time, electricity demand spikes, which can force power grid operators to activate some of the most expensive, and dirtiest, power plants. Sometimes those spikes can ask too much of the grid and lead to brownouts or blackouts.

    Research I recently published with a team of scholars makes me feel a little better, though. We have found that it is possible to coordinate the operation of large numbers of home air-conditioning units, balancing supply and demand on the power grid – and without making people endure high temperatures inside their homes.

    Studies along these lines, using remote control of air conditioners to support the grid, have for many years explored theoretical possibilities like this. However, few approaches have been demonstrated in practice and never for such a high-value application and at this scale. The system we developed not only demonstrated the ability to balance the grid on timescales of seconds, but also proved it was possible to do so without affecting residents’ comfort.

    The benefits include increasing the reliability of the power grid, which makes it easier for the grid to accept more renewable energy. Our goal is to turn air conditioners from a challenge for the power grid into an asset, supporting a shift away from fossil fuels toward cleaner energy.

    Adjustable equipment

    My research focuses on batteries, solar panels and electric equipment – such as electric vehicles, water heaters, air conditioners and heat pumps – that can adjust itself to consume different amounts of energy at different times.

    Originally, the U.S. electric grid was built to transport electricity from large power plants to customers’ homes and businesses. And originally, power plants were large, centralized operations that burned coal or natural gas, or harvested energy from nuclear reactions. These plants were typically always available and could adjust how much power they generated in response to customer demand, so the grid would be balanced between power coming in from producers and being used by consumers.

    But the grid has changed. There are more renewable energy sources, from which power isn’t always available – like solar panels at night or wind turbines on calm days. And there are the devices and equipment I study. These newer options, called “distributed energy resources,” generate or store energy near where consumers need it – or adjust how much energy they’re using in real time.

    One aspect of the grid hasn’t changed, though: There’s not much storage built into the system. So every time you turn on a light, for a moment there’s not enough electricity to supply everything that wants it right then: The grid needs a power producer to generate a little more power. And when you turn off a light, there’s a little too much: A power producer needs to ramp down.

    The way power plants know what real-time power adjustments are needed is by closely monitoring the grid frequency. The goal is to provide electricity at a constant frequency – 60 hertz – at all times. If more power is needed than is being produced, the frequency drops and a power plant boosts output. If there’s too much power being produced, the frequency rises and a power plant slows production a little. These actions, a process called “frequency regulation,” happen in a matter of seconds to keep the grid balanced.

    This output flexibility, primarily from power plants, is key to keeping the lights on for everyone.

    Power plants, like this one in Utah, adjust their output to match demand from electricity customers.
    Jason Finn/iStock / Getty Images Plus

    Finding new options

    I’m interested in how distributed energy resources can improve flexibility in the grid. They can release more energy, or consume less, to respond to the changing supply or demand, and help balance the grid, ensuring the frequency remains near 60 hertz.

    Some people fear that doing so might be invasive, giving someone outside your home the ability to control your battery or air conditioner. Therefore, we wanted to see if we could help balance the grid with frequency regulation using home air-conditioning units rather than power plants – without affecting how residents use their appliances or how comfortable they are in their homes.

    From 2019 to 2023, my group at the University of Michigan tried this approach, in collaboration with researchers at Pecan Street Inc., Los Alamos National Laboratory and the University of California, Berkeley, with funding from the U.S. Department of Energy Advanced Research Projects Agency-Energy.

    We recruited 100 homeowners in Austin, Texas, to do a real-world test of our system. All the homes had whole-house forced-air cooling systems, which we connected to custom control boards and sensors the owners allowed us to install in their homes. This equipment let us send instructions to the air-conditioning units based on the frequency of the grid.

    Before I explain how the system worked, I first need to explain how thermostats work. When people set thermostats, they pick a temperature, and the thermostat switches the air-conditioning compressor on and off to maintain the air temperature within a small range around that set point. If the temperature is set at 68 degrees, the thermostat turns the AC on when the temperature is, say, 70, and turns it off when it’s cooled down to, say, 66.

    Every few seconds, our system slightly changed the timing of air-conditioning compressor switching for some of the 100 air conditioners, causing the units’ aggregate power consumption to change. In this way, our small group of home air conditioners reacted to grid changes the way a power plant would – using more or less energy to balance the grid and keep the frequency near 60 hertz.

    Moreover, our system was designed to kept home temperatures within the same small temperature range around the set point.

    Smart thermostats could have frequency regulation capabilities available to interested consumers, to help balance the electricity grid.
    Danielle Mead/iStock/Getty Images Plus

    Testing the approach

    We ran our system in four tests, each lasting one hour. We found two encouraging results.

    First, the air conditioners were able to provide frequency regulation at least as accurately as a traditional power plant. Therefore, we showed that air conditioners could play a significant role in increasing grid flexibility. But perhaps more importantly – at least in terms of encouraging people to participate in these types of systems – we found that we were able to do so without affecting people’s comfort in their homes.

    We found that home temperatures did not deviate more than 1.6 Fahrenheit from their set point. Homeowners were allowed to override the controls if they got uncomfortable, but most didn’t. For most tests, we received zero override requests. In the worst case, we received override requests from two of the 100 homes in our test.

    In practice, this sort of technology could be added to commercially available internet-connected thermostats. In exchange for credits on their energy bills, users could choose to join a service run by the thermostat company, their utility provider or some other third party.

    Then people could turn on the air conditioning in the summer heat without that pang of guilt, knowing they were helping to make the grid more reliable and more capable of accommodating renewable energy sources – without sacrificing their own comfort in the process.

    Johanna Mathieu works for the University of Michigan. She has received funding from the National Science Foundation, Department of Energy, ARPA-E, and the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation. She is affiliated with the IEEE.

    – ref. How your air conditioner can help the power grid, rather than overloading it – https://theconversation.com/how-your-air-conditioner-can-help-the-power-grid-rather-than-overloading-it-256858

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A field guide to ‘accelerationism’: White supremacist groups using violence to spur race war and create social chaos

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Art Jipson, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Dayton

    Demonstrators clash with counterdemonstrators at the entrance to Lee Park in Charlottesville, Va., on Aug. 12, 2017. AP Photo/Steve Helber

    A man named Regan Prater was charged with arson for the burning of Highlander Center in New Market, Tennessee, on May 7, 2025. The nonprofit has a long history of involvement in the Civil Rights Movement. The FBI stated in a court document that Prater participated in neo-Nazi Telegram group chats online.

    Earlier this year, Brandon Clint Russell, founder of Atomwaffen Divison, also known as the National Socialist Resistance Front, a onetime neo-Nazi terrorist organization, according to the Department of Justice, was convicted of conspiracy to damage an energy facility in Baltimore.

    In the fall of 2024, a 24-year-old man, Skyler Philippi, targeted the Nashville power grid with an explosive drone. Federal authorities allege that Philippi was motivated by white supremacist ideologies and affiliated with the extremist group the National Alliance.

    In my research on right-wing extremism over 30 years, a disturbing pattern has emerged: White supremacists and white nationalists are increasingly willing to use violence targeting critical infrastructure in an effort to destabilize society.

    Since the Ku Klux Klan’s resurgence in 1915, white supremacists have pushed for white control of society. In particular, white supremacist and neo-Nazi groups have long advocated violence to establish a white ethnostate, a proposed political entity or nation-state where residency and citizenship are exclusively limited to whites.

    In the past several years, extremists have started using the term “accelerationism” to describe their desire to create social chaos and societal collapse that leads to a race war and the destruction of liberal democratic systems, paving the way for a white ethnostate.

    What is accelerationism?

    The motivating idea behind accelerationism is that social chaos creates an opportunity for extremists to create a racially or ideologically “pure” future.

    Scholars who study extremism have used the term “accelerationism” since the 1980s, but it wasn’t widely associated with right-wing extremist violence until the late 2010s. People calling themselves “eco-fascists,” for example, often endorse mass violence as a means to reduce population and spark societal collapse.

    Accelerationism is often connected to the white replacement theory, a white nationalist conspiracy theory that falsely asserts that there is a deliberate plot to diminish the influence and power of white people by replacing them with nonwhite populations.

    While not all extremists who advocate violent confrontation use the label, the calls for violent disruption strive for the same results. Brenton Harrison Tarrant, the Australian white supremacist who perpetrated the Christchurch mosque shootings on March 15, 2019, in New Zealand, labeled an entire section of his online manifesto Destabilization and Accelerationism: Tactics for Victory.

    Members of the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement salute and shout ‘sieg heil’ during a rally in front of the State House in Trenton, N.J., on April 16, 2011.
    AP Photo/Mel Evans

    This primer provides an overview of some of the key groups that have embraced accelerationist thinking, posing significant threats to public safety, democratic institutions and social cohesion.

    The Order

    One of the first American groups to embody this ideology was The Order – also known as Brüder Schweigen, or the Silent Brotherhood – which continues to influence newer generations of extremist organizations, both directly and indirectly.

    Robert Jay Mathews, who founded The Order in 1983, was inspired by the apocalyptic vision laid out in the novel “The Turner Diaries.” The 1978 book by William Luther Pierce – under the pseudonym Andrew Macdonald – calls for a violent, apocalyptic race war to overthrow the U.S. government and exterminate Jews, nonwhite people and political enemies. Pierce founded the National Alliance – a neo-Nazi, white supremacist organization advocating for a white ethnostate and violent revolution – in 1974.

    The call for violent insurrection and radical societal overhaul has since served as a blueprint for white supremacists and right-wing extremists.

    The Order believed the U.S. federal government was under the control of Jews and other minority groups, and it aimed to overthrow it to create a white ethnostate. The Order funded its activities through robberies, including US$3.6 million taken from an armored car near Ukiah, California, on July 19, 1984.

    Its criminal and violent actions escalated to murder, most notably the 1984 assassination of Jewish radio host Alan Berg in Denver by Order member Bruce Pierce.

    Atomwaffen Division (AWD)

    The Atomwaffen Division, one of the most violent neo-Nazi accelerationist groups in the U.S., was officially founded in October 2015 by Brandon Clint Russell, a former Florida National Guardsman.

    Russell had been active on a neo-Nazi web forum IronMarch.org since 2014 and announced the group’s formation on the site. He used the handle “Odin” to connect with other far-right extremists.

    AWD quickly gained notoriety for its violent, neo-Nazi ideology, advocating for a race war and the collapse of the U.S. government through terrorism. The group drew inspiration from the writings of white supremacist James Mason, particularly his collection of essays titled “Siege.”

    AWD’s activities included recruiting members on university campuses and among military personnel, engaging in paramilitary training, and promoting accelerationist violence. The group has been linked to multiple murders and plots in the United States and has inspired offshoots in Europe and other regions.

    By 2020, AWD unraveled due to law enforcement pressure, prosecutions and internal splits. Though not fully gone, it effectively stopped operating under its name. Members helped form the National Socialist Order, which continues to promote Mason’s “Siege” and violent accelerationism.

    Active Club Network

    Active clubs are loosely organized, often regional groups of white supremacists and neofascists who combine fitness, combat training and ideology to promote violence and white nationalist goals. Members protest Pride and multicultual events and recruit members through fighting and combat sports. Active clubs and similar extremist networks use a multipronged recruitment strategy, combining online reach via Telegram and other social media with in-person, fighting-based community-building to attract new members.

    Neo-Nazi counterdemonstrators shout angrily at the marchers from behind police barricades during the Lesbian and Gay Pride March on Fifth Avenue in New York, on June 25, 1995.
    AP Photo/Kathy Willens

    Emerging in 2017 from the street-fighting “Rise Above Movement” in Southern California and gaining prominence in the 2020s through the rise of The Active Club Network, or ACN, this movement demonstrated a shift from online-only, far-right groups to groups willing to fight.

    Beginning in December 2020, The Active Club Network formed as a loosely affiliated, decentralized web of white supremacist, fascist and accelerationist groups that operate under a shared banner promoting physical training, brotherhood and militant white nationalism.

    The Base

    Founded around 2018, The Base represents one of the most explicit modern expressions of white nationalist accelerationism: as it is known by members, its “Siege Culture.”

    Founded by Rinaldo Nazzaro, an American living in Russia who used the name Roman Wolf, the group recruited ex-military and survivalists preparing for collapse through self-sufficiency, aiming to spark a race war. The Base was directly influenced by James Mason’s book “Siege.”

    The Base operates as a decentralized network of cells trained in paramilitary tactics, sabotage and guerrilla warfare. Their online propaganda explicitly calls for violent action to destabilize society.

    Its members have been involved in plots to murder anti-fascist activists, poison water supplies, derail trains and attack critical infrastructure. In 2020, multiple members were arrested before they could carry out an armed assault at a pro-gun rally in Richmond, Virginia, where they planned to attack police officers and civilians.

    Although several members have been arrested and convicted on a variety of crimes, including conspiracy to commit murder, civil disorder, firearm charges, vandalism and other violent crimes, The Base illustrates a fundamental feature of accelerationism: “leaderless resistance,” or a lack of a centralized leadership, which helps it survive and thrive. Its ideology and tactics are spread through online forums dedicated to white supremacist propaganda.

    Patriot Front

    Founded in 2017 by Thomas Rousseau, Patriot Front is a white supremacist group that emerged from a split with Vanguard America following the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. Vanguard America was a white supremacist group that opposed multiculturalism and whose members believed America should be an exclusively white nation.

    The goals of the organizers of the Unite the Right rally included unifying the American white nationalist movement and opposing the proposed removal of the statue of Robert E. Lee, the general who led the Confederate troops of slave states during the Civil War, from Charlottesville’s former Lee Park. The rally sparked a national debate over Confederate iconography, racial violence and white supremacy.

    The Patriot Front defines itself as an organization of “American nationalists.” According to the Anti-Defamation League, since 2019 the Patriot Front has been responsible for a majority of white supremacist propaganda distributed in the United States, using flyers, posters, stickers, banners and the internet to spread its ideology.

    The group frequently participates in localized “flash demonstrations” where it marches near city halls. Such demonstrations have also increasingly made it one of the United States’ most visible white supremacist groups. In 2024, Patriot Front held demonstrations on patriotic holidays such as Memorial Day, the Fourth of July and Labor Day.

    Although the group claims loyalty to America, the Patriot Front’s ultimate goal is to form a new state that advocates for the “descendants of its creators” – namely, white men.

    Understanding the motivations and tactics of accelerationist groups and individuals, I believe, is critical to recognizing and countering the dangers they represent.

    Art Jipson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A field guide to ‘accelerationism’: White supremacist groups using violence to spur race war and create social chaos – https://theconversation.com/a-field-guide-to-accelerationism-white-supremacist-groups-using-violence-to-spur-race-war-and-create-social-chaos-255699

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: We surveyed 1,500 Florida kids about cellphones and their mental health – what we learned suggests school phone bans may have important but limited effects

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Justin D. Martin, Associate Professor of Digital Communication and Journalism, University of South Florida

    The debate over banning smartphones in schools rages as more students are bringing phones to schools. Thomas Barwick/DigitalVision via Getty Images

    In Florida, a bill that bans cellphone use in elementary and middle schools, from bell to bell, recently sailed through the state Legislature.

    Gov. Ron DeSantis signed it into law on May 30, 2025. The same bill calls for high schools in six Florida districts to adopt the ban during the upcoming school year and produce a report on its effectiveness by Dec. 1, 2026.

    Parents are divided on the issue. According to a report from Education Week, many parents want their kids to have phones for safety reasons – and don’t support bans as a result.

    But in the debate over whether phones should be banned in K-12 schools – and if so, how – students themselves are rarely given a voice.

    We are experts in media use and public health who surveyed 1,510 kids ages 11 to 13 in Florida in November and December 2024 to learn how they’re using digital media and the role tech plays in their lives at home and at school. Their responses were insightful – and occasionally surprising.

    Adults generally cite four reasons to ban phone use during
    school: to improve kids’ mental health, to strengthen academic outcomes, to reduce cyberbullying and to help limit kids’ overall screen time.

    But as our survey shows, it may be a bit much to expect a cellphone ban to accomplish all of that.

    What do kids want?

    Some of the questions in our survey shine light on kids’ feelings toward banning cellphones – even though we didn’t ask that question directly.

    We asked them if they feel relief when they’re in a situation where they can’t use their smartphone, and 31% said yes.

    Additionally, 34% of kids agreed with the statement that social media causes more harm than good.

    And kids were 1.5 to 2 times more likely to agree with those statements if they attended schools where phones are banned or confiscated for most of the school day, with use only permitted at certain times. That group covered
    70% of the students we surveyed because many individual schools or school districts in Florida have already limited students’ cellphone use.

    How students use cellphones matters

    Some “power users” of cellphone apps could likely use a break from them.

    Twenty percent of children we surveyed said push notifications on their phones — that is, notifications from apps that pop up on the phone’s screen — are never turned off. These notifications are likely coming from the most popular apps kids reported using, like YouTube, TikTok and Instagram.

    This 20% of children was roughly three times more likely to report experiencing anxiety than kids who rarely or never have their notifications on.

    They were also nearly five times more likely to report earning mostly D’s and F’s in school than kids whose notifications are always or sometimes off.

    Our survey results also suggest phone bans would likely have positive effects on grades and mental health among some of the heaviest screen users. For example, 22% of kids reported using their favorite app for six or more hours per day. These students were three times more likely to report earning mostly D’s and F’s in school than kids who spend an hour or less on their favorite app each day.

    They also were six times more likely than hour-or-less users to report severe depression symptoms. These insights remained even after ruling out numerous other possible explanations for the difference — like age, household income, gender, parent’s education, race and ethnicity.

    Banning students’ access to phones at school means these kids would not receive notifications for at least that seven-hour period and have fewer hours in the day to use apps.

    Phones and mental health

    However, other data we collected suggests that bans aren’t a universal benefit for all children.

    Seventeen percent of kids who attend schools that ban or confiscate phones report severe depression symptoms, compared with just 4% among kids who keep their phones with them during the school day.

    This finding held even after we ruled out other potential explanations for what we were seeing, such as the type of school students attend and other demographic factors.

    We are not suggesting that our survey shows phone bans cause mental health problems.

    It is possible, for instance, that the schools where kids already were struggling with their mental health simply happened to be the ones that have banned phones. Also, our survey didn’t ask kids how long phones have been banned at their schools. If the bans just launched, there may be positive effects on mental health or grades yet to come.

    In order to get a better sense of the bans’ effects on mental health, we would need to examine mental health indicators before and after phone bans.

    To get a long-term view on this question, we are planning to do a nationwide survey of digital media use and mental health, starting with 11- to 13-year-olds and tracking them into adulthood.

    Even with the limitations of our data from this survey, however, we can conclude that banning phones in schools is unlikely to be an immediate solution to mental health problems of kids ages 11-13.

    Grades up, cyberbullying down

    Students at schools where phones are barred or confiscated didn’t report earning higher grades than children at schools where kids keep their phones.

    This finding held for students at both private and public schools, and even after ruling out other possible explanations like differences in gender and household income, since these factors are also known to affect grades.

    There are limits to our findings here: Grades are not a perfect measure of learning, and they’re not standardized across schools. It’s possible that kids at phone-free schools are in fact learning more than those at schools where kids carry their phones around during school hours – even if they earn the same grades.

    We asked kids how often in the past three months they’d experienced mistreatment online – like being called hurtful names or having lies or rumors spread about them. Kids at schools where phone use is limited during school hours actually reported enduring more cyberbullying than children at schools with less restrictive policies. This result persisted even after we considered smartphone ownership and numerous demographics as possible explanations.

    We are not necessarily saying that cellphone bans cause an increase in cyberbullying. What could be at play here is that at schools where cyberbullying has been particularly bad, phones have been banned or are confiscated, and online bullying still occurs.

    But based on our survey results, it does not appear that school phone bans prevent cyberbullying.

    Overall, our findings suggest that banning phones in schools may not be an easy fix for students’ mental health problems, poor academic performance or cyberbullying.

    That said, kids might benefit from phone-free schools in ways that we have not explored, like increased attention spans or reduced eyestrain.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. We surveyed 1,500 Florida kids about cellphones and their mental health – what we learned suggests school phone bans may have important but limited effects – https://theconversation.com/we-surveyed-1-500-florida-kids-about-cellphones-and-their-mental-health-what-we-learned-suggests-school-phone-bans-may-have-important-but-limited-effects-256970

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Antagonism to transgender rights is tied to the authoritarian desire for social conformity – not just partisan affiliation

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Tatishe Nteta, Provost Professor of Political Science and Director of the UMass Amherst Poll, UMass Amherst

    President Donald Trump signs an executive order barring transgender female athletes from competing in women’s or girls sporting events on Feb. 5, 2025, in Washington. AP Photo/Alex Brandon

    Since becoming president, Donald Trump has aggressively sought to fulfill his campaign promise to reverse the Biden administration’s protection of transgender Americans.

    His administration decreed that the federal government will recognize only two genders and banned transgender Americans from serving in the military. Trump has also restricted federal funds for hospitals that perform gender-affirming care.

    Trump is not alone in attacking the rights of transgender Americans. In 2025, 53 bills have been introduced in the U.S. Congress and over 900 bills have been introduced in 49 states that aim to limit the rights of transgender Americans in education, health care and athletics, according to the Trans Legislation Tracker.

    While legal and ethical questions remain about these efforts, restricting the rights of transgender Americans seems to enjoy support among a majority of Americans.

    For example, support for restricting the ability of medical professionals from providing gender-affirming care to minors has risen from 46% in 2022 to 56% in 2025, according to the Pew Research Center.

    We wanted to know what factors contribute to majority support among Americans for these measures. We found that authoritarian attitudes – the desire for social conformity and an aversion to difference – play an important role in Americans’ willingness to restrict transgender rights.

    A member, left, of the Idaho Liberty Dogs, a far-right extremist group, argues with attendee Kimberly Rumph near the entrance of the first Pride festival ever held in Nampa, Idaho, on June 9, 2024.
    Kyle Green for The Washington Post via Getty Images

    Preferring conformity, suppressing social difference

    A number of civil rights organizations, pro-democracy think tanks and scholars have recently argued that executive and legislative efforts to limit the rights of transgender Americans reflect a larger authoritarian turn in the nation’s politics.

    Here, we refer to authoritarianism not as a type of political system or the characteristics of a leader, but rather as a person’s preference for social conformity and desire to suppress social difference.

    According to this perspective, the attack on transgender rights is intended to appeal to Americans with authoritarian inclinations. As seen in authoritarian regimes such as Russia and Turkey, political leaders first mobilize their citizens on the basis of their desire to suppress transgender individuals in order to advance a broader movement to undermine democracy and restrict the rights of other groups that fail to conform to majority values.

    While this perspective is quickly gaining media coverage, there hasn’t yet been hard evidence that authoritarians are particularly supportive of anti-trans legislation. Our goal was to assess the link between authoritarian attitudes and support for measures that restrict transgender rights.

    We are political scientists who study the role of authoritarianism in American politics and who field polls that explore Americans’ views on a number of pressing issues.

    In April 2025, we fielded a nationally representative survey of 1,000 American adults, asking about their perceptions of the first months of the second Trump presidency, their views toward various groups in society, and their policy preferences. We also asked them for their views about restrictions on the provision of gender-affirming care to transgender Americans.

    Here’s how we analyzed and interpreted their responses.

    Conformity, obedience, uniformity

    Authoritarianism is defined by public opinion scholars as an individual’s predisposition toward conformity, obedience and uniformity and an aversion to diversity, difference and individual autonomy.

    To measure authoritarianism, scholars use a scale that asks respondents to express their preferences for a range of child-rearing practices. The scale asks whether a respondent tends to prefer children who are obedient, well behaved and well mannered or children who are independent, creative and considerate. Those who tend to favor obedient children are scored as having more authoritarian views.

    Child-rearing preferences seem to be unrelated to attitudes about conformity in society. But there is good reason to believe that an adult who prefers conformity, obedience and uniformity in children also desires the same in society at large.

    Political psychologists have used this scale to help explain Americans’ support for the war on terrorism, their racial attitudes, views on gender equality and immigration attitudes.

    This work consistently shows that individuals who are less authoritarian are more likely to support policies that recognize diverse views. Those who rank high on authoritarianism prefer policies that highlight social unity and conformity.

    Thus, we expected that Americans with more authoritarian attitudes would more strongly support state laws that seek to restrict transgender Americans’ access to gender-affirming care.

    We find evidence that this is indeed the case.

    A person holds a sign supporting transgender veterans at the Unite For Veterans rally in Washington, D.C., on June 3, 2025.
    Dominic Gwinn/Middle East Images via AFP via Getty Images

    ‘Not a sideshow’

    In line with other polling on this issue, our survey found that a little over one-third of Americans – 36% – express support for legislation that would make providing gender-affirming medical care to transgender youth a crime. Among the remaining respondents, 38% expressed opposition, and 26% expressed ambivalence toward this proposal.

    We looked at support for banning gender-affirming care by level of authoritarianism. We found clear differences between the most and least authoritarian Americans.

    Among those who score highest on the authoritarian scale, 46% express support for this ban, with 18% in opposition. The remaining 36% responded “neither support nor oppose” this ban. Examining the views of Americans who exhibit the least authoritarian views, we find that while 21% support these bans, 61% oppose them and 18% expressed an ambivalent view.

    Authoritarianism remains an important contributor to Americans’ support for a ban on gender-affirming care for transgender youth, even after we take into account other considerations that influence this attitude.

    Republican partisanship, conservative ideology and religiosity all increase support for a ban on gender-affirming care. After accounting for these factors, as well as for characteristics such as education, income, age and knowing a transgender person, more authoritarian people are still more likely to support the ban.

    Many state legislatures and the U.S. Congress are considering legislation to restrict the rights of transgender Americans.

    The findings from our survey suggest that while partisanship, ideology and religiosity all play key roles in explaining the popularity of these policies, a missing piece of the puzzle is authoritarianism.

    Given their aversion to diversity and difference and their preference for the status quo, Americans with authoritarian inclinations likely believe that transgender people pose a threat to the social order. Thus, they are more likely than Americans low in authoritarianism to support policies that seek to restrict transgender rights in order to restore social conformity.

    It’s not clear whether the passage of anti-transgender policies alone will lead the nation to turn away from a largely diverse and open democracy toward a more closed and intolerant society. But the fight over transgender rights is not a sideshow in American politics. Instead, it is one of the first of many battles over diversity and difference that will determine the nation’s political future.

    Jesse Rhodes has received funding from the National Science Foundation, the Demos Foundation, and the Spencer Foundation. He is a member of the American Civil Liberties Union.

    Adam Eichen, Lane Cuthbert, and Tatishe Nteta do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Antagonism to transgender rights is tied to the authoritarian desire for social conformity – not just partisan affiliation – https://theconversation.com/antagonism-to-transgender-rights-is-tied-to-the-authoritarian-desire-for-social-conformity-not-just-partisan-affiliation-257431

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Politics based on grievance has a long and violent history in America

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Peter C. Mancall, Andrew W. Mellon Professor of the Humanities, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

    A statue of Christopher Columbus, toppled by protesters, is loaded onto a truck on the grounds of the state capitol on June 10, 2020, in St Paul, Minn. Stephen Maturen/Getty Images

    Recently, President Donald Trump declared that he is “bringing Columbus Day back from the ashes.” He hopes to make up for the removal of commemorative statues important to “the Italians that love him so much.”

    But Columbus Day had not been scrapped or reduced to ashes. Although President Joe Biden issued a proclamation for Indigenous Peoples Day in October 2024, on the same day he also declared a holiday in honor of Christopher Columbus.

    Nonetheless, Trump posted in April 2025, “Christopher is going to make a major comeback.” By using Columbus’ name, which means “Christ-bearer,” a president who covets the praise of faith leaders yoked the explorer to his campaign promise: “For those who have been wronged and betrayed, I am your retribution.”

    By reasserting the importance of Columbus, the president took a stand against the toppling and vandalism of statues of Columbus. In this case, his act of retribution for his supporters focused on the holiday, which he could declare more easily than returning icons of a fallen man to empty pedestals.

    Trump’s statement invoked the politics of grievance – a sense of resentment or injustice fueled by perceived discrimination – that have characterized his actions for years.

    The list of targets for his retribution, which have included Harvard University, elite law firms and former allies he believes have betrayed him, now exceeds 100, according to an NPR review.

    As a historian of early America, I am familiar with how grievance marked the colonial era. Throughout this period, grievance fueled rage and violence.

    European grievance in America

    Europeans who arrived in the Americas following Columbus’ 1492 journey claimed the territories in the Western Hemisphere through an obsolete legal theory known as the “doctrine of discovery.”

    Spanish, English, French, Dutch and Portuguese rulers, according to this notion, owned portions of the Americas, regardless of the claims of Indigenous peoples. This presumption of ownership justified, in their minds, the use of violence against those who resisted them.

    In 1598, for example, Spanish soldiers patrolling the pueblo of Acoma in New Mexico demanded food from local residents, whom the colonizers saw as their subordinates. The town’s inhabitants, believing the request excessive, fought instead, killing 11 Spaniards.

    In response, the governor of New Mexico, a territory almost entirely populated by Indigenous peoples, ordered the systematic amputations of the hands or feet of residents whom the soldiers thought had participated in the attack. They also enslaved hundreds in the town. Roughly 1,500 residents of Acoma died in the conflict, according to the National Park Service, a response seemingly driven more by grievance than strategy.

    English colonizers proved just as quick to deploy extraordinary violence if they believed Native Americans deprived them of what they thought was theirs.

    In March 1622, soldiers from the Powhatan Confederation – composed of Algonquian tribes from present-day Virginia – launched a surprise attack to protest encroachments on their lands, killing 347 colonists.

    The English labeled the event a “barbarous massacre,” using language that dehumanized the Powhatans and cast them as villainous raiders. An English pamphleteer named Edward Waterhouse castigated these Indigenous people as “wyld naked Natives,” “Pagan Infidels” and “perfidious and inhumane.”

    Opechancanough was paramount chief of the Powhatan Confederacy in present-day Virginia from 1618 until his death in 1646.
    mikroman6/Getty Images

    War began almost immediately. Colonial soldiers embraced a scorched-earth strategy, burning houses and crops when they could not locate their enemies. On May 22, 1623, one group sailed into Pamunkey territory to rescue captives.

    Under a ruse of peaceful negotiation, they distributed poison to some 200 Native residents. By doing so, the colonial soldiers, driven by grievance more than law, ignored their own rules of war, which forbade the use of poison in war.

    Grievance drove colonists against each other

    Even among colonists, grievance promoted violence.

    In 1692, residents of Salem, Massachusetts, believed their misfortunes were the work of the devil. Their anxieties and anger led them to accuse others of witchcraft.

    As historians who have studied the Salem witch trials have argued, many of the accusers in agricultural Salem Village – modern-day Danvers – harbored resentments against neighbors who had closer ties to nearby Salem Town, which was more commercial.

    The aggrieved found a spokesman in the Rev. Samuel Parris, whose own earlier failure in business had led him to look for a new path forward as a minister. Parris’ anger about his earlier disappointments fueled his indignation about what he saw as inadequate economic support from local authorities.

    In a sermon, he underscored his financial irritation by emphasizing Judas’ betrayal of Jesus for “a poor & mean price,” as if it was the amount that mattered. The resentful residents and their bitter minister fueled the largest witch hunt in American history, which left at least 20 of the accused dead.

    The painting ‘Trial of George Jacobs of Salem for Witchcraft’ in 1692 by T.H. Matteson.
    Tompkins Harrison Matteson/Library of Congress via AP

    The most obvious forerunner of today’s grievance-fueled politics was a rebellion in the spring and summer of 1676 by backcountry colonists in Virginia who battled their Jamestown-based colonial government. They were led by Nathaniel Bacon, a tobacco farmer who believed that provincial officials were not doing enough to protect outlying farms from attacks by Susquehannocks and other Indigenous residents.

    Bacon and his followers, consumed by their “declaration of grievances,” petitioned the local government for help. When they did not get the result they wanted, they marched against Jamestown. They set the capital alight and chased Gov. William Berkeley away.

    Bacon succumbed to dysentery in October, and the movement collapsed without its charismatic leader. Berkeley survived but lost his position.

    The rebellion has become etched into history as a violent attack against governing authorities that foreshadowed the 2021 assault on the U.S. Capitol.

    When President Trump invokes alleged insults to one community to satisfy the yearnings of his followers, he and his allies run the risk of once again stoking the passions of the aggrieved.

    Acts of grievance come in different forms, depending on historical and political circumstance. But the urge to reclaim what someone thinks should be theirs can lead to deadly violence, as earlier Americans repeatedly discovered.

    Peter C. Mancall has received support from the University of Southern California, the Huntington Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and Oxford University to support his research on early America.

    – ref. Politics based on grievance has a long and violent history in America – https://theconversation.com/politics-based-on-grievance-has-a-long-and-violent-history-in-america-257202

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How was the wheel invented? Computer simulations reveal the unlikely birth of a world-changing technology nearly 6,000 years ago

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kai James, Professor of Aerospace Engineering, Georgia Institute of Technology

    The assumption was that the wheel evolved from wooden rollers. Tetra Images via Getty Images

    Imagine you’re a copper miner in southeastern Europe in the year 3900 B.C.E. Day after day you haul copper ore through the mine’s sweltering tunnels.

    You’ve resigned yourself to the grueling monotony of mining life. Then one afternoon, you witness a fellow worker doing something remarkable.

    With an odd-looking contraption, he casually transports the equivalent of three times his body weight on a single trip. As he returns to the mine to fetch another load, it suddenly dawns on you that your chosen profession is about to get far less taxing and much more lucrative.

    What you don’t realize: You’re witnessing something that will change the course of history – not just for your tiny mining community, but for all of humanity.

    An illustration of what the original mine carts used in the Carpathian mountains may have looked like in 3900 B.C.E.
    Kai James via DALL·E

    Despite the wheel’s immeasurable impact, no one is certain as to who invented it, or when and where it was first conceived. The hypothetical scenario described above is based on a 2015 theory that miners in the Carpathian Mountains – now Hungary – first invented the wheel nearly 6,000 years ago as a means to transport copper ore.

    The theory is supported by the discovery of more than 150 miniaturized wagons by archaeologists working in the region. These pint-sized, four-wheeled models were made from clay, and their outer surfaces were engraved with a wickerwork pattern reminiscent of the basketry used by mining communities at the time. Carbon dating later revealed that these wagons are the earliest known depictions of wheeled transport to date.

    This theory also raises a question of particular interest to me, an aerospace engineer who studies the science of engineering design. How did an obscure, scientifically naive mining society discover the wheel, when highly advanced civilizations, such as the ancient Egyptians, did not?

    A controversial idea

    It has long been assumed that wheels evolved from simple wooden rollers. But until recently no one could explain how or why this transformation took place. What’s more, beginning in the 1960s, some researchers started to express strong doubts about the roller-to-wheel theory.

    After all, for rollers to be useful, they require flat, firm terrain and a path free of inclines and sharp curves. Furthermore, once the cart passes them, used rollers need to be continually brought around to the front of the line to keep the cargo moving. For all these reasons, the ancient world used rollers sparingly. According to the skeptics, rollers were too rare and too impractical to have been the starting point for the evolution of the wheel.

    But a mine – with its enclosed, human-made passageways – would have provided favorable conditions for rollers. This factor, among others, compelled my team to revisit the roller hypothesis.

    A turning point

    The transition from rollers to wheels requires two key innovations. The first is a modification of the cart that carries the cargo. The cart’s base must be outfitted with semicircular sockets, which hold the rollers in place. This way, as the operator pulls the cart, the rollers are pulled along with it.

    This innovation may have been motivated by the confined nature of the mine environment, where having to periodically carry used rollers back around to the front of the cart would have been especially onerous.

    The discovery of socketed rollers represented a turning point in the evolution of the wheel and paved the way for the second and most important innovation. This next step involved a change to the rollers themselves. To understand how and why this change occurred, we turned to physics and computer-aided engineering.

    Simulating the wheel’s evolution

    To begin our investigation, we created a computer program designed to simulate the evolution from a roller to a wheel. Our hypothesis was that this transformation was driven by a phenomenon called “mechanical advantage.” This same principle allows pliers to amplify a user’s grip strength by providing added leverage. Similarly, if we could modify the shape of the roller to generate mechanical advantage, this would amplify the user’s pushing force, making it easier to advance the cart.

    Our algorithm worked by modeling hundreds of potential roller shapes and evaluating how each one performed, both in terms of mechanical advantage and structural strength. The latter was used to determine whether a given roller would break under the weight of the cargo. As predicted, the algorithm ultimately converged upon the familiar wheel-and-axle shape, which it determined to be optimal.

    A computer simulation of the evolution from a roller to a wheel-and-axle structure. Each image represents a design evaluated by the algorithm. The search ultimately converges upon the familiar wheel-and-axle design.
    Kai James

    During the execution of the algorithm, each new design performed slightly better than its predecessor. We believe a similar evolutionary process played out with the miners 6,000 years ago.

    It is unclear what initially prompted the miners to explore alternative roller shapes. One possibility is that friction at the roller-socket interface caused the surrounding wood to wear away, leading to a slight narrowing of the roller at the point of contact. Another theory is that the miners began thinning out the rollers so that their carts could pass over small obstructions on the ground.

    Either way, thanks to mechanical advantage, this narrowing of the axle region made the carts easier to push. As time passed, better-performing designs were repeatedly favored over the others, and new rollers were crafted to mimic these top performers.

    Consequently, the rollers became more and more narrow, until all that remained was a slender bar capped on both ends by large discs. This rudimentary structure marks the birth of what we now refer to as “the wheel.”

    According to our theory, there was no precise moment at which the wheel was invented. Rather, just like the evolution of species, the wheel emerged gradually from an accumulation of small improvements.

    This is just one of the many chapters in the wheel’s long and ongoing evolution. More than 5,000 years after the contributions of the Carpathian miners, a Parisian bicycle mechanic invented radial ball bearings, which once again revolutionized wheeled transportation.

    Ironically, ball bearings are conceptually identical to rollers, the wheel’s evolutionary precursor. Ball bearings form a ring around the axle, creating a rolling interface between the axle and the wheel hub, thereby circumventing friction. With this innovation, the evolution of the wheel came full circle.

    This example also shows how the wheel’s evolution, much like its iconic shape, traces a circuitous path – one with no clear beginning, no end, and countless quiet revolutions along the way.

    Kai James receives funding from The National Science Foundation.

    – ref. How was the wheel invented? Computer simulations reveal the unlikely birth of a world-changing technology nearly 6,000 years ago – https://theconversation.com/how-was-the-wheel-invented-computer-simulations-reveal-the-unlikely-birth-of-a-world-changing-technology-nearly-6-000-years-ago-244038

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Appendix cancer rising among younger generation – new study

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Justin Stebbing, Professor of Biomedical Sciences, Anglia Ruskin University

    sasirin pamai/Shutterstock.com

    Appendix cancer is a condition that, until recently, was so rare that most people never gave it a second thought. For decades, it was the kind of disease that doctors might encounter only once or twice in a career, and it was almost always found in older adults.

    But now a surprising and concerning trend is emerging: appendix cancer is being diagnosed more often, and it’s increasingly affecting people in their 30s, 40s and even younger. This shift has left many experts puzzled and searching for answers.

    The appendix is a small, finger-shaped pouch attached to the large intestine. Its purpose in the body is still debated, but it’s best known for causing appendicitis, a painful inflammation that often requires emergency surgery. What’s less well known is that cancer can develop in the appendix, usually without any warning signs.

    A new study, published in Annals of Internal Medicine, has shown that the number of appendix cancer cases has increased dramatically among people born after the 1970s. In fact, the incidence has tripled or even quadrupled in younger generations compared with those born in the 1940s.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    While the overall numbers are still small (appendix cancer affects just a handful of people per million each year) the rapid rise is striking. Even more notable is that about one in three cases now occurs in adults under 50, a much higher proportion than seen in other types of gastrointestinal cancers.

    So, what’s behind this surge? No one knows for sure, but one of the first suspects is the dramatic change in lifestyle and environment over the past several decades. Obesity rates have soared since the 1970s, and being overweight is a known risk factor for many cancers, including those of the digestive system.

    At the same time, diets have shifted toward more processed foods, sugary drinks, and red or processed meats, all of which have been linked to increased cancer risk in other parts of the gut.

    Physical activity has also declined, with more people spending long hours sitting at desks or in front of screens.

    Another possibility is that we are being exposed to new environmental factors that previous generations didn’t face. The industrialisation of food production, the widespread use of plastics and chemicals, and changes in water quality might all play a role. However, the evidence is still in its early stages.

    Hard to detect

    What makes appendix cancer especially challenging is how difficult it is to detect. Unlike colon cancer, which can sometimes be found early through screening colonoscopies, appendix cancer usually flies under the radar.

    The symptoms, if they appear at all, are vague and easy to dismiss. People might experience mild abdominal pain, bloating or changes in bowel habits, which are common complaints for many benign conditions. As a result, most cases are only discovered after surgery for suspected appendicitis, when it’s often too late for early intervention.

    Despite the rise in cases, there is no routine screening test for appendix cancer. The disease is simply too rare to justify widespread screening, and the appendix can be difficult to visualise with standard imaging or endoscopy. This means that both patients and doctors need to be extra vigilant.

    If someone experiences persistent or unusual abdominal symptoms, especially if they’re under 50, it’s important not to ignore them. Early investigation and prompt treatment can make a significant difference in outcomes.

    The increase in appendix cancer among younger adults is part of a broader trend seen in other gastrointestinal cancers, such as those of the colon and stomach. These cancers, too, are being diagnosed more often in people under 50, suggesting that shared risk factors may be at work.

    The reasons for this shift are complex and probably involve a mix of genetics, lifestyle, environment and perhaps even changes in our gut microbiome – the bacteria in our intestines that live with us.

    Over the past few decades, antibiotics have been used more frequently, both in medicine and in agriculture. This widespread use can alter the balance of bacteria in our guts, which might influence cancer risk. Some recent research suggests that early-life exposure to antibiotics could have long-term effects on the digestive system, but more studies are needed to confirm this link.

    Could early-life exposure to antibiotics have something to do with the rise in appendix cancer?
    luchschenF/Shutterstock.com

    For now, the best advice is to focus on prevention and awareness. Maintaining a healthy weight, eating a balanced diet rich in fruit, vegetables and whole grains, and staying physically active are all steps that can lower the risk of many types of cancer.

    Avoiding tobacco and limiting alcohol intake are also important. While these measures can’t guarantee protection against appendix cancer, they are proven strategies for overall health.

    Researchers are working hard to unravel the mystery of why appendix cancer is rising so rapidly among younger generations. Understanding the causes will be crucial for developing better ways to prevent, detect and treat this rare but increasingly important disease.

    In the meantime, raising awareness among healthcare providers and the public is essential. By recognising the signs and taking action when symptoms arise, we can improve the chances of catching appendix cancer early and giving patients the best possible outcomes.

    The story of appendix cancer’s rise is a reminder that even rare diseases can become more common when our environment and lifestyles change. It’s also a call to action for further research and for all of us to pay attention to our bodies, seek medical advice when something feels off, and support efforts to understand and combat this puzzling trend.

    Justin Stebbing does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Appendix cancer rising among younger generation – new study – https://theconversation.com/appendix-cancer-rising-among-younger-generation-new-study-258607

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: A traffic-light system for dogwalkers could protect breeding birds, seal pups and other wildlife

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sarah Crowley, Senior Lecturer in Human and Animal Geography, University of Exeter

    Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock

    Like millions of people, we have experienced the physical and mental health benefits, as well as the simple enjoyment, of a daily dog walk. However, amid the UK’s growing population of dogs (around 13.5 million at the latest estimate), recent reports have highlighted growing concern about how dogs affect wildlife and ecosystems.

    Potential issues include disturbance or active chasing of wildlife, spreading of diseases and parasites, and water pollution from flea and tick treatments.

    By collaborating with more than 40 organisations from the Wildlife Trusts to the Dogs Trust, we have created a new guide to explain and help manage the effects of dog walking on biodiversity, based on current evidence.

    The Renew programme, a research collaboration between the University of Exeter and the National Trust, takes a “people in nature” approach to address complex challenges like this. We reviewed the existing scientific literature and mapped the relationship between current dog densities and England’s protected habitats.

    We found that dog walking can have negative environmental consequences including substantial effects of disturbance, pollution and disease in some places.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    We then discussed these findings in workshops with specialists in dog behaviour, biodiversity conservation and land management. We explored what dog walkers and landowners can do to minimise the disturbance of wildlife and ecosystems, while still enabling public access to natural spaces for people and their dogs.

    One of our key findings was that different organisations and landowners take very different approaches to managing dog walking on their sites, which is inconsistent and can be confusing for dog walkers. There are also multiple voluntary codes for responsible dog walking, including the countryside code, the Kennel Club’s canine code, the National Trust’s canine code, and Forestry England’s dog code.

    While these codes often share central principles, they differ in specific guidance and level of detail. To address this, land managers could take a more standardised approach to managing dog walking – based on a shared code for dog walkers, and different zones of access for land managers.

    A green pawprint sign would indicate where dogs don’t have to be kept on leads.
    Soloviova Liudmyla/Shutterstock

    We recommend such a zoning approach should employ a traffic-light system, highlighted by coloured pawprints. Green zones would welcome dogs without restriction and ideally provide dog-friendly facilities.

    Amber zones would require “paws on paths” (that is, keeping dogs on marked trails) and, in the presence of livestock, dogs on leads. Red zones would indicate sensitive sites in which dogs aren’t allowed, such as areas of lowland heath where birds nest on the ground or beaches where young seal pups are resting.

    Zone colours might change depending on the time of year – this is already common on beaches, which often have seasonal dog restrictions. As long as the signage is clear, our idea is that wherever a dog walker finds themselves, they will know what is expected of them.

    More zones, less disturbance

    Some organisations and sites, including Dorset Dogs and the Holkham Hall estate in Norfolk, already use zoning approaches to reduce incidences of wildlife disturbance. But as was recently demonstrated by the legal battle over wild camping on Dartmoor, public access to land is a sensitive topic in the UK. Restrictions meet resistance because they can impinge on what for many is considered a basic freedom – to access the outdoors with one’s dog.

    Consequently, meaningful engagement with dog owners and local communities when designing zoning is vital. Perhaps counterintuitively, simply increasing restrictions on access to land may actually exacerbate disturbance from dog walking, as people, dogs and protected areas become crowded together in the same landscapes.

    A zoning approach that also involves creating new green pawprint zones for off-lead dog walking, where access elsewhere is restricted, would ensure that no access to wild places is lost overall.

    The effects of dog walking on the environment are linked to broader social and cultural factors, including people’s knowledge and skills when it comes to managing their dogs’ behaviour. But other factors include the availability of facilities such as dog poo bins, and the widespread use of “spot-on” flea and tick treatments – pesticides that are applied directly to the fur and can contaminate the environment more than medication given orally.

    In our Paws for Thought workshops, the research team found that emphasising how the health of people, animals and ecosystems are all interconnected resonated with our participants more than focusing on wildlife protection alone.

    Dogs are vital companions for many of us – but unfortunately, their presence and behaviour can cause problems for other species. Rather than demonising dogs and their owners as environmental threats, collaborative, evidence-based approaches can help create accessible spaces for people, dogs and wildlife.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Sarah Crowley works at the University of Exeter and receives funding from the UKRI as part of the Renew programme.

    David Bavin receives funding from UKRI and National Trust.

    Professor Matthew Heard receives funding from UKRI and National Trust.

    – ref. A traffic-light system for dogwalkers could protect breeding birds, seal pups and other wildlife – https://theconversation.com/a-traffic-light-system-for-dogwalkers-could-protect-breeding-birds-seal-pups-and-other-wildlife-258035

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: South Korea is finally reckoning with its decades-long foreign adoption scandal

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Youngeun Koo, Assistant Professor, Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University

    Kim Tak-un was four years old when he was adopted by a Swedish family in 1974. Originally from South Korea, Tak-un had lived with his single father, a labourer who moved frequently for work. One day in the summer of 1974, while staying with his aunt, Tak-un wandered outside and disappeared.

    Local police considered him abandoned and referred him to an adoption agency, which arranged his adoption to Sweden within five months. When his father realised his son was missing, he searched everywhere, only to discover – too late – that Tak-un had already been sent overseas. Devastated, he demanded Tak-un’s return. When the adoption agency failed to respond, he went public with the story.

    In March 2025, South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission released initial findings from its investigation into the country’s 72-year-old international adoption programme. The full report is expected in the next few weeks as the investigation is now completed.

    Based on more than 360 cases submitted by Korean adoptees from 11 countries, the commission uncovered widespread human rights violations, including falsified documents, lack of parental consent, and cases of child switching – shaking up adoptees and their families.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Since the end of the Korean War (1950–1953), South Korea has sent over 200,000 children abroad, becoming the world’s largest country for adoption, even as it grew into an advanced economy.

    Existing studies have shown that international adoption from South Korea began as a response to the large number of mixed-heritage children born to Korean mothers and US soldiers during the war.

    It is estimated that thousands of such children were born, and South Korea’s first president, Syngman Rhee, ordered their overseas placement on the grounds that they were “unfit” for a nation imagined as ethnically homogeneous.

    However, international adoption did not end once this perceived “emergency” was over. From the mid-1960s onward, it expanded to include children from other vulnerable backgrounds, including those affected by poverty, family breakdown, and out-of-wedlock births. This, and the role of international adoption, is explored in my upcoming book.

    This was closely tied to the policies pursued by South Korea’s military regimes. The most important figure was Park Chung Hee, a military general who came to power through a 1961 coup and ruled until his assassination in 1979.

    His regime prioritised rapid economic growth, relegating social welfare to the lowest priority. Childcare was treated as an individual, not a state, responsibility. As I point out in my earlier research, public systems to categorise and care for children – whether abandoned, lost, or runaway – were extremely limited, and authorities largely placed the burden on parents to retrieve their separated children. This is probably why, after only cursory checks, authorities referred Tak-un to an adoption agency.

    Tak-un’s case attracted media attention in Sweden as well. However, in an interview with Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter, the Swedish national board of health and welfare – which oversaw the Korean adoption programme – dismissed the claims, stating they were “99 percent certain” the story was false and insisting that Korean social workers had followed proper procedures.

    The trust that Swedish authorities placed in South Korean adoption procedures may have been because of the way the Korean social workers presented their work. As the first generation of Koreans trained in US-style professional social work, they framed international adoption as being about the child, the importance of a family, and emotional wellbeing.

    The research for my upcoming book shows that while they may have genuinely believed in international adoption as a valid form of child welfare, there were also practical reasons why this happened. With virtually no public funding for child welfare, many saw international adoption – where adoptive parents covered the costs of care – as an ideal way to apply their training.

    In interviews with me, now-retired social workers acknowledged flaws in South Korea’s broader child welfare system, such as the inability to verify a child’s true status. Yet, without public resources to build a reliable system or prioritise family reunification, they often treated international adoption as a first, rather than a last, resort.

    Moreover, the prevailing belief at the time that “normal” middle-class families offered the most stable environment for a child’s development provided further moral justification for sending children abroad.

    Western authorities often interpreted Korean social workers’ professionalism as evidence of shared liberal child welfare values and placed strong trust in their procedures. When serious flaws surfaced – as in Tak-un’s case – they were frequently dismissed as exceptions rather than signs of deeper systemic problems.

    Even when the facts were confirmed in 1975, Swedish authorities still refused to return the child. The Swedish consul-general in Seoul at the time, Lars Berg, argued that it was in Tak-un’s “best interest” to remain in Sweden, rather than be sent back to “an uncertain fate of the father without work and residence”.

    This reflected, in part, Sweden’s domestic realities: like many western societies at the time, Sweden faced a shortage of adoptable children, and international adoption had become an important way to meet the wishes of prospective parents.

    In the early 1970s, nearly half of all internationally adopted children arriving in Sweden came from South Korea. Which meant that when issues like Tak-un’s emerged, Swedish authorities prioritised the rights of adoptive parents, framing their defence in the language of child welfare.

    Sweden’s Adoption Commission has just released its own report on June 2, examining the country’s international adoption practices, including those involving South Korea. Echoing my research findings, it recommended an end to allowing Swedes to adopt children from abroad.

    So, what became of Tak-un? Ultimately, South Korean officials acquiesced to the Swedish authorities, and the Korean adoption agency was cleared of any wrongdoing. Tak-un never returned. The last trace in the archives is his birth father’s plea to hear from him.

    I located Tak-un, who now goes by his Swedish name and lives in a small town in Sweden. Despite attempts to reach him, he didn’t respond. It remains uncertain whether his father’s message ever reached him or if he knows anything about his early life in Korea.

    This silence is not merely personal. A system that claimed to act for the child’s welfare instead routinely erased adopted children’s pasts, ignored their birth families and decided their futures for them. Tak-un’s story isn’t just a painful exception – it is a haunting reminder of what was lost in the name of care.

    This project has been supported by funding from the DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service), the Korea Foundation, the Academy of Korean Studies, the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, the Clarke Chambers Travel Fellowship at the University of Minnesota, and the Presbyterian Historical Society Research Fellowship.

    – ref. South Korea is finally reckoning with its decades-long foreign adoption scandal – https://theconversation.com/south-korea-is-finally-reckoning-with-its-decades-long-foreign-adoption-scandal-255135

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: How I uncovered a potential ancient Rome wine scam

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Conor Trainor, Ad Astra Research Fellow / Assistant Professor, University College Dublin

    Dan Henson/Shutterstock

    Before artificial sweeteners, people satisfied their cravings for sweetness with natural products, including honey or dried fruit. Raisin wines, made by drying grapes before fermentation, were particularly popular. Historical records show these wines, some known as passum, were enjoyed in the Roman Empire and throughout medieval Europe. The most famous of raisin wine of the period was Malmsey, with varities of this type produced across the Mediterranean.

    Today, the popularity of raisin wines has declined, although some still are held in very high esteem. The best-known of these are Italy’s appassimento (literally “withering”) wines, such as Amarone. High-quality modern raisin wines from the Veneto region of Italy are left to dry for three months before being pressed and undergoing fermentation, a time-consuming process.

    Ancient sources describe similar techniques for producing raisin wines. Columella, a Roman agricultural writer, noted that drying and fermentation together took at least a month. The Roman author, Pliny the Elder, mentioned a process in which grapes were partially dried on the vine, then further dried on racks before being pressed eight days later.

    For the past ten years, I have been studying the process of how this wine was created at the archaeological site of Knossos in Crete. While famous for its earlier, Minoan, remains, Crete was renowned throughout the Roman empire for producing high-end sweet raisin wine, which was traded far and wide.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    High-quality raisin wines required patience and time but it seems as if Knossos’s wine producers might not have been following these traditional methods.

    What my archaeological investigations of a wine production site, as well as at wine shipping container (amphora) production sites at Knossos, is that Cretan wine-producers may have been deceiving their Roman-era customers with a knock-off version of passum.

    Crete’s winemaking legacy

    Remains of a wine production facility in Knossos present a picture of winemaking practices a generation or so before the Romans conquered Crete. More intriguingly, ongoing studies of excavated Roman-era pottery kilns revealed a repeated pattern of four key artefacts being produced in one region of Knossos: amphorae for transporting wine, amphora stands for filling them, large ceramic mixing bowls, and ceramic beehives.

    Crete, the largest Greek island, has been producing wine for thousands of years. Archaeological evidence from Myrtos suggests winemaking as early as 2170 BCE. Its strategic location between Greece and North Africa made it a valuable asset and in 67 BCE, after a brutal three-year campaign, the Romans conquered the island.

    Following the conquest, Crete’s economy underwent major changes. The Romans established a colony at Knossos, transformed the governance system, and significantly expanded wine production. Rural activity surged, and archaeologists have found large numbers of amphorae (clay jars used for transporting wine) suggesting that Cretan wine was exported in huge quantities.

    Romans bought so much Cretan wine partly because of shipping routes. Grain shipments that helped feed the people of Rome frequently stopped at Crete en route from Alexandria to Italy, allowing merchants to load additional cargo. But demand was also driven by the reputation of Cretan raisin wine, which was considered a luxury product, much like Italy’s appassimento wines today. Beyond taste, it was also valued for supposed medicinal properties. The Roman army physician Pedanius Dioscorides wrote in his famous five-volume medical work Materia Medica that the wine cured headaches, expelled worms and even promoted fertility.

    The sudden rise in demand for sweet Cretan wine in Rome and on the Bay of Naples in the early days of empire may have encouraged winemakers to speed up production.

    Pliny the Elder described one shortcut for making raisin wine – boiling grape juice in large pots. However, the mixing basins found at Knossos show no evidence of heating. This suggests another possibility: adding honey to wine before packaging. The beehives, excavated from Roman-era pottery kilns and identifiable by their rough interior surfaces designed for honeycomb attachment, hint at a connection between winemaking and honey. Similar discoveries at other Greek sites suggest that honey and wine may have been mixed before shipping.

    This method would have been quicker and cheaper than drying grapes for weeks. But if Cretan producers were substituting honey for traditional drying techniques, was this truly raisin wine? And, were Roman consumers aware? The vast quantities of Cretan wine imported into Rome suggest that buyers weren’t too concerned either way. Based on the sheer volume of now-empty wine amphoras from Crete that have been found in archaeological sites in Rome, I suspect that the populous of Rome likely cared less about authenticity than we do today.

    Conor Trainor receives funding from University College Dublin, the British School at Athens, and previously for this research, the University of Warwick.

    – ref. How I uncovered a potential ancient Rome wine scam – https://theconversation.com/how-i-uncovered-a-potential-ancient-rome-wine-scam-258215

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: No packaging, no problem? The potential drawbacks of bulk groceries

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Fanny Reniou, Maître de conférences HDR, Université de Rennes 1 – Université de Rennes

    High-income professionals over the age of 50 make up 70% of all consumers of bulk products.
     DCStudio/Shutterstock

    The bulk distribution model has been in the news again lately, with well-known brands such as The Laughing Cow making their way into French supermarkets. Stakeholders in the bulk sector are seeking to introduce innovations in order to expand and democratise the concept. But is the bulk model such a clear-cut approach to consuming in a sustainable way?

    Bulk can be described as a consumer practice with a lower impact on the environment, since it involves the sale of products with no packaging, plastic or unnecessary waste and the use of reusable containers by consumers. In this type of distribution, predetermined manufacturer packaging becomes a thing of the past.

    In this model, distributors and consumers take on the task of packaging the product themselves to ensure the continuity of the multiple logistical and marketing functions that packaging usually fulfils. Unaccustomed to this new role, stakeholders in the bulk sector may make mistakes or act in ways that run counter to the environmental benefits that are generally expected to result from this practice.

    Contrary to the usually positive discourse on bulk products, our research points to the perverse and harmful effects of bulk distribution. When bulk stakeholders are left to “cope with” this new task of packaging products, can bulk still be described as ecologically sound?

    A new approach to packaging

    Packaging has always played a key role. It performs multiple functions that are essential for product distribution and consumption:

    • Logistical functions to preserve, protect and store the product: packaging helps to limit damage and loss, particularly during transport.

    • Marketing functions for product or brand recognition, which is achieved by distinctive colours or shapes to create on-shelf appeal. Packaging also has a positioning function, visually conveying a particular range level, as well as an informative function, serving as a medium for communicating a number of key elements such as composition, best-before date, etc.

    • Environmental functions, such as limiting the size of packaging and promoting certain types of materials – in particular recycled and recyclable materials.

    In the bulk market, it is up to consumers and distributors to fulfil these various functions in their own way: they may give them greater or lesser importance, giving priority to some over others. Insofar as manufacturers no longer offer predetermined packaging for their products, consumers and distributors have to take on this task jointly.

    Assimilation or accommodation

    Our study of how consumers and retailers appropriate these packaging functions used a variety of data: 54 interviews with bulk aisle and store managers and consumers of bulk products, as well as 190 Instagram posts and 428 photos taken in people’s homes and in stores.

    The study shows that there are two modes of appropriating packaging functions:

    • by assimilation – when individuals find ways to imitate typical packaging and its attributes

    • by accommodation – when they imagine new packaging and new ways of working with it

    Bulk packaging can lead to hygiene problems if consumers reuse packaging for a new purpose.
    GaldricPS/Shutterstock

    Some consumers reuse industrial packaging, such as egg cartons and detergent cans, because of their proven practicality. But packaging may also mirror its owners’ identity. Some packaging is cobbled together, while other packaging is carefully chosen with an emphasis on certain materials like wax, a fabric popular in West Africa and used for reusable bags.


    A weekly e-mail in English featuring expertise from scholars and researchers. It provides an introduction to the diversity of research coming out of the continent and considers some of the key issues facing European countries. Get the newsletter!

    Once packaging disappears, so does relevant information

    Appropriating the functions of packaging is not always easy. There is a “dark side” to bulk, with possible harmful effects on health or the environment, and social exclusion. Bulk can lead, for example, to hygiene-related problems or misinformation when consumers fail to label their jars correctly, or use packaging for another purpose. For example, using a glass juice bottle to store detergent can be hazardous if a household member is unaware of its contents.

    Bulk shopping can also appear exclusive for people with less culinary education. (High-income professionals over the age of 50 make up 70% of all consumers of bulk products.) Once the packaging disappears, so does the relevant information. Some consumers actually do need packaging to recognize, store and know how to cook a product. Without this information, products may end up in the garbage can!

    Our study also shows the ambivalence of the so-called “environmental function” of bulk shopping – the initial idea being that bulk should reduce the amount of waste generated by packaging. In fact, this function is not always fulfilled, as many consumers tend to buy a great deal of containers along with other items, such as labels, pens and so on, to customise them.

    Some consumers’ priority is not so much to reuse old packaging, but to buy new storage containers, which are often manufactured in faraway lands! The result is the production of massive amounts of waste – the exact opposite of the original purpose of the bulk trade.

    Lack of consumer guidance

    After a period of strong growth, the bulk sector went through a difficult period during the Covid-19 pandemic, leading to closures for many specialist stores in France, according to a first survey on bulk and on reuse. In supermarkets though, some retailers invested to make their bulk aisles more attractive – though in the absence of any effective guidance, consumers failed to make them their own. Bulk aisles have become just one among a host of other aisles.

    Things seem to be improving however, and innovation is on the rise. In France, 58% of the members of the “Bulk and Reuse Network” (réseau Vrac et réemploi) reported an increase in daily traffic between January and May 2023 compared with 2022.

    Distributors need to adapt to changing regulations. These stipulate that, by 2030, stores of over 400 m2 will have to devote 20% of their FMCG (Fast-Moving Consumer Goods) sales areas to bulk sales. Moreover, bulk sales made their official entry into French legislation with the law on the fight against waste and the circular economy (loi relative à la lutte contre le gaspillage et à l’économie circulaire) published in the French official gazette on February 11, 2020.

    In this context, it is all the more necessary and urgent to support bulk stakeholders, so that they can successfully adopt the practice and develop it further.

    Fanny Reniou has received funding from Biocoop as part of a research partnership.

    Elisa Robert-Monnot has received funding from Biocoop as part of a research partnership and collaboration.

    Sarah Lasri ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

    – ref. No packaging, no problem? The potential drawbacks of bulk groceries – https://theconversation.com/no-packaging-no-problem-the-potential-drawbacks-of-bulk-groceries-258305

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-Evening Report: New Zealand’s ‘symbolic’ sanctions on Israel too little, too late, say opposition parties

    By Russell Palmer, RNZ News political reporter

    Opposition parties say Aotearoa New Zealand’s government should be going much further, much faster in sanctioning Israel.

    Foreign Minister Winston Peters overnight revealed New Zealand had joined Australia, Canada, the UK and Norway in imposing travel bans on Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

    Some of the partner countries went further, adding asset freezes and business restrictions on the far-right ministers.

    Peters said the pair had used their leadership positions to actively undermine peace and security and remove prospects for a two-state solution.

    Israel and the United States criticised the sanctions, with the US saying it undermined progress towards a ceasefire.

    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, attending Fieldays in Waikato, told reporters New Zealand still enjoyed a good relationship with the US administration, but would not be backing down.

    “We have a view that this is the right course of action for us,” he said.

    Behind the scenes job
    “We have differences in approach but the Americans are doing an excellent job of behind the scenes trying to get Israel and the Palestinians to the table to talk about a ceasefire.”

    Asked if there could be further sanctions, Luxon said the government was “monitoring the situation all the time”.

    Peters has been busy travelling in Europe and was unavailable to be interviewed. ACT — probably the most vocally pro-Israel party in Parliament — refused to comment on the situation.

    The opposition parties also backed the move, but argued the government should have gone much further.

    Greens co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick has since December been urging the coalition to back her bill imposing economic sanctions on Israel. With support from Labour and Te Pāti Māori it would need just six MPs to cross the floor to pass.

    Calling the Israeli actions in Gaza “genocide”, she told RNZ the government’s sanctions fell far short of those imposed on Russia.

    “This is symbolic, and it’s unfortunate that it’s taken so long to get to this point, nearly two years . . .  the Minister of Foreign Affairs also invoked the similarities with Russia in his statement this morning, yet we have seen far less harsh sanctions applied to Israel.

    “We’re well past the time for first steps.”

    ‘Cowardice’ by government
    The pushback from the US was “probably precisely part of the reason that our government has been so scared of doing the right thing”, she said, calling it “cowardice” on the government’s part.

    “What else are you supposed to call it at the end of the day?,” she said, saying at a bare minimum the Israeli ambassador should be expelled, Palestinian statehood should be recognised, and a special category of visas for Palestinians should be introduced.

    She rejected categorisation of her stance as anti-semitic, saying that made no sense.

    “If we are critiquing a government of a certain country, that is not the same thing as critiquing the people of that country. I think it’s actually far more anti-semitic to conflate the actions of the Israeli government with the entire Jewish peoples.”

    Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer . . . “It’s not a war, it’s an annihilation”. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer said the sanctions were political hypocrisy.

    “When it comes to war, human rights and the extent of violence and genocide that we’re seeing, Palestine is its own independent nation . . .  why is this government sanctioning only two ministers? They should be sanctioning the whole of Israel,” she said.

    “These two Israel far right ministers don’t act alone. They belong to an entire Israel government which has used its military might and everything it can possibly do to bombard, to murder and to commit genocide and occupy Gaza and the West Bank.”

    Suspend diplomatic ties
    She also wanted all diplomatic ties with Israel suspended, along with sanctions against Israeli companies, military officials and additional support for the international courts — also saying the government should have done more.

    “This government has been doing everything to do nothing . . .  to appease allies that have dangerously overstepped unjustifiable marks, and they should not be silent.

    “It’s not a war, it’s an annihilation, it’s an absolute annihilation of human beings . . .  we’re way out there supporting those allies that are helping to weaponise Israel and the flattening and the continual cruel occupation of a nation, and it’s just nothing that I thought in my living days I’d be witnessing.”

    She said the government should be pushing back against “a very polarised, very Trump attitude” to the conflict.

    “Trumpism has arrived in Aotearoa . . .  and we continue to go down that line, that is a really frightening part for this beautiful nation of ours.

    “As a nation, we have a different set of values. We’re a Pacific-based country with a long history of going against the grain – the mainstream, easy grind. We’ve been a peaceful, loving nation that stood up against the big boys when it came to our anti nuclear stance and that’s our role in this, our role is not to follow blindly.”

    Undermining two-state solution
    In a statement, Labour’s foreign affairs spokesperson Peeni Henare said the actions of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir had attempted to undermine the two-state solution and international law, and described the situation in Gaza as horrific.

    “The travel bans echo the sanctions placed on Russian individuals and organisations that supported the illegal invasion of Ukraine,” he said.

    He called for further action.

    “Labour has been calling for stronger action from the government on Israel’s invasion of Gaza, including intervening in South Africa’s case against Israel in the International Court of Justice, creation of a special visa for family members of New Zealanders fleeing Gaza, and ending government procurement from companies operating illegally in the Occupied Territories.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –