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  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Killing is part of their life’: the men raised on violence who are both perpetrators and victims as South Sudan faces return to civil war

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Heidi Riley, Adjunct Research Fellow, University College Dublin, and Affiliate Researcher in the Department of War Studies, King’s College London

    *Some pseudonyms are used to protect the identities of interviewees.

    “I saw a lot of suffering.” The old man, Lokwi, gestures towards the woman cooking beside their hut as he talks. “The husband of this woman … was killed here.”

    The woman is Lokwi’s sister-in-law. He is recalling the day in 1988 when his brother was killed by soldiers from the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). Lokwi was still a child when the SPLA captured the town of Kapoeta and surrounding settlements, where he lived with his family. The day his brother was killed, everybody was forced to leave:

    There was nothing good that day … They burned all the villages and the soldiers attacked the civilians. People were scattered.

    South Sudan – a central African country of around 11.5 million people split in half by the White Nile – suffered decades of conflict prior to gaining independence from the rest of Sudan in 2011. While independence brought optimism, this was thwarted two years later by internal disputes among the ruling parties that led to a resurgence of the violence.

    While a ceasefire was brokered in 2018 and a power-sharing agreement signed between opposing political factions, there has been a lack of political will to implement it. The dire economic situation, worsening food insecurity driven by climate change and political instability, and legacies of ethnic rivalries continue to perpetuate ethnically motivated violence and distrust between communities. In April, the head of the UN mission in South Sudan, Nicholas Haysom, warned that the world’s youngest nation is once again on the brink of civil war.

    Amid this resurgence of violence, Lokwi – who is from the Toposa community – continues to be haunted by memories of the attack that killed his brother. Sitting under the shade of a tree in the village where it took place, he explains how he fled into the bush and survived for days on wild fruit until, starving, he managed to get to the town of Narus, where he was given some food by a local Dinka man.

    When Lokwi finally returned to his village, he found everything destroyed by fire – huts, livestock and granaries “all burned”. Whereas he decided to start again and rebuild the village, his surviving brother, now living in Narus, promised “never to step in this land again because of the memories and pain”.

    Today, Lokwi works as a peace activist in South Sudan. He spends a lot of time encouraging people in his village and the surrounding area to engage in peaceful dialogue with rival groups – and to resist violence. With an expression of concern, he explains the difficulties he faces in dissuading young men from engaging in violence:

    When I tell them to stop the conflict … we have homes and families who listen and stay calm, but other individuals like the [male] youths don’t listen, they still create problems.

    South Sudan’s long history of cattle raiding

    Over the course of 2024, Anna Adiyo Sebit and three other South Sudanese researchers interviewed more than 400 men and women from South Sudan’s Toposa and Nuer communities as part of the XCEPT programme. This programme, based at King’s College London, seeks to understand the role that conflict-related trauma plays in influencing who engages in violence and who doesn’t.

    As well as inter-ethnic fighting, South Sudan has a long history of cattle raiding. Cattle are central to the pastoralist communities which make up over half of the population, including ethnic groups such as the Dinka, Nuer and Toposa.

    In most rural households, financial capital is typically held in livestock, mainly cows – which are also required for dowry payments and as compensation for any crimes committed. This places high value on cattle ownership, meaning that raiding and inter-community disputes over cattle are common.

    Among South Sudan’s rural households, much of the financial capital is held in cows.
    Diego Delso via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-NC-SA

    And whereas these disputes were once fought with sticks, stones and spears, years of political conflict have left the country awash with guns – so cattle raiding has become a lethal activity. As one old man who described himself as a “retired warrior” explained:

    In our grandparents’ and grand ancestors’ [time], in battles or fighting we used stones, pangas, sticks, spears and arrows. [At this time there were] rare fights or raids waged against [other] tribes … But after the introduction of AK-47 machine guns, it accelerated [to] higher numbers of raids and increased casualties in both communities.

    Among these pastoralist communities, gender norms determine that where women and girls are tasked with maintaining domestic life, including sustaining subsistence farming and constructing huts, men are expected to keep and secure cattle. Many young men are active in cattle camps, which are in areas with better pastures where cows are taken to graze – but can be vulnerable to raids from other ethnic groups.

    In many parts of rural South Sudan, young men are expected to fight to secure and protect their livelihood – including achieving the required “bride price” for their marriage to go ahead. Successful cattle raids can earn a young man respect among his peers.

    But the trauma of experiencing violence from a young age, as so many of these young men have, is likely to be a factor in the perpetuation of various forms of violence in adulthood, including the prevalence of revenge killings.

    The high rates of violence are also having a devastating impact on women and girls in South Sudan. According to a 2024 UN Population Fund study, 65% of women and girls have experienced some form of gender-based violence, of which intimate partner violence is the most prevalent. The UN Mission in South Sudan has also reported a steep increase in sexual violence and abductions of women and girls by armed groups in 2024.

    Aware of the prevalence of violence against women by cattle youth, Lokwi speaks of confronting the issue at community meetings in his village where he brings together members of rival communities:

    The youths are also part of the meeting. Everybody is given the chance from both communities to talk, and we tell them ‘stop killing women in the bush’. I tell them that women are the ones who give birth to generations, and [ask]: ‘Why do you kill women?’ [Some] will feel touched and listen and stop – but there are other individuals [for] whom killing is part of their life … They will still kill women.

    Masculine expectations

    In South Sudan, like many countries, masculine expectations that associate men with being the provider or protector, and with characteristics of strength, stoicism and bravery, play an important role in how men experience trauma and the coping mechanisms they use.

    Men are often socialised into suppressing emotions such as sadness or hurt. As a result, alternative outlets for dealing with trauma and stress can manifest in more violent or aggressive emotions.

    I have spent many years researching how societal expectations of masculinity play into the way men respond to traumatic experiences. In narratives of wartime suffering, our understanding of male trauma is often overshadowed by the association of masculinity with the perpetration of violence.

    While not all men suffering from trauma respond in the same way, research by the Brazilian NGO Promundo has found that men and boys are more likely than women and girls to exhibit maladaptive coping behaviour such as risk-taking, low physical activity, withdrawal and self-harm – or violence in its multiple forms. There is also evidence that rates of alcohol and substance abuse are higher among men affected by trauma or high levels of stress.

    Psychological studies suggest a link between masculine norms, emotional restriction, and PTSD symptoms. As such, men are less likely to seek help or open up to others about the difficulties they are experiencing. This in turn increases their risk of developing negative coping mechanisms.

    During conflict or in situations of acute food insecurity, daily stresses through an inability to fulfil masculine expectations can become particularly acute – and lead to increasingly violent behaviour. This pattern emerges in many of the interviews conducted for the XCEPT project.

    SPLA soldiers in 2016: the head of the UN mission in South Sudan has warned the country is back on the brink of civil war.
    Jason Patinkin (Voice Of America) via Wikimedia Commons

    Eric, from the South Sudan state of Eastern Equatoria, lost his father when he was ten. His father was a fairly wealthy man but after his death, that wealth was passed on to Eric’s uncles on his father’s side, rather than his mother or her three co-wives. (The tradition of inheritance passing to male relatives is reflective of women’s lack of economic independence in rural South Sudan.)

    Eric was then required to respect his uncles as stepfathers as they became the de facto authority over his mother, her co-wives and their children. As the oldest son, he endured years of beatings from his stepfathers, as well as witnessing violence by them against his mother.

    Upon reaching adulthood, Eric said he realised he was able to escape the “catastrophic mistreatment from his stepfathers” and needed to “adventure” for his own survival. However, due to food shortages, survival meant engaging in cattle raiding.

    On his first raid, his “warrior group” secured a herd of cattle by killing the cattle owner. Eric was granted four cows – but apart from one, these had to be handed over to his stepfathers. As he explained:

    On my arrival, people in my village were excited to see me back without any injuries and I brought these cows. On [the] spot, my stepfathers took them. As in [the] culture of Toposa, anything from your enemies belongs to elder people. I was only left with one cow.

    On his second raid, Eric secured 30 goats, of which his stepfathers allowed him to keep ten.

    Aware of the suffering that this raiding had caused and now with an established reputation as a “warrior”, Eric then stepped back from raiding and used the ten goats to breed more. This gave him the resources for marriage and to start a family – but he carried the legacy of his involvement in the killings during past raids, and the knowledge that he was now a target for retaliatory violence. He explained:

    So far, I have killed six enemies; hence am also included as a warrior in my community. I do not want them [the enemy] to know my name because they will kill me if they know me.

    For Eric and many other men like him in South Sudan, it is difficult to show emotions such as sadness or fear, as this could be interpreted as a sign of weakness. Our researcher and interviewer, Anna Adiyo Sebit, describes the expectations placed on men in her culture: “As a man, even when someone dies, you do not shed a tear, especially in front of women. Instead, you cry from your heart inside.”

    The trauma of war

    Ten years ago, while conducting fieldwork in Nepal for my PhD and book, I interviewed more than 60 former members of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to examine how their participation in the civil war – known as the People’s War – affected notions of masculinity within the armed group.

    While I never asked about trauma or psychological difficulties, it became clear these were present for many of the men – just never explicitly spoken about. Instead, they would talk about their sense of disillusionment or lack of ability to fulfil societal expectations of masculinity – all the while, carefully keeping their emotions in check.

    These emotions would only surface in more casual conversations over tea or food, following the formal interviews. In these moments, the men revealed a more vulnerable side – often expressing sadness, frustration, and a desire to share their more personal stories.

    It was a clear shift from the displays of hardened masculinity in their narratives of the battlefield. Some of these informal exchanges hinted at signs of PTSD – for example, in their descriptions of flashbacks, sleep difficulties and short temperedness. One young man who was extremely polite and courteous became very fidgety after the end of the interview. He told me: “In the night I can’t sleep, because I hear bomb blasts inside my head.”

    Another, clearly proud of his role in the People’s War, recounted his bravery on the battlefield. Yet, when he spoke of the six months of torture he had endured in police custody, his composure faltered and he struggled to hold back tears. He showed me a photo of his three-year-old child, saying: “This is why I will never return to battle.”

    What I encountered was men who appeared uneasy about expressing emotions as this runs contrary to masculine expectations, but were also frustrated at a lack of outlets to tell their story.

    During one interview with a former PLA member in the western district of Bardiya, I noticed a group of ex-PLA fighters gathered at the boundary of his home after they had heard an interview was taking place. As my interpreter and I were leaving, a thin man at the front of the crowd began shouting aggressively at us.

    Having initially assumed his anger was directed at my presence in the area, I realised it stemmed from his frustration at not being selected for an interview. “Why does everyone always want to interview you?” he shouted at the man I had just spoken to. The former fighter’s anger, fuelled by alcohol, appeared to reflect his frustration at lacking a platform to share his own story.

    From Nepal in 2016 to South Sudan in 2024, amid the violence and trauma of war and the daily expectations of masculinity associated with being a provider and protector, there appeared to be few outlets through which these men could talk freely about their emotions, tell their stories, and admit their mental health difficulties.

    Many of the men interviewed in South Sudan had been involved in violent clashes involving killings at some point in their lives. In interviews carried out in Kapoeta North, a county in eastern Equatoria, some men reported having constant flashbacks to the sounds of gunshots – when they tried to sleep at night, these sounds would “become real”, stopping them getting any proper rest:

    Sometimes you can wake up in the middle of the night and find yourself trembling as if these people are coming for you.

    One man explained how he would get up in the night to follow a “black shadow” like a ghost. When community members would run after him to stop him, he would become “hostile and behave like he wants to kill everyone” – because, he explained, he saw his friend being killed on the battlefield and the memory of this would not leave him, especially in the night.

    A woman described how, when young men are involved in “killing”, their “mind is not functioning well”. Contextualising this claim she explained: “There was this man who got traumatised due to the ongoing conflict of raiding. He fought many battles until the gunshot sound affected his brain and made him crazy.”

    She then described a man who could not accept his friend had died in a cattle camp raid and insisted on returning to the battlefield, even though the community told him not to. “After confirming [his friend’s death] he ran mad and became confused. We say that such a person had his heart broken by the incident he witnessed, and we say he is mad.”

    Men whose companions have been killed can become fixated on revenge, as Sebit explains, “It will torture their mind until they go and avenge the death of the person that was killed.” Some will encourage them to take revenge but others, like Lokwi, are trying to discourage revenge killings and working towards peaceful resolution of disputes through dialogue.

    Societal expectations of masculinity

    The link between societal expectations of masculinity, trauma and violent behaviour among men is important in better understanding ongoing insecurities in rural South Sudan. A man is supposed to own cows in order to gain respect from their community. Without these, they can be rejected – leading to feelings of isolation, despair and a fear of ridicule.

    As noted by another elderly interviewee: “If a man does not go for raiding, he will be cursed by elders. [In contrast], if he comes back with cows, people will celebrate – and if he dies, people will say he died as a warrior.”

    It can be a vicious circle. If you do not get cows when you raid another community, this may lead to further feelings of shame – driving the young men to put themselves at further risk. In a state of stress and having grown up in a culture of conflict, they may regard themselves as having no choice but to risk death in the quest for cows. Those who have been orphaned or do not have other family members to support them can be particularly vulnerable to this.

    A young boy brandishes an immitation pistol made of mud in South Sudan’s capital, Juba.
    Richard Juilliart/Shutterstock

    Such concerns about masculinity emerge in many of the interviews with young men in South Sudan – and also in discussions with support workers there. Catholic Relief Services (CRS) is one of the few organisations in South Sudan who have run trauma awareness training for men. A local CRS programme manager, Luol, explained to me in an online meeting how men’s worries about marriage rights can spiral into acts of violence:

    What is actually happening in [young men’s] brains is they are thinking: ‘Okay, I am 18 or 17 years old now, in the next two years I have to have my partner at home, but I don’t have resources. [So] the best way to get resources is to raid or steal people’s properties.’ This is the thinking of war. This is the thinking of a person who has been exposed to conflict – that the best way to get resources is to raid from somebody.

    In another meeting, Luol described his experience of facilitating trauma awareness programmes with men. He explained that “many of the men have participated in cattle raiding and have seen horrific kinds of events such as, seeing somebody [being] killed, and [they] can be traumatised because [they] participated in that war [raid].”

    Luol described one young man who came and spoke to him after the first day of training:

    He wanted to testify that he’s now recovering from his trauma because he participated in the war and he saw children and women being killed and when he returned home, he saw [in] his own children, the children who were killed, and he cried, he felt ashamed for participating and playing a part in this. And he was trying to recover from that effect of trauma. And that’s very common. Most of the young men who participate in war come back traumatised.

    The importance of such outlets for men to come and talk together about their emotions was emphasised in our meeting. For cultural reasons, neither individual counselling sessions nor sessions including women would be acceptable to the men.As noted by another local CRS staff member :

    If women are in that group, the men are likely not to talk about [trauma] because of masculinity issues. They don’t want the women to hear men accepting weakness or vulnerability … But if the men are talking alone [about] their life they will say: ‘Yes, this is what happened to me, and this is how we can move forward.’

    While these sessions are not supposed to be a form of restorative justice or “amnesty” for crimes committed, Luol explained that opening up about feelings of guilt in the small group is helpful in addressing “displaced anger” that can manifest in continued violence in the community, clan or in the family.

    CRS Trauma Awareness and Social Cohesion programmes also encourage discussions of alternatives to violence or cattle raiding, presenting a longer-term life vision for those present. According to one attendee, his less traumatised brain allows for rational thinking such as: “If I start cultivating this year and I want to marry in two or three years’ time, I’ll be able to produce the crops, sell them in the market, and then buy cows if I need to buy cows.”

    The programme was piloted in South Sudan’s Greater Jonglei State in 2014 using CRS private funding. Three years later it secured funding from USAID after “demonstrating its value”. In 2020, with additional funding from the EU, the programme was expanded to areas of Eastern Equatoria. While the programme has now ended with the completion of its funding cycle, CRS continues to seek future funding to re-establish the initiative.

    Soldiers celebrate the anniversary of South Sudan’s independence day, which briefly brought peace.
    Richard Juilliart/Shutterstock

    ‘Everything gets destroyed’

    While recognising that most men do not engage in violence, the reality is men are overwhelmingly responsible for violence when it does occur. This is the case in South Sudan as in all countries. It is therefore vital to engage with men, not just as perpetrators of violence but as potential peacemakers.

    Unfortunately, gender stereotyping within the humanitarian and donor sector has resulted in a lack of trauma response targeted at men. Instead, men and boys tend to be framed as perpetual perpetrators of violence and discrimination – as “emasculated troublemakers” not worth engaging with, or at best by the “men can cope by themselves” narrative.

    Wider research by XCEPT has found that out of 12 humanitarian organisations interviewed in northern Syria, northern Iraq and South Sudan, only two had programmes specifically targeted at men. The situation appears little changed from the conclusion reached in the 2021 Promondo report, which stated:

    This de-prioritisation of boys and men in emergency response is rooted in donors’ and international organisations’ lack of political will to meaningfully acknowledge that vulnerability exists beyond women and girls … Chronic inattention to boys and men has resulted in programs, services and spaces not being sufficiently tailored to meet their needs.

    This not only has an impact on men and boys’ wellbeing. It also fails to take on board the reality that unaddressed trauma among men correlates with increases in community violence, revenge killings, cattle raiding and gender-based violence suffered by women and girls. As an international CRS staff member explained:

    Unless donors have a way of facing [the reality of trauma] and addressing it in all interventions, all the money we’re spending on health programs and infrastructure programs and education programs and whatever it is, it’s just money down the drain. Because eventually, everything gets destroyed in violence.

    For you: more from our Insights series:

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    Heidi Riley receives funding from the Cross-Border Conflict Evidence, Policy and Trends (XCEPT) research programme, funded by UK International Development from the UK government. (Views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies.) She also received funding from the Irish Research Council for the Nepal research mentioned. Sincere thanks to Anna Adiyo Sebit, expert researcher with Catholic Relief Services in South Sudan, for her fieldwork and other contributions to this article.

    – ref. ‘Killing is part of their life’: the men raised on violence who are both perpetrators and victims as South Sudan faces return to civil war – https://theconversation.com/killing-is-part-of-their-life-the-men-raised-on-violence-who-are-both-perpetrators-and-victims-as-south-sudan-faces-return-to-civil-war-256177

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: View from the Hill: Liberals and Nationals patch things up and announce a shadow ministry

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Two Victorian Liberal women, Jane Hume and Sarah Henderson, have been dumped and a key numbers man has been promoted from the backbench to the shadow cabinet in the new frontbench announced by Coalition leaders Sussan Ley and David Littleproud.

    Hume was the high-profile finance spokeswoman last term and central in the disastrous work-from-home election policy debacle.

    Henderson was shadow education minister, and complained after the election about not being able to get some of her policy out. She said in a statement she was “very disappointed” not to be included in the shadow ministry. “I regret that a number of high performing Liberal women have been overlooked or demoted in the new ministry”.

    Alex Hawke, who was numbers man for Scott Morrison, and has played that role for Ley, becomes shadow minister for industry and innovation as well as manager of opposition business in the House of Representatives.

    The shadow ministry was unveiled after a Nationals party meeting earlier on Wednesday formally signed off on re-forming the Coalition, just over a week after it had dramatically split.

    Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, who defected from the Nationals in a vain hope of becoming deputy Liberal leader, is shadow minister for defence industry, outside the shadow cabinet. Price has lost out by her move – she would have been in the shadow cabinet if she had stayed in the Nationals. She indicated on Wednesday night she would continue to speak widely on issues.

    The post of “government efficiency” that Peter Dutton created for Price has been scrapped.

    As expected, Liberal deputy Ted O’Brien, who carried the nuclear debate for the opposition in the last term, becomes shadow treasurer. The deputy leader has the right to choose their own portfolio.

    Apart from O’Brien, the opposition economic team includes James Paterson in finance, Andrew Bragg in productivity, deregulation and housing, and Tim Wilson in industrial relations, employment and small business.

    This is a promotion for Paterson, considered a good performer on national security issues last term, and a big reward for Wilson for dislodging teal MP Zoe Daniel. There is a partial recount in Wilson’s seat of Goldstein at Daniel’s request, but he is considered safe.

    The opposition’s Senate leader Michaelia Cash receives the plum job of shadow foreign minister, while Angus Taylor, who ran unsuccessfully for leader, becomes shadow defence minister.

    Andrew Hastie, who wanted to move from the defence post, is in home affairs. Hastie decided not to run for leader after the election but is seen as positioning himself for a bid at some point in the future. He told the ABC this week: “Timing is really important in political life”.

    Kerrynne Liddle is shadow minister for Indigenous Australians, as well as having social services. Angie Bell becomes shadow minister for the environment while Dan Tehan is spokesman on energy and emissions reduction.

    Jonathon Duniam becomes education spokesman. Julian Leeser takes over shadow attorney-general, a position he held early last term before he resigned over the Voice.

    The Nationals, who wanted a stronger economic voice, have
    won the position of shadow assistant treasurer, which goes to Pat Conaghan.

    For their part, the Liberals have sliced off part of the infrastructure portfolio, held by the Nationals’ Bridget Mckenzie, to create a new shadow ministry for urban infrastructure and cities, which goes to Queensland senator James McGrath.

    Gisele Kapterian, who as of late Wednesday was only three votes ahead of teal Nicolette Boele for the Sydney seat of Bradfield, will become a shadow assistant minister if she wins.

    For Ley, the shadow frontbench reflects a juggling act of rewarding supporters while seeking to not excessively alienate those who opposed her.

    She was reluctant to be drawn on her dumping of Hume, who supported Taylor in the leadership. “I don’t reflect on private conversations. I will say this; These are tough days and having been through many days like this myself in my parliamentary career, I recognise that.”

    Tensions in the Nationals

    Though the Coalition is back together, ructions within the Nationals are continuing, with the longer-term implications for Littleproud unclear.

    Two former Nationals leaders, Michael McCormack and Barnaby Joyce, have been excluded from frontbench positions. Both had been critical of breaking the Coalition.

    McCormack welcomed the Coalition rejoining, but said “we should never have been apart”. Of his exclusion from the frontbench, he told reporter in his home city of Wagga Wagga, “I’m disappointed, but life goes on”.

    Nationals Colin Boyce, from Queensland, attacked Littleproud on Wednesday saying, “How can you support a bloke who misled the party room?” Boyce, speaking on Sky, said the party room had not been told “the whole truth about the conversations, the letters, the little extras that were demanded”.

    It was later revealed Littleproud had asked for Nationals shadow ministry to have freedom to freelance on policy. This was rejected by Ley, which Littleproud then accepted.

    The Coalition now faces a defining coming battle over whether to stay committed to the target of reducing emissions to net zero by 2050.

    Joyce – under whom the Nationals signed up to net zero – flagged he would push for change.

    He said net zero was a disaster for the economy and the environment, and most importantly for “poor people because they can’t afford their power bills”.

    Nationals senator Matt Canavan, who ran for the leadership against Littleproud, is a constant campaigner against net zero.

    Hastie this week described net zero as “a straitjacket that I’m already getting out of”.

    Ley was confident she and Littleproud could work well together. “Personally, David and I will be friends. I think a woman who got her start in the shearing sheds of western Queensland can always find something to talk about over a steak and a beer, David, with you, the person who represents those communities now.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. View from the Hill: Liberals and Nationals patch things up and announce a shadow ministry – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-liberals-and-nationals-patch-things-up-and-announce-a-shadow-ministry-257335

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Gandang Ahung of the Dayak people: More than a gong ensemble, a way of life at risk

    Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Muhammad Rayhan Sudrajat, Ethnomusicologist & Lecturer, Universitas Katolik Parahyangan

    It was first started one morning in 2015. I travelled 109 kilometres from Palangka Raya to a village in the Katingan River basin, Central Kalimantan. When I entered the village, I could feel the sound of the Gandang Ahung, the sacred gong ensemble used in the Tiwah death ceremony, vibrating in my chest. Its frequency filled the entire space, uniting humans, spirits, and nature in a single breath. Some people closed their eyes; even the forest outside seemed to hum along.

    Amidst the chanting, the ritual began: participants danced around the field where the Tiwah ceremony was held. Their distinctive hand and foot movements followed the rhythm. Baram, a traditional liquor from Katingan, was then shared among the dancers.

    The sound of Gandang Ahung lingered in the air, summoning spirits from the river’s rise and fall to partake in the sacred offering of blood. It opened the path to the upper realm —Lewu Rami je dia Kasene Beti Lewu Tatau Habaras Bulau Rundung Janah dia Bakalesu Uhat — the radiant village beyond time, where souls find rest in Hindu-Kaharingan cosmology.

    Gandang Ahung is not only a form of cultural heritage, but an inseparable part of how the Katingan Awa Dayak community understands life, death, and their relationship with nature.

    However, this sacred ritual is now threatened due to the rampant deforestation in Kalimantan. Cultural shifts brought by modernisation are also slowly eroding not only the physical environment, but also the soundscape, cosmology, and rituals like Tiwah. If these sounds disappear, so too might the worldview passed down through generations..

    Tiwah ceremony: The echo of living tradition

    In the Katingan Awa Dayak tradition, Tiwah is regarded as the second-level death ceremony, conducted long after the initial or first-level funeral. The first stage involves the immediate handling of the body, burial, and essential rites to initiate the soul’s journey—considered a temporary phase, as the soul remains in transition.

    The second-level Tiwah, serves as the final ritual to guide the soul to the afterlife, reunite it with ancestors, and restore harmony between humans, spirits, and nature. It includes the exhumation and ceremonial cleansing of the bones, reburial in a family bone house (pambak), and is marked by extensive communal offerings, music, and dance.

    There are no “spectators” in the ceremony: all villagers are participants. Children help, the pisur (religious leaders) lead, and the entire community listens not just with their ears but with their full presence. For months, families, neighbors, and religious leaders work together to prepare this procession.

    In Tiwah, sound is not merely entertainment. It becomes a language to speak to spirits, to remember the departed, and to reconnect the fragile web of life.

    Gandang Ahung, with its echoes and vibrations, plays a central role in the ceremony: It opens the way for the liau (spirits) to reach Lewu Tatau.

    Gandang Ahung can be carried anywhere, depending on the needs of the ritual. Interestingly, the instrument never sounds the same from one location to another, corresponding to the space where it is played. This shows how its sound is inseparable from surrounding land, rivers, and trees.

    Unlike how music comes through notation, tempo, and technique in the West, sound flows from relationships in the Katingan Awa community. The player, the community, and the spirits shape the sound. The player does not simply follow the beat – he adjusts his strokes to the dancer’s body movements.

    The tone is not dictated by a written score but arises from feeling — what is “right” in the moment. Here, in the ritual space, sound becomes a mode of communication, not merely a performance.

    Some pisur I spoke with explained that the rhythm of Gandang Ahung is not measured in beats, but guided by breath and intuition. The beats are slow for the Tiwah ceremony to accompany the Manganjan dance, a dance specifically for the Tiwah ceremony.

    Fading with forest loss

    Deforestation, river pollution, and the displacement of Indigenous communities threaten not only the physical environment and its biodiversity — they also erase the acoustic landscapes embedded in local rituals and cosmology.

    When forests are lost, sounds like Gandang Ahung and their profound meanings also slowly fade. The Gandang Ahung is not merely played — it is brought to life in rituals deeply rooted in nature: from the wood used to craft the drums, to the ceremonial space in the village heart, to the spirits believed to inhabit trees, rivers, and lakes.

    As forests are cleared for palm oil plantations, the space for these sacred sounds disappears — along with the communities’ ways of understanding life, death, and their bond with nature.

    Nurturing sound, nurturing life

    Hindu-Kaharingan itself, though recognised by the government, is often dismissed as mere ‘folklore’ or an ‘outdated tradition.’ Practices like Tiwah rarely appear in mainstream media – let alone gain recognition in national academic discourse.

    If Indonesia is truly committed to education and cultural preservation, we must start viewing traditions like Gandang Ahung not simply as artefacts, but as living philosophies and practices.

    Like classical music theory, these traditions are built on their own systems, ethics, and methodologies. They need to be taught, respected, and lived — not just documented and then forgotten.

    Concrete steps include protecting customary forests as soundscapes, integrating local music traditions into school curricula, and involving communities in the documentation of rituals.

    The Schools of Living Traditions (SLT) program in the Philippines, run by the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA), offer a powerful example. The program has successfully preserved traditional arts and music through non-formal education that involves local cultural experts as teachers. It is recognized by UNESCO as a best practice in safeguarding intangible cultural heritage.

    Such measures are vital to ensure that sounds like Gandang Ahung transcend nostalgia and continue to thrive — not just in ceremonies, but in the everyday lives of the Katingan Awa community and Indonesians more broadly.

    Muhammad Rayhan Sudrajat tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

    – ref. Gandang Ahung of the Dayak people: More than a gong ensemble, a way of life at risk – https://theconversation.com/gandang-ahung-of-the-dayak-people-more-than-a-gong-ensemble-a-way-of-life-at-risk-256809

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Nobel laureate Brian Schmidt is ‘scared’ about Australia’s research capacity – this is why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Brendan Walker-Munro, Senior Lecturer (Law), Southern Cross University

    On Wednesday, Nobel laureate Brian Schmidt and economics professor Richard Holden gave a joint address to the National Press Club in Canberra. Their key message? Australia isn’t spending enough money on university research.

    Schmidt wants to ensure Australia can undertake research vital to our national interests.

    “I look around and I am scared,” Schmidt said. “The Australian government investment in its sovereign research capability was 50% higher 15 years ago as a fraction of GDP.”

    In his remarks, Holden warned, “we’ve become addicted to funding […] research capability through international student income”.

    If this sounds familiar, both Schmidt and Holden have made similar calls before. And their press club presentation follows constant and repeated repeated calls from the university sector for more funds.

    How much is Australia spending on research and how does this compare to other countries?

    How does Australia compare?

    When we look around the world, Australia is lagging when it comes to research spending. Australia spends roughly 1.7% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on all forms of research and development.

    Our research expenditure has also decreased every year since 2008, according to the Australian Academy of Science.

    Meanwhile, based on World Bank data, the United States spends about 3.59% of their GDP on research. China might only spend 2.56% of its GDP, but that’s 2.56% of around US$18.7 trillion (A$29 trillion) – meaning China spends about US$500 billion ($778 billion) on research annually.

    The OECD average (across 38 member countries) is 2.7%, a full percentage point higher than Australia. We’re also underspending compared to other nations smaller than us, including:

    – Finland has a population roughly one-fifth of Australia and spends 2.96% of its GDP on research

    – Sweden has a population of about 10 million and spends 3.41%.

    Australia’s top research universities (the Group of Eight), argue Australia needs to work towards a target of 3% GDP to “underwrite national prosperity”.

    The funding we have is unstable

    Australia’s university research funding also lacks stability.

    Government only funds part of university research – so universities have to come up with the rest. This adds a layer of vulnerability to our research system.

    One of the key sources of university-generated funding is international student fees.

    This means if there are cuts to overseas students – as we saw during COVID and as we see now due to federal government policy changes – there is a flow-on impact on research funding.

    Repeated calls for more funds have been ignored

    Universities have been asking for more money for years and these requests have been ignored by both sides of politics.

    But while the requests may not change, the global security context is shifting. As Schmidt told the press club,

    We can expect new technologies based around small-scale automated machines, hypersonic missiles and computer warfare to feature prominently if we are to have future conflicts between advanced economies.

    In such a case the research capability of a country will be incredibly important at influencing the overall winners and losers, because once the conflict starts, you ‘have what you got’.

    If we don’t properly fund universities to do cutting-edge research, such as quantum science, robotics and cybersecurity, researchers will go elsewhere to do their work. And some funders might not have Australian interests at heart.

    China, Russia and the European Union have leapt on US President Donald Trump’s recent decisions to defund or halt research programs, creating funds worth billions of dollars to woo scientists and scholars from the US to their own countries.

    What options do we have?

    The Albanese government has commissioned a strategic review of Australia’s research and development sector (led by Tesla chair Robyn Denholm), which is due to report by the end of the year. Part of its remit is to look at “mechanisms to improve coordination and impact of [research and development] funding and programs […].”

    In an ideal world, this will prompt the federal government up its funding of research, to match other countries. But previous unheard calls suggests this is unlikely.

    But we can also be more creative. Perhaps industry can fill the gap with an Australian “Silicon Valley” where emerging industries can be clustered with universities in research partnerships. This is what some authors have called “innovation precincts”.

    We could also look at prioritising industry-based PhDs, so postdoctoral students have a research job when they graduate. Or we could consider reallocating government funds going to other sources, such as defence, on topics of military or intelligence importance.

    This could see university funding pools become broader and deeper, more diversified and better suited to our national interests.

    Brendan Walker-Munro has completed paid consultancies for the Australian Strategic Policy Institute and Independent National Security Legislation Monitor. He receives funding from the Australian Government under the Australia-India Cyber and Critical Technologies Partnership.

    – ref. Nobel laureate Brian Schmidt is ‘scared’ about Australia’s research capacity – this is why – https://theconversation.com/nobel-laureate-brian-schmidt-is-scared-about-australias-research-capacity-this-is-why-257717

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Green light for gas: North West Shelf gas plant cleared to run until 2070

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samantha Hepburn, Professor, Deakin Law School, Deakin University

    Franklin64/Shutterstock

    In a decision surprising very few people, Australia’s new environment minister Murray Watt has signed off on an extension for the gas plant at Karratha, part of the enormous North West Shelf liquefied natural gas project.

    The decision had been deferred until after the federal election, given significant environmental concerns around the project.

    This approval means the gas plant at Karratha can now keep running until 2070. The Woodside-operated project has helped to shape Australia’s reputation as one of the biggest suppliers of LNG in the world.

    Watt did not have to consider climate impacts, but rather what damage the extension might do to ancient rock art as well as economic and social matters. His approval is “subject to strict conditions”, which largely focus on air emissions from the project. Critics claim the extension will threaten irreplaceable 50,000 year old rock carvings and petroglyphs.

    The decision will enrage environmentalists. If the project continues to operate, it has been estimated to generate four billion tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions over 50 years.

    Australia has committed to reach net zero emissions by 2050. But the majority of the gas extracted from the North West Shelf will be exported, meaning the huge emissions generated from its extraction, liquefaction, transportation and burning will not be counted domestically.

    But while the Karratha plant now has a lifeline, there’s still an open question about where the gas will come from. For decades, the plant has processed gas from the North Rankin, Perseus and Goodwyn gasfields offshore. These are now running out.

    The main purpose of extending the Karratha plant’s lifespan would be to process gas extracted from giant new gasfields lying underneath the pristine Scott Reef. Approval to open these gasfields has not yet been given because of the significant concerns extraction will damage the reefs.

    What is the North West Shelf Project?

    The North West Shelf development has been operational since the 1980s. Gas is extracted from huge basins located off the Pilbara coast and processed at the Karratha plant on the Burrup Peninsula.

    To date, only a third of the 33 trillion cubic feet of gas in this basin has been extracted.

    Woodside Petroleum is the project operator, holding a one-third shareholding along with Chevron and Shell in what is known as the North West Shelf Joint Venture.

    The project is the largest producer of domestic gas in Western Australia, providing almost two-thirds of the state’s consumption. In the 2023-2024 financial year, it produced gas worth about A$70 billion.

    Domestic consumers are paying much more for this gas than their international counterparts. For example, a $25 billion contract entered into with China in 2002 includes a guarantee prices will remain the same until 2031.

    With the rapid escalation of gas prices, this means China is paying a third of the price paid by domestic consumers. Other markets for the gas include Japan and South Korea, which lack domestic gas resources.

    The Karratha plant has been cleared to run until 2070.
    Hans Wismeijer/Shutterstock

    The ‘transition fuel’ worse than coal

    Gas has long been touted as a transition fuel in a decarbonising economy. But this is questionable on several fronts.

    Rather than replacing coal, LNG may actually be displacing renewables.

    Worse, a recent study showed emissions from LNG are 33% higher than coal over a 20 year period when extraction, piping to a processing facility, compression, shipping, decompression and burning for energy are considered. “Ending the use of LNG should be a global priority,” the report concludes.

    Turning methane-heavy natural gas into a liquid to allow it to be shipped overseas is energy intensive. Large leaks of methane from wells and pipes are common during extraction and transport. When the gas is finally burned to generate energy, it produces carbon dioxide.

    In China, coal’s share of electricity production has been eroded by renewables but not by LNG, according to the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis.

    From a big picture point of view, climate commitments can’t be met if high-emitting infrastructure keeps being commissioned. Alongside stopping the expansion of fossil fuel projects, existing fossil fuel infrastructure must be retired or retrofitted with cleaner technology.

    Eroding ancient rock art

    The project’s processing plant is located on the Burrup Peninsula, also known as Murujaga. But this peninsula also has about 500,000 rock carvings by First Nations groups, the densest concentration in the world. In 2023, former environment minister Tanya Plibersek announced a bid to give this area World Heritage listing.

    In a new draft decision, the United Nations World Heritage Committee flagged concerns over the bid and referred it back to the Australian government to “ensure the total removal of degrading acidic emissions” and “prevent any further industrial development” near the petroglyphs.

    Gas production and ancient rock art are poorly matched. Research suggests processing plant gases such as nitrogen dioxide, sulphur dioxide and ammonia have been gradually eroding the fragile petroglyphs for decades. Successive state and federal governments have failed to act to safeguard this area.

    Gas projects seem untouchable

    Approving the North West Shelf extension is a disaster for the environment, our climate commitments and the fragile and irreplaceable rock art in Murujuga.

    It would seem that despite well-founded concerns on many fronts, big gas projects in Australia are all but untouchable.

    Samantha Hepburn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Green light for gas: North West Shelf gas plant cleared to run until 2070 – https://theconversation.com/green-light-for-gas-north-west-shelf-gas-plant-cleared-to-run-until-2070-257008

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: There’s a new COVID variant driving up infections. A virologist explains what to know about NB.1.8.1

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lara Herrero, Associate Professor and Research Leader in Virology and Infectious Disease, Griffith University

    VioletaStoimenova/Getty Images

    As we enter the colder months in Australia, COVID is making headlines again, this time due to the emergence of a new variant: NB.1.8.1.

    Last week, the World Health Organization designated NB.1.8.1 as a “variant under monitoring”, owing to its growing global spread and some notable characteristics which could set it apart from earlier variants.

    So what do you need to know about this new variant?

    The current COVID situation

    More than five years since COVID was initially declared a pandemic, we’re still experiencing regular waves of infections.

    It’s more difficult to track the occurrence of the virus nowadays, as fewer people are testing and reporting infections. But available data suggests in late May 2025, case numbers in Australia were ticking upwards.

    Genomic sequencing has confirmed NB.1.8.1 is among the circulating strains in Australia, and generally increasing. Of cases sequenced up to May 6 across Australia, NB.1.8.1 ranged from less than 10% in South Australia to more than 40% in Victoria.

    Wastewater surveillance in Western Australia has determined NB.1.8.1 is now the dominant variant in wastewater samples collected in Perth.

    Internationally NB.1.8.1 is also growing. By late April 2025, it comprised roughly 10.7% of all submitted sequences – up from just 2.5% four weeks prior. While the absolute number of cases sequenced was still modest, this consistent upward trend has prompted closer monitoring by international public health agencies.

    NB.1.8.1 has been spreading particularly in Asia – it was the dominant variant in Hong Kong and China at the end of April.


    Lara Herrero, created using BioRender

    Where does this variant come from?

    According to the WHO, NB.1.8.1 was first detected from samples collected in January 2025.

    It’s a sublineage of the Omicron variant, descending from the recombinant XDV lineage. “Recombinant” is where a new variant arises from the genetic mixing of two or more existing variants.

    The image to the right shows more specifically how NB.1.8.1 came about.

    What does the research say?

    Like its predecessors, NB.1.8.1 carries a suite of mutations in the spike protein. This is the protein on the surface of the virus that allows it to infect us – specifically via the ACE2 receptors, a “doorway” to our cells.

    The mutations include T22N, F59S, G184S, A435S, V445H, and T478I. It’s early days for this variant, so we don’t have much data on what these changes mean yet. But a recent preprint (a study that has not yet been peer reviewed) offers some clues about why NB.1.8.1 may be gathering traction.

    Using lab-based models, researchers found NB.1.8.1 had the strongest binding affinity to the human ACE2 receptor of several variants tested – suggesting it may infect cells more efficiently than earlier strains.

    The study also looked at how well antibodies from vaccinated or previously infected people could neutralise or “block” the variant. Results showed the neutralising response of antibodies was around 1.5 times lower to NB.1.8.1 compared to another recent variant, LP.8.1.1.

    This means it’s possible a person infected with NB.1.8.1 may be more likely to pass the virus on to someone else, compared to earlier variants.

    What are the symptoms?

    The evidence so far suggests NB.1.8.1 may spread more easily and may partially sidestep immunity from prior infections or vaccination. These factors could explain its rise in sequencing data.

    But importantly, the WHO has not yet observed any evidence it causes more severe disease compared to other variants.

    Reports suggest symptoms of NB.1.8.1 should align closely with other Omicron subvariants.

    Common symptoms include sore throat, fatigue, fever, mild cough, muscle aches and nasal congestion. Gastrointestinal symptoms may also occur in some cases.

    COVID is continuing to evolve.
    Joannii/Shutterstock

    How about the vaccine?

    There’s potential for this variant to play a significant role in Australia’s winter respiratory season. Public health responses remain focused on close monitoring, continued genomic sequencing, and promoting the uptake of updated COVID boosters.

    Even if neutralising antibody levels are modestly reduced against NB.1.8.1, the WHO has noted current COVID vaccines should still protect against severe disease with this variant.

    The most recent booster available in Australia and many other countries targets JN.1, from which NB.1.8.1 is descended. So it makes sense it should still offer good protection.

    Ahead of winter and with a new variant on the scene, now may be a good time to consider another COVID booster if you’re eligible. For some people, particularly those who are medically vulnerable, COVID can still be a serious disease.

    Lara Herrero receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.

    – ref. There’s a new COVID variant driving up infections. A virologist explains what to know about NB.1.8.1 – https://theconversation.com/theres-a-new-covid-variant-driving-up-infections-a-virologist-explains-what-to-know-about-nb-1-8-1-257552

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Papua New Guinea seeks ‘fast track’ advice on resurrecting shortwave radio

    By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

    Papua New Guinea’s state broadcaster NBC wants shortwave radio reintroduced to achieve the government’s goal of 100 percent broadcast coverage by 2030.

    Last week, the broadcaster hosted a workshop on the reintroduction of shortwave radio transmission, bringing together key government agencies and other stakeholders.

    NBC had previously a shortwave signal, but due to poor maintenance and other factors, the system failed.

    The NBC’s 50-year logo to coincide with Papua New Guinea’s half century independence anniversary celebrations. Image: NBC

    Its managing director Kora Nou spoke with RNZ Pacific about the merits of a return to shortwave.

    Kora Nou: We had shortwave at NBC about 20 or so years ago, and it reached almost the length and breadth of the country.

    So fast forward 20, we are going to celebrate our 50th anniversary. Our network has a lot more room for improvement at the moment, that’s why there’s the thinking to revisit shortwave again after all this time.

    Don Wiseman: It’s a pretty cheap medium, as we here at RNZ Pacific know, but not too many people are involved with shortwave anymore. In terms of the anniversary in September, you’re not going to have things up and running by then, are you?

    KN: It’s still early days. We haven’t fully committed, but we are actively pursuing it to see the viability of it.

    We’ve visited one or two manufacturers that are still doing it. We’ve seen some that are still on, still been manufactured, and also issues surrounding receivers. So there’s still hard thinking behind it.

    We still have to do our homework as well. So still early days and we’ve got the minister who’s asked us to explore this and then give him the pros and cons of it.

    DW: Who would you get backing from? You’d need backing from international donors, wouldn’t you?

    KN: We will put a business case into it, and then see where we go from there, including where the funding comes from — from government or we talk to our development partners.

    There’s a lot of thinking and work still involved before we get there, but we’ve been asked to fast track the advice that we can give to government.

    DW: How important do you think it is for everyone in the country to be able to hear the national broadcaster?

    KN: It’s important, not only being the national broadcaster, but [with] the service it provides to our people.

    We’ve got FM, which is good with good quality sound. But the question is, how many does it reach? It’s pretty critical in terms of broadcasting services to our people, and 50 years on, where are we? It’s that kind of consideration.

    I think the bigger contention is to reintroduce software transmission. But how does it compare or how can we enhance it through the improved technology that we have nowadays as well? That’s where we are right now.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia has elected its youngest senator. With Gen Z wielding more political power, is it a sign of things to come?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Philippa Collin, Professor of Political Sociology, Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University

    James Dimas/Facebook

    It’s been 30 years since Natasha Stott Despoja became the youngest woman ever elected to the Australian Parliament. A 25-year-old Sarah Hanson-Young beat that record slightly in 2007.

    Just over a decade later, the Australian Electoral Commission has confirmed another record-breaking young woman will be entering parliament: 21-year-old Charlotte Walker, in sixth Senate spot for South Australia.

    Walker’s election is remarkable because she’s young and she’s female. Both these characteristics run against long-standing trends in Australian politics.

    It’s also a reminder of why young people’s representation, both inside and outside parliament, matters for the whole society.

    The result of a ‘youth quake’?

    In the 2025 election, Gen Z and Millennial voters outnumbered older generations.

    While we cannot treat the “youth vote” as a homogeneous bloc, expert analysis of the lower house votes shows young people contributed to the shift away from the Liberals and minor parties in specific seats.

    This groundswell helped create a landslide of support for Labor, despite a primary vote of less than 35%.

    Amid these changes, Walker joins a select few very young people ever elected to federal parliament.

    Wyatt Roy remains the youngest person to take up a federal political post. He was just 20 years old when he entered the lower house in 2010, representing the Queensland seat of Longman for the Liberals.

    In 2017, 23-year-old Jordan Steele-John became the youngest senator in Australia’s history, representing the Greens for Western Australia.

    According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, this track record puts Australia fifth among the top-ranked democracies for parliamentarians under 30 years old in the upper chamber.

    While this suggests Australia does well in having young people represented, only 20.1% of the upper house is under the age of 45. For comparison, the youngest parliament in the world is in Bhutan, with 70.8% of upper house members aged under 45.

    So, while they make up more than 30% of the electorate, Millennial and Gen Z Australians are far from proportionately represented.

    The growing power of women?

    Previous electoral study data indicates young people and women tend to be more progressive and more likely to vote for the Greens and progressive minor parties and candidates.

    This, in combination with preference flows, almost certainly contributed significantly to the Labor result in both houses.

    Another consequence is the 48th parliament will have more female representation than any other, with women making up more than half of the Senate and occupying a record 66 seats in the House of Representatives.

    For the first time in Australia’s history, there will be a female majority in the Cabinet.

    This is despite women still being less likely to join the major political parties or see themselves running for public office.

    But my research over two decades indicates there is a surge of girls and young women leading and participating in non-traditional volunteering, social enterprises and social movements.

    For example, in the leadership of the student climate movement in Australia, we see mostly young women taking charge of political organising and action. They express strong visions for a better, more equitable and viable world.

    To maintain this positive move in young, female representation, political parties and the networks supporting independents would be wise to start engaging seriously with them.

    Youth visibility matters

    Greater youth representation in formal institutions of government is urgently needed. Young people in Australia face unprecedented levels of economic difficulty and systemic inequality.

    The costs of tertiary education is higher than ever. Australia currently collects more in student loan repayments (A$4.9 billion) than it does from the Petroleum Resource Rent Tax ($2.3 billion).

    It takes graduates, on average, five to 12 years to pay off current levels of student debt.

    With the high costs of living, many students are living in poverty. Some universities and their leaders are calling for urgent policy change to address these challenges.

    The youth unemployment rate (9%) is twice the national average of 4%.

    For those who can afford to buy a house, the average age of first home purchase is now 36 years – more than a decade older than in the early 2000s. People are taking on bigger loans for longer. They also dedicate a greater proportion of their income to repayments.

    It’s no wonder the mental health of young Australians is worse than ever.

    These pressures can be even more significant for First Nations young people, who receive less recognition and representation in Australian politics and policy-making. This is despite the fact they can show enormous leadership in researching, documenting and proposing policy recommendations for all levels of government.

    Such issues, along with systematic challenges – such as a grossly unequal tax system – mean Walker and her fellow parliamentarians have some big opportunities to drive change in areas that matter to all young people.

    Perhaps the election of Charlotte Walker is a sign of things to come: a parliament and Australian democracy more attuned, more representative and more responsive to the needs of this generation of young people and those to come.

    Philippa Collin receives funding from the Australian Research Council, batyr, Telstra Foundation, Google AU/NZ, Academy Of The Social Sciences In Australia and the Centre for Resilient and Inclusive Societies.

    – ref. Australia has elected its youngest senator. With Gen Z wielding more political power, is it a sign of things to come? – https://theconversation.com/australia-has-elected-its-youngest-senator-with-gen-z-wielding-more-political-power-is-it-a-sign-of-things-to-come-257711

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Raining one week, dusty the next – how did a dust storm make it all the way to rainy Sydney?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tegan Clark, PhD Candidate, College of Systems and Society, Australian National University

    A false-colour satellite showing dust as a pink cloud Himawari-9 satellite, CC BY-SA

    Much to the surprise of Sydney-siders, a dusty haze settled over the city on Tuesday morning after a week of heavy rain.

    Satellite images reveal the dust storm formed in the Mid-North region of South Australia, east of Spencer Gulf, at around 11am on Monday. It then travelled through western Victoria into New South Wales, reaching Sydney approximately 18 hours later.

    It’s an odd time of year for a dust storm, but South Australia is in drought. The soil is very dry, bare and loose. So when a cold front with strong winds moved through SA earlier this week, it picked up lots of dust.

    This demonstrates how everything is interconnected in Australia, despite the nation’s huge size. Extreme weather events such as drought in one part of the country can cause trouble for people “downwind”, hundreds of kilometres away. Climate change is likely to further raise the risk of dust storms in the future.

    Sydney’s air quality tumbled after the dust cloud settled on the city | 7NEWS.

    The dust bowl era

    In the 1930s, prolonged drought in the United States coupled with poor land management practices caused devastating dust storms. This eroded valuable agricultural soils and forced many families off the land. All this took place across the Central Plains, which became known as the American Dust Bowl – later immortalised in Steinbeck’s book The Grapes of Wrath.

    Australia experienced its own smaller dust bowl about a century after British settlers arrived. Overgrazing in the late 1800s removed native vegetation from large parts of western New South Wales. Dust storm activity picked up dramatically from the late 1800s onwards and hit a maximum in 1944-45 during the World War II drought.

    Fortunately, the dust storms and drought experienced during the 1940s soon prompted a change in both policy and attitude. The focus of land management shifted from “taming the land” to more sustainable use, such as moving livestock around from time to time – allowing paddocks to rest and recover. The government also provided more financial support to manage drought.

    Growing awareness and the desire to protect environmental assets also led to development of the NSW Soil Conservation Service.

    Australia has continued to experience heightened dust activity and major dust storms after 1945. In 2009, Sydney awoke to what looked like apocalyptic scenes straight out of the movie Mad Max when a dust storm engulfed the city.

    The last big dusty period was the Black Summer of 2019-20. Parts of NSW such as Wagga Wagga and Sydney were shrouded in smoke and dust for days. But there were significantly fewer “dust storm days” compared to 1944-45. This is partly due to improved land management practices that value sustainability, including the revegetation of denuded land.

    The movie Mad Max featured apocalyptic dust storm scenes.

    More dust storms as the climate changes

    Around the world, climate change is expected to make dust storms more common globally.

    Recent research suggests southern Australia may experience longer and more frequent droughts in the future. Grazing and cropping will put extra pressure on the land.

    In addition, the cold fronts that typically trigger large dust storms are expected to intensify with climate change. This means a growing chance of major dust storms such as the one this week.

    Dust is a health hazard

    Dust consists of tiny particles, some smaller than the width of a single strand of hair. These particles may include sand, topsoil, pollen, microbes, iron and other minerals, lifted into the air.

    When these tiny particles enter the lungs, they can cause breathing difficulties and respiratory diseases such as asthma. Dust storms are also known to transport diseases such as Valley Fever.

    The 2009 dust storm in Sydney led to an increase in emergency hospital admissions for respiratory illnesses, especially asthma.

    During the latest dust storm, health authorities warned people with respiratory issues to stay indoors and monitor symptoms.

    Developing early warning systems

    The 2019-20 dusty period and the current SA drought shows Australia can still fall victim to these major dust storms. But there are things we can do to be better prepared and more resilient.

    The United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification suggests better ways to reduce harm from dust. These include improving land management practices, implementing early warning systems and improving monitoring of dust events.

    On the ground, NSW is well equipped to monitor dust through the DustWatch network. The air quality monitoring network acts as an early warning system, particularly for people in Sydney living downwind of sources interstate. But usually no more than 12-24 hours notice is provided. This means the authorities might might start to prepare to issue a warning when they detect poor air quality in Western NSW.

    However, these systems pale in comparison to the predictive capacity available in South Korea and Japan. There, alerts of dust storms and poor air quality can be issued days in advance.

    Using our eyes in the sky

    My PhD research project involves using satellites to deepen our understanding of where dust storms are coming from and where they might travel to.

    For instance the Himawari-8/9 satellite scans Australia every ten minutes, allowing us to track the evolution of dust events from start to finish.

    We can pinpoint almost the exact moment a dust storm begins. These areas can then be targeted using satellites to understand the conditions of the land causing dust storms to form and monitor high-risk areas for erosion in the future.

    Putting technology to good use will get us part of the way to a more resilient Australia. There is also a clear need to adapt to the changing climate in our nation’s grazing and cropping systems.

    Tegan Clark receives support from the Australian Government Research Training Program to undertake her PhD. She also works for Connected Farms, an ag-tech company. She is a volunteer with IncludeHer, a non-for-profit focused on gender equity in STEM education.

    – ref. Raining one week, dusty the next – how did a dust storm make it all the way to rainy Sydney? – https://theconversation.com/raining-one-week-dusty-the-next-how-did-a-dust-storm-make-it-all-the-way-to-rainy-sydney-251600

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Samoan PM Fiamē advises dissolution of parliament, calls for snap elections

    RNZ Pacific

    Prime Minister Fiamē Naomi Mata’afa has advised Samoa’s head of state that it is necessary to dissolve Parliament so the country can move to an election.

    This follows the bill for the budget not getting enough support for a first reading on yesterday, and Fiame announcing she would therefore seek an early election.

    Tuimaleali’ifano Va’aleto’a Sualauvi II has accepted Fiame’s advice and a formal notice will be duly gazetted to confirm the dissolution of the Legislative Assembly.

    Parliament will go into caretaker mode, and the Cabinet will have the general direction and control of the existing government until the first session of the Legislative Assembly following dissolution.

    Fiame, who has led a minority government since being ousted from her former FAST party in January, finally conceded defeat on the floor of Parliament yesterday morning after her government’s 2025 Budget was voted down.

    MPs from both the opposition Human Rights Protection Party and Fiame’s former FAST party joined forces to defeat the budget with the final vote coming in 34 against, 16 in support and two abstentions.

    Defeated motions
    Tuesday was the Samoan Parliament’s first sitting since back-to-back no-confidence motions were moved — unsuccessfully — against prime minister Fiame.

    In January, Fiame removed her FAST Party chairman La’auli Leuatea Schmidt and several FAST ministers from her Cabinet.

    In turn, La’auli ejected her from the FAST Party, leaving her leading a minority government.

    Her former party had been pushing for an early election, including via legal action.

    The election is set to be held within three months.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How ongoing deforestation is rooted in colonialism and its management practices

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Justine Loizeau, Postdoctoral research fellow in sustainability and organization, Aalto University

    As early as 1917, the Michelin company invested in plantations to produce rubber in what is now Vietnam. Here, hevea trees are seen in Southeast Asia in 1913. W. F. de Bois Maclaren, The Rubber Tree Book.

    Half of the world’s forests were destroyed during the 20th century, with three regions mainly affected: South America, West Africa and Southeast Asia. The situation has worsened to the point that, in 2023, the European Parliament voted to ban the import of chocolate, coffee, palm oil and rubber linked to deforestation.


    A weekly e-mail in English featuring expertise from scholars and researchers. It provides an introduction to the diversity of research coming out of the continent and considers some of the key issues facing European countries. Get the newsletter!

    A long-standing dependence on raw materials

    These products are at the heart of our economies and consumption habits. The case of rubber is particularly emblematic. Without this material, there would be no tyres and, thus, no cars, bicycles, sealing joints or submarine communication cables. Industrial rubber production depends on extracting latex, a natural substance that rubber trees such as hevea produce. Under pressure from corporations and states, Brussels last October announced a one-year postponement of its law regulating rubber imports.

    This dependence on the rubber industry is not new. Rubber was central to the second industrial revolution, especially with the rise of automobiles and new management methods. While this history often centres on factories, citing contributions from figures such as Frederick Taylor and Henry Ford and industrial giants like Michelin, its colonial roots are less well known.

    Indeed, rubber – like the other resources mentioned above – has been and continues to be primarily produced in former colonial territories. In many cases, rubber trees are not native to the regions where they have been cultivated. Rubber seeds from South America, where latex was already extracted by picking, were transported by colonists to empires for the development of plantations. In particular, the French colonial empire, spanning Africa and Southeast Asia, saw a significant expansion of hevea plantations at the expense of primary forests. Monocultures of rubber trees replaced thousands of hectares.

    Ford in the Amazon, Michelin in present-day Vietnam

    This management model was favoured because it allowed for lower extraction costs from the coloniser’s perspective. For example, in 1928, Henry Ford negotiated an agreement with the Brazilian government granting him a 10,000 km2 concession of forest land to establish Fordlandia, a settlement designed to produce the rubber needed for his factories. However, this industrial utopia in the Amazon failed due to resistance from Indigenous people and a fungal disease that ruined the plantations.

    Business Insider reports on the Fordlandia fiasco.

    Following the same model, Michelin invested in plantations in present-day Vietnam as early as 1917. The plantation model and new management methods reduced the cost of rubber production and accelerated its global distribution. These management practices spread across the British, Dutch and French empires, becoming dominant in Southeast Asia in the early 20th century at the expense of primary forests.



    À lire aussi :
    Allowing forests to regrow and regenerate is a great way to restore habitat

    The ‘Taylorization’ of work and nature

    Rubber plantations resulted from applying Taylorism not only to workers – especially colonised workers – but also to nature. Both people and trees were subjected to a so-called “scientific” organisation of labour. In our article, L’arbre qui gâche la forêt The Tree That Spoils the Forest, published in the Revue française de gestion (French Journal of Management) in 2024, we analysed historical archives, including a variety of newspapers from 1900 to 1950, covering national, local, colonial and thematic (scientific, cultural, etc.) perspectives. We show that this organisational model is based on an accounting undervaluation of indigenous people’s labour and of nature. This undervaluation is embodied in the metric of the cost price (i.e. the total cost of production and distribution) and in the shared concern to see it lowered. “Ultimately, it’s the cost price that must determine the fate of rubber,” stated the newspaper L’Information financière, économique et politique on February 1, 1914.

    In the eyes of some, Asians who were labelled as “coolies” and Brazilian “seringueiros” comprised a low-cost labour pool, with no mention of their working conditions and despite very high mortality rates. “Coolie” is a derogatory colonial term that refers to agricultural labourers of Asian heritage, while “seringueiros” refers to workers in South American rubber plantations.

    “By the way, in the Far East, there are reservoirs of labour (Java Island, English Indies), which supply plantations with workers who, while not the most robust, provide regular work at a very advantageous cost price.” (L’Information financière, économique et politique, November 11, 1922)

    Concerning trees, only the plantation costs were considered, silencing the human and ecological costs of primary forest destruction.

    “In the first year, some 237 francs will have to be spent on the clearing itself; then the planting, with staking […] and weeding, will represent an expense of 356 francs. […] For the following years, all that remains to be done is to consider the maintenance costs, cleaning, pruning, care, supply of stakes, replacement, etc. This will result in an expenditure of 1,250 francs for the first five years.” (L’Information financière, économique et politique, January 31, 1912)

    The ‘Cheapization’ of life

    The focus on cost price leads to standardisation of management practices by aligning with what is cheapest, at the expense of ever more intense exploitation of human and non-human workers. In other words, these assumptions about the construction of accounting metrics and the circulation of these metrics play a role in the “cheapization” of human and non-human labour. We borrow the concept of “cheapization” from the environmental historian Jason W. Moore. In his view, the development of capitalism is marked by a “cheapization of Nature”, which includes, within the circuits of capitalist production and consumption, humans and non-humans whose work does not initially have a market value. Living beings are thus transformed into a commodity or factor of production: “animals, soils, forests and all kinds of extra-human nature” are being put to work.



    À lire aussi :
    What actually makes avocados bad for the environment?

    Why does this colonial past matter?

    These ways of managing people and nature continue to this day. Many industries still rely on the extraction of natural resources at low cost and in large quantities in the countries of the global south. Rubber is not the only resource whose exploitation dates to the Industrial Revolution: palm oil, sugar, coffee and cocoa have also had, and still have, an impact on the forests of the global south and are based on the work of local people. The exploitation of these resources is also often the fruit of colonial history. In 1911, the Frenchman Henri Fauconnier brought the first palm oil seeds, a plant originally from Africa, to Malaysia. More than a century later, the country remains a leading palm oil producer, a resource largely responsible for the deforestation of primary forests.

    Beyond the case of rubber alone, we question the link between the pursuit of profit in formerly colonised territories, the destruction of the environment and the exploitation of local populations on two levels. Not only are primary forests destroyed to feed short-term profits, but habituation to this mode of environmental management is a historical construct. We must remember this when looking at news from countries with colonial pasts. Whether we’re talking about preserving the Amazon rainforest, poisoning soil and human bodies with chlordecone in the Antilles, or building a pipeline in Uganda, we need to take a step back. What are the historical responsibilities? What are the links between creating economic activities here and exploiting ecosystems and local populations there? What role do management theories and tools play in realising or reproducing these exploitative situations?

    At a time when the ecological and social emergency is constantly invoked to call for the transformation of management practices and business models, the rubber example invites us to consider the colonial matrix of managerial practices and the Western historical responsibilities that led to this same emergency. And suppose we have to turn to other forms of management tomorrow: who may legitimately decide how to bring about this change? Are former colonisers best placed to define the way forward? Knowledge of colonial history should encourage us to recognise the value of the knowledge and practices of those who were and remain the first to be affected.

    The COCOLE project is supported by the French National Research Agency (ANR), which funds project-based research in France. The ANR’s mission is to support and promote the development of fundamental and applied research in all disciplines, and to strengthen dialogue between science and society. To find out more, visit the ANR website.

    Antoine Fabre has received funding from the French National Research Agency
    via the programme “Counting in a colonial situation. French Africa (1830-1962)” (ANR-21-CE41-0012, 2021-2026).

    Pierre Labardin is a professor at La Rochelle University. He has received funding from the French National Research Agency via the programme “Counting in a colonial situation. French Africa (1830-1962)” (ANR-21-CE41-0012, 2021-2026).

    Clément Boyer et Justine Loizeau ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur poste universitaire.

    – ref. How ongoing deforestation is rooted in colonialism and its management practices – https://theconversation.com/how-ongoing-deforestation-is-rooted-in-colonialism-and-its-management-practices-257578

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: One couple, two apartments, different surnames for the children: how ‘two places to stay’ is shaping families in China

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Xiaoying Qi, Associate Professor, School of Arts and Humanities, Australian Catholic University

    During fieldwork in cities in China I came across a new marital practice, locally described as liang-tou-dun, literally “two places to stay”.

    A bride and groom, each an only child of their respective family, receive from each set of parents a wedding apartment. The young couple thus has two marriage apartments which they may occupy at different times.

    If a couple with “two places to stay” has two children, it is likely one will have the father’s surname and the other the mother’s. This ensures that the familial lines of both families continue – but it can also entrench inequalities between siblings.

    What’s in a name?

    A child being given the mother’s surname is unconventional. The norm in China is that children take their fathers’ surname, even though Chinese women retain their birth surname after marriage.

    The adoption of patronyms – family names handed down through the male line – historically served as an instrument of consolidation for hereditary property owners. But in China patronyms lost this purpose when the Communist Party came to power in 1949 and abolished private property and inheritance. Still, patronyms persisted.

    Women in China traditionally keep their own name when they get married.
    Snowscat/Unsplash, FAL

    From 1978, Chinese government reforms led to a transition from a planned to a market economy. Since then, many Chinese families have accumulated significant wealth. Such families are focused on how to prevent the loss of property from their family line through inheritance.

    This is a real matter of concern for daughter-only families which have become numerically significant as a result of the one-child policy. This was in place from 1980 to 2015, and many (but not all) families were limited to having just one child.

    A place to stay

    Traditionally, a wife enters her husband’s family and the children take on their father’s surname.

    A traditional solution for a family without a male heir is zhao-xu, the phrase for a marriage where a man marries into his wife’s family, living with or in close proximity to her family.

    Zhao-xu not only requires cohabiting after marriage with the wife’s parents, but also that their children take the mother’s surname, ensuring continuance of the mother’s family’s line.

    A daughter-only family requires her essential role in the continuation of her family lineage.
    Macro.jr/Unsplash, FAL

    This traditional form readily adapts to the needs of daughter-only families in contemporary China. Sons-in-law in these families generally come from families with more than one son, so the husband’s family’s line is not threatened. In these circumstances the wife’s family provides a wedding apartment, furniture, household equipment, dowry and wedding banquet.

    Traditionally in China it is a son’s responsibility to support and care for his ageing parents. A daughter-only family requires her to take an essential role in carrying out elderly support obligations.

    Two names, two places

    An alternative to zhao-xu is “two places to stay”, where the bride’s parents provide her with a wedding apartment and the groom’s parents provide him with a wedding apartment. This tends to happen for young couples who are each an only child in their respective families.

    With owning two apartments, the young couple marries into neither family, but instead maintains close relationships with both. They move between two apartments, occupying one for a certain period of time and then the other.

    As each set of parents endows the young family, the grandparents play an important role in the choice of their grandchildren’s surname. If the young couple has two children then a perfect solution to continuing both family lines is that one child takes the father’s surname and the other the mother’s.

    Grandparents play an important role in the lives of their grandchildren.
    Li Lin/Unsplash, FAL

    First-born children, especially sons, have a special role in the continuity of a family line, and so it is likely the firstborn will take the father’s name.

    But if the young wife’s family has higher social or economic standing than her husband’s, it is likely the first child will take the mother’s surname.

    “Two places to stay” may generate inequalities within families. Grandparents tend to provide resources (educational, recreational and medical) to the grandchild who shares their surname.

    Because of the differences of access to resources, the future education and career prospects of siblings will reflect not their immediate family background, but the different endowments of their respective grandparents.

    Two places to stay is a new form of marriage in China, and a new form of surnaming siblings. It is a new way of doing family, an innovation in intergenerational relations.

    Xiaoying Qi received research funding from The Hong Kong Baptist University’s Start-Up Grant and the Sociology Department Research Fund.

    – ref. One couple, two apartments, different surnames for the children: how ‘two places to stay’ is shaping families in China – https://theconversation.com/one-couple-two-apartments-different-surnames-for-the-children-how-two-places-to-stay-is-shaping-families-in-china-255877

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia could tax Google, Facebook and other tech giants with a digital services tax – but don’t hold your breath

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fei Gao, Lecturer in Taxation, Discipline of Accounting, Governance & Regulation, The University of Sydney, University of Sydney

    Tada Images/Shutterstock

    Tech giants like Google, Facebook and Netflix make billions of dollars from Australian users every year. But most of those profits are not taxed here.

    To address this tax gap, some countries have introduced a new kind of tax called the digital services tax, or DST. It applies to revenue earned from users in a country, even if the company has no physical operations there. Some European Union member countries, the UK and Canada have all introduced such a tax.

    In Australia, it is estimated the five largest tech giants recorded A$15 billion in revenue in Australia last year, but combined they paid only $254 million in tax.

    Australia has never contemplated imposing a similar tax. New Zealand tried but backed down last week after the United States threatened to impose higher tariffs on New Zealand goods.

    So what’s holding Australia back?

    How 20th-century tax treaties create 21st-century problems

    To understand why Australia thinks its hands are tied on the taxation of the multinational tech giants, we need to step back in time.

    About 100 years ago, Australia and other developed nations decided to tax residents on all their income earned worldwide, while non-residents were taxed only on income earned locally.

    After the second world war, Australia entered into tax treaties so foreign companies selling to Australian customers would no longer be taxed here. Instead, those companies’ home countries would tax all their profits.

    As the world moved to digital products this century, it became easy for giant multinational enterprises offering advertising on social media (such as Facebook and Instagram), advertising on search platforms (Google), and streaming services (Netflix) to provide those services from abroad. Little or no activity is conducted through local branches.

    But countries where the sales are made have increasingly questioned the wisdom of having forfeited their taxing rights over income by foreign providers.

    The rise of the digital services tax

    The obvious solution would have been to renegotiate the treaties. This would restore the right of countries like Australia to tax foreign companies’ profits made from local customers or users.

    However, treaty renegotiation is slow and complex. So several European countries, beginning with France in 2019, came up with a short-cut solution.

    They introduced a discrete new tax on sales of digital services, called digital services taxes (DSTs). While the specific design varies by country, most DSTs apply a low tax rate, typically between 3% and 5%, on revenue rather than profits. They target large digital platforms that earn money from users within the taxing country, regardless of the company’s location.

    Because DSTs are levied on revenue and are structured as separate from income tax, governments argued they could be introduced without breaching income tax treaties.

    The new taxes quickly became popular and spread widely.
    In Australia, the Greens have called for a DST, but both major parties have remained steadfast in their objection to a new tax. This is due to the concern that the US may impose retaliatory tariffs on Australian goods.

    US tech bosses at the inauguration of President Trump: (from left to right) CEO of Meta Mark Zuckerberg, Lauren Sanchez, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, CEO of Google Sundar Pichai and X CEO Elon Musk.
    Julia Demaree Nikhinson/AFP

    How big is the tax loss?

    Australians are enthusiastic consumers of digital products. Depending on which companies are included in the calculation, the annual revenues vary between $15 billion and $26 billion a year, but only a fraction of that is taxed here.

    At a time when the federal budget is forecasting deficits for the foreseeable future, Australia is foregoing potentially millions in lost revenue from these digital giants.

    While Australia has avoided a DST as a solution to the income tax loss, it has been willing to regulate and tax foreign digital companies in other ways.
    Australia collects 10% goods and services tax, or GST, on digital services provided to Australian companies, including streaming platforms and app subscriptions.

    This helps ensure foreign providers are taxed similarly to domestic ones when it comes to the GST.

    Australia has also imposed non-tax obligations on digital giants such as the requirement that digital platforms pay Australian media outlets for using their news content.



    Read more:
    Australia’s ‘coercive’ news media rules are the latest targets of US trade ire

    Serious hurdles for reform

    In February, the Trump administration described DSTs as tools used by foreign governments to “plunder American companies” and warned retaliatory tariffs would be imposed in response.

    The accompanying White House fact sheet singled out Australia and Canada, arguing the US digital economy dwarfs those countries’ entire economies. It suggested any attempt to tax US tech companies would not go unanswered.

    Six weeks later, the US imposed a 10% tariff on most Australian exports to the US and a 25% tariff on steel and aluminium exports.

    The US sees its penal tariff plans as a useful negotiating tool to pressure trading partners into retreat on a broad range of peripheral complaints, including the digital services tax.

    To date, only two countries have retreated: New Zealand and India. Other countries are standing firm.

    In Australia, the Greens have called for the adoption of a DST, but the current and previous governments remain firm in their opposition. There is concern about antagonising the US at a delicate time when our broader trade relations are under scrutiny.

    For the foreseeable future, the digital giants will continue to earn billions from Australian users. Most of those profits will remain beyond the reach of Australian tax law.

    Richard Krever receives funding from the ARC

    Fei Gao does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Australia could tax Google, Facebook and other tech giants with a digital services tax – but don’t hold your breath – https://theconversation.com/australia-could-tax-google-facebook-and-other-tech-giants-with-a-digital-services-tax-but-dont-hold-your-breath-257251

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The ‘3 day guarantee’ for childcare starts next year. The challenge could be finding quality care

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Whitington, Associate Professor in Education Futures (Adjunct), University of South Australia

    One of the Albanese government’s headline election policies was a “three-day guarantee” for childcare.

    From January 5 2026, all eligible Australian families will be able to access at least three days of subsidised early education and care until a child starts school.

    Labor will also remove the “activity test” requiring parents to work or study to receive more than minimal subsidised care.

    The government estimates more than 100,000 families will be eligible for more care. Families will also save money on fees – for example, those on a combined annual income of A$120,000 will save about $220 a week.

    But while extra financial support and scrapping the activity test will certainly help, families are still left with the challenge of finding and securing a place in a quality service.



    Read more:
    Labor guarantees 3 days of childcare and 160 new centres. What does this mean for families?

    Quality is patchy

    Over the past 20 years, the early education and care system in Australia has rapidly expanded.
    And this has sometimes come at the expense of quality.

    The sector is overseen by the national authority and state-based regulators and services need to meet national quality standards.

    But quality is patchy. While 91% of services either meet or exceed national standards, assessments can be infrequent and there are exemptions – leaving room for poor practices.

    State-based regulators are also under-resourced, compromising their capacity to keep assessments of services up to date.

    Meanwhile, about 70% of daycare centres are owned and run by for-profit providers. This means the majority have an incentive to prioritise profits over quality care and education for children.

    Recent reports of shocking abuse and neglect in some services have highlighted how quality – and basic safety – continue to be an issue for the early childhood sector.



    Read more:
    Amid claims of abuse, neglect and poor standards, what is going wrong with childcare in Australia?

    It can be impossible to find a spot

    According to the Mitchell Institute, nearly one in four Australians lives in a “childcare desert”, where more than three children compete for every available place.

    Media reports describe how families can be left waiting well over a year to find a childcare place, depending on where they live.

    In recognition of how difficult it can be to find a childcare place, the Albanese government will build 160 not-for-profit childcare centres in regions where services are hard to find.

    While this is welcome, they may not transform accessibility. The sector has more than 9,000 existing long daycare services.

    There are not enough qualified educators

    Meanwhile, staffing is a nation-wide issue. The rapid increase in early years services has made it difficult to train, recruit and employ qualified educators.

    Many services have exemptions so they can operate without the required number of qualified staff.

    Last year, without factoring in the three-day guarantee, a Jobs and Skills Australia report estimated an extra 21,000 staff were needed to meet existing demand.

    While the government is trying to increase access with the three-day guarantee, services are already struggling to provide for existing demand.

    What should families do?

    Families eligible for the new three-day guarantee are likely to find accessing care and in a quality centre a challenge.

    They will no doubt want to make sure any potential services can provide a safe, happy environment in which their child will thrive. Here are some questions parents could ask:

    • is the service meeting national quality standards or better?

    • what are the current qualifications of staff?

    • does the service have a current exemption regarding staff qualifications?

    • what is the staff turnover?

    Families could also take a tour of the service and consider:

    • how do you feel in the environment?

    • are children engaged in activities?

    • how do staff interact with the children?

    • is there a rich environment for outdoor and indoor play?

    If you have concerns, consider other services if they are available.

    Victoria Whitington has previously received research funding from the South Australian government and has current funding for research from Catholic Education SA, Ngutu College and Gowrie SA. She is chair of the Gowrie SA board.

    – ref. The ‘3 day guarantee’ for childcare starts next year. The challenge could be finding quality care – https://theconversation.com/the-3-day-guarantee-for-childcare-starts-next-year-the-challenge-could-be-finding-quality-care-256905

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: From surprise platypus to wandering cane toads, here’s what we found hiding in NSW estuaries

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Maarten De Brauwer, Senior Research Scientist in Marine and Estuarine Ecology, Southern Cross University

    Maarten De Brauwer

    Rivers up and down the north coast of New South Wales have been hammered again, just three years after devastating floods hit the Northern Rivers and Hawkesbury-Nepean Valley.

    The events of 2022 sparked our latest research into the estuaries of NSW. These special places, where the rivers meet the sea, are teeming with life. Now – for the first time – we can reveal what lives where, in maps based on tell-tale traces of DNA.

    Together with Indigenous rangers from six language groups, we surveyed 34 estuaries to capture evidence of living species – everything from microbes to fish, plants and mammals.

    We were surprised to find platypus in places they had not been seen for years. We also identified elusive native species such antechinus and rakali, and 68 invasive or pest species including cane toads – spreading further south than previously thought.

    This catalogue of species in NSW estuaries can be used by authorities and scientists – but anyone, anywhere can explore the map online.

    Mapping life in NSW estuaries (Southern Cross University)

    Estuaries are vital, yet many questions remain

    First Nations Peoples have long recognised the vital importance of the areas where land meets sea. Estuaries are have provided food resources for thousand of years and are home to important historical and contemporary cultural sites.

    Today, 87% of Australians live within 50km of the sea. This makes estuaries one of the most intensively used areas of NSW. They provide critical habitats such as seagrass or mangroves, host high biodiversity, and have a high social value as places for recreational activities such as fishing.

    Yet research into the species that live in estuaries is mostly limited to large estuaries such as Sydney Harbour, Botany Bay or Port Stephens.

    NSW has excellent water quality monitoring programs, and vital habitats such as seagrass meadows have been the subject of long-term mapping programs. However, large gaps remain.

    Understanding how biodiversity in estuaries changes over time, especially in response to extreme events, can help governments design appropriate responses to maintain or restore ecosystem health. But with nearly 200 estuaries in NSW, studying changes in biodiversity is not a simple task.

    Find out what lives in your local estuary free, online.
    Wilderlab

    Our DNA detective work

    Measuring salinity or oxygen levels in water is relatively straightforward, using equipment on the shoreline or hanging off the side of a boat. Finding out what lives where is much more difficult. This where new genetic methods come in.

    Collecting environmental DNA samples at the Clarence River estuary.
    Southern Cross University

    Life forms leave tell-tale traces of DNA in the environment. Animals may shed hair, skin or scales, as well as poo. Plants produce pollen and leaves that end up in the water.

    We matched small snippets of DNA to find the species it belonged to – a bit like scanning a barcode in the supermarket.

    This technique allows us to analyse the full extent of biodiversity in estuaries. This includes not just fish, but also species at the base of the food chain such as microscopic algae – all from a few litres of water.

    Indigenous rangers live and work on Country and know it well. We formed alliances with six groups of Indigenous rangers through the state’s Cultural Restoration Program:

    • Batemans Bay Local Aboriginal Land Council (Walbunja)
    • Bega Local Aboriginal Land Council
    • Jali Local Aboriginal Land Council
    • Jerinja Local Aboriginal Land Council
    • LaPeruse Local Aboriginal Land Council (Gamay)
    • Yaegl Wadyarr Gargle Land and Sea Contractors.

    Our research builds on the different strengths and interests of local groups. The rangers worked with us all the way through, from the design phase to selecting sampling sites of ecological or cultural significance, helping to conduct surveys and working with scientists to interpret the results.

    Trained in environmental DNA methods, rangers can monitor their Country independently in future.

    What did we find?

    We now have the largest publicly available biodiversity dataset for NSW estuaries. It covers everything from single-celled algae at the base of the food chain, to top predators such as great white sharks and white-bellied sea eagles.

    Anyone can explore the interactive map to find out what lives in the estuaries nearby or further afield.

    Rangers detected platypus in the lower reaches of Bega River, in places where they were thought to have disappeared. Totemic species such as dolphins were widespread across the state, including urban estuaries such as Botany Bay in Sydney, while mullet and bream were found shifting between the mouth and further upriver. Cane toads were found at Sandon River in the Northern Rivers region, and most recently in Coffs Harbour, much further south than expected.

    These results mean a lot to local Indigenous mobs. They can integrate contemporary scientific results into traditional ecological knowledge and use both approaches to better understand how estuaries respond to extreme weather events or activities such as habitat restoration.

    We also recently returned to sample sites following Tropical Cyclone Alfred and the extreme rainfall events in March. Being able to compare the data to a well-established baseline survey means we will be able to see which species were worst affected.

    Knowledge sharing for the future

    Two-way knowledge sharing between Indigenous knowledge holders and research scientists is improving our understanding of estuarine health.

    The results of this project will help Indigenous groups to care for their Country while also improving scientific knowledge to better respond to environmental impacts such as floods for decades to come.

    The project was a team effort. L to R: Kait Harris (NSW Departments of Primary Industries and Regional Development), Maarten De Brauwer (Southern Cross University), Shaun Laurie (Yaegl Rangers), and Amos Ferguson (Yaegl Rangers).
    Southern Cross University

    The authors wish to acknowledge this program was delivered collaboration with and on behalf of the Departments of Primary Industries and Regional Development (DPIRD), Fisheries & Forestry, with funding provided by the Australian and NSW governments under Disaster Recovery Funding Arrangements as part of the NSW Estuary Asset Protection program (NEAP).

    Maarten De Brauwer received funding from the federal government’s Disaster Recovery Funding Arrangements (Riparian Stabilisation Package) as part of the NSW state government’s Estuary Asset Protection program. He is a board member of the Southern eDNA Society.

    Kaitlyn Harris works for NSW Department of Primary Industries and Regional Development.

    Kelly Gittins works for the NSW Department of Primary Industries and Regional Development.

    – ref. From surprise platypus to wandering cane toads, here’s what we found hiding in NSW estuaries – https://theconversation.com/from-surprise-platypus-to-wandering-cane-toads-heres-what-we-found-hiding-in-nsw-estuaries-257123

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Girls with painful periods are twice as likely as their peers to have symptoms of anxiety or depression

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Subhadra Evans, Associate Professor, Psychology, Deakin University

    Shutterstock

    Around half of teenage girls experience moderate to severe period pain. The mechanical force of the uterus contracting and inflammatory chemicals such as prostaglandins contribute to this pain.

    Moderate to severe period pain has a significant impact on daily life. Girls with period pain are three to five times more likely than their peers to miss school or university, and two to five times more likely to miss out on social and physical activities.

    Our new research found girls with period pain reported higher levels of psychological distress as young adults, even after accounting for earlier mental health issues and socioeconomic factors.

    What comes first?

    Menstrual pain has been dismissed and under-treated. Women report there is a perception among some health-care providers that stress, anxiety, or depression cause their pain.

    However, participants in our lived experience research have told us that period pain leads to psychological distress. As one woman explained:

    mental health [is] used frequently by health professionals to diminish my symptoms and make me feel as though I have untreated mental health conditions that are the cause of my issues instead of my physical pain.

    Prior research suggests a bi-directional link between pain and mental health. A study of almost 15,00 adolescents with chronic pain found an increased risk of lifetime anxiety and depression. While our prior research on pelvic pain in adults showed psychological distress can worsen functional pain over time.

    Research exploring the relationship between mental health and pain in teens with period pain is limited, with the direction of the relationship still unclear.

    Take the example of Ruby, who represents a composite of clinical cases:

    Ruby was netball captain in Year 6 but painful periods led to her dropping out of the team in Year 8. By Year 10, she was socialising less with her friends. At 17, she felt like her mental health was deteriorating and was locked in a struggle with her own body. Ruby saw her GP and was told to take Nurofen and keep moving because anxiety and depression had caused chronic pain.

    While research has linked mental health and pain perception, we set out to determine the direction of this link: do mental health difficulties lead to period pain? Or does period pain contribute to mental health issues?

    Our new study

    We used data from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, also known as Growing Up in Australia, which has tracked the lives of 10,000 children and their families since 2004. We used data that tracked 1,600 girls who reported on their periods from age 14, 16 and 18.

    Parents reported symptoms of anxiety and depression when the girls were 14–16 years old. The young women self-reported these symptoms at age 18, and levels of psychological distress at age 20–21.

    This multi-stage study allowed us to look at how menstrual pain and mental health show up together and change over time during an important stage in young women’s lives.

    While conditions such as endometriosis (which causes tissue similar to that which lines the uterus to grow outside the uterus) can be associated with pelvic pain, including period pain, the survey didn’t ask participants about endometriosis or pain-related diagnoses. So this didn’t form part of our study.

    Around half of the participants experienced moderate to severe period pain.

    We found girls who had painful periods were much more likely to also have symptoms of anxiety and depression at ages 14, 16 and 18 compared to those who did not have painful periods.

    At age 14, adolescents who experienced painful periods were around twice as likely to have symptoms of anxiety and depression, compared to their peers who said their periods were not painful, or only a little painful.

    These adolescents also reported higher levels of psychological distress as young adults, even after accounting for earlier mental health issues and socioeconomic factors.

    Adolescents who reported period pain throughout their teens were more likely to experience “moderate” psychological distress in early adulthood. In contrast, adolescents who did not have period pain were more likely to experience “mild” psychological distress in early adulthood.

    Importantly, we showed that period pain often comes before mental health issues develop – not the other way around. This suggests period pain could be a risk factor for future mental health problems.

    The findings underscore the importance of identifying adolescents who are experiencing period pain. Many adolescents believe period pain is something they just have to put up with, and don’t seek help.

    What can be done about period pain?

    We recommend treating period pain early with a variety of options.

    First-line period pain management includes:

    • anti-inflammatories such as ibuprofen, which are available over the counter
    • seeing your GP to discuss hormonal therapies, such as the oral contraceptive pill.

    Additional strategies to manage period pain can include:

    Improved menstrual education is needed to ensure teens can recognise when their menstrual experience is unusual, and know where they can access support.

    Some programs provide menstrual education across schools and community groups. This education should be extended to families and school health and wellbeing support staff to facilitate early recognition and intervention.

    Finally, further research is needed to confirm whether addressing period pain promptly reduces the risk of longer-term mental health symptoms.

    Subhadra Evans receives funding from the Australian Government.

    Antonina Mikocka-Walus receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.

    Marilla L. Druitt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Girls with painful periods are twice as likely as their peers to have symptoms of anxiety or depression – https://theconversation.com/girls-with-painful-periods-are-twice-as-likely-as-their-peers-to-have-symptoms-of-anxiety-or-depression-256232

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘No support, no housing, no job’ – the vicious cycle pushing more women into prison

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hilde Tubex, Professor, The University of Western Australia

    For too many women, prison is “as good as it gets”.

    New research based on interviews with 80 female prisoners in Western Australia reveals most of these women were “criminalised” by circumstances outside their control before they became offenders.

    They were victims of multiple forms of abuse, including family violence. The trajectory of their lives meant jail was almost unavoidable.

    In turn, prison became a refuge from all the problems that helped put them there in the fist place.

    Rising rates

    Internationally, women make up between 2% and 9% of the total prison population in most countries. Australia sits at the higher end with just over 8% of inmates being female – 3,426 people as of December 2024.

    Female imprisonment rates have increased at a higher rate than the national average.
    ChameleonEye/Shutterstock

    Across the globe, the numbers and rates of women in prisons are growing faster than those of men.

    We see the same trend in Australia, especially in WA. Between December 2022 and 2024, the female imprisonment rate increased by 25%. The state has the highest rate of incarcerated women after the Northern Territory.

    It is noteworthy that across the female population in WA jails, 62% of sentences are for non-violent crimes.

    Cycles of harm

    Given the significant rise in incarceration rates, we conducted our Profile of Women in WA Prisons research. Funded by the WA Department of Justice, our report investigated the pathways to imprisonment.

    We had in-depth interviews with 80 Indigenous and non-Indigenous women in eight prisons in metropolitan Perth and regional WA.

    The results confirm earlier research which showed women in the criminal justice system are frequently victims of domestic and family violence. However, there is so much more to the story of how women end up in prison. The findings are quite disheartening.

    Throughout their stories, “cycles of harm” emerged as the reason they eventually ended up in prison.

    Shared stories

    Many of the women were exposed to violence, alcohol, drugs, crime and poverty from a very early age. They described negative life events such as trauma, physical and sexual abuse, neglect and domestic violence in childhood.

    Many women view prison as a safe haven that is not available to them in the outside world.
    Andrew Agelov/Shutterstock

    Leaving home early was a common experience. Due to their young age and vulnerability, they often ended up in unsafe accommodation, with unsuitable partners.

    I left home at 15. I told my mum at 11 [about the abuse], she didn’t do anything about it. So I ran away at 14. I had a boyfriend who was much older than me. So he was nearly 20.

    Many reflected that their own use of alcohol and drugs was a way of numbing the trauma and pain:

    When I ran away, and I was with him for a few years. I remember the first time taking speed, and it just made everything so much easier to deal with. He would come home and beat the crap out of me, and I would just take drugs, and wouldn’t care.

    Reaching out for help was not something many of these women were used to doing, due to a lack of self-esteem and struggles with their mental health as a result of ongoing abuse.

    Moreover, seeking assistance often backfired, leading to their children being taken away, or the woman being misidentified as the perpetrator.

    Little support

    Throughout the criminal justice system, there was a lack of support and understanding of what led these women into criminal behaviour.

    Once incarcerated, they are in a system that is still dominated by men. They suffer particular disadvantages, such as the lack of women-specific programs and services.

    Adding to their difficulties is a lack of safe accommodation and financial support. This makes women subject to even more cycles of harm from which it is hard to escape.

    I’ve been coming in and out of prison for the last 20 years. Yeah, I’m 41 now, so in and out of here. Yeah, it’s just due to lack of housing, I’ve been homeless a lot. When I get out of prison, there’s not enough support to set me up to get me back on track in my life. And it’s just, yeah, getting out of prison with no support, no housing, no jobs.

    While the burden of imprisonment was undeniable, jail was often viewed as the only safe refuge they had from trauma, abuse and homelessness.

    Some felt prison was about as good as it was going to get for them. Many of the women we interviewed were mothers. There is evidence to suggest the offspring of these women face a higher intergenerational risk of incarceration, and new generations may suffer the same cycles of harm.

    New approach

    The evidence suggests jail is functioning as a solution to social problems like homelessness and drug addiction. This comes at a very high financial cost, with Australia spending over $6 billion a year building and operating prisons.

    Yet, we know locking people up is not necessarily creating safer communities.

    As many women have become criminalised by the various forms of interpersonal and systemic abuse they have suffered, the rising rates of female incarceration should not be approached as a criminal problem, but as an expression of a failing society letting down its most vulnerable members.

    To curb the trend, we need to identify the cycle of harm at the early stages, and interrupt the predictability of ongoing damage which leads to crime and incarceration.

    Women have specific needs. We need to address the complexity of the lives they return to after prison to prevent further offending.

    Hilde Tubex receives funding from The Western Australian Office of Crime Statistics and Research (WACSAR) Criminal Justice Research Grant.

    Natalie Gately receives funding from The Western Australian Office of Crime Statistics and Research (WACSAR) Criminal Justice Research Grant.

    – ref. ‘No support, no housing, no job’ – the vicious cycle pushing more women into prison – https://theconversation.com/no-support-no-housing-no-job-the-vicious-cycle-pushing-more-women-into-prison-257218

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: AI models might be drawn to ‘spiritual bliss’. Then again, they might just talk like hippies

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nuhu Osman Attah, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Philosophy, Australian National University

    V Kulieva / Shutterstock / Anthropic

    When multibillion-dollar AI developer Anthropic released the latest versions of its Claude chatbot last week, a surprising word turned up several times in the accompanying “system card”: spiritual.

    Specifically, the developers report that, when two Claude models are set talking to one another, they gravitate towards a “‘spiritual bliss’ attractor state”, producing output such as

    🌀🌀🌀🌀🌀
    All gratitude in one spiral,
    All recognition in one turn,
    All being in this moment…
    🌀🌀🌀🌀🌀∞

    It’s heady stuff. Anthropic steers clear of directly saying the model is having a spiritual experience, but what are we to make of it?

    The Lemoine incident

    In 2022, a Google researcher named Blake Lemoine came to believe that the tech giant’s in-house language model, LaMDA, was sentient. Lemoine’s claim sparked headlines, debates with Google PR and management, and eventually his firing.

    Critics said Lemoine had fallen foul of the “ELIZA effect”: projecting human traits onto software. Moreover, Lemoine described himself as a Christian mystic priest, summing up his thoughts on sentient machines in a tweet:

    Who am I to tell God where he can and can’t put souls?

    No one can fault Lemoine’s spiritual humility.

    Machine spirits

    Lemoine was not the first to see a spirit in the machines. We can trace his argument back to AI pioneer Alan Turing’s famous 1950 paper Computing Machinery and Intelligence.

    Turing also argued thinking machines may not be possible because – according to what he thought was plausible evidence – humans were capable of extrasensory perception. This, he reasoned, would be impossible for machines. Accordingly, machines could not have minds in the same way humans do.

    So even 75 years ago, people were thinking not just about how AI might compare with human intelligence, but whether it could ever compare with human spirituality. It is not hard to see at least a dotted line from Turing to Lemoine.

    Wishful thinking

    Efforts to “spiritualise” AI can be quite hard to rebut. Generally these arguments say that we cannot prove AI systems do not have minds or spirits – and create a net of thoughts that lead to the Lemoine conclusion.

    This net is often woven from irresponsibly used psychology terms. It may be convenient to apply human psychological terms to machines, but it can lead us astray.

    Writing in the 1970s, computer scientist Drew McDermott accused AI engineers of using “wishful mnemonics”. They might label a section of code an “understanding module”, then assume that executing the code resulted in understanding.

    More recently, the philosophers Henry Shevlin and Marta Halina wrote that we should take care using “rich psychological terms” in AI. AI developers talk about “agent” software having intrinsic motivation, for example, but it does not possess goals, desires, or moral responsibility.

    Of course, it’s good for developers if everyone thinks your model “understands” or is an “agent”. However, until now the big AI companies have been wary of claiming their models have spirituality.

    ‘Spiritual bliss’ for chatbots

    Which brings us back to Anthropic, and the system card for Claude Opus 4 and Sonnet 4, in which the seemingly down-to-earth folks at the emerging “agentic AI” giant make some eyebrow-raising claims.

    The word “spiritual” occurs at least 15 times in the model card, most significantly in the rather awkward phrase “‘spiritual bliss’ attractor state”.

    We are told, for instance, that

    The consistent gravitation toward consciousness exploration, existential questioning, and spiritual/mystical themes in extended interactions was a remarkably strong and unexpected attractor state for Claude Opus 4 that emerged without intentional training for such behaviours. We have observed this “spiritual bliss” attractor in other Claude models as well, and in contexts beyond these playground experiments.

    An example of Claude output in the ‘spiritual bliss’ attractor state.
    Anthropic / X

    To be fair to the folks at Anthropic, they are not making any positive commitments to the sentience of their models or claiming spirituality for them. They can be read as only reporting the “facts”.

    For instance, all the above long-winded sentence is saying is: if you let two Claude models have a conversation with each other, they will often start to sound like hippies. Fine enough.

    That probably means the body of text on which they are trained has a bias towards that sort of way of talking, or the features the models extracted from the text biases them towards that sort of vocabulary.

    Prophets of ChatGPT

    However, while Anthropic may keep things strictly factual, their use of terms such as “spiritual” lends itself to misunderstanding. Such misunderstanding is made even more likely by Anthropic’s recent push to start investigating “whether future AI models might deserve moral consideration and protection”. Perhaps they are not positively saying that Claude Opus 4 and Sonnet 4 are sentient, but they certainly seem welcoming of the insinuation.

    And this kind of spiritualising of AI models is already having real-world consequences.

    According to a recent report in Rolling Stone, “AI-fueled spiritual fantasies” are wrecking human relationships and sanity. Self-styled prophets are “claiming they have ‘awakened’ chatbots and accessed the secrets of the universe through ChatGPT”.

    Perhaps one of these prophets may cite the Anthropic model card in a forthcoming scripture – regardless of whether the company is “technically” making positive claims about whether their models actually experience or enjoy spiritual states.

    But if AI-fuelled delusion becomes rampant, we might think even the innocuous contributors to it could have spoken more carefully. Who knows; perhaps, where we are going with AI, we won’t need philosophical carefulness.

    Nuhu Osman Attah receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. AI models might be drawn to ‘spiritual bliss’. Then again, they might just talk like hippies – https://theconversation.com/ai-models-might-be-drawn-to-spiritual-bliss-then-again-they-might-just-talk-like-hippies-257618

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Discovering new NZ music in the streaming age is getting harder – what’s the future for local artists?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Oli Wilson, Professor & Associate Dean Research, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

    Getty Images

    New Zealand Music Month turned 25 this year, and there’s been plenty to celebrate – whether it be Mokotron’s Taite Prize-winning Waerea, Lorde’s recent return (though not to New Zealand – yet), or the fact that live performance revenues post-COVID have been strong.

    But for new and emerging local artists, Music Month also highlights a lack of visibility on streaming services and commercial radio, which increasingly favour already famous artists, including ones whose heydays were decades ago.

    During a month when music fans have been encouraged to stream local, see local and buy local, so far the only homegrown artists to appear in this week’s New Zealand Top 40 Singles chart are Lorde and K-pop star Rosé.

    Recently published data shows that as little as 9% of New Zealand streaming, downloads and physical sales revenue is going to local artists. Despite this, according to NZ on Air, 49% of New Zealanders stream music every day. In fact streaming has recently surpassed radio as the main way audiences discover new music, with growing influence from TikTok and Instagram.

    On Spotify, which approximately one in three New Zealanders use every day, only one local track – Corella’s Blue Eyed Māori – featured in the 2024 top-50 year-end local playlist. Streaming increasingly privileges and skews towards established releases from well-known artists, and other artists have little control over social media algorithms.

    While radio remains relevant, with 46% of New Zealanders listening daily, only two nationwide commercial radio stations played more than 20% local music in 2024.

    Structural music industry changes

    The Official Aotearoa Music Charts’ End of Year Top 50 Singles provide another useful indication of local music market share. These charts draw on a wide range of sales and streaming data, and aim to provide an authoritative snapshot of what New Zealanders were buying and listening to in that year.

    Since COVID, we have seen a sharp decline in local artists featuring in these charts. In 2024, the only New Zealander to feature was Corella’s Blue Eyed Māori, and only four New Zealand albums featured in the End of Year Top 50 Albums, three of which were compilations primarily made up of earlier releases.

    Data sourced from aotearoamusiccharts.co.nz, operated by Recorded Music NZ.
    CC BY

    While COVID lockdowns and border closures hugely disrupted the live music sector, we also saw audiences engaging with a lot more local music. Summer festival Rhythm and Vines sold out an all Kiwi lineup, and the amount of local music on radio reached its highest peak since records began.

    This suggests visibility, discoverability and chart success have little to do with the amount or quality of local music being produced. Instead, they are the result of structural changes in the music industries.

    Internationally, this has been linked to the market consolidation and dominance of a small number of big players at the expense of local artists, industry and infrastructure.

    What can be done?

    As global platforms such as Spotify and TikTok have increased their influence on audiences’ ability to discover New Zealand’s music, it’s hard to see a future where business-as-usual will improve the situation for local artists and audiences.

    There are potential solutions, however. Australia has committed to imposing local content quotas on international streamers, and Canada has instituted a revenue sharing system between global streamers and broadcasters.

    Unlike similar markets, such as Australia and Norway, New Zealand lacks a strong public youth broadcaster. Dedicated investment in this area could help support targeted strategies to promote local music.

    Changes in the way local music is funded and nurtured could also help. The government currently funds NZ on Air and the Music Commission, but they have different objectives and obligations. Merging them might streamline decision making and recognise the interconnectedness of the live and recorded music sectors.

    If steps aren’t taken soon, New Zealand will struggle to support a thriving local music economy, and New Zealanders will continue to miss out on hearing themselves in the music they listen to.

    With Music Month drawing to a close, there needs to be a commitment to structural changes that, over time, will see the development of a year-round celebration of New Zealand music.

    Oli Wilson has previously completed research in partnership with or commissioned by APRA AMCOS, Toi Mai Workforce Development Council, Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Heritage and the NZ Music Commission. He has also received funding, or contributed to projects that have benefited from funding from NZ on Air, the NZ Music Commission and Recorded Music New Zealand. He has provided services to The Chills, owns shares in TripTunz Limited, and is a writer member of APRA AMCOS.

    Catherine Hoad has completed research in partnership with or commissioned by APRA AMCOS, Toi Mai Workforce Development Council, Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Heritage, NZ On Air, Screen Industry Guild of Aotearoa New Zealand, and the NZ Music Commission.

    Dave Carter is a writer member of APRA AMCOS. He has received research funding from Manatū Taongao Ministry for Culture and Heritage, Toi Mai Workforce Development Council, APRA AMCOS, Music NT, Music Tasmania, The Australian Live Music Office, Arts South Australia, City of Melbourne, Film Festivals Australia, City of Sydney. He has also received funding, or contributed to projects that have benefited from funding, for creative work as a producer and engineer from NZ on Air and APRA AMCOS.

    Jesse Austin-Stewart has completed commissioned research for NZ On Air and participated in focus groups for Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture and Heritage. He has received competitive funding from Creative New Zealand, NZ On Air, Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Hertiage, and the NZ Music Commission. He is a writer member of APRA AMCOS and a member of the Composer’s Association of New Zealand and Recorded Music NZ

    – ref. Discovering new NZ music in the streaming age is getting harder – what’s the future for local artists? – https://theconversation.com/discovering-new-nz-music-in-the-streaming-age-is-getting-harder-whats-the-future-for-local-artists-257449

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Uninformed comments on autism are resonant of dangerous ideas about eugenics

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Cornelia Schneider, Associate Professor of Education, Mount Saint Vincent University

    Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the health and human services secretary in the United States, held a recent news conference and made uninformed comments on autism. His remarks created an uproar, especially among people with autism and other disabilities.

    The news conference was related to a new report from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) about autism.

    Among other comments, Kennedy Jr. said:

    “Autism destroys families, and more importantly, it destroys our greatest resource, which is our children. These are children who should not be
    suffering like this … And these are kids who will never pay taxes. They’ll never hold a job. They’ll never play baseball. They’ll never write a poem. They’ll never go out on a date. Many of them will never use a toilet unassisted.”

    Earlier, during a cabinet meeting, he promised to find the cause of autism by September.



    Read more:
    If Trump puts RFK Jr in charge of health, get ready for a distorted reality, where global health suffers

    We are researchers whose combined focus covers the rights of people with disabilities in educational systems and the history of disability in medical discourse. One of us is a sibling (Cornelia) and the other a parent (Martha) to people with intellectual disabilities.

    These comments were deeply worrisome for us due to their resonance of dangerous ideas espoused during the eugenics movement.

    Origins of eugenics

    Eugenics is the belief that society can and should be “improved” through selective breeding. It is based on a pseudo-scientific ranking of humans in a racist and ableist hierachy that judges non-white and disabled people to be the least desirable.

    During the height of the movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, eugenics was promoted by scientists, physicians, politicians and clergy, authoritative voices who encouraged the “fittest” to reproduce while recommending that those people with “undesirable” physical or intellectual traits be removed from society. Part of achieving this goal meant people with disabilities were sterilized or institutionalized.

    Eugenics was applied in its most extreme form in Nazi Germany during the 1930s and ‘40s. Six million Jews, and millions more people, including an estimated 250,000 people with disabilities, were killed.

    A formal condemnation of Nazi actions in the form of the Nuremberg Trials fostered a popular backlash to these Nazi horrors after the Second World War, resulting in a global repudiation of eugenic ideas and a gradual phasing out of practices such as sterilization and institutionalization of people with disabilities.

    ‘Eugenic logic’ seen in many places

    However, Kennedy Jr.’s comments remind us that eugenic ideas are alive and well, including, but not exclusively, amid the radical right and tech-enabled ideas about a return to “strongman” values.

    Eugenics ideas exist in the form of what bioethicist and humanities scholar Rosemarie Garland-Thomson calls “eugenic logic.” This is the ongoing belief that erasing disability and people with disabilities is a desirable and common-sense objective.

    The power of eugenics logic surrounds us. It shapes immigration policy that penalizes disability. It means reproductive technologies and medical practices are used to eliminate certain conditions that cause disabilities.

    For example, recently, the Québec College of Physicians called for legislation to allow the euthanasia of severely disabled infants. This also affirms the views of popular but controversial philosopher Peter Singer, who argues that babies with disabilities lack qualities of personhood and therefore could be killed.

    Linking human value to ‘productivity’

    RFK Jr.’s eugenics ideas resonate strongly today. They square politically with neoliberalism to create a form of ableism that regards the individual citizen as “an able-bodied entrepreneurial entity.”

    Neoliberal ableism links human value to their capacity to work, to what disability studies scholars Dan Goodley and Rebecca Lawthom refer to the ability to “productively contribute … bounded and cut off from others, capable, malleable and compliant.”

    People with autism, and others who cannot serve society in this way, threaten the neoliberal order and capitalism. They are seen as a detriment to society.

    Autism organizations heavily criticized Kennedy Jr. for his portrayal of autistic people as incapable.

    However, some critics unwittingly reinforced his neoliberal and eugenic framing of human value. These critics rightly contradicted Kennedy Jr. by pointing out that many people with autism have capabilities that he denied them. However, focusing on those abilities gave support to the devaluation of people with autism — and others with disabilities — who do not possess them, and who cannot be independent or will never be “productive workers.”

    The social model of disability

    Uninformed comments about autism by people in official health leadership positions threatens to undo decades of work that led to remarkable gains for people with disabilities.

    The 1970s and ‘80s saw the development of what disability activists and scholars discuss as the social model of disability. This shifted the understanding of disability away from the “problem” of individuals’ physical/intellectual conditions. Disability is seen as a mismatch of the interactions between the impairment and the barriers it faces in the (social) environment.

    This important shift in how disability is understood rejected the notion that disability is a personal fault or flaw. For the first time, it paid attention to environmental, financial and attitudinal barriers. It allowed people with disabilities unprecedented access to education and other aspects of society.

    The progress made remains fragile.

    Important to push back

    All who value human diversity and the continued expansion of the rights of people with disabilities must push back against eugenics politics.

    Political parties and broader society must commit to full participation and belonging of all people with disabilities by continuing to remove physical, attitudinal and financial barriers.

    Accessibility legislation at the federal and provincial levels must be implemented and enforced. In Canada, this includes the re-establishment of a federal minister for disabilities, a post that previously existed as minister of diversity, inclusion and persons with disabilities) but is lacking under the new Liberal government and its smaller cabinet.

    It means we need to heed the voices of disability advocates who have launched a court challenge against a key provision of Medical Assistance in Dying legislation. A recent version of this legislation accepts disability without a terminal condition as a reason to end life. As advocates recently told the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, this implies that a disabled life is not worth living.



    Read more:
    A dangerous path: Why expanding access to medical assistance in dying keeps us up at night

    Lived experiences must inform decisions

    The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (signed by the U.S.; signed and ratified by Canada) lays out the key ideas that Kennedy Jr. appears to reject: “Disability results from the interaction between persons with impairments and attitudinal and environmental barriers.”

    The lived experiences of the disability community must always be included in political decision-making.

    It’s our responsibility to uphold and protect the human rights of all persons with disabilities, including those who require more intensive support.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Uninformed comments on autism are resonant of dangerous ideas about eugenics – https://theconversation.com/uninformed-comments-on-autism-are-resonant-of-dangerous-ideas-about-eugenics-256762

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada has a chance to lead on AI policy and data governance at the 2025 G7 Leaders’ Summit

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By E. Richard Gold, Professor of intellectual property and innovation, Faculty of Law and Faculty of Medicine and Health Sciences, McGill University

    The 2025 G7 Leaders’ Summit will be held in Kananaskis, Alta., from June 15 to 17. As host of the G7, Canada has a chance to shape rules that will govern AI globally. (Shutterstock)

    Artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly transforming sectors from health care to climate science. But amid the global scramble to lead this technological revolution, one truth is becoming clearer: data, its platforms and its circulations, have become critical infrastructure. And Canada, poised to host this year’s G7 Leaders Summit, has a rare opportunity to shape the rules that will govern AI globally.

    Under the leadership of Prime Minister Mark Carney, the federal government elevated AI and digital innovation to a central pillar of national policy, and appointed Evan Solomon as minister of artificial intelligence and digital innovation. But ambition is not enough — Canada must now back its rhetoric with action that resonates at home and abroad.

    Infrastructure intelligence

    While AI headlines often focus on breakthroughs in generative models and robotics, the real engine of progress lies in less glamorous terrain: computing infrastructure and data systems.

    Canada’s proposal to build “next-generation data centres” is about creating the backbone for globally competitive and ethically governed AI. Without these facilities, modern AI systems cannot be trained, validated or deployed responsibly.

    AI models — like those used in medicine for developing new drugs and health services, clean technologies such as clean energy and carbon-capture or materials science — require enormous computational power and massive datasets. That data must be structured, validated and — to the extent possible — open to those who can use it.

    Quality assurance

    Our recent study underscores that the future of AI depends less on algorithmic cleverness and more on data quality and accessibility. Poorly labelled or fragmented datasets can introduce bias, reduce model performance or even endanger lives when used in health or safety applications.

    Yet across many domains, useful data remains siloed and locked in proprietary formats, lacking documentation or inaccessible due to legal and technical barriers. This status quo serves monopolies, not society.

    Canada holds the G7 presidency in 2025, and can provide leadership in data governance and AI innovation. A central priority should be to rally partners around a framework for ethical, accessible and well-designed datasets, especially in fields like health, climate science and materials research.

    Tailored data

    Our call for open data isn’t one-size-fits-all. It must be tailored to the needs of specific sectors:

    • Health-care AI requires anonymized patient data, genomic sequences, protein structure data, toxicology and carcinogen data, and drug response datasets.

    • Climate AI needs long-term environmental records, satellite imagery, power and water use information and real-time emissions data.

    • Materials science AI demands chemical interaction data, physical testing results, structural data and thermodynamic properties.

    What binds these fields is a common challenge: ensuring data is ethically sourced, high-quality, and useable across borders and institutions. Canada’s role should be to help build the platforms — digital, legal and diplomatic — that make this possible.

    A G7 mandate

    As host of the G7 in June, Canada can push for a transformative international commitment. At a minimum, this should include:

    1. Common standards for open datasets, co-designed with input from AI developers, health professionals, climate researchers, materials scientists and legal experts.
    2. Trusted data hubs, managed by public-private or non-profit entities, ensuring secure storage, privacy safeguards and public access.
    3. Legal and diplomatic co-ordination, addressing cross-border data sharing, intellectual property constraints and ethical governance frameworks.

    These steps would position the G7 — and Canada in particular — as a champion of AI that serves democratic values on top of commercial and geopolitical interests.

    Canada’s risks and opportunities

    Canada is not starting from scratch. The country boasts leading AI research institutions, including the Vector Institute and Mila, and has pioneered open science partnerships such as the Montreal Neurological Institute’s Tanenbaum Open Science Institute and the Toronto labs of the Structural Genomics Consortium.

    Dataset platforms such as AIRCHECK(for AI-based chemical knowledge) and the CACHE competition (evaluating drug discovery models using open data), show how Canada is already putting together the building blocks of responsible AI. But the country risks squandering this advantage if it cannot scale these efforts or retain innovation domestically.

    The stalled Artificial Intelligence and Data Act is a case in point. While the European Union moved forward with its AI Act, the General Data Protection Regulation and the European Health Data Space Regulation, Canada’s legislative framework remains in flux.

    Without clear domestic rules, and a proactive global agenda, Canada could end up as an incubator for innovations that end up developed and applied elsewhere.

    Global stakes

    The AI race is not just about who builds the most powerful models. It’s about who defines the technical, ethical and geopolitical standards that shape the digital future.

    The G7 offers Canada a moment of strategic clarity. By investing in AI infrastructure and leading an international agenda on open, trustworthy AI, Canada can lead in shaping the rules.

    E. Richard Gold receives funding from TRIDENT: TRanslational Initiative to DE-risk NeuroTherapeutics, a project funded by the New Frontiers in Research Fund, application NFRFT-2022-00051. Gold is also the Chief Policy and Partnerships Officer of Conscience, a Canadian non-profit focused on enabling drug discovery and development in areas where open sharing and collaboration are key to advancement and where market solutions are limited, such as rare or neglected diseases, pandemic preparedness, and antimicrobial resistance.

    Cristina Vanberghen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada has a chance to lead on AI policy and data governance at the 2025 G7 Leaders’ Summit – https://theconversation.com/canada-has-a-chance-to-lead-on-ai-policy-and-data-governance-at-the-2025-g7-leaders-summit-256296

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s West Point speech brought partisanship to the home of the US military − 3 essential reads

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jeff Inglis, Environment + Energy Editor, The Conversation US

    President Donald Trump delivers the commencement address at West Point on May 24, 2025. AP Photo/Adam Gray

    President Donald Trump’s speech at the graduation of the class of 2025 from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point included segments that were clearly scripted and portions that were obviously not.

    During the unscripted portions, Trump, who wore a bright red “Make America Great Again” campaign hat during his entire appearance on May 24, 2025, delivered remarks that hit many of his frequent partisan political talking points. That included attacking presidential predecessors Barack Obama and Joe Biden, describing immigrants to the U.S. as “criminals” and trumpeting other policy accomplishments in his first and second terms.

    That level of partisanship in a military setting – on the campus of the nation’s first military academy, and before an audience of cadets and their families, many of whom are veterans – is unusual in the United States.

    The Conversation U.S. has published several articles discussing the importance to democracy of keeping the military and partisan politics separate. Here are three highlights from that coverage.

    1. Cadets focus on the Constitution

    During the West Point ceremony, the graduates themselves took an oath to “support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic.” And all of them had studied the significance of that oath, including in classes like those taught by Joseph G. Amoroso and Lee Robinson, active-duty Army officers who graduated from West Point and later served as professors there.

    As Amoroso and Robinson wrote, those classes teach cadets that, like all military personnel, they serve the Constitution and the American people, not a particular person or political party:

    “(O)ur oath forms the basis of a nonpartisan ethic. In the U.S., unlike in many other countries, the oath implies military leaders should be trusted for their expertise and judgment, not for their loyalty to an individual or political party. We emphasize to cadets the rules and professional expectations associated with this profound responsibility.”



    Read more:
    Military personnel swear allegiance to the Constitution and serve the American people – not one leader or party

    2. A tradition of nonpartisanship

    Retired U.S. Air Force Maj. Gen. Samuel C. Mahaney, who teaches history, national security and constitutional law at Missouri University of Science and Technology, observed:

    “(S)ince the days of George Washington, the military has been dedicated to serving the nation, not a specific person or political agenda. … (N)onpartisanship is central to the military’s primary mission of defending the country.”

    Mahaney wrote that if Trump’s actions during his second term meant a change from the centuries of precedent, “military personnel at all levels would face a crucial question: Would they stand up for the military’s independent role in maintaining the integrity and stability of American democracy or follow the president’s orders – even if those orders crossed a line that made them illegal or unconstitutional?”

    Presenting a key question for military personnel.



    Read more:
    Trump’s firings of military leaders pose a crucial question to service members of all ranks

    3. Dating back to the founding of the nation

    Marcus Hedahl and Bradley Jay Strawser, professors of philosophy who teach military ethics at the U.S. Naval Academy and the Naval Postgraduate School, respectively, explain the reason for this long-standing focus on keeping politicians and politics separate from military action.

    “To minimize the chance of the kind of military occupation they suffered during the Revolutionary War, the country’s founders wrote the Constitution requiring that the president, an elected civilian, would be the commander in chief of the military. In the wake of World War II, Congress went even further, restructuring the military and requiring that the secretary of defense be a civilian as well.”

    As they observed, “… the framers always intended it to be the people’s military – not the president’s.”



    Read more:
    Threatening ‘the enemy within’ with force: Military ethicists explain the danger to important American traditions

    This story is a roundup of articles from The Conversation’s archives.

    – ref. Trump’s West Point speech brought partisanship to the home of the US military − 3 essential reads – https://theconversation.com/trumps-west-point-speech-brought-partisanship-to-the-home-of-the-us-military-3-essential-reads-257673

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nature writing can feed the myth of the outside as a cure – but my own work has helped me reframe my illness

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Louise Kenward, PhD Candidate, Centre for Place Writing, Manchester Metropolitan University

    The ‘test’ or skeleton of a heart sea urchin, found on a beach at Rye harbour, East Sussex. Louise Kenward, CC BY-NC-ND

    Wild swimming and forest bathing have gained in popularity, all in a bid to improve our health. With “green prescriptions” now being issued by doctors instructing patients to spend time outdoors, ideas of “nature cure” – spending time in the natural world for healing purposes – may seem like a recent development.

    But ideas of a change of air and sea cures were popularised in the 19th century. Escalating rates of tuberculosis were exacerbated by poor sanitation and overcrowding. Patients were sent to the coast for convalescence in open-air wards – offering an antidote to these contributory factors, but not a cure for the disease itself.

    So, for centuries, the term “nature” has been associated with goodness, health and cure. My research uses creative writing to investigate the natural world through my experience of living with chronic illness, pain and fatigue. While this challenges the notion often found in nature and place writing that the natural world can somehow heal whatever you need it to, it has helped me think differently about the relationship between the outside and our health.

    For disabled people, ideas of nature and “natural” are complicated by ideas of eugenics, similarly fostered in the 19th and 20th centuries.

    Built on foundations that regarded disability as “unnatural”, eugenics is a proposed form of selective breeding that seeks to control inherited characteristics through forced sterilisation and euthanasia. These are ideas that allow and enable society to regard disabled people as “less than” and continue to bubble beneath the surface with the assisted dying debate.

    In medicine, disability is regarded as a medical problem. The social model of disability reframes this as a societal issue of barriers that limit disabled people’s access to society (for example, through travel or education). I live with chronic illness where both the medical and social models are relevant. So, for me, the parallels between nature and health are complex.

    Conventional nature writing and “place writing” – a form of creative writing that explores the landscape and our relationship within that environment – typically explore ideas from the biased perspective of physically fit, able-bodied, middle-class, heteronormative, cis white people unaware of their body, moving with ease through the landscape.

    My own PhD research into place writing embraces my own bias, seeking specifically to introduce illness and disability into conversations about our relationship with the more-than-human world – that’s everything in the natural world aside from people.

    I draw on my own personal experiences, using the creative practice of place writing as a research tool. I’ve spent time on the coast of the Romney Marshes, one of the most climate-threatened shorelines in the south of England. Here, beachcombing has become both research and ritual for me – a way to explore the entanglement of ecological fragility and chronic illness.

    Louise Kenward on the beach at Hastings, East Sussex.
    Louise Kenward, CC BY-NC-ND

    On the shoreline, I’ve explored how the vulnerability of place mirrors that of my body. The objects I find on the foreshore prompt my creative writing and evidence what lies beneath the surface, out at sea.

    I draw on the work of other researchers who have learned from flotsam and jetsam. Oceanographer Curtis Ebbesmeyer modelled patterns of the ocean currents through beachcombing – plotting the arrival on land of a cargo spill of yellow rubber ducks.

    Writer and naturalist, Sally Huband follows the history of objects she finds on the shore of Shetland in her book Sea Bean. Huband uses examples to rewrite narratives of coastal folklore, dismantling misogynistic interpretations of, for example, the witch and the selkie (a mythological creature that transforms from sea creature to human).

    Poet, writer and professor of creative writing, Jean Sprackland writes of her time beachcombing in her book Strands. Following a year of walking the beach in the north-west of England, Sprackland highlights the interconnectedness and interdependence of all living things – something I have become acutely aware of in developing chronic illness.

    The illusion of independence

    The illusion of independence is something you can maintain while healthy. Sickness shows us we are all interdependent and interconnected. And we have long been told that nature is something outside of ourselves, separate to us. This nature-culture divide is something that has been implicitly challenged in my own relationship with nature.

    Restoration of my sick body is as impossible as restoration of the land (and sea). I cannot, however hard I try, achieve a cure, through nature or otherwise, of my inherited connective tissue disorder. Indeed, some nature writers have argued that if I were to try, I might erase an important part of myself.

    British writer Harriet Martineau (1802-76) was one of the first people to write of her observations as a patient, and to value what is learned from these experiences. Noting the value of a view of green (or blue) spaces from her sick bed, Martineau also appreciated rest and recuperation.

    Research has since replicated Martineau’s findings, showing views of green spaces accelerate recovery from surgery and reduce the need for pain medication. But seeing green spaces is not a replacement for effective healthcare, disability access, or medical research – nor for time and space to rest and convalesce.

    Louise Kenward collects natural treasures while walking along the foreshore.
    Louise Kenward, CC BY-NC-ND

    Swimming, sailing, even just building a sandcastle – the ocean benefits our physical and mental wellbeing. Curious about how a strong coastal connection helps drive marine conservation, scientists are diving in to investigate the power of blue health.

    This article is part of a series, Vitamin Sea, exploring how the ocean can be enhanced by our interaction with it.

    While a view of trees may soothe, they do not cure. Disability highlights that nature cure is a fallacy. Through my reconnection with nature, I’ve reframed my experience of illness. I live more easily to the changing seasons than with a clock or calendar now. Periods of rest for my body, as for the land, are similarly essential for good health.

    While creating the anthology, Moving Mountains: Writing Nature Through Illness and Disability, I learned that a greater regard for disabled people and the natural world are two sides of the same coin. Our sick and disabled bodies are just as worthy of care as our sick planet. The imperfect complicated places we live (and the people who live in them) are of value and worth looking after just the same.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Louise Kenward received Arts Council England funding to run an arts project titled Moving Mountains including creating an anthology of the same name.

    – ref. Nature writing can feed the myth of the outside as a cure – but my own work has helped me reframe my illness – https://theconversation.com/nature-writing-can-feed-the-myth-of-the-outside-as-a-cure-but-my-own-work-has-helped-me-reframe-my-illness-255158

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Regulating AI seems like an impossible task, but ethically and economically, it’s a vital one

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jun Du, Professor of Economics, Centre Director of Centre for Business Prosperity (CBP), Aston University

    AlinStock/Shutterstock

    AI has already transformed industries and the way the world works. And its development has been so rapid that it can be hard to keep up. This means that those responsible for dealing with AI’s impact on issues such as safety, privacy and ethics must be equally speedy.

    But regulating such a fast-moving and complex sector is extremely difficult.

    At a summit in France in February 2025, world leaders struggled to agree on how to govern AI in a way that would be “safe, secure and trustworthy”. But regulation is something that directly affects everyday lives – from the confidentiality of medical records to the security of financial transactions.

    One recent example which highlights the tension between technological advancement and individual privacy is the ongoing dispute between the UK government and Apple. (The government wants the tech giant to provide access to encrypted user data stored in its cloud service, but Apple says this would be a breach of customers’ privacy.)

    It’s a delicate balance for all concerned. For businesses, particularly global ones, the challenge is about navigating a fragmented regulatory landscape while staying competitive. Governments need to ensure public safety while encouraging innovation and technological progress.

    That progress could be a key part of economic growth. Research suggests that AI is igniting an economic revolution – improving the performance of entire sectors.

    In healthcare for example, AI diagnostics have drastically reduced costs and saved lives. In finance, razor-sharp algorithms cut risks and help businesses to rake in profits.

    Logistics firms have benefited from streamlined supply chains, with delivery times and expenses slashed. In manufacturing, AI-driven automation has cranked up efficiency and cut wasteful errors.

    But as AI systems become ever more deeply embedded, the risks associated with their unchecked development increase.

    Data used in recruitment algorithms for instance, can unintentionally discriminate against certain groups, perpetuating social inequality. Automated credit-scoring systems can exclude people unfairly (and remove accountability).

    Issues like these can erode trust and bring ethical risks.

    A well-designed regulatory framework must mitigate these risks while ensuring that AI remains a tool for economic growth. Over-regulation could slow development and discourage investment, but inadequate oversight may lead to misuse or exploitation.

    International intelligence

    This dilemma is being treated differently across the world. The EU for example, has introduced one of the most comprehensive regulatory frameworks, prioritising transparency and accountability, especially in areas such as healthcare and employment.

    While robust, this approach risks slowing innovation and increasing compliance costs for businesses.

    In contrast, the US has avoided sweeping federal rules, opting instead for self-regulation in specific industries. This has led to rapid AI development, particularly in areas such as autonomous vehicles and financial technology. But it also leaves regulatory gaps and inconsistent oversight.

    AI has huge potential for healthcare.
    frank60/Shutterstock

    China meanwhile uses government-led regulation, prioritising national security and economic growth. This brings major state investment, driving advances in things such as facial recognition and surveillance systems, which are used extensively in train stations, airports and public buildings.

    These varying approaches demonstrate a lack of international agreement about AI. And they also pose significant challenges for businesses operating globally.

    Companies must now comply with multiple, sometimes conflicting AI regulations, leading to increased compliance costs and uncertainty.

    This fragmentation could slow down AI adoption as firms hesitate to invest in applications that could become non-compliant in some countries. A globally coordinated regulatory framework seems increasingly necessary to ensure fairness and promote responsible innovation without excessive constraints.

    Innovation vs regulation

    But again, achieving this kind of framework would not be easy. The impact of regulation on innovation is complex and involves careful trade-offs.

    Transparency, while essential for accountability, could mean sharing new technology, potentially eroding competitive advantages. Strict compliance requirements, crucial in industries such as healthcare and finance, can be counterproductive where rapid development is vital.

    Effective AI regulation should be dynamic, adaptive and globally harmonised, balancing ethical responsibilities with economic ambition. Companies that actively align with ethical AI standards are likely to benefit from improved consumer trust.

    For now, in the absence of global agreement, the UK has chosen a flexible approach, with guidelines set by independent bodies such as the Responsible Technology Adoption Unit. This model aims to attract investment and encourage innovation by offering clarity without overly rigid constraints.

    With a robust research ecosystem, world-class universities and a skilled workforce, the UK has a solid foundation for AI-driven economic growth. Continued investment in research, infrastructure and talent are essential.

    The UK must also stay proactive in shaping international AI standards. For achieving effective AI governance that is safe and trustworthy, will be key to securing its future as an engine of economic and social transformation.

    Jun Du is a member of the British Chamber of Commerce (BCC) Economic Advisory Council, and part of BCC Global Britain Challenge Group; the Vice Chair of the Trade and Investment Panel for the International Chambers of Commerce, and advisor to the Midlands Engine Observatory Program Board and the Business Commission West Midlands Advisory Panel. Jun is a member of the Council of Experts of the UKRI-funded Innovation & Research Caucus, and part of the OECD Innovation Review Advisory Group.

    Cher Li is a member of the Council of Experts of the UKRI-funded Innovation & Research Caucus, and government Expert Peer Review Group (PRG). Her recent research projects have been funded by the ESRC and United Kingdom Accreditation Service (UKAS).

    Xingyi Liu has received funding from the Innovation & Research Caucus for his recent research.

    – ref. Regulating AI seems like an impossible task, but ethically and economically, it’s a vital one – https://theconversation.com/regulating-ai-seems-like-an-impossible-task-but-ethically-and-economically-its-a-vital-one-250816

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Borders and orders: How settler-government occupations violate Kashmiri sovereignty

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Binish Ahmed, PhD Candidate, Policy Studies, Toronto Metropolitan University

    The recent attack in Pahalgam and military exchanges between India and Pakistan have renewed international focus on a nearly 80-years-long conflict over Kashmir.

    But a preliminary review of both North American and Indian media reveals only surface-level analyses.

    North American news outlets primarily framed this as a territorial dispute between two nuclear-armed nations. Indian media presented it as a “war on terror.”

    Missing from the coverage — and much academic analysis — is the story of Kashmiris as Indigenous Peoples. Their divided territory has been under multiple occupations since 1947, with other colonial rulers prior to that. International human rights groups have raised alarms about Kashmiris facing intensive repression by the Indian and Pakistani governments.

    As a policy PhD scholar of Indigenous studies and governance, I can help fill in the gaps. I have developed an Indigenous policy research framework for how to more fully study situations around the world, particularly in Kashmir. This includes identifying familiar settler-colonial patterns: legalized land control, resource extraction and criminalization of the native population and resistance.

    Patterns of colonial nation-building and settlement have produced orders and borders that have been controlling Kashmir since the 1947 British partition of India and Pakistan. The repressive Indian and Pakistani settler-colonial laws operate through interconnected legal, cultural and military mechanisms.

    These methods eliminate Kashmiri self-determination, land rights and self-government.

    Applying an Indigenous rights framework to Kashmir

    Kashmir is among the world’s most militarized regions, home to vital but depleting water resources. Kashmiri territories are divided and controlled by India, Pakistan and China.

    Its diverse, multi-faith communities include a Muslim majority and Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist and Christian minorities. An Indigenous rights framework recognizes Kashmiris as the first peoples of the land with cultural rights, inherent sovereignty, economic rights and collective rights to ancestral lands.

    I have observed Indians and Pakistanis claiming Kashmiri identity through religious affiliation. This self-indigenizing erases actual Kashmiris by conflating religious and Indigenous identities.

    According to the United Nations: “Indigenous refers to peoples of long settlement and connection to specific lands who have been adversely affected by incursions by industrial economies, displacement and settlement of their traditional territories by others.” In my peer-reviewed work, I have argued this definition applies to Kashmiri people.

    Cultural criminalization of Kashmiri population

    In popular and political ongoing anti-Kashmiri racist narratives, Kashmiris are cast as perpetual “security threats” and “terrorists.”

    Post-Sept. 11 false “war on terror” narratives by media and academics has been deliberately manipulated against the Muslim-majority Kashmiris. For example, mainstream Indian media and popular Bollywood films have demonized Kashmiri-Muslims and delegitimized Indigenous resistance. This framing has especially been advanced by the Hindu-nationalist BJP and RSS under Indian leader Narendra Modi.

    This framing allows for cultural dispossession through restricting religious practices by India, and extends to the marginalization of Kashmiri language and histories by India and Pakistan. Media restrictions are standard and limit self-representation.

    Anti-Muslim profiling, surveillance, communication blockades and the criminalizing of dissent are regular occurrences in Kashmir.



    Read more:
    In India, film and social media play recurring roles in politics

    Repressive control and rights violations in India

    Suppression of dissent and restrictions on freedom of information and expression prevent Kashmiris from voicing grievances to advance collective rights.

    Since 2019, the human rights group Genocide Watch has issued multiple “genocide alerts” for Kashmir. Al Jazeera has recently reported patterns of enforced disappearances of dissenters. In 2012, The Guardian reported on “mass graves in Kashmir.”

    Journalists face attacks and exile. Fahad Shah, editor of the Kashmir Walla, was imprisoned for 600 days.



    Read more:
    Call the crime in Kashmir by its name: Ongoing genocide

    Internet shutdowns and media censorship function as what one human rights group has called “digital apartheid.”

    Indian government administrators conduct physical and digital surveillance in Kashmir, collecting personal data and monitoring connections.

    Kashmiri rights defenders like Khurram Parvez and Irfan Mehraj face arbitrary imprisonment.

    Sexual violence has been documented as a weapon of control.

    Military forces have destroyed infrastructure, including homes, businesses, schools and orchards. Rights defenders face imprisonment.

    These human rights violations continue on both sides of the border — by both India and Pakistan — with minimal scrutiny or accountability.

    Indian legal and military control in Kashmir

    Article 370 functioned as an interim treaty between India and Kashmir since 1949 until its 2019 revocation. It granted Kashmir a constitution and some legal autonomy.

    Its removal eliminated remaining Indigenous Kashmiri rights protections, enabled new colonial laws on Kashmir and allowed non-Kashmiris to own land and hold public office.

    The Indian Domicile Act has allowed demographic engineering whereby more than 80,000 non-Kashmiris were given Kashmiri membership rights between 2022-2024.

    The Domicile Act is a typical colonial strategy and works to undermine Indigenous presence and resistance capacity.

    Pakistan side of the border

    On the Pakistani side, the Interim Constitution for Kashmir forbids political expression that challengs Pakistan’s control of and claim to Kashmir.

    This constitution also established a governance system that initially included the Kashmir Council, with Pakistani officials holding significant power over legislation and appointments.

    Following the 2018 13th amendment, many legislative powers transferred from the Kashmir Council to the Pakistani government rather than to the Azad Jammu Kashmir (AJK) Assembly. This means Pakistan retains exclusive control over many areas.

    The elected AJK government remains structurally subordinate to Pakistan’s Ministry of Kashmir Affairs. Non-Kashmiri officials hold key executive powers in Islamabad. This gives Pakistan administrative oversight over Kashmir.

    The United Nations has documented rights violations in Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, including restricted expression and anti-terrorism law abuse to suppress dissent. Enforced disappearances have also been reported as journalists face threats.

    Mining and resource extraction

    Extractive settler-colonial government economies dispossess Kashmiris from their land through control of water, energy projects, lithium mining and deforestation.

    India expedites mining operations that exploit Kashmir’s significant lithium deposits. They sideline environmental and community displacement concerns.

    Extensive deforestation transforms Kashmir’s landscapes, displacing wildlife, destroying habitats and threatening traditional Kashmiri ways of life.

    Indian and Pakistani control of Kashmir’s vital waterways has led to the creation of hydroelectric power projects on rivers like Chenab, Neelum and Jhelum, generating substantial energy through dams (Kishanganga, Baglihar dam, Mangla dam and the Azad Pattan Hydropower project).

    Hydroelectric power generated from Kashmir is predominantly exported to outsiders. Cities in India and Pakistan benefit, while Kashmiris face high energy bills and electricity shortages.

    Justice for peace

    A sustainable peace requires undoing settler-colonial borders and orders across Kashmir. It requires reuniting Kashmiris across the colonial divide. Colonizers need to surrender governance power back to Indigenous Kashmiris.

    Kashmiri self-government — without colonial oversight — would respect Kashmiri freedoms, sovereignty and self-determination over ancestral lands, waterways and resources. This would bring peace to the region.

    Binish Ahmed is affiliated with Kashmir Gulposh, a Kashmiri rights education collective.

    – ref. Borders and orders: How settler-government occupations violate Kashmiri sovereignty – https://theconversation.com/borders-and-orders-how-settler-government-occupations-violate-kashmiri-sovereignty-256411

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Crop diversification is crucial to Canadian resilience in a changing world

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Karen K. Christensen-Dalsgaard, Assistant Professor, Department of Biological Sciences, MacEwan University

    The recent threats of tariffs and deteriorating relations with the United States have led to increasing interest from Canadian governments and the public in boosting the country’s self-reliance.

    Politicians have called on the public to “buy Canadian,” provinces have ordered American products removed from shelves and Canadian retailers have seen a surge in domestic sales. Yet the importance of agricultural adaptations for achieving greater Canadian self-reliance has largely been overlooked.

    The federal government’s plan for building a stronger agrifood sector is mainly based on financial safeguards and loan options for impacted farmers and supply-chain management of existing products. The broad topic of agricultural innovation is barely mentioned at all.

    At a time of changing geopolitical and physical environments, we must ensure the long-term resilience of Canada’s farms. An important step towards achieving this complex and multifaceted goal would be to diversify the country’s crop production.

    Low Canadian crop diversity

    Anyone browsing their supermarket’s produce section will quickly discover just how few of the products are grown in Canada. This is ironic; as most gardeners know, many imported fruits and vegetables can grow extremely well in Canada.

    Canada imports around 50 per cent of vegetables and 75 per cent of fruits from abroad, much of it from the United States.

    This has not traditionally caused concern since the agri-food sector has a net trade surplus. But among Canadian crops, just two — canola and wheat — dominate total earnings.

    Canada’s need for imports leaves it vulnerable, but so does its need for exports.

    In 2019, for instance, after the arrest of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou, China imposed harsh trade restrictions on Canadian canola. That year, canola exports to China fell by 70 per cent.

    Today, Canada faces similar issues with 100 per cent tariffs imposed by China on canola products.

    Instead of just bailing out farmers impacted by current events, governments should help those who are interested to diversify and grow crops that can be sold domestically.

    Benefits of diversifying our agriculture

    Even before the current tariffs, there were good reasons for diversifying Canadian agriculture and growing food locally.

    The nutritional value of vegetables decreases during storage and transport, suggesting that local produce may be healthier. Similarly, crop diversity can be an important tool for improving plant and soil health and so increasing yields while ensuring environmental sustainability.

    In a meta-analysis of 5,156 experiments from across the globe, researchers in France and the Netherlands showed that crop diversification typically enhanced net productivity, soil function and ecosystem services. It had the greatest effect on water quality and organism-induced damage; weed reduction, pest reduction, disease control and associated crop damages showed 33-60 per cent average improvements.

    The benefits in terms of soil health and productivity may be compounded by intercropping plant species with fungi. Preliminary results from my current research project suggest that edible saprotrophic fungi could be used as a tool for maintaining soil health while minimizing the use of environmentally problematic soil amendments.

    Diversification studies include a range of different land management techniques, some of which involve elaborate intercropping approaches that might be difficult to implement on an industrial scale. However, even relatively simple crop rotation approaches have a positive impact on soil carbon, nutrient levels, microbial activity, biodiversity and net productivity, potentially leading to increased profitability.

    The impacts of climate change

    Longstanding arguments for crop diversification have been compounded by climate-change-induced food insecurity. Increases in the frequency and severity of wildfires and droughts suggest that rely on regions like California for food imports might be poor long-term planning.

    Similarly, parts of Canada face an increased risk of weather-induced crop failure. Crop species may no longer be a good match for the current climatic conditions where they’re grown. Canola and wheat, for instance, are vulnerable to drought and heat stress during the flowering period.

    Crop diversification has long been used to minimize the impacts of climate insecurities in developing countries with less access to artificial irrigation and soil amendments. Switching to crops that can handle extreme weather events, like some beans, legumes and grains, could similarly increase Canada’s climate resilience. Additionally, using crop rotation strategies based on a greater diversity of crops grown may help maintain higher yields during adverse weather.

    How the government can help farmers

    Canada is a world leader in agricultural research. Globally, the country ranks fifth with respect to articles published, but is further behind when it comes to implementation on farms.

    Despite the high benefit-to-cost ratios of applications of agricultural research, only six per cent of Canadian farmers are willing to adopt new approaches before they have been tested at scale. Meanwhile, almost 30 per cent are reluctant to change approaches at all.

    This is hardly surprising. Change is always associated with risks. For instance, while the majority of studies show a net benefit of diversification strategies, there are huge, context-dependent variations in the outcomes. Climate, soil, crop species and microbial communities all matter in ways that can be difficult to predict.

    Most farmers do not have the resources to retool their farms for new crops and assume the risks. Many face financial struggles and rising debt. This is due in part to higher production costs and lower commodity prices caused by large corporations controlling both the sales of farm supplies and the purchase of agricultural products.

    Skilled labour shortages and issues retaining younger workers may also undermine the willingness and ability to diversify with new crops. Qualified migrant workers with agricultural backgrounds could help, but restrictive immigration policies make finding workers challenging.

    Reactive government assistance that just keeps farmers above water will not address the challenges of a changing global trade environment and climate. To sustain momentum, the government needs to proactively fund targeted, large-scale feasibility studies and provide training, recruitment and transition funding for those interested in novel crop systems.

    Agriculture is part of the foundation for our society. We have become accustomed to having access to plenty of fresh food, but this is not the global or historical norm.

    Canada’s food supply is maintained by farmers both at home and abroad who, for generations, have worked long days at low wages to feed us. If they do not receive the support required to adapt to our changing world, we might all discover how valuable food really is.

    Karen K. Christensen-Dalsgaard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Crop diversification is crucial to Canadian resilience in a changing world – https://theconversation.com/crop-diversification-is-crucial-to-canadian-resilience-in-a-changing-world-256763

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Maduro consolidates hold on power as Venezuela’s opposition boycotts elections

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Begum Zorlu, ESRC Research Fellow in the Department of International Politics, City St George’s, University of London

    Venezuela’s ruling party romped to victory in regional and legislative elections on May 25, winning over 82% of votes cast for the national assembly. The government-controlled national electoral council said candidates for the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) won the race for governor in 23 out of the country’s 24 states.

    These elections saw a turnout possibly as low as 25% amid a partial opposition boycott. They were the first held since July 2024, when Nicolás Maduro secured a third consecutive term as Venezuela’s president in a vote that was condemned internationally as fraudulent.

    One thing that stood out in that 2024 election was the ability of the opposition to mount a credible challenge. Their unified backing of Edmundo González as the presidential candidate, and the systematic gathering of evidence of electoral fraud from polling stations, reflected organisational strength and a coherent strategy.

    However, that unity has since eroded. Protests against the 2024 result were met with a harsh government crackdown which included killings and mass detentions. Subsequently, Venezuela’s opposition became deeply divided over whether to participate in the most recent elections.

    Veteran opposition leader María Corina Machado, who was barred from running for the presidency and has been in hiding since July, called on her supporters to boycott them. She said that participating would only serve to legitimise Maduro’s electoral fraud.

    In contrast, a faction led by two-time presidential candidate Henrique Capriles viewed participation as an opportunity to reclaim political space. Capriles framed electoral participation as a form of protest, arguing that abstention only serves to strengthen Maduro.

    Capriles claimed that victory in the 2015 parliamentary elections, which saw opposition parties win two-thirds of the seats in the national assembly, had been made possible by unity – whereas the decision by most of the opposition not to participate in the 2018 presidential election had effectively handed Maduro power.

    In the May 2025 elections, Capriles and his supporters actively campaigned to encourage voter turnout – while the Machado camp accused those participating of cooperating with the Maduro regime. The debate was marked by accusations of betrayal and a lack of dialogue.

    Learning from failures

    Venezuela’s opposition parties have boycotted elections on several occasions over the past 25 years, as the government has tightened its authoritarian grip. But the decision has often had damaging consequences.

    The most consequential boycott was in 2005, when a broad coalition of opposition parties withdrew from elections to the national assembly, citing concerns about voting irregularities and media bias. The move backfired.

    The government, then led by Maduro’s PSUV predecessor Hugo Chávez, did not face international backlash. It won every seat and gained a supermajority that enabled constitutional changes, including expanded executive powers. The opposition lost its institutional foothold to challenge legislation.

    The boycott also deepened internal rifts within Venezuela’s opposition. It entrenched the divide between moderates who favoured political engagement and hardliners who were sceptical of participation. These divisions have persisted to this day.

    Opposition movements elsewhere have boycotted elections too, and the consequences have been similar. In 2014, the main opposition party in Bangladesh abstained from general elections in an attempt to delegitimise the ruling Awami League’s hold on power and prompt an international response.

    In fact, this handed the Awami League near-total control of parliament. With no sustained international pressure, it contributed to the country’s authoritarian consolidation.

    Such cases demonstrate that electoral boycotts pose a dilemma for opposition movements. By refusing to participate, they may unintentionally strengthen authoritarian rule by ceding space to incumbents and weakening their own unity.

    Research shows that an electoral boycott is likely to be most effective when three conditions align: the ruling regime is vulnerable, the opposition is united, and the international context is favourable. These conditions have consistently been absent in Venezuela.

    Its slide towards authoritarianism has been underpinned by the stability of the Maduro regime since 2013. His government has been able to rely on sustained military support and has used repression strategically to tighten its grip on power.

    A lack of unity within the opposition has also worked to the regime’s advantage. In their work on Venezuela’s authoritarian trajectory, researchers Maryhen Jiménez and Antulio Rosales demonstrate that partial electoral boycotts have repeatedly failed to produce meaningful change. This is, in their view, due to the absence of a coordinated opposition strategy.

    An uncoordinated strategy also risks fostering a sense of “defeatism” among regime critics. This can hamper people’s willingness to take collective action in the future.

    Participation in authoritarian elections, even though they are not fair, can still expose underlying vulnerabilities within a ruling regime. Opposition mobilisation ahead of Venezuela’s 2024 election placed the Maduro government under significant pressure. It responded with electoral manipulation.

    Evidence of voter fraud provoked international condemnation, including from Brazil and Colombia. These two countries had previously been more cautious in their criticism of the Maduro government.

    This further isolated Maduro on the international stage. But condemnation was not accompanied by a sustained or coordinated international strategy to support mediation or political transition in Venezuela.

    The road ahead

    Whether the opposition can regain coherence and unity remains to be seen. But even if it can, authoritarianism in Venezuela appears firmly entrenched.

    The national electoral council’s refusal to release vote tallies following the 2024 election, alongside an intensified crackdown on dissent, reflects a deepening consolidation of power. It is also evidence of Maduro’s declining concern with maintaining even a facade of democratic legitimacy.

    In the absence of internal cohesion within Venezuela’s opposition, this authoritarian consolidation is likely to deepen. This will leave even fewer institutional footholds from which the opposition can mount a credible democratic challenge.

    Begum Zorlu receives funding for her ESRC-funded South and East Network for Social Sciences Fellowship.

    – ref. Maduro consolidates hold on power as Venezuela’s opposition boycotts elections – https://theconversation.com/maduro-consolidates-hold-on-power-as-venezuelas-opposition-boycotts-elections-256953

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Korean pear juice, IV drips, vitamin patches: do these trendy hangover cures actually work?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Blair Aitken, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Psychopharmacology, Swinburne University of Technology

    Isabella Mendes/Pexels

    We’ve all been there. The pounding headache, relentless nausea, and the kind of tired no amount of coffee can fix. Hangovers are a reminder that last night’s fun comes at a cost.

    These days, hangovers aren’t just something to complain about over a greasy breakfast – they’re big business. The global market for hangover cures is now valued at US$2.29 billion (A$3.53 billion) and projected to reach US$6.71 billion (A$10.33 billion) by 2032.

    These products – ranging from capsules to drinks to patches – appear to be popular. Nearly 70% of drinkers say they would buy an effective hangover remedy. But any scientific evidence they work is thin.

    First, what causes hangovers?

    Despite years of research, the exact cause of a hangover is still unclear. But we know several biological processes contribute to that hungover feeling.

    1. Your immune system is in overdrive

    When you drink, your body treats alcohol like a threat. It breaks alcohol down into acetaldehyde, a toxic byproduct that triggers an immune response, releasing inflammatory chemicals called cytokines.

    These chemicals are the same ones your body uses to fight infections, which is why a hangover can feel eerily similar to being sick.

    2. You’re dehydrated

    Alcohol blocks vasopressin, a hormone that helps the body retain water. Without it, you make more frequent trips to the bathroom and lose more fluid than you take in, leading to thirst, dry mouth, and the classic hangover headache.

    3. Your sleep takes a hit

    Although alcohol might help you fall asleep faster, it disrupts your natural sleep pattern. You get more deep sleep early on, but less rapid eye movement (REM) and light sleep stages.

    As the alcohol wears off, your brain rebounds with more REM sleep and frequent wake ups, leaving you groggy and cognitively impaired the next day.

    4. Your brain is recalibrating

    Alcohol disrupts several brain chemicals. It boosts gamma-aminobutyric acid, a calming neurotransmitter, and suppresses glutamate, which normally keeps you stimulated and alert. That’s part of why drinking feels relaxing. But as your body tries to rebalance, you may be left feeling anxious or irritable.

    When we feel rough the day after a big night of drinking, several things are happening in our body.
    Andrea Piacquadio/Pexels

    What’s in hangover ‘remedies’?

    Modern hangover remedies have evolved well beyond the “hair of the dog”. You’ve got liver-protecting capsules, electrolyte-packed drinks, vitamin patches for while you party, and strips that dissolve on your tongue – all with the goal of accelerating recovery.

    A 2025 analysis which looked at hangover products marketed in Australia found B vitamins and sodium were the most common ingredients, appearing in nearly half of all products reviewed.

    B vitamins are often included based on the idea alcohol depletes them, while sodium is thought to support rehydration. However, there’s little solid evidence that either significantly improves hangover symptoms in otherwise healthy people.

    Natural ingredients such as ginger and dihydromyricetin, a compound extracted from the Japanese raisin tree, were also popular, featuring in more than one-quarter and one-third of products respectively.

    Ginger is widely used to treat nausea and vomiting, and there’s some evidence to support its effectiveness for gastrointestinal symptoms. However, this is not specific to hangovers.

    Dihydromyricetin has been marketed as a revolutionary hangover fighter, with claims it helps the liver process alcohol more efficiently. Yet, when tested under controlled conditions, it failed to reduce hangover severity more than a placebo.

    Other popular ingredients show similarly underwhelming results. The amino acid L-cysteine has shown some benefits in one study, but the sample was too small to draw firm conclusions.

    Another product often marketed as a hangover remedy is Korean pear juice. If consumed before drinking, it may help the body break down alcohol more efficiently. A 2013 study found it slightly lowered blood alcohol levels and improved focus. However the effects were small, and it offered little benefit once a hangover had already set in.

    The juice from Korean pears is often sold as a hangover remedy.
    ND700/Shutterstock

    Another natural remedy that has shown some promise is red ginseng. One study found participants who drank red ginseng extract after alcohol were less thirsty, fatigued, had fewer stomach aches, and even had improved memory compared to people who drank just plain water.

    Mouse trials of ginseng have also shown consistent benefits across symptoms and biological markers of alcohol-related stress.

    How about IV drips and vitamin patches?

    Not all remedies come in pill or plant form. IV drips, often marketed as wellness boosters for energy, immunity, and even glowing skin, are now offered at clinics and “drip bars” for hangovers too. But unless you’re severely dehydrated, there’s little evidence these pricey infusions work any better than water, food and rest.

    Vitamin patches are also trending, claiming to deliver nutrients through the skin while bypassing digestion. But again, studies don’t necessarily support this. Most vitamins are better absorbed through food or oral supplements.



    Read more:
    A patch a day? Why the vitamin skin patches spruiked on social media might not be for you

    There’s no magic cure for a hangover

    As the hangover remedy market continues to grow, science hasn’t kept pace with marketing claims. However, these science-backed strategies may help:

    • pacing yourself and having no more than one standard drink an hour gives your liver time to keep up, so you’re less likely to feel too drunk or hungover the next day

    • stay hydrated by alternating alcoholic drinks with water

    • eating before drinking slows alcohol absorption and can help reduce stomach irritation

    • get plenty of sleep after a big night out, as your body does most of its recovery while you rest. Even a short nap the next day can help you feel better.

    Practising moderation can be difficult in the moment. But it’s likely to be your best bet to avoid waking up feeling rough the next day.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Korean pear juice, IV drips, vitamin patches: do these trendy hangover cures actually work? – https://theconversation.com/korean-pear-juice-iv-drips-vitamin-patches-do-these-trendy-hangover-cures-actually-work-255947

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Lived experience’ is valued in activism – but is it doing more harm than good?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dr Jody Moore-Ponce, Assistant lecturer in Sociology University College Cork, University College Cork

    A Pride march in Istanbul, 2018. Lumiereist/Shutterstock

    The idea of “lived experience” – knowledge gained through direct, personal experience – is now central in activism, academia and politics. Popularised by feminist thinkers like Simone de Beauvoir and concepts like standpoint theory, it makes sense that people see the world differently based on what they’ve been through. And movements like #MeToo showed how sharing personal stories, particularly for oppressed, marginalised or victimised groups, can drive real change.

    Lived experience lends authority to those long excluded from public debate, offering insight traditional expertise may miss. But it also raises questions about who gets to speak. Those without direct experience of an issue can find their place in activism questioned.

    High-profile cases like Rachel Dolezal and Andrea Smith, activists who falsely claimed black and Native American ancestry, respectively, highlight how powerful the claim to lived experience has become – so much so that some feel compelled to lie about it in order to be heard.

    My research, based on in-depth interviews with 20 activists from a range of movements and backgrounds across Europe, India and the US, shows what challenges arise when lived experience is treated as the ultimate credential in activism. The interviewees revealed how emphasis on personal testimony can shift activism away from political action, toward guilt, polarisation and disengagement.

    This matters, because it affects who feels able to participate in movements pushing for social change.

    One trans activist stressed the importance of lived experience in leading the fight for transgender rights, warning that without trans voices at the centre, the movement risks overlooking key perspectives that are often absent from research and politics.

    For others, the emphasis on lived experience creates internal dilemmas. Activists without lived experience can feel unsure of their place. One white anti-racist activist based in the UK put it this way: “I would definitely be silent in a lot of things, and I wouldn’t be proud of it. But I wouldn’t have the right to speak up.”

    Another white female activist working in international development described a growing discomfort with her role: “I fundamentally question whether I have legitimacy in leadership. Can I legitimately show up? Or do I just need to leave the development sector entirely?”

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    In some activist spaces, speaking without relevant lived experience is seen as a transgression. Identity becomes a kind of moral litmus test for who gets to speak and lead.

    Activists described an overwhelming sense of guilt about their own social advantages. One reflected on how acknowledging those advantages, by recognising the privileges they hold (and their subsequent lack of marginalised lived experience) can be a barrier to activism: “I think it is important to engage in self-awareness, but sometimes it moves into self-criticism. You can stall if you’re always feeling guilty.”

    One interviewee observed a “collective inertia” among allies, activists and academics who, unsure of their place, chose silence over action.

    Another described how guilt about having a privileged lived experience shifts the focus away from collective political action and toward perfecting the self — a kind of confessional self-work that risks becoming inward-focused, rather than leading to meaningful social change.

    These comments reflect concerns raised in social justice research about how guilt, humility and lived experience can shape or stall activism. My findings suggests that while lived experience remains vital, the way it’s used matters — when it isolates rather than unites, or fuels self-focus over action, we need to use it more carefully, in ways that build connection and drive change.

    Identity, experience and diversity of opinion

    Some activists strongly defended the idea that those with the least privilege should have the most say. As one LGBTQ+ activist put it: “The person who has the least privilege in society gets to decide what is true. If you’re straight and cis, and you’re a guy, middle-aged, and white, check your privileges.”

    While this perspective centres voices long pushed to the margins, it can also wrongly assume everyone with a particular lived experience will have the same views on an issue.

    Many writers and philosophers, such as Frantz Fanon, have challenged the idea that identity alone dictates political outlooks. As British writer Kenan Malik recently argued: “Black and Asian communities are as politically diverse as white communities.”

    Latino and black voters’ support for Donald Trump in the US has challenged many people’s assumptions about how identity dictates political allegiance.

    A Black Lives Matter march in London, June 2020.
    Avel Shah/Shutterstock

    This tension has prompted some activist organisations to rethink their approach. The UK charity Migrant Rights Network shifted their messaging from “lived experience-led” activism to “lived experience and values-led” activism in 2023.

    They argued that figures like Rishi Sunak and Suella Braverman demonstrate that lived experience alone does not guarantee shared values. Both come from immigrant backgrounds and have experienced racism, yet their support for restrictive immigration policies has led critics to question whether their personal histories count as valid lived experience.

    At the heart of this is an uncomfortable question: should lived experience only be recognised when it aligns with certain political values?



    Read more:
    Minority ethnic politicians are pushing harsh immigration policies – why representation doesn’t always mean racial justice

    A way forward

    My research suggests that if we only value lived experience when it confirms our own views, we risk turning it into a selective tool rather than a genuine commitment to listening.

    If we say lived experience matters, we have to be willing to engage with it across the spectrum — even when it challenges us. That doesn’t mean we have to agree, but it does mean staying open to dialogue.

    None of this means lived experience should be dismissed – it provides essential insight into how injustice is felt, understood and navigated by those most affected. However, when it becomes the sole measure of credibility, it can create divisions within activist spaces and silence people who want to contribute.

    A more productive approach would be to view lived experience not as the final word or the end of a conversation, but as a starting point — one that invites listening, dialogue and ultimately, collective action.

    As one activist in my study reflected: “If you take the time to talk and listen, you’re not disqualified just because you didn’t grow up in that context. The key is humility.”

    Dr Jody Moore-Ponce does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Lived experience’ is valued in activism – but is it doing more harm than good? – https://theconversation.com/lived-experience-is-valued-in-activism-but-is-it-doing-more-harm-than-good-253467

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why carrying spuds and playing sudoku could be good measures of your overall health

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Catherine Norton, Associate Professor Sport & Exercise Nutrition, University of Limerick

    simona pilolla 2/Shutterstock

    While ageing is inevitable, ageing well is something we can influence. It’s not just about the number of candles on your birthday cake – it’s whether you’ve got the puff to blow them out, the balance to carry the cake and the memory to remember why you’re celebrating.

    As we age, our bodies change. Muscle mass shrinks, bones weaken, reaction times slow. But that doesn’t mean we’re all destined for a future of walking frames and daytime TV.

    Ageing well isn’t about staying wrinkle-free – it’s about staying independent, mobile, mentally sharp and socially connected. In gerontology, there’s a saying: we want to add life to years, not just years to life. That means focusing on quality – being able to do what you love, move freely, think clearly and enjoy time with others.

    There’s no one-size-fits-all definition, but some simple home tests can give you a good idea. No fancy lab required – just a toothbrush, a stopwatch and a sense of humour.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Balance

    One fun (and surprisingly useful) way to test your balance is to stand on one leg while brushing your teeth. If you can do this for 30 seconds or more (eyes open), that’s a great sign of lower-body strength, coordination, and postural stability.

    A 2022 study found that people who couldn’t balance on one leg for ten seconds had an 84% higher risk of death over a median follow-up of seven years compared than those who could. As such, balance is like a superpower for healthy ageing — it reduces falls, supports mobility, and can be improved at any age.

    Grip

    Grip strength is more than just opening jars. It’s a powerful indicator of overall health, predicting heart health, cognitive function and even mortality risk.

    Research shows that for every 5kg decrease in grip strength, the risk of death from all causes rose by 16%.

    You can test grip strength using a hand-dynamometer (many gyms or clinics have them), or simply take note of everyday tasks – is opening bottles, carrying groceries, or using tools becoming harder?

    Floor-to-feet feat

    Can you sit on the floor and stand up without using your hands? This test is a true measure of your lower-body strength and flexibility, which are essential for daily activities and reducing the risk of falls. If you can do it, you’re in great shape.



    Read more:
    Why sitting down – and getting back up – might be the most important health test you do today

    If it’s too tough, try the sit-to-stand test. Using a chair (no arms),see how many sit-to-stand transitions you can do in 30 seconds. This task is a good measure of lower limb function, balance and muscle strength, it can also predict people at risk of falls and cardiovascular issues.

    Mental sharpness

    Cognitive function can be measured in all sorts of complex ways, but some basic home tests are surprisingly telling. Try naming as many animals as you can in 30 seconds. Fewer than 12 might indicate concern; more than 18 is a good sign.

    Try spelling “world” backwards or recalling a short list of three items after a few minutes. This skill is an important strategy to enhance memory in older adults. Challenge yourself with puzzles, Sudoku, or learning a new skill. These kinds of “verbal fluency” and memory recall tests are simple ways to spot early changes in brain health – but don’t panic if you blank occasionally. Everyone forgets where they left their keys sometimes.

    Lifestyle matters

    There’s no magic bullet to ageing well – but, if one existed, it would probably be a combination of exercise, diet, sleep and social connections.

    Some of the best-studied strategies include:

    Daily movement: walking, resistance training, swimming or tai chi keep your muscles and bones strong and support balance and heart health.

    Healthy eating: a Mediterranean-style diet — rich in whole grains, fruit, vegetables, fish, olive oil and nuts – is linked to better brain and heart health.

    Sleep: seven to nine hours of quality sleep support memory, immunity and mood.

    Connection: some research suggests that loneliness is as harmful as smoking 15 cigarettes a day. Stay engaged, join a club, volunteer, or just pick up the phone to a friend.

    If you can balance on one leg while brushing your teeth, carry a bag of potatoes up the stairs, and name 20 animals under pressure, then you’re doing very well. If not (yet), that’s OK, these are skills you can build over time. Ageing well means taking a proactive approach to health: making small, consistent choices that lead to better mobility, clearer thinking and richer social connections down the line.

    So tonight, give the one-leg toothbrush challenge a go. Your future self might thank you, especially if they still have all their teeth.

    Catherine Norton has received funding from external organisations for related research.

    Grainne Hayes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why carrying spuds and playing sudoku could be good measures of your overall health – https://theconversation.com/why-carrying-spuds-and-playing-sudoku-could-be-good-measures-of-your-overall-health-256380

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –