Category: Asia Pacific

  • MIL-OSI USA: Chairman Wicker Welcomes Secretary Hegseth to Mississippi, Showcases State’s Role in National Defense

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Mississippi Roger Wicker
    WASHINGTON – U.S. Senator Roger Wicker, R-Miss., the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, today welcomed Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth to various national defense installations in Mississippi, highlighting the state’s growing role in the defense industrial base and in support of the American warfighter.
    Specifically, Chairman Wicker and Secretary Hegseth visited the Army Aviation Support Facility in Tupelo, where they met with members of the Mississippi National Guard and participated in flight operations aboard Apache attack aircraft. Wicker and Hegseth also toured the General Atomics facility in Tupelo, where they received a brief on some of the advanced military technologies under production, including hypersonic capabilities. Finally, Hegseth and Wicker were welcomed at “A Southern Salute to the Troops,” an event run by multiple veterans’ advocacy organizations such as Purple Heart Homes and 7 Days for the Troops.
    Separately, Chairman Wicker delivered a keynote address at the University of Mississippi’s National Center for Narrative Intelligence, where he discussed the unique contributions of cognitive warfare capabilities in the broader effort to improve our national defense preparedness against threats like China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran.
    “It was great to host Secretary Hegseth in Mississippi this week as we engaged with some of our state’s best-in-class defense capabilities. I am glad that the Secretary saw firsthand why our state is increasingly becoming a powerhouse in military technology and preparedness,” Chairman Wicker said. “As Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, I will always showcase Mississippi’s leading contributions for the warfighter and work to expand our state’s growing role in the defense industrial base. I also appreciate Secretary Hegseth’s continued partnership as we both work to reform and rebuild to achieve one of President Trump’s most important promises to the American people: the restoration of peace through strength.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Chairman Wicker Leads SASC Hearing on Senior DoD Nominations

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Mississippi Roger Wicker
    WASHINGTON – U.S. Senator Roger Wicker, R-Miss., the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, today chaired a hearing examining several senior nominations for the Department of Defense, including those dealing with the Department of the Air Force, research and engineering, acquisition and sustainment, and health affairs.
    During his opening statement submitted for the record by Senator Deb Fischer, R-Neb., Chairman Wicker covered the waterfront of responsibilities that each nominee would be tasked with if confirmed.
    For the Department of the Air Force, the Chairman emphasized that the service needs to do more to boost space superiority and air dominance through better maintenance cycles, a focus on space control, and support for service personnel. For defense acquisition, Chairman Wicker referenced his “Freedom’s Forge” report and noted that there is much work to do in industrial base analysis and reforming defense procurement.
    In a discussion about engineering and research at the Pentagon, the Chairman emphasized maintaining a technological edge over our adversaries by stewarding the Pentagon’s innovation ecosystem. And for health affairs, Chairman Wicker highlighted the need for the DoD to ensure the military health system is adequately resourced not only to support daily peacetime operations but also to meet the potential demands of large-scale combat operations in the future.
    Dr. Troy E. Meink, nominee for Secretary of the Air Force, Mr. Michael P. Duffey nominee for Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment, Mr. Emil G. Michael, nominee for Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering, and Mr. Keith M. Bass, nominee for Assistant Secretary of Defense for Health Affairs Appear before the committee.
    Read Senator Wicker’s hearing opening statement as submitted for the record below.
    I welcome all of our witnesses and their families, and I thank them for being here this morning.  Their presence is timely.  We are at a crossroads in American history.  We face the most dangerous environment since World War II, and I am grateful that these individuals have stepped up to serve.
    Dr. Troy Meink has been nominated to be the Secretary of the Air Force. More than ever before, our success as a joint force rests upon our Airmen and Guardians.  We cannot deter or defeat the Chinese Communist Party without space superiority and air dominance.  I was very glad to hear that the administration is moving forward with the Next-Generation Air Dominance program.  With that announcement, President Trump and Secretary Hegseth have taken the first step to maintain our mastery of the skies. 
    Today, our Air Force is suffering through a death spiral.  We have billions of dollars of unpaid aircraft maintenance bills, a shrinking combat fleet, and a munitions shortage we need to fix.
    We created the Space Force just five years ago, and it has grown rapidly.  But we have numerous opportunities to accelerate our space control efforts and support the joint force from orbit.  Dr. Meink’s experience at the National Reconnaissance Office renders him uniquely qualified to ensure the Space Force continues its growth. 
    Managing weapons programs is only one aspect of the job for which Dr. Meink has been nominated.  He will need to take care of our Airmen and Guardians.  All the aircraft and satellites in the world are pointless unless we have the right support system for the people who develop, maintain, and operate those weapons systems. 
    I look forward to hearing Dr. Meink’s plan to maintain space superiority and air dominance in the years to come. 
    Mr. Michael Duffey has been nominated to become the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment.  If confirmed, he will face three major challenges.
    First, he will encounter our current acquisition system, which is slow, outdated, and ill-suited to meet the urgent demands of modern warfare.  In my Restoring Freedom’s Forge plan, I outlined a game-changing approach to overhaul this system.  We must streamline processes, embrace innovation, and deliver capabilities at the speed of relevance.  It will take bold leadership to shift the culture of the acquisition workforce.  We must encourage that workforce to leverage its authorities effectively and break free from its risk-averse habits.
    Second, the Department of Defense does not possess the capacity and capability to perform serious industrial base analysis at scale.  If confirmed, Mr. Duffey will need to expand and re-focus existing organizations.  They must improve our ability to answer fundamental questions about industrial policy, re-industrialization, and defense mobilization.
    Third, Mr. Duffey would chair the Nuclear Weapons Council.  His leadership will be critical as we modernize and adapt our long-neglected nuclear forces so they can meet the threat of the rapidly growing Chinese, Russian, and North Korean arsenals.
    I look forward to hearing Mr. Duffey’s views on these three challenges.
    Mr. Emil Michael has been nominated to serve as the Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering.  In other words, he would be the Chief Technology Officer for the Department of Defense.  If confirmed, Mr. Michael must ensure that the bright minds within our innovation ecosystem regain technological superiority against our adversaries, starting with China.  Mr. Michael has worked with Secretary Gates on Iraq and Afghanistan and has been a part of a very small company called Uber.  I believe his diverse experience gives him a unique appreciation for the challenges he will encounter if confirmed to this role.
    We must all ensure that the department has an aggressive vision for innovation.  That vision must resonate throughout the services and result in production at scale.  I look forward to hearing from Mr. Michael about his vision for research and development and innovation.
    Mr. Keith Bass has been tapped to become the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Health Affairs.  This role oversees all Department of Defense health policies and programs.  If confirmed, Mr. Bass would assume the role at a crucial time.  The military health system faces persistent challenges in its structure, staffing, and the delivery of healthcare services.  Mr. Bass has extensive leadership experience as White House Medical Director, as the Director of Medical Services at the CIA, and as the Medical Center Director at the West Texas Health Care System for the Department of Veterans Affairs.  He is well-equipped to address these challenges within the military health system.
    This system must provide routine, peacetime healthcare and simultaneously maintain a state of preparedness for large-scale combat.  The Pentagon faces considerable challenges in recruiting and retaining both civilian and military medical personnel.  This staffing problem directly affects the quality of care provided to service members and their families.   
    I am eager to learn how Mr. Bass intends to tackle these issues and how he plans to equip the military health system so it can deliver top-notch care in peace-time and in potential future conflict.
    With that, I turn to my colleague, Ranking Member Reed.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Cantwell Decries Trump Auto Tariffs Expected to Spike Vehicle Prices By $5,000 to $15,000

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Washington Maria Cantwell

    03.27.25

    Cantwell Decries Trump Auto Tariffs Expected to Spike Vehicle Prices By $5,000 to $15,000

    Trump declared today that he’ll impose a 25% tax on imported vehicles & some auto parts starting 4/2; Cantwell: “The Constitution gave Congress this power to set duties and to regulate foreign commerce… It’s time for Congress to reassert that authority”

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA), ranking member of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation and senior member of the Senate Finance Committee, delivered a speech on the Senate floor excoriating President Donald Trump’s announcement that he’ll impose a 25% tariff on all imported vehicles starting on April 2.

    We’re going to see the price of cars go up, and the fact that the American public can’t afford grocery costs, health care costs, or housing costs – we certainly don’t need to add in auto costs,” Sen. Cantwell said. “I’m pretty sure it’s a good deal for Elon Musk and Tesla. Don’t know that it’s such a good deal for everybody else.”

    The framers of the Constitution gave Congress this power to set duties and to regulate foreign commerce. Congress. Commerce, Article One, Section Eight, could not be clearer. It’s time for Congress to reassert that authority. We need checks and balances now more than ever. We need to invest in innovation. We need to invest in skilling and training a workforce. We need to invest in modernizing infrastructure and equipment at our factories, and we need to open foreign markets for exports,” she continued. “American business does not need an endless trade war that creates chaos and raises prices on our consumers.” 

    Following Trump’s announcement today, several Wall Street analysts reported that Tesla – the company owned by Elon Musk – stood to benefit the most, with one analyst calling the company the “clear structural winner” of the new tariff. The “Detroit Big Three” – General Motors, Ford, and Stellantis (formerly Chrysler) – stand to take the hardest hit.

    The tariffs could also impact West Coast ports who import automobiles, such as the Port of Vancouver, Wash., which is the largest gateway for Subaru imports in the country. In 2023, 98,000 Subarus came through the Port of Vancouver.

    Last week, Sen. Cantwell joined the Washington Council of International Trade for a Q&A session on the whiplash caused by the administration’s chaotic tariff policies – and how they particularly harm the Pacific Northwest, which is among the most trade-dependent regions in the country. Sen. Cantwell said that the current administration’s approach to trade focuses on punitive tariffs, even with America’s largest trading partners and closest allies, as opposed to innovation and alliance-building. That ethos is fundamentally at odds with how the Pacific Northwest has historically built its trade-oriented economy.

    READ MORE:

    CNBC: Wall Street analysts say Elon Musk is the clear auto tariff winner: ‘Tesla wins, Detroit bleeds’

    KOMO Seattle: Washington Sen. Maria Cantwell says Congress should intervene before a trade war expands.

    The Columbian: Record number of Subarus came through Port of Vancouver in 2023

    In Washington state, two out of every five jobs are tied to trade and trade-related industries. More information on how President Trump’s tariffs on goods from Mexico, Canada, and China will affect consumers and businesses in the State of Washington can be found HERENationwide:

    • A 25% tariff on Canada and Mexico would add an estimated $144 billion a year to the cost of manufacturing in the United States.
    • Tariffs on Canada and Mexico could increase U.S. car prices by as much as $15,000.
    • According to the Yale Budget Lab, Trump’s proposed tariffs would result in the highest U.S. effective tariff rate in more than 80 years, and depending on the level of retaliation by other trading partners, will result in increased costs of between $1,600 and $2,000 per household. According to their analysis, food, clothing, cars, and electronics will all see above-average price increases.

    Sen. Cantwell has remained a steadfast supporter of increased trade to grow the economy and keep prices in check in the State of Washington and nationwide. Sen. Cantwell was the leading voice in negotiations to end India’s 20% retaliatory tariff on American apples, which was imposed in response to tariffs on steel and aluminum and devastated Washington state’s apple exports. India had once been the second-largest export market for American apples, but after President Trump imposed tariffs on steel and aluminum in his first term, India imposed retaliatory tariffs in response and U.S. apple exports plummeted. The impact on Washington apple growers was severe: Apple exports from the state dropped from $120 million in 2017 to less than $1 million by 2023.  In September 2023, following several years of Sen. Cantwell’s advocacy, India ended its retaliatory tariffs on apples and pulse crops which was welcome news to the state’s more than 1,400 apple growers and the 68,000-plus workers they support.

    For the past two months, President Trump has been sowing economic chaos across the country with unpredictable and ever-changing tariff announcements. His back-and-forth announcements and actions, which have whipsawed American businesses and consumers, as well as close neighbors and allies, include:

    • On January 31 — citing punishment for failing to crack down on fentanyl trafficking — the Trump administration announced plans to impose a 25% tax on many goods imported into the U.S. from Canada and Mexico and a 10% tax on goods imported from China, then abruptly postponed those tariffs.
    • Last month, he doubled down, announcing an additional 25% tax on all steel and aluminum imports.
    • At 12:01 a.m. ET on March 4, President Trump’s long-promised 25% tariffs on goods from Mexico and Canada and 10% tariff increase on goods from China took effect, causing stock prices in the United States to plummet.
    • Then, on March 5, he announced that automobiles from Canada and Mexico would be exempt from his tariffs for one month.
    • The morning of March 6, he announced that he would suspend the tariffs for some products from Mexico. Then, later that same afternoon, he announced he was suspending most new tariffs on products from both Mexico and Canada until April 2.
    • On March 11, Trump threatened to double tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum – increasing them to 50% – before reversing himself later the same day.
    • On March 13, he threatened 200% tariffs on alcoholic products from the European Union, including all wine and Champagne.
    • Today, he announced plans to impose a 25% tax on all imported sedans, SUVs, crossovers, minivans, cargo vans, and light trucks, as well as some auto parts, beginning on April 2.

    Video of Sen. Cantwell’s speech is HERE; audio is HERE; and a transcript is HERE.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: New Visitor Guide out now

    Source: New South Wales Ministerial News

    The 2025 Official Visitor Guide for Bendigo and Heathcote has been released featuring new experiences, suggestions on what to see and do, and themed itineraries to appeal to domestic and international visitors.

    City of Greater Bendigo Manager Economy & Experience James Myatt said the Visitor Guide was a great way to showcase the region.

    “With so many exciting events taking place over the next few months, including Bendigo Gallery’s exclusive exhibition Frida Kahlo: In her own image, the Bendigo Easter Festival, Illumin8, Heathcote on Show, Bendigo Writers Festival, Australian Sheep & Wool Show, and much more, the Visitor Guide is perfect for domestic and international visitors looking for a memorable getaway,” Mr Myatt said.

    “The Visitor Guide is also ideal for residents looking to explore more on their own doorstep, particularly if they are hosting family and friends during the Easter and winter school holidays.

    “The guide features a fantastic range of experiences, seasonal highlights, events and festivals, and things to see and do. You’ll find everything from history and heritage, arts and culture, food, and local produce to family-fun experiences.

    “You can browse the top 10 iconic experiences in Greater Bendigo, inner-city precincts and suburbs, surrounding natural beauty, and a range of experiences and suggested itineraries to suit all interests.

    “The City’s commitment to inclusive tourism ensures that people of all abilities can enjoy Greater Bendigo’s many offerings, and the visitor guide provides a dedicated section on accessible tourism.

    “The Bendigo and Heathcote region is an ideal pet-friendly holiday destination, and the guide provides useful information on places to stay and visit with your pet by your side.

    “Each section has a QR code to link to more detailed information on the Bendigo Region website.”

    The Visitor Guide has been distributed to local tourism operators, Visitor Information Centres across Victoria, and Bendigo and Melbourne Airports. The guide will also be used in the interstate and international markets as a key promotional tool for the region.

    The guide is produced by the City in partnership with Bendigo Tourism to highlight unique events and experiences on offer in the region.

    The Visitor Guide has been distributed to local tourism operators, Visitor Information Centres across Victoria, and Bendigo and Melbourne Airports. The guide will also be used in the interstate and international markets as a key promotional tool for the region.

    A copy can also be picked up locally at Bendigo and Heathcote Visitor Centres, and from a range of local attractions, cafes, retailers, accommodation providers, and more.

    A digital version of the Visitor Guide is available on the Bendigo Region website:

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Government addresses Wellington Water concerns

    Source: New Zealand Government

    The Government is accelerating Local Water Done Well for the Wellington region to provide greater transparency at Wellington Water and ensure it is delivering value for money for ratepayers, say Local Government Minister Simon Watts and Commerce and Consumer Affairs Minister Scott Simpson. 

    “Over the last few months, I have had serious concerns around Wellington’s water services,” Mr Watts says.

    “Recent reports have shone a spotlight on high costs and unsound financial management at Wellington Water with clear evidence suggesting the ratepayers are not getting good value for money,” Mr Watts says. 

    “I am not satisfied by the progress made to address these glaring problems and without clear and decisive action, Wellingtonians face a decade of hefty rate increases with little to show for it.”

    The Government is bringing forward Local Water Done Well for the Wellington region by imposing early economic regulation on Wellington Water. This means the Commerce Commission will begin its role as a monitor for the Wellington region’s water services sooner than other water services under Local Water Done Well.

    “Given the current issues, Wellingtonians shouldn’t have to wait for the full economic regulation regime to be in place to have greater visibility over how their money is spent on water services,” Mr Simpson says.

    “The Commission will impose foundational information disclosure requirements on Wellington Water. This will require it to report to the public and the Commission on key delivery performance and financial management measures.

    “While the precise disclosure requirements will be set by the Commission, we anticipate it will include indicators that provide a view of value for money, procurement practices, and plans to address the shortcomings outlined in the published reports.”

    Mr Watts says the action today to increase public accountability at Wellington Water is implemented under Local Water Done Well legislation the Coalition Government passed last year.

    “The purpose of economic regulation including information disclosures is to promote the long-term benefit of consumers of water services and to ensure that sufficient information is available to assess whether that is occurring.

    The foundational information disclosure framework provided for under last year’s Local Government (Water Services Preliminary Arrangements) Act means we can ensure a more detailed picture sooner of how Wellington Water intends to address performance shortfalls in key areas.

    “Experience in other sectors shows information disclosure provides greater transparency and is expected to drive a shift in organisational behaviour. The action we are taking will help ensure steps are taken to reduce unnecessary future costs for Wellington ratepayers. 

    “This is consistent with the Government’s Local Water Done Well objectives – financially sustainable water services with strong regulatory oversight, strict rules for water quality and ongoing investment. It is also consistent with our focus on tackling cost of living challenges for New Zealanders.”

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Innovation drives refreshed disability strategy

    Source: New Zealand Government

    New Zealand’s strategy to improve the lives and uphold the rights of disabled people will be refreshed using an innovative new approach, Disability Issues Minister Louise Upston has announced.
    “The current 10-year strategy ends in 2026 and has provided a valuable focus for disability work during the past decade,” Louise Upston says. 
    “While progress has been made, there is clearly more to do.
    “We’re going to tackle the next refresh in a new way. In a New Zealand first, working groups drawn from the disabled community, industry and government agencies will develop actions in key focus areas. The draft strategy will then go to the wider disabled community for further review before being agreed.
    “The resulting document will endure for five years, focusing on key areas where differences can be made for disabled people including education, employment, health, housing and justice.
    “This is an exciting opportunity. The Ministry of Disabled People – Whaikaha is managing the refresh process, and has received almost 350 expressions of interest from disabled people keen to take part.
    “Recent data from the Stats NZ Household Disability Survey found disabled New Zealanders continue to face many barriers, for example in education, employment and housing.
    “We know 1 in 6 New Zealanders are disabled, yet three quarters of unemployed disabled people want to be working which means creating employment opportunities must be an important focus. 
    “Disabled people, like non-disabled people, want to participate in their communities, to thrive and make decisions about their own lives.
    “There will be challenges ahead as the refresh proceeds, but equally there are also huge opportunities to make a positive difference,” Louise Upston says.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Amidst Renewed Offensives in Democratic Republic of Congo, Head of UN Presence Says All Parties Must Honour Commitment to Silence Guns, Pursue Peace

    Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council

    An increasingly volatile situation — driven by resurgent incursions by rebel militia groups — is killing and displacing civilians in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Head of the United Nations Mission in that country warned the Security Council today.

    “The political and security context remains very tense,” said Bintou Keita, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative in that country and Head of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO).  In the country’s east, the Congo River Alliance and M23 — supported by the Rwanda Defence Force — are consolidating control over the province of South Kivu, threatening to expand into the provinces of Tshopo and Maniema and installing a parallel administration.  All parties must “honour their stated commitment to silence the guns and pursue a peaceful solution”, she stressed.

    Meanwhile, the overall security situation in the provinces of North Kivu and Ituri — where over 60 per cent of MONUSCO forces are deployed — remains volatile.  The Allied Democratic Forces have exploited the security vacuum created by the redeployment of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to launch attacks killing hundreds of civilians.  Further, clashes between the Coalition of Congolese Democrats and Zaïre armed groups have escalated in Ituri.  The human-rights situation is also deteriorating, with abuses against civilians — including summary executions — and the 2025 Humanitarian Response Plan is only 8.2 per cent funded.

    In this challenging context, she said, MONUSCO remains fully committed to its mandate, protecting civilians and facilitating Government-led consultations with armed groups.  However, the dramatic deterioration of the security situation has seriously impacted discussions between MONUSCO and Congolese authorities on the gradual disengagement of the Mission and the transition in South Kivu. Reiterating that lasting peace in the east can only be achieved through a political solution, she called for the urgent reopening of Goma and Kavumu airports — lifelines for humanitarian efforts and key to the rotation of MONUSCO troops.

    Also addressing the Council was Charlotte Slente, Secretary General of the Danish Refugee Council, who said that her organization has been “racing to respond to the erratic and constant movement of internally displaced persons seeking safety” since the end of January.  The recent explosion of violence in and around Goma has exacerbated the already-dire humanitarian situation in the east and led to 660,000 people being forcibly displaced — in addition to the 6.7 million already displaced across the country at the end of 2024.  “With little notice, families were kicked out of their shelters, forced to leave with nothing but the clothes they were wearing,” she said.

    Detailing the appalling living conditions in makeshift camps, churches and schools, she noted widespread looting, shootings, rampant sexual violence, arbitrary arrests and reports of boys and men being forced to join armed groups.  “One person told us they wake each morning to find new dead bodies on the streets,” she recalled, adding that 98 per cent of her organization’s case management for human-rights violations has been for rape.  And, while humanitarian work is under extreme pressure due to recent funding cuts, the displacement crisis will only worsen.  Stressing the need to ensure safe and voluntary return for internally displaced persons, she also called on the Council to ensure humanitarian access across the country.

    Kinshasa, Kigali Spar Over Causes of Conflict

    In the ensuing discussion, representatives of Kinshasa and Kigali sparred over the causes and culprits driving the worsening conflict, with the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo citing the “chaotic” humanitarian situation in east.  He highlighted a series of atrocities perpetrated by the Rwanda Defence Force and M23, including killings, torture, massive destruction and numerous lootings.  The alarming situation underscores the urgent need to implement — “to the letter” — the provisions of resolution 2773 (2025) to end the violence and protect civilians.

    He added that the extent of the violence suggests that “we can no longer allow this crisis to drag out for eternity, claiming that an African problem requires an African solution”.  Doing so, he stressed, would betray international solidarity.  To date, no Rwandan soldier has withdrawn from Congolese territory, and Kigali has shown blatant disregard for the peace process to which Kinshasa has been committed.  Increased pressure — including more robust sanctions — are needed against M23 and its Rwandan allies, he underscored, stating that Rwanda has no right to deploy its army on a sovereign country’s territory.

    However, Olivier Nduhungirehe, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Rwanda, stressed that the conflict in the eastern region “was not started by Rwanda” — despite burden for the same being placed “squarely” on its shoulders.  The root cause of the violence is the continued preservation of the genocidal militia known as the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda — or FDLR — despite its record of ethnic massacres, child recruitment and destabilization of both the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda.  In that context, he underscored that “the defensive measures we have put in place will remain until there is a credible framework for long-term security guarantees along our border with the DRC”.

    Calling the case of MONUSCO “particularly troubling”, he said that while today’s report accurately cites abusive armed groups, it shows a clear pattern of bias.  Alarmingly, “MONUSCO provided direct support to the military operation of the DRC coalition, placing itself in a situation of belligerence — even sometimes fighting alongside the same groups it was created to neutralize,” he stressed, adding that the Mission has wildly exaggerated claims of civilian casualties. Nonetheless, MONUSCO can still play a positive role if it abides by its mandate, he said.

    Council Members Urge End to Violence

    As for Council members, the representative of Sierra Leone — also speaking for Algeria, Guyana and Somalia — expressed concern over the “catastrophic” humanitarian situation in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which is inflicting a severe toll on the Congolese people.  While urging an immediate cessation of hostilities, he nevertheless welcomed recent steps towards de-escalation, particularly the ceasefire announcement by M23.

    He further welcomed the joint road map to peace adopted by the East African Community and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), as well as commitments made by both Kinshasa and Kigali in Doha to remain fully engaged in the Luanda and Nairobi processes.  Stressing that all processes for peace and security in the Democratic Republic of the Congo should align with African-led processes, he stated that external mercenary forces risk exacerbating the situation.

    Multiple speakers today, among them the representative of the United States, denounced the hostilities and the increasingly antagonistic rhetoric coming from Rwandan Government officials and M23 — including threats against senior MONUSCO leadership and false claims that MONUSCO supports the FDLR. Panama’s delegate pointed to reports of M23’s indiscriminate attacks against hospitals, abductions of civilians and gang rapes.

    “There is no military solution to this conflict,” affirmed Pakistan’s representative, calling all sides — particularly M23 — to engage in all relevant African-led processes to reach a peace agreement.  The United Kingdom’s delegate, condemning the capture of the town of Walikale, stressed that the Rwanda Defence Force must withdraw from sovereign Congolese territory.  He also said that M23’s continued restrictions on MONUSCO have hampered the Mission’s ability to deliver key tasks.

    However, the Russian Federation’s delegate pushed back on the “highly dubious” hospitality extended by MONUSCO to members of European private military companies — as the Mission’s mandate to disarm, demobilize and reintegrate former combatants “bears no relation to the events we witnessed thanks to media reporting”.  Given the potential further transition of MONUSCO, the Council must act without allowing the situation to deteriorate due to changes in the configuration of the peacekeeping presence in the country, she stressed.

    On the humanitarian situation, the representatives of France and Slovenia condemned M23’s unacceptable restrictions on MONUSCO and humanitarian actors in Goma and occupied areas of North Kivu.  On that, the representative of Denmark — Council President for March — spoke in her national capacity to call for the immediate reopening of the Goma and Kavumu airports.  Further, she voiced concern over threats and reprisals against human-rights defenders, journalists, civil society and judicial authorities.

    On the diplomatic front, China’s representative welcomed recent direct talks in Qatar between Kinshasa and Kigali, as well as the former’s decision to engage in direct dialogue with M23.  “China always supports African countries in solving African problems in African ways,” he stated.  Greece’s delegate agreed, urging leaders of both countries to re-engage immediately in political dialogue, while the representative of the Republic of Korea called on armed groups to engage in Kinshasa’s “Disarmament, Demobilization, Community Recovery and Stabilization Programme”.

    Also on diplomatic engagement, Angola’s representative noted that, in 2022, the African Union mandated that his country’s President mediate the crisis. However, he recalled that the relevant summit, scheduled for 15 December 2024, did not occur as Rwanda insisted that the M23 issue be addressed, while the Democratic Republic of the Congo held that it did not fit into the framework of the Luanda Process.  Despite impediments, including some foreign to an African solution, the understandings reached within the framework of the Luanda Process constitute a solid political basis for further efforts, he emphasized.

    Burundi’s delegate, for his part, affirmed that only a comprehensive regional solution will put an end to the current crisis and achieve lasting peace.  He also urged the Council to ensure implementation of resolution 2773 (2025), observing:  “Non-compliance with these resolutions risks weakening the authority of this Council.”  He added that failure to respect the territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo could set a “dangerous precedent, which some States could make use of to nibble at portions of the territory of other sovereign States”.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Putting Patients First: Modernising health workforce regulation

    Source: New Zealand Ministry of Health

    The Government is reviewing health workforce regulation to improve New Zealanders’ timely, quality access to healthcare.

    We have an opportunity to put patients at the centre, modernise and streamline the system, and improve efficiency.

    The Government is inviting New Zealanders to share their views on health workforce regulation through the Ministry of Health’s online consultation portal.

    Feedback on the options outlined in the discussion document will inform the Ministry’s advice to the Government on possible changes to health workforce regulation.

    Submissions close Wednesday, 30 April 2025 11:59pm.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Volcano Watch — Moving magma: What happens after a dike intrudes a rift zone?

    Source: US Geological Survey

    Volcano Watch is a weekly article and activity update written by U.S. Geological Survey Hawaiian Volcano Observatory scientists and affiliates.

    Radar interferograms showing examples of linear subsidence features (indicated by yellow arrows) that occurred directly above recent dike intrusions. (A) COSMO-SkyMed interferogram spanning June 6–13, 2024, showing inflation of Kīlauea’s summit area, but also a narrow and linear zone of subsidence about the Southwest Rift Zone caused by cooling of the dike that feed an eruption on June 3, 2024.  (B) TerraSAR-X interferogram spanning June 13, 2008–July 12, 2010, showing complex deformation on Kīlauea’s East Rift Zone near Maunaulu and Makaopuhi Crater.  The deformation includes overall contraction of the rift zone, subsidence of former pit craters that were filled by lava in the 1960s (these appear as “bullseyes” of colored fringes), and a linear zone of subsidence above the “Fathers Day” dike, which intruded during Jule 17–19, 2007, and fed a small eruption on the north side of Kānenuiohamo.  (C) Sentinel-1 interferogram of the summit region of Mauna Loa spanning May 11, 2023–May 17, 2024, showing overall inflation following the volcano’s 2022 eruption, as well as a narrow, linear zone of subsidence along the Northeast Rift Zone caused by cooling and contraction of the dike intrusion that fed the eruption.  (D) Sentinel-1 interferogram of Kīlauea’s lower East Rift Zone spanning October 17, 2022 – October 24, 2023, showing a narrow and linear zone of subsidence above the dike intrusion that fed the 2018 eruption.  In all images, the white arrow shows the path of the satellite, with the perpendicular white bar giving the look direction.

    Hawaiian volcanoes are rightly famous for eruptions along their rift zones—geologic structures that are undergoing extension and through which magma can move over great distances. Kīlauea and Mauna Loa each have two major rift zones that radiate away from the volcano summits, and rift zone eruptions are common. Mauna Loa’s 2022 eruption, and Kīlauea’s 1983–2018 Puʻuʻōʻo eruption and the 2018 AhuʻAilā’au eruption, all occurred from rift zones.

    Magma moves through Hawaiian rift zones as dikes, which are a tabular sheets of magma that move laterally and vertically beneath the ground.  When a dike reaches the surface, it often erupts as a linear curtain of lava, as several recent eruptions on the Island of Hawaiʻi have demonstrated.

    As dikes form in a rift zone, they wedge the zone apart, creating lots of surface displacement.  Sometimes, the amount of horizontal and vertical deformation that occurs in the vicinity of a dike intrusion can exceed several feet (about a meter).

    Once the dike stalls and any eruption (if one occurred) ends, one might think that is the end of the story. Not so.  The signs of magma beneath the surface can be detected for years thereafter.

    One rather obvious sign of recently active magma below the ground is thermal energy.  Especially where a dike reached shallow levels, the ground will remain hot.  Vapor emissions are common in those areas because rainwater that circulates below ground is warmed by the still-hot rock and rises to the surface as steam.

    The ground can also continue to deform long after the dike activity has ended.  As magma cools, it solidifies from its molten state and continues to drop in temperature as solid rock.  During this process, it contracts or shrinks, like most materials (except water).  Because magma underground cools very slowly (it is very well insulated down there!), it can take years to decades, and perhaps even centuries, before reaching background temperatures.  Thermal contraction is fastest during the initial, most rapid phases of cooling, and that is reflected in the way the surface responds. 

    As the magma cools and contracts, the ground above the shallow parts of a dike subsides (sinks). This deformation is especially easy to see by comparing satellite radar images over time—a technique known as interferometric synthetic aperture radar, or InSAR.  The subsidence looks like a linear streak that occurs directly above the dike in InSAR data.  In that sense, using InSAR to map subsidence after a dike intrusion can help geologists understand where exactly a dike is located, how much magma is in the dike, and how quickly it is cooling.

    The linear pattern of subsidence seen in InSAR images is apparent after nearly all dike intrusions at Hawaiian volcanoes.  For example, subsidence occurred for a few years above the so-called “Fathers Day” dike that intruded between Maunaulu and Makaopuhi Crater in June 2007, feeding a very small eruption on Kānenuiohamo. Subsidence also marks the lower East Rift Zone of Kīlauea above the trace of the dike that erupted in 2018.  Streaks of subsidence are likewise apparent above the dikes that erupted from Mauna Loa’s Northeast Rift Zone in 2022 and from Kīlauea’s Southwest Rift Zone in 2024.

    There is obviously a lot to measure when magma moves through the rift zones of Hawaiian volcanoes, and it is a time of special vigilance, given how many residents live on the flanks of our active volcanoes.  But the action doesn’t stop just because the eruption or intrusion ends.  There’s still much that can be learned about the characteristics of magma within Hawaiian rift zones from mapping deformation patterns after the magma has stopped moving!

    Volcano Activity Updates

    Kīlauea has been erupting episodically within the summit caldera since December 23, 2024. Its USGS Volcano Alert level is WATCH.

    The summit eruption at Kīlauea volcano that began in Halemaʻumaʻu crater on December 23 continued over the past week. Episode 14, which began the morning of March 19, ended the afternoon of March 20. Low-level spatter fountains and lava flows that marked the start of Episode 15 on March 25. The lava fountaining phase of Episode 15 began the morning of March 26 and continued for the next 9 hours, with fountains reaching over 1,000 feet (305 meters).  Since the end of Episode 15, the summit region has showed inflation suggesting another episode is possible. Sulfur dioxide emission rates are elevated in the summit region during active eruption episodes. No unusual activity has been noted along Kīlauea’s East Rift Zone or Southwest Rift Zone. 

    Mauna Loa is not erupting. Its USGS Volcano Alert Level is at NORMAL.

    Two earthquakes were reported felt in the Hawaiian Islands during the past week: a M3.0 earthquake 12 km (7 mi) NE of Pāhala at 30 km (19 mi) depth on March 26 at 3:37 a.m. HST and a M3.2 earthquake 31 km (19 mi) WSW of Kailua-Kona at 30 km (18 mi) depth on March 25 at 2:36 p.m. HST.

    HVO continues to closely monitor Kīlauea and Mauna Loa.

    Please visit HVO’s website for past Volcano Watch articles, Kīlauea and Mauna Loa updates, volcano photos, maps, recent earthquake information, and more. Email questions to askHVO@usgs.gov.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: Abaxx Announces Closing of C$22,850,000 First Tranche of Convertible Debenture Offering

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION TO U.S. NEWSWIRE SERVICES OR DISSEMINATION IN THE UNITED STATES

    TORONTO, March 27, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Abaxx Technologies Inc. (CBOE:ABXX)(OTCQX:ABXXF) (“Abaxx” or the “Company”), a financial software and market infrastructure company, indirect majority shareholder of Abaxx Singapore Pte Ltd., the owner of Abaxx Commodity Exchange and Clearinghouse (individually, “Abaxx Exchange” and “Abaxx Clearing”), and producer of the SmarterMarkets™ Podcast, today announces that it has closed the first tranche (the “First Tranche”) of its previously announced non-brokered private placement (the “Offering”) of secured convertible debentures (the “Debentures”) for aggregate gross proceeds of C$22.85 million. The Company may close a second and final tranche (the “Second Tranche”) of the Offering for gross proceeds of up to C$17.15 million at a later date.

    The outstanding principal amount of the Debentures, together with any accrued and unpaid interest, will become due and payable in full on March 26, 2028 (the “Maturity Date”) and will be payable in cash. Each Debenture consists of C$1,000 principal amount of secured convertible debentures of the Company and is convertible into common shares of the Company (each, a “Debenture Share”) at the option of the holder thereof prior to the Maturity Date at a conversion price equal to $13.00 per Debenture Share (the “Conversion Price”).

    The Company has the right to redeem the Debentures at redemption price equal to 105% of the principal amount of the outstanding Debentures plus any accrued and unpaid interest to the date prior to the date of redemption: (a) at any time, should the VWAP of the Company’s common shares exceed 130% of the Conversion Price for no fewer than 20 out of 30 consecutive trading days, or (b) after March 26, 2027.

    The Debentures were issued at an original issue discount equal to 2.5% of the aggregate principal amount of the Debentures and bear interest at a rate of 7.0% per annum from the date of issue, payable semi-annually in arrears in cash on June 30 and December 31 of each year following the first interest payment date of September 30, 2026. The Debentures are secured against certain publicly-traded securities owned by the Company.

    The Offering is subject to the receipt of all necessary regulatory approvals, including the final approval of Cboe Canada. The net proceeds of the First Tranche are expected to be used for general corporate and working capital purposes. The Debentures and Debenture Shares issuable pursuant to the First Tranche are subject to statutory hold periods of four months and one day from the date of issuance.

    In connection with the Offering, so long as the Debentures remain outstanding, the Company has agreed to not assume any additional indebtedness without the consent of a majority of the holders of Debentures as may be outstanding from time to time, other than: (a) certain permitted debt arrangements of up to C$10,000,000 for working capital or regulatory capital requirements in the normal course of business, and (b) trade indebtedness in the normal course of its business.

    The Company paid eligible finders a total cash commission of C$510,400 in connection with gross proceeds received from subscribers introduced to the Company by such finders.

    A certain holder of greater than 10% of the Company’s common shares acquired $4,000,0000 principal amount of Debentures under the First Tranche (the “Insider Participation”). The Insider Participation constitutes a “related party transaction” as such term is defined under Multilateral Instrument 61-101 – Protection of Minority Security Holders in Special Transactions (“MI 61-101”). The Company is relying on an exemption from the formal valuation and minority shareholder approval requirements provided under MI 61-101 pursuant to section 5.5(a) and section 5.7(1)(a) of MI 61-101, on the basis that the Insider Participation does not exceed 25% of the fair market value of the Company’s market capitalization. The Company did not file a material change report in respect of the Insider Participation at least 21 days before the closing of the First Tranche, which the Company believes is reasonable in the circumstances in order to complete the First Tranche in an expeditious manner.

    The securities offered in the Offering have not been, and will not be, registered under the United States Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “U.S. Securities Act”) or any U.S. state securities laws, and may not be offered or sold in the United States or to, or for the account or benefit of, United States persons, absent registration or any applicable exemption from the registration requirements of the U.S. Securities Act and applicable U.S. state securities laws. This news release does not constitute an offer to sell or the solicitation of any offer to buy securities in the United States, nor in any other jurisdiction.

    About Abaxx Technologies
    Abaxx is building Smarter Markets — markets empowered by better financial technology and market infrastructure to address our biggest challenges, including the energy transition. In addition to developing and deploying financial technologies that make communication, trade, and transactions easier and more secure, Abaxx is an indirect majority-owner of subsidiaries Abaxx Exchange and Abaxx Clearing, recognized by MAS as a “recognised market operator” (RMO) and “approved clearing house” (ACH), respectively.

    Abaxx Exchange and Abaxx Clearing are a Singapore-based commodity futures exchange and clearinghouse, introducing centrally cleared, physically deliverable commodities futures and derivatives to provide better price discovery and risk management tools for the commodities critical to our transition to a lower-carbon economy.

    For more information please visit abaxx.tech, abaxx.exchange and smartermarkets.media.

    For more information about this press release, please contact:

    Steve Fray, CFO
    Tel: +1 647-490-1590

    Media and investor inquiries:

    Abaxx Technologies Inc.
    Investor Relations Team
    Tel: +1 246 271 0082
    E-mail: ir@abaxx.tech

    Cautionary Statement Regarding Forward-Looking Information

    This press release includes certain “forward-looking statements” which do not consist of historical facts. Forward-looking statements include estimates and statements that describe Abaxx’s future plans, objectives, or goals, including words to the effect that Abaxx expects a stated condition or result to occur. Forward-looking statements may be identified by such terms as “seeking”, “should”, “intend”, “predict”, “potential”, “believes”, “anticipates”, “expects”, “estimates”, “may”, “could”, “would”, “will”, “continue”, “plan” or the negative of these terms and similar expressions. Since forward-looking statements are based on current expectations and assumptions and address future events and conditions, by their very nature they involve inherent risks and uncertainties. Although these statements are based on information currently available to Abaxx, Abaxx does not provide any assurance that actual results will meet respective management expectations. Risks, uncertainties, assumptions, and other factors involved with forward-looking information could cause actual events, results, performance, prospects, and opportunities to differ materially from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking information. Forward-looking information related to Abaxx in this press release includes, but is not limited to: matters related to the Offering and the conversion of the Debentures, statements related to the closing of the Second Tranche including the timing and size thereof, regulatory approvals, the agreement to not assume additional indebtedness except certain permitted indebtedness, and the inability of Abaxx to apply the use of proceeds from the Offering as anticipated. Such factors impacting forward-looking information include, among others: the inability to obtain required approvals for the Offering, risks relating to the global economic climate; dilution; Abaxx’s limited operating history; future capital needs and uncertainty of additional financing; the competitive nature of the industry; currency exchange risks; the need for Abaxx to manage its planned growth and expansion; the effects of product development and need for continued technology change; protection of proprietary rights; the effect of government regulation and compliance on Abaxx and the industry; acquiring and maintaining regulatory approvals for Abaxx’s products and operations; the ability to list Abaxx’s securities on stock exchanges in a timely fashion or at all; network security risks; the ability of Abaxx to maintain properly working systems; reliance on key personnel; global economic and financial market deterioration impeding access to capital or increasing the cost of capital; and volatile securities markets impacting security pricing unrelated to operating performance. In addition, particular factors which could impact future results of the business of Abaxx include but are not limited to: operations in foreign jurisdictions, protection of intellectual property rights, contractual risk, third-party risk; clearinghouse risk, malicious actor risks, third-party software license risk, system failure risk, risk of technological change; dependence of technical infrastructure; and changes in the price of commodities, capital market conditions, restriction on labor and international travel and supply chains, and the risk factors identified in the Company’s most recent management’s discussion & analysis filed on SEDAR+. Abaxx has also assumed that no significant events occur outside of Abaxx’s normal course of business.

    Abaxx cautions that the foregoing list of material factors is not exhaustive. In addition, although Abaxx has attempted to identify important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially, there may be other factors that cause results not to be as anticipated, estimated, or intended. When relying on forward-looking statements and information to make decisions, investors and others should carefully consider the foregoing factors and other uncertainties and potential events. Abaxx has assumed that the material factors referred to in the previous paragraphs will not cause such forward-looking statements and information to differ materially from actual results or events. However, the list of these factors is not exhaustive and is subject to change and there can be no assurance that such assumptions will reflect the actual outcome of such items or factors. The forward-looking statements and information contained in this press release represents the expectations of Abaxx as of the date of this press release and, accordingly, is subject to change after such date. Abaxx undertakes no obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements and information, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, except as required by law. Accordingly, readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on these forward-looking statements and information. Cboe Canada does not accept responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this press release.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Global: Australians almost never vote out a first-term government. So why is this year’s election looking so tight?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Pandanus Petter, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Politics and International Relations, Australian National University

    Now that an election has been called, Australian voters will go to the polls on May 3 to decide the fate of the first-term, centre-left Australian Labor Party government led by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese.

    In Australia, national elections are held every three years. The official campaign period only lasts for around a month.

    This time around, Albanese will be seeking to hold onto power after breaking Labor’s nine-year dry spell by beating the more right-leaning Liberal Party, led by Scott Morrison, in 2022.

    Now, he’s up against the Liberals’ new leader, a conservative with a tough guy image, Peter Dutton. It’s looking like a tight race.

    So how do elections work in Australia, who’s contesting for the top spot and why is the race looking so close?

    For Albanese, the honeymoon is over

    Albanese was brought into power in 2022 on the back of dissatisfaction with the long-term and scandal-prone Liberal-National Coalition government.

    At the time, he was considered personally more competent, warm and sensible than Morrison.

    Unfortunately for Albanese, the dissatisfaction and stress about the cost of living hasn’t gone away.

    Governments in Australia almost always win a second term. However, initially high levels of public support have dissipated over the first term. Opinion polls are pointing to a close election, though Albanese’s approval ratings have had a boost in recent weeks.

    At the heart of what makes this such a tight contest are issues shared by many established democracies: the public’s persistent sense of economic hardship in the post-pandemic period and longer-term dissatisfaction with “politics as usual”, combined with an increased focus on party leaders.

    Around the world, incumbents have faced challenges holding onto power over the past year, with voters sweeping out the Conservatives in the United Kingdom and the Democrats in the United States.

    Australia has faced some similar economic challenges, such as relatively high inflation and cost-of-living problems.

    Likewise, Australia – like many other established democracies – has long-term trends of dissatisfaction with major parties and the political system itself.

    However, this distaste with “business as usual” manifests differently in Australia from comparable countries such the UK and US.

    Australia’s voting system

    In Australia, voting is compulsory, and those who fail to turn out face a small fine. Some observers have argued this pushes parties to try to persuade “swing” voters with more moderate policies, rather than rely on their faithful “bases” and court those with more extreme views who are more likely to vote.

    In the UK, by comparison, widespread public distaste with the Conservatives, combined with low turnout and first-past-the-post voting, delivered Keir Steirmer’s Labour Party a dramatic victory. This was despite a limited uptick in support.

    And in the US, turnout in the 2024 election was only about 64%. Donald Trump and the Republicans swept to power last year by channelling a deep anti-establishment sentiment among those people who voted.

    And the country is now so polarised, that the more strongly identifying Democrat and Republican voters who do turn out to vote can’t see eye to eye on highly emotionally charged issues which dominate the parties’ platforms. Independent voters are left without “centrist” options.

    Because Australia’s voting system is different, Dutton is unlikely to follow Trump’s far-right positioning too closely, despite dabbling in the “anti-woke” culture wars.

    It also explains why Albanese’s personal style is usually quite mild-mannered and why he’s unlikely to present himself as a radical reformer.

    However, neither man’s approach has made them wildly popular with the public. This means neither can rely on their own popularity to win over the public.

    Another factor making Australia distinct is that voters rank their choices, with their vote flowing to their second choice if their first choice doesn’t achieve a majority. This means many races in the 150-seat lower house of parliament are won from second place.

    Similarly, seats in the Senate (Australia’s second chamber, with the power to amend or block legislation) are won based on the proportion of votes a party receives in each state or territory. This gives minor parties and independents a better chance at winning seats compared to the lower house.

    This means dissatisfaction with the major parties has in recent years created space for minor parties and a new crop of well-organised independents to get elected and influence policy. In 2022, around one-third of voters helped independents and minor parties take seats off both the Liberals and Labor in the inner cities.

    To win government, Dutton will need to get them back, or take more volatile outer-suburban seats off Labor.

    The big policy concerns

    Against this backdrop, Australian voters both in 2022 and today have a fairly consistent set of policy concerns. And while parties want to be seen addressing them, their messaging isn’t always heard.

    The 2022 Australian Election Study, run by Australian political researchers, revealed that pessimism about the economy and concerns about the cost of living were front of mind when Australians voted out the Liberal-National Coalition government last federal election.

    This time around, one might think some relative improvement in economic factors like unemployment and cuts to interest rates would put a spring in the prime minister’s step.

    However, the public is still very concerned about the day-to-day cost-of-living pressures and practical issues such as access to health care.

    The government’s policy efforts in this direction – for example, tax cuts and subsidies for power bills – have so far not strongly cut through.

    What have the major parties promised?

    Comparing the parties’ platforms, Labor is firmly focused on economic and government service issues to support people in the short term.

    Although expected to announce the election earlier, Albanese was handed the opportunity of delivering an extra budget by a tropical storm in early March. This included spending promises foreshadowed earlier, as well as a new modest tax cut as an election sweetener.

    In the longer term, Labor has promised significant incentives to improve access to free doctor’s visits and focused on investments in women’s health, as well as technological infrastructure.

    Labor is also encouraging more people to fill skill shortages through vocational education and promising to make the transition to renewable energy, while simultaneously supporting local manufacturing.

    The Coalition, for its part, has been critical of these long-term goals and promised to repeal the newly legislated tax cuts in favour of subsidies for petrol. It has focused its message on reduced government spending, while strategically mirroring promises on health to avoid Labor attacks on that front.

    Dutton has also proposed cuts to migration to reduce housing pressures and a controversial plan to build nuclear power plants at the expense of renewables.

    Will these differences in long-term plans cut through? Or are people focused on short-term, hip-pocket concerns?

    This election, whatever the result, will not represent a long-term shifting of loyalties, but rather a precarious compact with distrustful voters looking for relief in uncertain times.

    Pandanus Petter is employed at the Australian National University with funding from the Australian Research Council.

    ref. Australians almost never vote out a first-term government. So why is this year’s election looking so tight? – https://theconversation.com/australians-almost-never-vote-out-a-first-term-government-so-why-is-this-years-election-looking-so-tight-250249

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Security: California Man Pleads Guilty to Fentanyl and Methamphetamine Trafficking in Downeast Maine, Hawaii

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    PORTLAND, Maine: A California man, Codee Houston, 33, pleaded guilty today in U.S. District Court in Bangor to conspiring to distribute and possess with intent to distribute controlled substances and conspiring to commit money laundering. In addition, Houston agreed to the transfer of a pending case from the District of Hawaii and pleaded guilty to four counts of possessing controlled substances with intent to distribute.

    According to court records, from May 2022 through May 2023, Houston and others were part of a conspiracy to traffic methamphetamine in Maine. While living in California, Houston shipped large quantities of methamphetamine from California to Maine. In Maine, his coconspirators distributed the methamphetamine in the Downeast region of the state. Proceeds from the sale of the methamphetamine were sent to Houston using various money services, including Walmart2Walmart, Cash App, and Venmo. He enlisted the aid of coconspirators to use their identifications and accounts to receive the money. He did this to conceal and disguise his involvement in the transactions and the money laundering.

    From April 2023 through September 2023, Houston conducted similar acts in Hawaii, distributing fentanyl and methamphetamine. On four separate occasions he shipped packages from California to Hawaii that contained controlled substances. The substances were later tested and confirmed to be pressed fentanyl pills, fentanyl powder, and methamphetamine.

    For the most serious offenses, Houston faces a mandatory term of imprisonment of 10 years up to life imprisonment and a maximum fine of $10 million to be followed by five years to life of supervised release.

    Houston will be sentenced after the completion of a presentence investigative report by the U.S. Probation Office. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.

    The FBI investigated the Maine case with assistance from the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, Ellsworth Police Department, Maine Drug Enforcement Agency, Holden Police Department, and Hancock County Sheriff’s Office. Homeland Security Investigations investigated the Hawaii case with assistance from the U.S. Postal Inspection Service.

    ###

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI: YXT.com Reports Full Year 2024 Unaudited Financial Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    SUZHOU, China, March 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — YXT.com Group Holding Limited (NASDAQ: YXT) (“YXT.com” or the “Company”), a provider of AI-enabled enterprise productivity solutions, today announced its unaudited financial results for the full year ended December 31, 2024 and a US$10 million Share Repurchase Program.

    Financial Highlights for the Full Year of 2024

    • Total revenues were RMB331.2 million (US$45.4 million) for the full year of 2024, compared with RMB424.0 million in the prior year. On the pro forma basis as if the deconsolidation of CEIBS Publishing Group Limited (“CEIBS PG”) occurred as of the beginning of 2022, the pro forma revenues would have been RMB327.9 million (US$44.9 million) for the full year of 2024, compared with RMB324.6 million for the full year of 2023, representing an increase of 1.0%.
    • Gross margin was 61.8% for the full year of 2024, compared with 54.1% in the prior year, representing an increase of 7.7%.
    • Net loss was RMB92.1 million (US$12.6 million), compared with RMB229.8 million in the prior year, representing a decrease of 59.9%.
    • Number of subscription customers was 2,405 as of December 31, 2024, compared with 3,230 as of December 31, 2023. After adjusting for the deconsolidation of CEIBS PG, which accounted for 686 customers, the net change of 139 customers reflects the Company’s strategic shift toward large enterprise accounts with consistent demand for corporate learning solutions, and reflects a planned reduction of small and medium-sized customers from the Company’s portfolio.
    • Net revenue retention rates of subscription customers remained stable at 100.9%, compared with 101.4% in the prior year.

    Mr. Peter Lu, Director, Founder and Chairman of the Board of YXT.com, commented, “The rapid development of AI has created tremendous opportunities for our company, allowing us to successfully transform from digital learning to intelligent learning and expand our offerings into talent management. In 2024, our AI initiatives delivered tangible results in cost reduction and efficiency improvement, significantly narrowing our losses while enhancing value for both customers and shareholders. Our three new AI-powered business lines have already entered customer validation phase and will soon be brought to market, further expanding our business portfolio. As we execute our global expansion strategy this year, YXT.com is positioned at the forefront of the AI-driven industry transformation, ready to create sustainable value for our customers and investors alike.”

    Mr. Pun Leung Liu, Chief Financial Officer of YXT.com, added, “Our financial results for the full year of 2024 demonstrate the effectiveness of our operational optimization initiatives. Through strategic cost management and AI-enabled operational improvements across our business, we significantly narrowed our net loss to RMB92.1 million from RMB229.8 million. We remain committed to disciplined cost control while continuing to invest in strategic areas that drive long-term growth, particularly our technology capabilities and enterprise-focused solutions. With a healthy balance sheet and solid development strategy, we believe we are well-positioned to create long-term value for our shareholders.”

    Financial Results for the Full Year of 2024

    Revenues

    Revenues were RMB331.2 million (US$45.4 million), compared with RMB424.0 million in the prior year, representing a decrease of 21.9%. On the pro forma basis as if the deconsolidation of CEIBS PG occurred as of the beginning of 2022, the pro forma revenues would have been RMB327.9 million (US$44.9 million) for the full year of 2024, compared with RMB324.6 million for the full year of 2023, representing an increase of 1.0%.

    • Revenues from corporate learning solutions were RMB325.6 million (US$44.6 million), compared with RMB411.8 million in the prior year.
      • Revenues from subscription based corporate learning solutions were RMB301.8 million (US$41.3 million), compared with RMB347.8 million in the prior year. The change was primarily due to (i) the deconsolidation of CEIBS PG starting from January 15, 2024, resulting in a decrease of RMB64.9 million; and (ii) the strategic suspension of certain ancillary online teaching tools. This was partially offset by an RMB18.9 million increase driven by the Company’s updated business expansion strategy of focusing on large enterprise subscription customers with strong and steady demand for corporate learning solutions.
      • Revenues from non-subscription based corporate learning solutions were RMB23.8 million (US$3.3 million), compared with RMB64.0 million in the prior year. The change was primarily due to (i) the deconsolidation of CEIBS PG starting from January 15, 2024, resulting in a decrease of RMB31.2 million; and (ii) reduced offline activities reflecting the Company’s strategic shift towards subscription-based corporate learning solutions.
    • Revenues from others were RMB5.6 million (US$0.8 million), compared with RMB12.2 million in the prior year. The change primarily reflects fewer customized software projects completed in 2024, aligning with the Company’s new strategic focus.

    Cost of revenues

    Cost of revenues was RMB126.5 million (US$17.3 million), compared with RMB194.5 million in the prior year, representing a decrease of 34.9%. This was mainly due to (i) the deconsolidation of CEIBS PG starting from January 15, 2024, resulting in a decrease of RMB44.5 million; and (ii) cost reductions resulting from operational adjustments. Improved cost efficiencies were achieved through lower instructor compensation costs stemming from reduced offline activities, aligning with the Company’s strategic shift towards subscription-based corporate learning solutions, as well as through continuous efforts in optimizing human resources and effectively managing expenses.

    Gross margin

    Gross margin was 61.8%, compared with 54.1% in the prior year, representing an increase of 7.7%. This was mainly due to the Company’s new strategic focus on large enterprise subscription customers and ongoing cost optimization efforts.

    Sales and marketing expenses

    Sales and marketing expenses were RMB144.2 million (US$19.8 million), compared with RMB244.4 million in the prior year, representing a decrease of 41.0%. This was mainly due to (i) the deconsolidation of CEIBS PG starting from January 15, 2024, resulting in a decrease of RMB62.7 million; and (ii) decreases in compensation paid to sales and marketing staff due to the Company’s efforts in optimizing its human resources.

    Research and development expenses

    Research and development expenses were RMB116.1 million (US$15.9 million), compared with RMB176.5 million in the prior year, representing a decrease of 34.2%. This was mainly due to (i) the deconsolidation of CEIBS PG starting from January 15, 2024, resulting in a decrease of RMB22.5 million; and (ii) decreases in compensation paid to research and development staff due to the Company’s efforts in optimizing its human resources and increasing its research and development efficiency.

    General and administrative expenses

    General and administrative expenses were RMB138.4 million (US$19.0 million), compared with RMB142.9 million in the prior year, representing a decrease of 3.1%. This was mainly due to (i) the deconsolidation of CEIBS PG starting from January 15, 2024, resulting in a decrease of RMB17.3 million; and (ii) a decrease in share-based compensation paid to general and administrative staff due to the completion of the amortization of certain share-based incentives. The decrease was partially offset by one-time IPO-related professional fees and litigation costs occurring in 2024.

    Net loss and adjusted net loss

    Net loss was RMB92.1 million (US$12.6 million), compared with a net loss of RMB229.8 million in the prior year, representing a decrease of 59.9%. Adjusted net loss was RMB199.3 million (US$27.3 million), compared with an adjusted net loss of RMB277.6 million in the prior year, representing a decrease of 28.2%.

    Earnings/(loss) per share

    Basic net income per share was RMB2.90 (US$0.40) and diluted net loss per share was RMB0.55 (US$0.07), compared with basic and diluted net loss per share of RMB4.71 in the prior year. The improvement in basic earnings per share was primarily attributable to (i) the deemed contribution to ordinary shareholders due to modifications and extinguishment of the Company’s convertible redeemable preferred shares on July 1, 2024; and (ii) lower net loss in the full year of 2024 as compared with the prior year. The improvement was partially offset by net accretion on convertible redeemable preferred shares to redemption value in the full year of 2024.

    Recent Development

    On March 27, 2025, the Company has successfully completed a strategic rebranding initiative, adopting the “Radnova” name for its potential international operations. YXT.com operates its business in China through Jiangsu Radnova Intelligence Technology Co., Ltd. (formerly Jiangsu Yunxuetang Network Technology Co., Ltd.). As part of its global expansion, the Company has established a new entity in Singapore to serve as a headquarter for its overseas business to be conducted in the future. This strategic location will enable YXT.com to better serve and expand into international markets. The “Radnova” trademark will be used for the Company’s future international operations, symbolizing its transition from a China-focused e-learning company to a global AI-enabled enterprise productivity solutions provider.

    YXT.com today announced that its board of directors has authorized the Company to adopt a share repurchase program under which the Company may repurchase up to US$10 million of its ordinary shares in the form of American depositary shares (“ADSs”) during a two-year period (the “Share Repurchase Program”).

    The Company’s proposed repurchases, if adopted, may be made from time to time on the open market at prevailing market prices, in privately negotiated transactions, in derivative transactions, and/or through other legally permissible means, depending on market conditions and in accordance with applicable rules and regulations. The timing, structure and dollar amount of repurchase transactions will be subject to among others, the market conditions, terms to be agreed with the relevant repurchase agent, the trading prices of ADSs, and the Securities and Exchange Commission (the “SEC”) Rule 10b-18 and/or Rule 10b5-1 requirements. The Company’s board of directors will review the Share Repurchase Program periodically, and may authorize adjustment of its terms and size or suspend or discontinue the program. The Company plans to fund repurchases from its existing cash balance.

    Balance Sheet

    As of December 31, 2024, the Company had cash and cash equivalents and restricted cash, short-term investments and long-term bank deposits of RMB418.2 million (US$57.3 million), compared with RMB496.2 million as of December 31, 2023.

    Conference Call Information

    The Company’s management team will hold a conference call at 9:00 P.M. U.S. Eastern Time on Thursday, March 27, 2025 (or 9:00 A.M. Beijing Time on Friday, March 28, 2025) to discuss the financial results. Details for the conference call are as follows:

    All participants must use the link provided above to complete the online registration process in advance of the conference call. Upon registering, each participant will receive a set of participant dial-in numbers and a unique access PIN, which can be used to join the conference call.

    A live and archived webcast of the conference call will be available at the Company’s investor relations website at https://ir.yxt.com/.

    Non-GAAP Financial Measures

    In evaluating our business, we consider and use adjusted net loss as a supplemental non-GAAP measure to review and assess our operating performance. Adjusted net loss is net loss excluding amortization of incremental intangible assets resulting from business combination, gain on deconsolidation of CEIBS PG, share-based compensation, change in fair value of derivative liabilities, net of income taxes, to the extent applicable. The presentation of the non-GAAP financial measure is not intended to be considered in isolation or as a substitute for the financial information prepared and presented in accordance with U.S. GAAP. We present the non-GAAP financial measure because it is used by our management to evaluate our operating performance and formulate business plans. We also believe that the use of the non-GAAP measure facilitates investors’ assessment of our operating performance.

    The non-GAAP financial measure is not defined under U.S. GAAP and is not presented in accordance with U.S. GAAP. The non-GAAP financial measure has limitations as analytical tools. One of the key limitations of using the non-GAAP financial measure is that it does not reflect all items of income and expense that affect our operations. Further, the non-GAAP measure may differ from the non-GAAP information used by other companies, including peer companies, and therefore its comparability may be limited. We compensate for these limitations by reconciling the non-GAAP financial measure to the nearest U.S. GAAP performance measure, which should be considered when evaluating our performance. We encourage you to review our financial information in its entirety and not rely on a single financial measure.

    Exchange Rate Information

    This announcement contains translations of certain Renminbi (“RMB”) amounts into U.S. dollars (“US$”) at specified rates solely for the convenience of the reader. Unless otherwise stated, all translations from Renminbi to U.S. dollars were made at the rate of RMB7.2993 to US$1.00, the exchange rate on December 31, 2024, set forth in the H.10 statistical release of the Federal Reserve Board. The Company makes no representation that the Renminbi or U.S. dollars amounts referred to could be converted into U.S. dollars or Renminbi, as the case may be, at any particular rate or at all.

    Safe Harbor Statements

    This press release contains forward-looking statements. These statements are made under the “safe harbor” provisions of the U.S. Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. Statements that are not historical facts, including statements about the Company’s beliefs and expectations, are forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements involve inherent risks and uncertainties, and a number of factors could cause actual results to differ materially from those contained in any forward-looking statement. In some cases, forward-looking statements can be identified by words or phrases such as “may,” “will,” “expect,” “anticipate,” “target,” “aim,” “estimate,” “intend,” “plan,” “believe,” “potential,” “continue,” “is/are likely to”, or other similar expressions. Further information regarding these and other risks, uncertainties or factors is included in the Company’s filings with the SEC. All information provided in this press release is as of the date of this press release, and the Company does not undertake any duty to update such information, except as required under applicable law.

    About YXT.com

    YXT.com (NASDAQ: YXT) is a technology company focusing on enterprise productivity solutions. With a mission to “Empower people and organization development through technology,” The Company strives to become the supreme provider in building and boosting enterprise productivity by combining over a decade of experience in tech-enabled talent learning and development and with AI-augmented task copilots and unleashing the power of knowledge and synergy. Since its inception, YXT.com has supported and received recognition from numerous Global and China Fortune 500 companies.

    YXT.com operates its business in China through “Jiangsu Radnova Intelligence Technology Co., Ltd.,” formerly known as “Jiangsu Yunxuetang Network Technology Co., Ltd.”. YXT.com has established an entity in Singapore to serve as a headquarter for its overseas business to be conducted in the future, with the “Radnova” trademark to serve international markets.

    Contact
    Robin Yang
    ICR, LLC
    YXT.IR@icrinc.com
    +1 (646) 405-4883

     
    YXT.COM GROUP HOLDING LIMITED

    UNAUDITED CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEETS
    (All amounts in thousands, except for share and per share data, unless otherwise noted)

     
        As of
    December 31,
      As of
    December 31,
        2023   2024
        RMB   RMB   US$
                 
    ASSETS            
    Current assets:            
    Cash and cash equivalents   320,489   417,920   57,255
    Restricted Cash     322   44
    Short-term investments   58,128    
    Accounts receivable, net   32,790   19,386   2,656
    Amounts due from related parties     2,000   274
    Prepaid expenses and other current assets, net   12,028   35,791   4,903
    Total current assets   423,435   475,419   65,132
                 
    Non-current assets:            
    Property, equipment and software, net   23,402   15,175   2,079
    Intangible assets, net   12,720   7,069   968
    Goodwill   164,113   163,837   22,446
    Long-term investments   126,341   114,432   15,677
    Operating lease right-of-use assets, net   34,997   25,655   3,515
    Other non-current assets   22,265   20,349   2,788
    Long-term bank deposits   117,573    
    Total non-current assets   501,411   346,517   47,473
    Total assets   924,846   821,936   112,605
                 
    LIABILITIES, MEZZANINE AND SHAREHOLDERS’ (DEFICIT)/EQUITY            
    Current liabilities            
    Accounts payable   17,855   7,389   1,013
    Amounts due to related parties     2,452   336
    Short-term borrowings   46,800   163,000   22,331
    Deferred revenue, current   188,485   125,428   17,184
    Acquisition consideration payable   14,775   14,775   2,024
    Other payable and accrued liabilities   89,937   72,028   9,867
    Derivative liabilities   100,279    
    Operating lease liabilities, current   15,818   8,966   1,228
    Total current liabilities   473,949   394,038   53,983
                 
    Non-current liabilities            
    Long-term borrowings   219,000   125,500   17,193
    Operating lease liabilities, non-current   20,257   17,458   2,392
    Deferred revenue, non-current   58,952   57,710   7,906
    Total non-current liabilities   298,209   200,668   27,491
    Total liabilities   772,158   594,706   81,474
     
    YXT.COM GROUP HOLDING LIMITED

    UNAUDITED CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEETS
    (All amounts in thousands, except for share and per share data, unless otherwise noted)

     
        As of
    December 31,
      As of
    December 31,
        2023   2024
        RMB   RMB   US$
                 
    Mezzanine equity            
    Series A convertible redeemable preferred shares (US$0.0001 par value, 15,040,570 and nil shares authorized, issued and outstanding as of December 31, 2023 and December 31, 2024, respectively)   408,139          
    Series B convertible redeemable preferred shares (US$0.0001 par value, 7,085,330 and nil shares authorized, issued and outstanding as of December 31, 2023 and December 31, 2024, respectively)   199,518          
    Series C convertible redeemable preferred shares (US$0.0001 par value, 23,786,590 and nil shares authorized, issued and outstanding as of December 31, 2023 and December 31, 2024, respectively)   493,788          
    Series D convertible redeemable preferred shares (US$0.0001 par value, 37,152,161 and nil shares authorized, issued and outstanding as of December 31, 2023 and December 31, 2024, respectively)   1,059,434          
    Series E convertible redeemable preferred shares (US$0.0001 par value, 26,417,318 and nil shares authorized, issued and outstanding as of December 31, 2023 and December 31, 2024, respectively)   1,402,802          
    Total mezzanine equity   3,563,681          
                 
    Shareholders’ (deficit)/equity            
    Ordinary shares (US$0.0001 par value 390,518,031 and 500,000,000 shares authorized as of December 31, 2023 and December 31, 2024, respectively; 48,253,425 and 180,226,597 shares issued and outstanding as of December 31, 2023 and December 31, 2024, respectively)   33     129     18  
    Additional paid-in capital   16,671     3,489,553     478,067  
    Statutory reserve   4,322          
    Accumulated other comprehensive income   23,775     25,096     3,438  
    Accumulated deficit   (3,490,681 )   (3,287,548 )   (450,392 )
    Total YXT.COM Group Holding Limited shareholders’ (deficit)/equity   (3,445,880 )   227,230     31,131  
    Non-controlling interests   34,887          
    Total shareholders’ (deficit)/equity   (3,410,993 )   227,230     31,131  
    Total liabilities, mezzanine equity and shareholders’ (deficit)/equity   924,846     821,936     112,605  
     
    YXT.COM GROUP HOLDING LIMITED

    UNAUDITED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF COMPREHENSIVE LOSS
    (All amounts in thousands, except for share and per share data, unless otherwise noted)

     
        Year ended December 31,
        2023   2024
        RMB   RMB   US$
                 
    Revenues:            
    Corporate learning solutions   411,822     325,579     44,604  
    Others   12,194     5,611     769  
    Total revenues   424,016     331,190     45,373  
                 
    Cost of revenues   (194,474 )   (126,522 )   (17,333 )
    Sales and marketing expenses   (244,379 )   (144,217 )   (19,758 )
    Research and development expenses   (176,537 )   (116,105 )   (15,906 )
    General and administrative expenses   (142,852 )   (138,392 )   (18,960 )
    Other operating income   5,629     6,974     955  
    Loss from operations   (328,597 )   (187,072 )   (25,629 )
                 
    Interest and investment income   4,613     6,494     890  
    Interest expense   (4,650 )   (10,699 )   (1,466 )
    Impairment of available‑for‑sale debt securities   (13,144 )   (14,464 )   (1,981 )
    Gain on deconsolidation of CEIBS Publishing Group       78,760     10,790  
    Foreign exchange (loss)/gain, net   (350 )   550     75  
    Change in fair value of derivative liabilities   102,419     34,378     4,710  
    Loss before income tax expense   (239,709 )   (92,053 )   (12,611 )
    Income tax benefit   9,871          
    Net loss   (229,838 )   (92,053 )   (12,611 )
                 
    Net loss attributable to non-controlling interests shareholders   9,383     300     41  
                 
    Net loss attributable to YXT.COM Group Holding Limited   (220,455 )   (91,753 )   (12,570 )
                 
     
    YXT.COM GROUP HOLDING LIMITED

    UNAUDITED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF COMPREHENSIVE LOSS
    (All amounts in thousands, except for share and per share data, unless otherwise noted)

     
        Year ended December 31,
        2023   2024
        RMB   RMB   US$
                 
    Net loss attributable to YXT.COM Group Holding Limited   (220,455 )   (91,753 )   (12,570 )
    Deemed contribution to ordinary shareholders due to modifications and extinguishment on convertible redeemable preferred shares       672,170     92,087  
    Deemed dividend to convertible redeemable preferred share shareholders due to modifications       (5,940 )   (814 )
    Net accretion on convertible redeemable preferred shares to redemption value   (9,452 )   (290,543 )   (39,804 )
    Net (loss)/income attributable to ordinary shareholders of YXT.COM Group Holding Limited   (229,907 )   283,934     38,899  
                 
    Net loss   (229,838 )   (92,053 )   (12,611 )
    Other comprehensive loss            
    Foreign currency translation adjustment, net of tax   2,385     3,742     513  
    Unrealized gain/(loss) on investments in available-for-sale debt securities, net of tax   6,988     (2,421 )   (332 )
                 
    Total comprehensive loss   (220,465 )   (90,732 )   (12,430 )
                 
    Total comprehensive loss attributable to non-controlling interests   9,383     300     41  
                 
    Total comprehensive loss attributable to YXT.COM Group Holding Limited   (211,082 )   (90,432 )   (12,389 )
                 
    Net (loss)/income attributable to ordinary shareholders of YXT.COM Group Holding Limited   (229,907 )   283,934     38,899  
    —Weighted average number of ordinary shares – basic   48,781,392     97,788,561     97,788,561  
    —Weighted average number of ordinary shares – diluted   48,781,392     168,152,425     168,152,425  
                 
    Net (loss)/income per share attributable to ordinary shareholders:            
    —Basic   (4.71 )   2.90     0.40  
    —Diluted   (4.71 )   (0.55 )   (0.07 )
     
    YXT.COM GROUP HOLDING LIMITED

    UNAUDITED RECONCILIATION OF GAAP AND NON-GAAP RESULTS
    (All amounts in thousands, except for share and per share data, unless otherwise noted)

     
        Year ended December 31,
        2023   2024
        RMB   RMB   US$
                 
    Net loss   (229,838 )   (92,053 )   (12,611 )
    Adjustments:            
    Amortization of incremental intangible assets resulting from business combination   16,340          
    Impairment of intangible assets   21,660          
    Gain on deconsolidation of CEIBS Publishing Group       (78,760 )   (10,790 )
    Share-based compensation   26,123     5,879     805  
    Change in fair value of derivative liabilities   (102,419 )   (34,378 )   (4,710 )
    Adjusted loss before income taxes   (268,134 )   (199,312 )   (27,306 )
    Adjusted income taxes   (9,500 )        
    Adjusted net loss   (277,634 )   (199,312 )   (27,306 )

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Qifu Technology, Inc. Announces Completion of Offering of US$690 Million Cash-par Settled Convertible Senior Notes

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    SHANGHAI, China, March 27, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Qifu Technology, Inc. (NASDAQ: QFIN; HKEx: 3660) (“Qifu Technology” or the “Company”), a leading AI-empowered Credit-Tech platform in China, today announced the completion of its offering of convertible senior notes (the “Notes Offering”) in an aggregate principal amount of US$690 million due 2030 (the “Notes”), including the initial purchasers’ full exercise of option to purchase an additional US$90 million principal amount of the Notes. The Notes have been offered to persons reasonably believed to be qualified institutional buyers pursuant to Rule 144A under the Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “Securities Act”).

    The Company plans to use the net proceeds from the Notes Offering for repurchasing the American depositary shares (“ADSs”) and/or class A ordinary shares of the Company concurrently with the pricing of the Notes Offering and from time to time after the pricing of the Notes Offering pursuant to a newly established share repurchase plan (the “March 2025 Share Repurchase Plan”) authorized by the board of directors of the Company. The March 2025 Share Repurchase Plan will run in addition to the Company’s existing share repurchase plan announced in November 2024.

    The Company expects the offering to be immediately accretive to 2025 earnings per ADS upon closing, facilitated by (i) the execution of the repurchase of ADSs concurrently with the pricing of the Notes Offering with an aggregate value of approximately US$230 million from certain purchasers of the Notes in off-market privately negotiated transactions effected through one of the initial purchasers or its affiliates, as the Company’s agent, and (ii) the cash-par conversion settlement mechanism of the Notes.

    The Notes will be general unsecured obligations of the Company and bear interest at a rate of 0.50% per year, payable semiannually in arrears on April 1 and October 1 of each year, beginning on October 1, 2025. The Notes will mature on April 1, 2030 unless repurchased, redeemed, or converted in accordance with their terms prior to such date.

    The initial conversion rate of the Notes is 16.7475 ADSs, per US$1,000 principal amount of the Notes, which is equivalent to an initial conversion price of approximately US$59.71 per ADS.

    The Notes, the ADSs deliverable upon conversion of the Notes, if any, and the class A ordinary shares represented thereby or deliverable upon conversion of the Notes in lieu thereof have not been registered under the Securities Act, or any securities laws of any other places. They may not be offered or sold within the United States or to U.S. persons, except to persons reasonably believed to be qualified institutional buyers in reliance on the exemption from registration provided by Rule 144A under the Securities Act.

    This press release shall not constitute an offer to sell or a solicitation of an offer to purchase any securities, nor shall there be a sale of the securities in any state or jurisdiction in which such an offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful.

    About Qifu Technology

    Qifu Technology is a leading AI-empowered Credit-Tech platform in China. By leveraging its sophisticated machine learning models and data analytics capabilities, the Company provides a comprehensive suite of technology services to assist financial institutions and consumers and SMEs in the loan lifecycle, ranging from borrower acquisition, preliminary credit assessment, fund matching and post-facilitation services. The Company is dedicated to making credit services more accessible and personalized to consumers and SMEs through Credit-Tech services to financial institutions.

    For more information, please visit: https://ir.qifu.tech.

    Safe Harbor Statement

    Any forward-looking statements contained in this press release are made under the “safe harbor” provisions of the U.S. Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. Forward-looking statements can be identified by terminology such as “will,” “expects,” “anticipates,” “future,” “intends,” “plans,” “believes,” “estimates” and similar statements. Qifu Technology may also make written or oral forward-looking statements in its periodic reports to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (the “SEC”), in announcements made on the website of The Stock Exchange of Hong Kong Limited (the “Hong Kong Stock Exchange”), in its annual report to shareholders, in press releases and other written materials and in oral statements made by its officers, directors or employees to third parties. Statements that are not historical facts, including the Company’s beliefs and expectations, are forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements involve inherent risks and uncertainties. A number of factors could cause actual results to differ materially from those contained in any forward-looking statement, which factors include but not limited to the following: the Company’s growth strategies, the Company’s cooperation with 360 Group, changes in laws, rules and regulatory environments, the recognition of the Company’s brand, market acceptance of the Company’s products and services, trends and developments in the Credit-Tech industry, governmental policies relating to the Credit-Tech industry, general economic conditions in China and around the globe, and assumptions underlying or related to any of the foregoing. Further information regarding these and other risks and uncertainties is included in Qifu Technology’s filings with the SEC and the announcements on the website of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. All information provided in this press release is as of the date of this press release, and Qifu Technology does not undertake any obligation to update any forward-looking statement, except as required under applicable law.

    For further information, please contact:

    Qifu Technology
    E-mail: ir@360shuke.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-Evening Report: Can Peter Dutton flip Labor voters to rewrite electoral history? It might just work

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Kenny, Professor, Australian Studies Institute, Australian National University

    They are neither as leafy nor as affluent as much of the Liberal heartland, but Peter Dutton believes the outer ring-roads of Australia’s capitals provide the most direct route to power.
    He has been telling his MPs these once-safe Labor-voting suburbs are where the 2025 election can be won.

    From the moment the Queenslander assumed control of the Liberal Party in 2022, he was intent on this suburbs-first strategy, even if it seemed historically unlikely and involved repositioning his formerly business-loyal party as the new tribune of the working class. As he told Minerals Week in September 2023:

    The Liberal Party is the party of the worker. The Labor Party has become the party of the inner city elite and Greens.

    This has been Dutton’s long game. It’s an outsider approach reminiscent of what US President Donald Trump had achieved with disaffected blue-collar Democratic supporters in the United States, and what Boris Johnson managed by turning British Labour supporters in England’s de-industrialised north into Brexiteers and then Conservative voters.




    Read more:
    Labor’s in with a fighting chance, but must work around an unpopular leader


    A political gamble

    It was not the obvious play but it may prove the right one.

    After a tumultuous period in which the Liberals had cycled through three prime ministers and ignored a clear public clamour for policy modernisation on women, anti-corruption and climate change, the Morrison government had been bundled from office.

    Morrison hadn’t merely failed to attract disengaged undecideds in the middle-ground, but had haemorrhaged engaged constituents from some of Australia’s safest Liberal postcodes.

    Nineteen seats came off the Coalition tally in that election, yet Labor’s gain was only nine.

    Something fundamental had happened. Six new centrist independents now sat in Liberal heartland seats – all of them professional women.

    Numerically, they formed a kind of electoral Swiss Guard around the new Labor government’s otherwise weak primary vote and thin (two-seat) parliamentary majority.

    In a sharp visual contrast to the Coalition parties, women made up around half of Anthony Albanese’s new Labor government and he moved to prioritise the very things on which the Coalition had steadfastly refused to budge – including meaningful constitutional recognition of First Peoples.

    Albanese, it seemed, had tuned in to the zeitgeist. He would even go on to break a 102-year record a year later, becoming the first PM to increase his majority by taking a set off the opposition in a byelection. One more urban jewel shifted out of the Liberals’ column.

    Dutton, however, never blinked.

    His first press conference as leader in 2022 had been notable for the absence of the usual mea culpa – a suitably contrite acknowledgement that he’d heard the message from erstwhile Liberals who had abandoned their party for more progressive community independents.

    Instead, Dutton confidently responded that the 2025 election would be decided not in these comfortable seats but in the further-flung parts of Australia’s cities where people make long commutes to work and struggle to find adequate childcare and other services.

    It was a bold strategy because it meant targeting seats with healthy Labor margins.
    Canberra insiders wondered privately if this was brave or simply delusional. Some concluded it could only work as a two-election strategy.

    Many asked where a net gain of 19 seats would come from if not through the recovery of most or all of what became known as the “teal” seats?

    Yet the combative Liberal continued to focus on prising suburbanites away from Labor with a relentless campaign emphasising the rising cost-of-living under Labor.

    Three years later and even accounting for the first interest rate cut in over four years, it is Dutton’s strategy that has looked the more attuned to the electoral zeitgeist.

    So much so that he goes into this election with a realistic chance of breaking another longstanding electoral record: that of replacing a first-term government.

    This hasn’t been done federally since the Great Depression took out the Scullin Labor government of 1929-1931.

    It’s all about geography

    While only votes in ballot boxes will tell, the Coalition’s rebounding support appears to have come from the outer mortgage belt, just as he predicted.

    These voters absorb their political news sporadically via social media feeds, soft breakfast interviews, and car-radio snippets.

    These are media where Dutton’s crisp sound-bite messaging around cost-of-living pressures has simply been sharper and more resonant than Labor’s.

    And it is by this means that these voters may have picked up that a Dutton government would seek to deport dual citizens convicted of serious crimes, stop new migrants from buying property (a policy first ridiculed as inconsequential by Labor and since copied), and cut petrol excise, temporarily taking around $14 off the price of a tank of fuel.

    These voters may have noticed Dutton’s campaign against the supermarket duopoly, which includes the option of forced divestiture for so-called “price-gouging”.

    Recently, he added insurance conglomerates to that divestment hit-list.

    And they might have heard his dramatic nuclear “solution” to high energy costs and emissions (in reality, devilishly complex and expensive).

    On top of these, semi-engaged voters might recall Dutton’s culture-war topics for which he has regularly received generous media minutes, including:

    • his opposition to what he called “the Canberra Voice”
    • his defence of Australia Day
    • his refusal to stand in front of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander flags
    • his oft-made claim that a Greens-Teals-Labor preoccupation with progressive issues has left the cost-of-living crisis unaddressed.

    Beyond such rhetoric, Dutton has had little to say in detailed policy terms. But will that matter? However comprehensive, Labor’s list of legislated achievements has, arguably, achieved even less purchase in the electoral mind.

    Polls taken as the election campaign neared showed Dutton’s Coalition was well-placed to win seats from Labor in suburban and outer-suburban areas of Perth, Melbourne, and Sydney, as well as regional seats in the NSW Central Coast.

    These include seats such as Tangney and Bullwinkel in outer Perth; McEwen and Chisolm in suburban Melbourne, and as many as seven seats in NSW – mostly on the periphery of Sydney or in the industrial Hunter Valley region.

    There may be other seats to move also. Liberal sources say they like their chances in Goldstein, currently held by the Teal, Zoe Daniel. And with a recent conservative turn in the Northern Territory election to the CLP, seats like the ultra-marginal Lingiari and the numerically safer Solomon could also be in play.

    A YouGov MRP poll reported by the ABC on February 16 put Dutton’s chances of securing an outright majority after the election at 20%.

    It measured the Coalition’s two-party-preferred support at 51.1% over Labor on 48.9%. That represents a swing towards the Coalition of 3.2%. But it is where the swing occurs that matters most.

    Seat-by-seat assessment of the YouGov results suggested the Coalition would be likely to win about 73 seats (median), with a lower estimate of 65 and an upper estimate of 80, if a federal election was held today.

    The same modelling indicates Labor would go backwards, holding about 66 seats in the next parliament, with a lower estimate of 59 and an upper estimate of 72. This is just one, albeit unusually large poll, but it will concern Albanese that even on its upper margin of Labor seat holds, he would not retain a majority.

    Of course, the campaign can change things and already, the delayed start caused by Cyclone Alfred introduced further variables in the form of a federal budget, replete with income tax cuts.

    A succession of polls conducted through March point to a Labor recovery with a Redbridge poll of 2,007 respondents, taken over March 3–11 putting Labor ahead 51%–49%. The same poll however showed a majority of people worry that the country is heading in the wrong direction.

    The final contest

    In political circles, people talk about momentum in campaigns, and say things like “the trend is our friend”. If true, that electoral amity has leaned decisively towards Dutton for the past year, and only recently to Labor.

    But caution is always advised. Election counts invariably throw up oddities – swings being more (or less) marked in one state compared to others, and seats retained (or lost) against a broader national trend on the night.

    Such surprises give the lie to the concept of uniform swings and makes prediction of a final seat count more difficult.

    If the polling consensus is broadly correct – rather than being the result of herding – and the source of Dutton’s rising support is former Labor suburbs, the question is, will those vote gains materialise at sufficient scale to translate into seat gains?

    If so, this election could redraw the political map and require new thinking about major party voting bases, policies and strategies into the future.

    The final outcome seems likely to turn on three things:

    1. Dutton’s ability to stay on message about the cost-of-living through the campaign when others in his team, buoyed by Trump’s war on wokeness, want to raise tendentious social issues.

    2. Albanese’s effectiveness in convincing wayward Labor voters that Labor has in fact delivered, that the economy has turned the corner, and that Dutton’s comparative toughness is code for budget cuts that would hit them hardest.

    3. Unforeseen events – at home or abroad.

    The Liberal leader is surprisingly well-placed. But remember, he is coming from a long way back.

    Mark Kenny does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Can Peter Dutton flip Labor voters to rewrite electoral history? It might just work – https://theconversation.com/can-peter-dutton-flip-labor-voters-to-rewrite-electoral-history-it-might-just-work-248664

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia’s embrace of independent political candidates shows there’s no such thing as a safe seat

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joshua Black, Visitor, School of History, Australian National University

    At the last federal election, Australia elected the largest lower house crossbench in its post-war federal history.

    In addition to four Greens MPs, Rebekah Sharkie from the Centre Alliance and Bob Katter (with his own micro-party), there were ten independent MPs, seven of them new to parliament. These MPs have the freedom and flexibility to vote on every piece of legislation without having to adhere to any party-room pledge.

    Micro-parties and independents also fared well in the Senate in 2022, thanks in part to the fact that we use proportional representation to elect our senators. In a half-Senate election with 40 vacancies, six went to the Greens, one to Independent ACT candidate David Pocock, one to United Australia Party Senator Ralph Babet and one to Pauline Hanson in Queensland.

    Defections during the 47th parliament grew the crossbench even further. Five former Coalition MPs and Senators have moved to the crossbench, one over allegations of sexual harassment, one over the Voice to Parliament referendum and three over bruising preselection defeats.

    Senator Fatima Payman defected from the Labor Party last year, citing problems with the party’s stance on Palestine, and has now set up the Australia’s Voice party.

    Getting elected

    Independents hardly enjoy a level playing field in federal elections. Brian Costar and Jennifer Curtin pointed out in their book, Rebels with a Cause, that independent candidates lack equal access to the electoral roll, do not initially benefit from the public funding that flows consistently to the major parties, and cannot be listed above the line on the Senate ballot paper unless they form a group or party.

    Unless they are party defectors with a seat in parliament already, independent candidates also lack the advantages of incumbency. Previous research from the Australia Institute has shown the dollar value of an incumbent MP’s entitlements (in terms of their salary and those of staff, printing and travel allowances, public exposure), is about $2.9 million per term.

    Once elected, though, Independents have shown the major parties that they can be very hard to beat. Helen Haines and her predecessor as Member for Indi, Cathy McGowan, have won four consecutive elections between them. Zali Steggall, who famously beat former prime minister Tony Abbott in the electorate of Warringah in 2019, has been re-elected once, and the people of metropolitan Hobart have returned former public servant and whistleblower Andrew Wilkie to Canberra five times in a row.

    No safe seats

    Political parties and journalists have conventionally treated certain seats as “safe” (if the winning party’s vote two-party preferred margin was 60% or higher), others as “fairly safe” (if the winning party’s 2PP margin was between 56% and 60%) and others as “marginal” (those won by less than 56% at the previous election).

    But the days of safe and marginal seats are over. These terms belong to an age of two-party contests and more predictable preference flows. As Bill Browne and Richard Denniss of the Australia Institute have pointed out, the major party vote share has now “crossed a threshold” below which the idea of “safe seats” becomes redundant.

    Independent candidates can win with a relatively low share of the primary vote. In 2022, community independent Kylea Tink won the electorate of North Sydney with 25% of the primary vote, having ranked favourably, but not first, on many voters’ ballots.

    Holding on?

    Several contests involving current crossbenchers may prove nationally influential in the event of a hung parliament. Tink, whose electorate has been abolished in a routine redistribution, will not be among the incumbents hoping to hold their seat.

    The Liberal Party, by some accounts, perceives the Perth seat of Curtin, won by community independent Kate Chaney in 2022, as an important litmus test for the future. January saw a “surge in volunteers and donations” for Liberal candidate Tom White’s campaign, according to media reports.

    Elsewhere, the Liberals are attempting to meet incumbent community independents with candidates that more closely resemble them. The Liberal candidate for Warringah, Jaimee Rogers, is, like the sitting member Zali Steggall, a former athlete with a public profile. Wentworth candidate Ro Knox, a former Deloitte consultant, will run against Allegra Spender, whose own pitch for re-election has emphasised tax reform and productivity.

    In Victoria, Monique Ryan, who won the seat of Kooyong from then-treasurer Josh Frydenberg, will this time face Amelia Hamer, a local woman, professional and grand-niece of former Victorian premier Rupert Hamer.

    There are exceptions to that pattern. Former RSL President James Brown was preselected as the Liberal candidate for Mackellar, currently held by community independent Sophie Scamps. And in Goldstein, there will be a rerun of the previous contest between community independent Zoe Daniel and her Liberal predecessor Tim Wilson.

    At least three of the major party defectors in both houses are hoping to keep their seats, too. Gerard Rennick, formerly a Coalition senator who was denied a winnable spot on the Liberal National Party ticket, has registered the Gerard Rennick People First Party ahead of his bid for re-election this year. Rennick has pointed out that this will get his name “above the line” on the Senate ballot paper.

    Former Liberals Ian Goodenough and Russell Broadbent have both indicated they will run as independents to defend their seats – Moore and Monash respectively – from their erstwhile colleagues.

    Room for growth?

    Despite the watershed result in 2022, the crossbench may grow yet. Fundraising group Climate 200 is reported to be backing up to 35 candidates across the country, and an army of volunteers has already begun to mobilise in support.

    Health professional Carolyn Heise will hope that, with the support of the new campaign fundraiser the Regional Voices Fund, her second campaign in the regional electorate of Cowper may land her in parliament alongside Indi MP Helen Haines.

    The retirement of shadow minister Paul Fletcher as member for Bradfield in inner-Sydney makes for a particularly interesting contest in that electorate. Gisele Kapterian, who won Liberal preselection against Warren Mundine, will campaign against community independent Nicolette Boele, who would need a swing of only 5% in her favour to win on her second attempt.

    In Victoria’s western district, community independent Alex Dyson will attempt for the third time to win the seat of Wannon from shadow immigration minister Dan Tehan. Dyson came close in 2022 and would need only a 4% swing (two-candidate preferred) to win this time.

    In 2022, community groups supported independent candidate Penny Ackery in her campaign against then-minister and now shadow treasurer Angus Taylor. The two-candidate preferred vote left the seat “relatively safe” (in old terms), but declining support for the Coalition saw the state electorate of Wollondilly (within Hume’s borders) elect community independent Judy Hannan in a “surprise win” at the 2023 state election.

    There is plenty of potential for surprise victories and shock defeats at the forthcoming election. Community independents are running in at least four Labor-held seats. What should surprise nobody is that every vote in every seat will count on election day.

    Joshua Black is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Australia Institute.

    ref. Australia’s embrace of independent political candidates shows there’s no such thing as a safe seat – https://theconversation.com/australias-embrace-of-independent-political-candidates-shows-theres-no-such-thing-as-a-safe-seat-250751

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australians almost never vote out a first-term government. So why is this year’s election looking so tight?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pandanus Petter, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Politics and International Relations, Australian National University

    Now that an election has been called, Australian voters will go to the polls on May 3 to decide the fate of the first-term, centre-left Australian Labor Party government led by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese.

    In Australia, national elections are held every three years. The official campaign period only lasts for around a month.

    This time around, Albanese will be seeking to hold onto power after breaking Labor’s nine-year dry spell by beating the more right-leaning Liberal Party, led by Scott Morrison, in 2022.

    Now, he’s up against the Liberals’ new leader, a conservative with a tough guy image, Peter Dutton. It’s looking like a tight race.

    So how do elections work in Australia, who’s contesting for the top spot and why is the race looking so close?

    For Albanese, the honeymoon is over

    Albanese was brought into power in 2022 on the back of dissatisfaction with the long-term and scandal-prone Liberal-National Coalition government.

    At the time, he was considered personally more competent, warm and sensible than Morrison.

    Unfortunately for Albanese, the dissatisfaction and stress about the cost of living hasn’t gone away.

    Governments in Australia almost always win a second term. However, initially high levels of public support have dissipated over the first term. Opinion polls are pointing to a close election, though Albanese’s approval ratings have had a boost in recent weeks.

    At the heart of what makes this such a tight contest are issues shared by many established democracies: the public’s persistent sense of economic hardship in the post-pandemic period and longer-term dissatisfaction with “politics as usual”, combined with an increased focus on party leaders.

    Around the world, incumbents have faced challenges holding onto power over the past year, with voters sweeping out the Conservatives in the United Kingdom and the Democrats in the United States.

    Australia has faced some similar economic challenges, such as relatively high inflation and cost-of-living problems.

    Likewise, Australia – like many other established democracies – has long-term trends of dissatisfaction with major parties and the political system itself.

    However, this distaste with “business as usual” manifests differently in Australia from comparable countries such the UK and US.

    Australia’s voting system

    In Australia, voting is compulsory, and those who fail to turn out face a small fine. Some observers have argued this pushes parties to try to persuade “swing” voters with more moderate policies, rather than rely on their faithful “bases” and court those with more extreme views who are more likely to vote.

    In the UK, by comparison, widespread public distaste with the Conservatives, combined with low turnout and first-past-the-post voting, delivered Keir Steirmer’s Labour Party a dramatic victory. This was despite a limited uptick in support.

    And in the US, turnout in the 2024 election was only about 64%. Donald Trump and the Republicans swept to power last year by channelling a deep anti-establishment sentiment among those people who voted.

    And the country is now so polarised, that the more strongly identifying Democrat and Republican voters who do turn out to vote can’t see eye to eye on highly emotionally charged issues which dominate the parties’ platforms. Independent voters are left without “centrist” options.

    Because Australia’s voting system is different, Dutton is unlikely to follow Trump’s far-right positioning too closely, despite dabbling in the “anti-woke” culture wars.

    It also explains why Albanese’s personal style is usually quite mild-mannered and why he’s unlikely to present himself as a radical reformer.

    However, neither man’s approach has made them wildly popular with the public. This means neither can rely on their own popularity to win over the public.

    Another factor making Australia distinct is that voters rank their choices, with their vote flowing to their second choice if their first choice doesn’t achieve a majority. This means many races in the 150-seat lower house of parliament are won from second place.

    Similarly, seats in the Senate (Australia’s second chamber, with the power to amend or block legislation) are won based on the proportion of votes a party receives in each state or territory. This gives minor parties and independents a better chance at winning seats compared to the lower house.

    This means dissatisfaction with the major parties has in recent years created space for minor parties and a new crop of well-organised independents to get elected and influence policy. In 2022, around one-third of voters helped independents and minor parties take seats off both the Liberals and Labor in the inner cities.

    To win government, Dutton will need to get them back, or take more volatile outer-suburban seats off Labor.

    The big policy concerns

    Against this backdrop, Australian voters both in 2022 and today have a fairly consistent set of policy concerns. And while parties want to be seen addressing them, their messaging isn’t always heard.

    The 2022 Australian Election Study, run by Australian political researchers, revealed that pessimism about the economy and concerns about the cost of living were front of mind when Australians voted out the Liberal-National Coalition government last federal election.

    This time around, one might think some relative improvement in economic factors like unemployment and cuts to interest rates would put a spring in the prime minister’s step.

    However, the public is still very concerned about the day-to-day cost-of-living pressures and practical issues such as access to health care.

    The government’s policy efforts in this direction – for example, tax cuts and subsidies for power bills – have so far not strongly cut through.

    What have the major parties promised?

    Comparing the parties’ platforms, Labor is firmly focused on economic and government service issues to support people in the short term.

    Although expected to announce the election earlier, Albanese was handed the opportunity of delivering an extra budget by a tropical storm in early March. This included spending promises foreshadowed earlier, as well as a new modest tax cut as an election sweetener.

    In the longer term, Labor has promised significant incentives to improve access to free doctor’s visits and focused on investments in women’s health, as well as technological infrastructure.

    Labor is also encouraging more people to fill skill shortages through vocational education and promising to make the transition to renewable energy, while simultaneously supporting local manufacturing.

    The Coalition, for its part, has been critical of these long-term goals and promised to repeal the newly legislated tax cuts in favour of subsidies for petrol. It has focused its message on reduced government spending, while strategically mirroring promises on health to avoid Labor attacks on that front.

    Dutton has also proposed cuts to migration to reduce housing pressures and a controversial plan to build nuclear power plants at the expense of renewables.

    Will these differences in long-term plans cut through? Or are people focused on short-term, hip-pocket concerns?

    This election, whatever the result, will not represent a long-term shifting of loyalties, but rather a precarious compact with distrustful voters looking for relief in uncertain times.

    Pandanus Petter is employed at the Australian National University with funding from the Australian Research Council.

    ref. Australians almost never vote out a first-term government. So why is this year’s election looking so tight? – https://theconversation.com/australians-almost-never-vote-out-a-first-term-government-so-why-is-this-years-election-looking-so-tight-250249

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: View from The Hill: uninspiring leaders, stressed voters and the shadow of Trump make for an uncertain contest

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    The usual story for a first-term government is a loss of seats, as voters send it a message, but ultimate survival.

    It can be a close call. John Howard risked all in 1998 with his GST, and almost lost office, despite having a big majority.

    But you have to go back to 1931 to find a first-term government thrown out.

    So, going into this campaign, Anthony Albanese has the weight of history on his side. But modern day politics is volatile, and the voters are cranky, which has in recent months given the opposition hope it could run the government close or even defy the odds.

    Government and opposition start the formal campaign with the polls close on the two-party vote. In the past few weeks, the government has improved its position, arguably to be now in the lead. If the election were held today, Labor would probably win more seats than the Coalition, and form government.

    But the margins are narrow. With the next parliament, like this one, expected to have a large crossbench, present polling is pointing towards a minority government as a likely outcome. Things can change during a campaign.

    Albanese started the term with substantial public goodwill – although his majority was razor thin, and his 2022 election owed more to the unpopularity of then prime minister Scott Morrison than to any real enthusiasm for Labor.

    If one had to point to the single biggest political mistake the prime minister made, it was his over-investment in the Voice referendum. Whatever one thinks of the proposal itself, Albanese let it distract from what was a growing-cost-of-living crisis. The referendum was probably always destined to fail, but Albanese and the “yes” side were also out-campaigned by the “no” forces, strongest among them opposition spokeswoman Jacinta Price.

    Albanese never properly recovered from the Voice’s defeat.

    Early in the term the government was complacent about its opponents, believing Peter Dutton was unelectable. Indeed, that was a widespread view, including among many on the conservative side of politics. It underestimated Dutton’s strategic and tactical skills, the changing nature of the electorate, and how deeply the cost-of-living crisis – with its dozen interest rate rises under Labor, on top of one under Morrison – would bite.

    Suburbia up for grabs

    What was once ALP heartland, outer suburbia, is now up for grabs. Many of the tradies have become conservatives, to whom Dutton’s blunt, black-and-white political pitch is not just acceptable but potentially attractive.

    Labor’s appeal to working people in this campaign is that that the worst is over on the economy, with unemployment still low and real wages in (slightly) positive territory. The latest national accounts figures showed Australia’s per capita recession, which had lasted seven quarters, was over. The February interest rate fall has also been a plus for the government: it may not be a big vote changer but it has reinforced Labor’s argument that things are going in the right direction.

    The question remains: will people buy the story of life getting better when they are still not back to where they were a few years ago, and continue to feel under the financial pump?

    This week’s budget and Dutton’s reply have homed in on cost of living. The government has come up with modest tax cuts, starting mid next year. These were legislated in a rush before parliament rose, so the Coalition was forced into saying it would repeal them. Dutton countered by promising an immediate cut to the excise on petrol and diesel. The opposition leader also used his budget reply to open another front in the battle over the energy transition, with the promise of a gas reservation scheme.

    In the past month or two, there has been some change in the political atmosphere. Dutton’s momentum seemed to have stalled. The tight internal disciple he had maintained frayed somewhat, with messages over some policy and internal fears Dutton had left policy announcements too late.

    Will voters think they don’t know enough about Peter Dutton?

    The risk for Dutton is that people will fear they’re buying a pig in a poke. He has run a small target strategy; leaders (Howard in 1996, Abbott in 2013) have won on these before.

    But if Dutton’s policy offerings in the campaign fall short, or his policy doesn’t stand up to the forensic scrutiny that comes in a campaign, he is likely to stall. So far, Dutton has established himself as a strong negative campaigner but he has yet to come through as a positive alternative prime minister.

    His signing up to Labor’s $8.5 billion bulk-billing initiative was an example of a short-term tactic to neutralise an issue that raised questions about the Coalition’s inability to produce its own health blueprint.

    The government will mobilise industrial relations against the Coalition, arguing Labor has delivered benefits to workers that a Coalition government would attack. This is risky for Dutton. His plans for slashing the public service, curbing working-from-home and removing the right to disconnect will fuel Labor’s negative campaigning, which will focus too on Dutton’s general plan to cut spending.

    The Trump factor

    A major unknown is what impact overseas events will have on this election. There has been a general swing to the right internationally. But the Trump factor has become a danger for Dutton.

    His opponents seek cast Dutton as Trump-lite. The opposition leader is a critic of Trump on Ukraine, and he’s aware Trumpism is now politically scary for many voters. Nevertheless, Dutton’s pre-occupation with the size of the public service and his emphasis on cuts (without giving detail) will, to some voters, sound like echoes (albeit faint) of Trump. Labor claims its focus groups show people have been increasingly seeing Dutton as Trumpist.

    Trump this week announced tariffs on foreign cars (not a worry to Australia, which doesn’t make any anymore). Next week he’ll announced the next stage in his tariff policy. This will feed into the election campaign. The extent it does will depend on whether Australia is directly hit. The government is busy with intense last-minute lobbying.

    The cost of living is front and centre in the election, but the recent appearance of Chinese ships near Australia and their live-fire exercise has contributed to making national security and defence (especially how much we should be spending on it) issues as well, although second tier for most voters.

    Major attention in this election will be on the performance of independents. Half a dozen so-called teals seized Liberal seats in 2022, and it would be very hard for the Coalition to obtain a majority without regaining some of them. The Melbourne seats of Kooyong and Goldstein will be especially closely watched. In New South Wales, one teal seat has already been lost through the redistribution.

    The teals ran last time on climate change, integrity, and equity for women. This election, climate is less to the fore in the voters’ minds, while we now have an anti-corruption body, the National Anti-Corruption Commission. And there is no Scott Morrison, who was a lightning rod for the Liberals’ “women problem”. So in terms of issues, the teals have a harder case to make than before.

    On the other hand, people remain deeply disillusioned with the major parties, and the teals have had plenty of time to dig into their seats. The general “community candidate” movement has strengthened and broadened. Whatever its precise composition, the new House of Representatives is expected to have a large crossbench.

    In the event of a hung parliament, the crossbench will come into play. This means its potential members, especially the teals, will be under pressure during the campaign to indicate what factors they would take into account in deciding to whom to give confidence and supply. They are likely to keep their cards close to their chests.

    The election will also test whether the hardline positions the Greens have taken, on local and foreign issues, have alienated or attracted voters. The Greens are at an historic high with four seats in the lower house. The three of those that are in Queensland will be on the line.

    Given the closeness of the polls as the formal campaign starts, what happens in the coming five weeks, and notably the personal performances of Anthony Albanese and Peter Dutton could be crucial to the outcome. This is not one of those elections where either side can be confident it has the result in the bag.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. View from The Hill: uninspiring leaders, stressed voters and the shadow of Trump make for an uncertain contest – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-uninspiring-leaders-stressed-voters-and-the-shadow-of-trump-make-for-an-uncertain-contest-250775

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Albanese calls May 3 election, with cost of living the central battleground

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Australians will go to the polls on May 3 for an election squarely centred on the cost of living.

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese visited Governor-General Sam Mostyn at Yarralumla first thing on Friday morning.

    Later he told an 8am news conference at parliament house the election choice was “between Labor’s plan to keep building or Peter Dutton’s plan to cut.

    “Only Labor has the plan to make you better off over the next three years,” he said. “Now is not the time for cutting and wrecking, punching down.”

    Less than a week after the federal budget and following an earlier delay caused by Cyclone Alfred, the formal campaign starts with government and opposition neck and neck and minority government considered a real possibility.

    But in recent days, the government has gained more momentum and Labor enters the campaign more confident than at the start of the year.

    The aggregated January-March quarterly Newspoll had the Coalition leading Labor 51-49%, but Albanese leading Peter Dutton as preferred PM 45% to 40%. Polling only shows a snapshot of the present, and the campaign itself could be crucial to the election result.

    This is the fourth consecutive election launched off the back of a budget, with both sides this week bidding for voters’ support with big handouts.

    Labor pushed through legislation for its $17 billion tax cut, the first stage of which comes in mid next year. Opposition leader Peter Dutton in his budget reply promised a 12-month halving of excise on petrol and diesel and a gas reservation scheme.

    Labor goes into the election with 78 seats in the lower house, and the Coalition with 57 (counting the seats of two recent Liberal defectors). The large crossbench includes four Greens and half a dozen “teals”.

    With a majority being 76 seats in the new 150-seat parliament, the Coalition needs to win 19 seats for an outright majority. This would require a uniform swing of 5.3% (although swings are not uniform). A swing of less than 1% could take Labor into minority. The Coalition would need a swing of about 3.6% to end with more seats than the government. While all states are important if the result is close, Victoria and NSW are regarded as the crucial battlegrounds.

    If the Coalition won, it would be the first time that a first-term government had been defeated since 1931, during the great depression.

    Since the end of the second world war, while all first term governments have been reelected, each saw a two-party swing against them.

    One challenge for Albanese is that he has only a tiny majority, providing little buffer against a swing.

    The combined vote of the major parties will be something to watch, with the vote steadily declining from 85.47% of the vote just 19 years ago at the 2007 election, to only 68.28% at the 2022 election.

    Labor won the last election with a two-party vote of
    52.13% to the Coalition’s 47.87%.

    As of December 31 2024, 17,939,818 Australians were enrolled to vote.

    The start of the formal campaign follows a long “faux” campaign in which both leaders have been travelling the length and breadth of the country non-stop, with the government making a series of major spending announcement but the opposition holding back on policy.

    Marginal seats based on the redistribution

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Albanese calls May 3 election, with cost of living the central battleground – https://theconversation.com/albanese-calls-may-3-election-with-cost-of-living-the-central-battleground-250774

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Australia – Refugee, migrant communities missing out on gender violence support – study

    Source: AMES

    Emerging refugee and migrant communities in Australia are being left behind when it comes to resources to tackle the scourge of gender-based violence, a survey of community leaders has found.

    A focus group of 30 community leaders in 21 key cohort migrant and refugee groups say their communities are not getting support to combat gender violence.

    Half (50 per cent) of the community leaders surveyed said women in their communities did not have adequate access to access to information on gender violence, prevention campaigns, legal rights and early intervention strategies. Thirty per cent said women in their communities had access to just “a little” information.

    Fifty-three per cent of leader said women in their communities did not have adequate access to gender violence survivor support services and 57 per cent said their communities had worse access to solutions to gender violence than the broader community.

    When it came to finding refuge in the event of gender violence, 57 per cent of leader said women in the communities had no access and 10 per cent had “some” access, while 34 per cent said there was access or at least “some” access.

    However, most (80 per cent) community leaders said informal support was available to gender violence survivors within their communities.

    Talking about gender-based violence is also an issue for many dovers communities, the survey found with 47 per cent saying conversations were “difficult”. Thirty per cent said the conversations were “somewhat difficult,” 10 per cent said they were “somewhat easy” and 13 per cent said they were “easy”.

    Most (53 per cent) community leaders said that gender-based violence was not becoming more prevalent but only 23 per cent said it was becoming less prevalent.

    Asked to identify the drivers of gender-based violence, the community leaders identified fiver factors: Financial stress/poverty (63 per cent); Effects of displacement (47 per cent); Trauma/life experience (43 per cent); Male cultural dominance (37 per cent); Alcohol/substance abuse: (27 per cent).

    The survey generated several recommendations, including a need for more in-language information for communities about how to access support and create agency in the prevention of gender violence as well as programs co-designed and led by multicultural communities themselves.

    Also identified was the need for an holistic suite of interconnected interventions responsive to the cultural norms and practices of individual communities that listen to, and learning, from communities as to what works.

    All of the participants said a ramp up community capacity building would result in communities being better placed to support their own members.

    The survey comes after more almost $1 billion in extra funding for gender-based violence was announced in the 2024 federal budget.

    Korean community leader and academic Hyein Ellen Cho said it was clear that mainstream programs to tackle gender-based violence were not reaching diverse communities.

    “The survey results come as no surprise to me. I hear this all the time from the community but also in the research I do on migration and gender-based violence,” Ms Cho said.

    “As a migrant woman myself, I work extensively with emerging communities. However, there is a serious disconnection between mainstream services and systems and migrant and refugee communities, particularly newly emerging ones.

    “Although we are just starting to learn more about the issues within migrant and refugee communities, there is still a lack of understanding and commitment to the lived experiences of migrant and refugee communities. Often, we, as migrant and refugee communities, are lumped in together in policy and practice,” Ms Cho said.

    Family violence survivor and Vietnamese community members Uyen Truong says more needs to be done to help communities combat gender-based violence.

    “I was lucky. I received help from some wonderful people. But I know lots of people in my community and other communities struggle to find help when they become victims of family violence,” Uyen said.

    “We need more resources and capacity in diverse communities to prevent family violence and also to support its victims and survivors,” she said.  

    General Manager of Education and Participation at migrant and refugee settlement agency AMES Australia Mirta Gonzalez said resources were not consistently or sufficiently getting to those actually doing the work with highly vulnerable CALD women and communities who fall between the cracks.

    “Some things clearly are not working as intended, and this is not just the result of limited resources. It has more to do with the way in which we understand our society and consequently design and fund domestic and family violence response services and prevention initiatives,” Ms Gonzalez said.

    “The reality that we live in an increasingly diverse society seems to still eludes us. And, despite a more evolved understanding of intersectionality, when it comes to planning services, we still hold on to the imaginary notion of a largely mono-cultural society with intractably complex diversity at its margins.

    “At a practical level, this means that programs need to be co-designed and led by multicultural communities themselves.

    “They should be dedicated and tailored programs – not just crumbs from mainstream programs; simply translating information sheets is not enough. We need a fundamentally different approach to supporting victims, because women from CALD communities fleeing violence often have nowhere to go or they face cultural barriers in wanting to leave situations of violence.

     

    “This is a complex undertaking that requires a number of interconnected interventions; and requires  listening to, and learning, from communities as to what works,” Ms Gonzalez said.

    MIL OSI – Submitted News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Happy job, happy life? Works both ways, new research shows

    Source:

    28 March 2025

    A major new international study exploring the long-term relationship between job and life satisfaction shows that personal happiness is the major driver for a satisfying work life, not the other way around.

    The finding, published in the Journal of Organizational Behavior, challenges conventional thinking that job satisfaction has a stronger influence on life satisfaction than vice versa, and provides crucial insights for employers about the importance of work-life balance.

    Researchers from the US, Germany and South Australia analysed data from more than 160,000 people across multiple global studies, demonstrating how the intertwined paths of job and life satisfaction shift and shape each other over time.

    The study found that individuals with higher life satisfaction were 32% more likely to experience increased job satisfaction over time. While job satisfaction does have a positive effect on future life satisfaction, it is comparatively weaker and diminishes over time.

    First author Christopher Wiese, Assistant Psychology Professor at the Georgia Institute of Technology, says the study highlights the critical role of holistic wellbeing in professional performance and career fulfillment.

    “Organisations that focus solely on job satisfaction initiatives may be missing a fundamental component of employee happiness,” he says.

    “By prioritising overall wellbeing strategies – including mental health support, work-life balance initiatives, and personal development – organisations can foster a more engaged and satisfied workforce.”

    Christian Dormann, Professor of Business Education & Management from Johannes Gutenberg-University Mainz, Germany, and an Adjunct Research Professor at the University of South Australia, says that psychologists have long assumed that job satisfaction drives overall happiness.

    “However, our research shows that the opposite is more powerful,” Prof Dormann says. “If employers truly want to enhance workplace satisfaction, they need to invest in employees’ broader wellbeing.”

    “This study provides a compelling case for businesses to adopt a people-first approach. If employees are happy in their personal lives, they bring that positivity to work. It’s a cycle that organisations can help nurture.”

    The researchers have made several recommendations based on the study findings:

    • Implementing flexible work arrangements to support employees’ personal commitments
    • Encouraging mental health and wellness programs to improve overall life satisfaction
    • Providing opportunities for personal and professional growth that extend beyond job-related tasks
    • Fostering a workplace culture that values employees’ lives outside of work

    Notes for editors

    “Happy Work, Happy Life? A Replication and Comparison of the Longitudinal Effects Between Job and Life Satisfaction Using Continuous Time Meta-Analysis” is published in the Journal of Organizational Behaviour. DOI: 10.1002/job.2861

    …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

    Media contact: Candy Gibson M: +61 434 605 142 E: candy.gibson@unisa.edu.au

    Other articles you may be interested in

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Black Spot upgrades to be delivered at 162 sites

    Source: Workplace Gender Equality Agency

    A range of road safety upgrades will be implemented to address 162 dangerous sites on roads in Western Australia, Victoria and Queensland, with the Albanese Government committing over $85 million to fully fund upgrades under the 2025-26 Black Spots Program. 

    These 162 Black Spot projects will make an important contribution towards reducing serious injuries and deaths with safety improvements funded under this latest round of works to include roundabouts, traffic calming measures, upgraded lighting and safety barriers.

    Throughout the project selection process, Black Spot Consultative Panels in each state have provided the opportunity for stakeholders to have their say to ensure nominations are of the highest priority and importance to the local community.

    These panels are chaired by Senator Varun Ghosh, Lisa Chesters MP and Shayne Neumann MP in each of these states respectively, and include representatives from state road authorities, local government associations, automobile clubs and road safety action groups. 

    Funding for the Black Spots Program has substantially increased as part of the Albanese Government’s response to a worsening road toll, which also includes progressively doubling the Roads to Recovery funding from $500 million to $1 billion a year and delivering nationally aligned data sets to inform road safety decision making.

    More information on the Black Spots Program, including prompts on how to nominate a black spot, can be found here. Full lists of projects in Western Australia, Victoria and Queensland can be accessed here.

    Quotes attributable to Assistant Minister for Regional Development, Anthony Chisholm:

    “This investment demonstrates the Albanese Government’s promise to building safer roads, reducing the crushing impacts of road trauma and supporting local jobs. 

    “We recently announced our significant boost to road safety funding, which included a commitment to increase annual Black Spots Program funding to $150 million from next year.

    “Removing Black Spots across Australia’s road network forms a major part of our ongoing commitment to work with state and territory governments to fund the priority road safety works they identify.

    “This Program is driven by communities, for communities and I’d like to thank the Black Spot Consultative Committee Chairs for their advocacy. 

    “Anyone can nominate a dangerous site for Black Spot funding, if you know a Black Spot near you please consider nominating that site for investigation.”

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Funding a safer Springs Road East in Mount Barker

    Source: Workplace Gender Equality Agency

    The Albanese Government is continuing to improve road safety on regional and remote roads, delivering funding towards the over $11 million Springs Road East upgrade in the Mount Barker district. 

    This investment will provide a safer, more productive route for housing and business development in the Mount Barker district.

    The Albanese Government is committing $5 million to the project under the Safer Local Roads and Infrastructure Program (SLRIP), with the Malinauskus Government and Mount Barker District Council each committing $3 million. 

    The project will widen one kilometre of Springs Road between Bald Hills Road and Heysen Boulevard, as well as widening the bridge on Springs Road and installing upgraded safety barriers to accommodate the wider road and cycling infrastructure. 

    The SLRIP commenced on 1 July 2024 to provide funding for projects to address current and emerging priorities in road infrastructure needs. 

    At least $200 million per year is available under the program. 

    More information on the SLRIP can be accessed here

    Quotes attributable to Federal Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government Minister Catherine King:

    “We know that that local governments in the regions often require more funding to manage rising costs and increased pressure on transport infrastructure due to climate change and extreme weather events.

    “The Albanese Government is committed to delivering the funding local councils need to improve road safety, allowing more money to be spent on projects and less on administration.

    “We’ve increased funding under the Safer Local Roads and Infrastructure Program, as well as the Roads to Recovery Program and the Black Spot Funding Program to strengthen investment in safer and more productive local roads. 

    Quotes attributable to SA Minister for Infrastructure and Transport Tom Koutsantonis:

    “In partnership with the Albanese Government, we are making a significant investment in improving road safety. 

    “It is great to see Springs Road East in Mount Barker receive the funding it needs to ensure a safer, smoother journey for the many residents who use the road.” 

    Quotes attributable to Mount Barker District Council Mayor David Leach: 

    “Australian and South Australian government support for the Spring Roads East upgrade will help provide a safer, more efficient route for locals in the Mount Barker district. 

    “We’re keen to continue to work with the Australian and South Australian governments to deliver even more critical road upgrades in the future.” 

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Housing boost for Northern Territory

    Source: Workplace Gender Equality Agency

    “From Darwin to Alice Springs, we’re turbocharging housing supply by delivering the infrastructure Australia needs.

    “A place to call home is not a luxury or a nice-to-have, but a fundamental need, and our Government is making this a reality for more Australians.”

    “This is a significant and exciting investment into critical enabling infrastructure in both the Top End and Central Australia.

    “We have committed to rebuilding the Territory economy and commitments such as these are vital stepping stones to achieving that.”

    Quotes attributable to Member for Solomon Luke Gosling:

    “Every Territorian deserves the chance to have a roof over their head – and this investment is delivering that for families across Darwin and Palmerston.

    “This investment outlines the direction of the Federal Government, unlocking home ownership for more Territorians – focusing on key infrastructure needed as our community continues to grow.”

    Quotes attributable to Member for Lingiari Marion Scrymgour:

    “I welcome all investment in the Northern Territory, particularly funding for social and affordable housing.

    “This investment is another instance of our Federal Labor Government’s commitment to delivering crucial housing for Territorians.

    “I will continue to work and fight for all Territorians.”

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Te Pāti Māori Call for Mandatory Police Body Cameras

    Source: Te Pati Maori

    In recent weeks, disturbing instances of state-sanctioned violence against Māori have shed light on the systemic racism permeating our institutions. An 11-year-old autistic Māori child was forcibly medicated at the Henry Bennett Centre, a 15-year-old had his jaw broken by police in Napier, kaumātua Dean Wickliffe went on a hunger strike after being beaten by prison guards, and Sam Matue who was tasered and pepper-sprayed before becoming unresponsive and being pronounced dead at the scene.

    This is what Crown violence looks like in 2025.

    This violence could have been prevented with mandatory police body cameras.

    “Māori are being subjected to abuse, and pushed into silence,” said Te Pāti Māori Spokesperson for Mental Health, Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke.

    “This is not justice; this is a systemic issue.

    “We are concerned for the welfare of not just the individual victims, but for all the whānau who have been impacted by state violence.

    “The ongoing lack of accountability for abuse and the failure to implement practical solutions will cause further harm to whānau and communities.”

    “Māori are overrepresented in every stage of the justice system, making up 38% of those proceeded against by police, 42% of those convicted, and 50% of those imprisoned,” said Te Pāti Māori Co-Leader and Spokesperson for Justice, Rawiri Waititi.

    “From tamariki, mokopuna, to kaumātua, our people are being subjected to unjust and violent treatment by the state.

    “Outgoing Chief Ombudsman Peter Boshier has admitted that our justice system requires transformational change to prevent the further victimisation of Māori.

    “Te Pāti Māori is insisting on body cameras for police officers to ensure the safety of all those who come into contact with law enforcement. We can no longer stand by and allow this violence to continue unchecked,” concluded Waititi.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: Julie Kozack, Director, Communications Department, March 27, 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    March 27, 2025

    SPEAKER:  Ms. Julie Kozack, Director of the Communications Department, IMF

    MS. KOZACK: Good morning, everyone, and welcome to today’s IMF Press Briefing. It’s great to see you all, those of you here in person and, of course, our colleagues online as well.

    I am Julie Kozak, Director of Communications at the IMF.  And as usual, this program press briefing is embargoed until 11:00 a.m. Eastern Time in the United States.  I will start with two short announcements and then I’ll take your questions in person, on Webex, and via the Press Center. 

    First, the 2025 Spring Meetings of the IMF and World Bank Group will take place from Monday, April 21st, to Saturday, April 26th.  The press registration to attend these meetings in person in Washington is now open, and you can register through www.imfconnect.org

    And second, I would like to announce that the Managing Director, Kristalina Georgieva, will be delivering her Curtain Raiser speech outlining the key issues facing the world economy.  The speech and a related fireside chat will be held here at IMF headquarters on Thursday, April 17th.  It will be open to registered media and via live streaming on our Press Center and IMF social media channels.  And we will provide more details closer to the date.

    And with that, I will now open the floor for your questions.  For those connecting virtually, please turn on both your camera and microphone when you are speaking.  And I’m now over to you.

    All right, let’s start with you.  Thank you.  Microphone here in the front. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you very much, Julie.  Minister Luis Caputo announced this morning in Argentina that the Argentine government had agreed with the IMF staff amount of $20 billion for the new program.  I’m sure you know this was a very highly unusual announcement.  I wanted to know first if this was coordinated with the IMF, if you had agreed with Mr. Caputo to release this information?  Second, if you can confirm that the actual amount of the program that’s been discussed is $20 billion.  Then the IMF has a lot of internal processes before a program is actually announced, so could this number change through that process?  And if you can give us a sense of the timing before the actual staff-level agreement announcement and eventually the board meeting and that’s all.  Thanks. 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, very good. Thank you. Other questions on Argentina. 

    QUESTIONER: Mr. Caputo said the disbursement will be $20 billion.  Will it be a single disbursement, just one single disbursement?  Thank you, Julie.

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, thank you. Let’s go online.

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  Well, we are all referring to the speech of Caputo, which was a big surprise in Argentina at least.  So one of the rumors that Minister Caputo denied was that the IMF was demanding a 30 percent devaluation.  My question is, does the IMF believe an exchange rate correction is necessary?  Thank you, Julie. 

    MS. KOZACK: Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: Yes.  Hi, Julie.  Thank you.  So my question is, first of all, if you can confirm how much of the $20 billion dollars are going to be freely available?  And second, if there is any certainty at this stage of the negotiations whether the new program will include modifications to the current exchange rate regime, as the market and private sector seem to have considered in recent days?  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Well, I would like to know if a scheme of exchange rate bands is being considered in this agreement and if the agreement implies an increase in depth with the IMF?  And finally, if there is a technical agreement already done?

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, thank you. Anybody else want to come in on Argentina? Okay, let me go ahead and take these questions. 

    So first I want to just start by saying, and this is consistent with our previous statements, that Argentina has embarked on a truly impressive stabilization program.  And the country has shown that it’s determined to steer the — the authorities have shown that they are determined to steer the economy toward a more sustainable path. 

    Since the end of 2023, inflation has declined thanks to a very large fiscal consolidation and steps to heal the Central Bank’s balance sheet.  These measures have been complemented by deregulation, market reforms, and the elimination of distortions and some controls.  The reforms are starting to bear fruit.  Despite the sharp macroeconomic adjustment, economic activity is recovering strongly, real wages are increasing and poverty is declining.  This decline in poverty also reflects, of course, a significant increase in social assistance to vulnerable groups.  There is also a shared recognition between the Fund and the authorities that now is the time to move to the next steps of the authority’s stabilization plan. 

    In this regard, significant progress has been made in reaching understandings toward a new IMF supported program.  And this has followed intense and productive discussion, and those include in-person meetings in Buenos Aires and also here in Washington, D.C.  And at the Fund we have engaged at all levels. 

    What I can say now is that discussions on a new Fund supported program are very advanced and those discussions include discussions around a sizable financing package.  The size of that package is ultimately to be determined by our Executive Board, but I can confirm that discussions are focusing on a sizable package. 

    As for our processes, we do have a set of processes that we always follow when engaging with country authorities on a program.  And as part of these routine internal processes, we have also been engaging with our Executive Board.  With respect to the policies that will be covered under the program, as we’ve noted in the past here, discussions are still ongoing on the specific policies that will be covered under the program. 

    What I can say is that to sustain the gains that have been achieved so far by the authorities, there is a shared recognition about the need to continue to adopt a consistent set of fiscal, monetary, and foreign exchange policies while fostering further and furthering growth enhancing reforms.  And what I can also say is that we will keep you updated as discussions continue. 

    QUESTIONER: What about the amount?

    MS. KOZACK: So with respect to the amount, the amount or the size of the program will be determined ultimately by our Executive Board. What I can say today is that discussions are focused on a sizable financing program.

    And in terms of your question about single disbursement versus a phased disbursement, as with all of our programs, disbursements will come in tranches over the life of the program.  But the exact phasing and the size of each tranche is also, of course, part of the discussions that are underway. 

    QUESTIONER: The number is okay?

    MS. KOZACK: All I’m saying now is that the discussion is around a sizable financing program. That’s what I can say today.

    QUESTIONER: Thank you, Julie. 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay. Let’s go here.

    QUESTIONER: Thank you so much, Julie.  So I would like to ask you about the IMF prospects on the Russian economy.  Does the IMF plan to update its outlook on Russian GDP growth in 2025 during its next review?  What is the overall perspective on inflation easing signs?  Does the IMF plan to highlight any changes in potential monetary policy from the Central Bank?  And what is, from the IMF perspective, the current level of business activity in the Russian economy?  Thanks. 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, thank you. On Russia.

    QUESTIONER: The Central Bank of Russia has maintained its key interest rate at 21 percent since October 2024 to combat inflation.  How does the IMF assess the effectiveness of this high-interest rate policy in controlling inflation?  And what are the IMF’s projections for Russia’s inflation trajectory in 2025 and what factors are expected to influence these trends?  Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: Great. Thank you very much. Are there any other questions on Russia?  Okay. 

    What I can say about the Russian economy is that our assessment is that the Russian economy was affected by overheating in 2024 and growth was driven by private consumption, which was supported by a tight labor market, fast-growing wages, and buoyant credit from the banking system into the economy.  This overheating also reflected strong corporate investment.  Fiscal policy did play a role in driving growth. 

    In 2025, what I can say is, and here I’m quoting from the January WEO, and I can confirm that we will be updating the projections for Russia, as with all countries for the April WEO.  But in January, we said we expected a slowdown in 2025 as the impact of tighter monetary policy took hold and the cyclical recovery ran its course, meaning that the boost to growth waned into 2025.  So in January, we had growth slowing from 3.8 percent in 2024 to 1.4 percent in 2025.  And again, that assessment will be updated as part of the WEO. 

    Now, with respect to inflation in particular, inflation in Russia remains high.  It is well above the Central Bank of Russia’s target, which is 4 percent.  And this partly reflects the tight labor market and also strong wage growth.  Currently, we are not seeing signs of an easing of inflation, although the projections that we had in the January WEO did suggest an easing of price pressures in the coming year.  And of course, just to reiterate that our assessment of Russia, the Russian economy, will be updated as part of the WEO. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you, Julie.  My question is on the inflation expectation at the global level, not only U.S. but also in Japan recently, inflation expectation raised substantially up.  And how much are you concerned about such movement translating into the real inflation and, in the near future, given the tariff policies conducted by U.S. Administrations?  Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: Thank you. So what I can say on inflation at the global level, and this is, again, I’m going to be quoting here from our January and October WEOs. So what we expected at the time of our January WEO update was that global inflation would continue to decline.  We expected in January that it would reach 4.2 percent in 2025 and 3.5 percent in 2026.  And at that time, we expected that advanced economies would achieve their inflation targets earlier than emerging market economies. 

    Now, since that January update, what we have seen is greater than expected persistence in inflation.  And so this is a key factor that will be taken into account as we are updating not only our growth projections in the April WEO, but also our inflation projections.  And what this means for central banks and policymakers is, of course, that agile and proactive monetary policy is going to be needed to ensure that inflation expectations remain well anchored.  And of course, we’ll have a full discussion of inflation developments at the time of the WEO. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi.  Thanks, Julie.  I’m wondering if you can weigh in a bit on President Trump’s announcement yesterday of universal car tariffs of 25 percent.  This is going to send shock waves through a production system throughout the world that provides employment to millions of people, and supports economies all over.  I know it’s early to gauge the exact impact of what this would mean, but I’m wondering if you can talk directionally about how this could start to impact countries, particularly emerging markets that are in that supply chain.  Thanks. 

    MS. KOZACK: Thank you. Same topic, right?

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  We have seen the impacts of the — sorry, let me start over again.  So following up on what David said regarding the tariff, how do you see the impact on these on economies — on the African continent in particular?  And also, you know, we are seeing more of nationalism and protectionism.  It’s from the U.S., and it’s spreading around the world as well.  So how concerned is the IMF regarding these. 

    QUESTIONER: Just to follow up.  In terms of the WEO that you’re preparing, how will these tariff actions be filtered into that in terms of inflation projections as it raises costs, does the IMF sort of see these as a one-time jump up in price level or is it going to contribute to ongoing inflation?  Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: Same topic?

    QUESTIONER: Thank you, Julie.  As a result of all the policy that we are witnessing right now, can the IMF rule out any risk of recession in the United States in 2025, 2026, or if we are not talking about annual decline, could you see any risks in quarter estimates? 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, so let me say a few — respond to this set of questions.

    What I can say today is, we’ve seen several new developments on the trade front over the past several weeks and of course yesterday we had announcements about tariffs on the auto sector.  And the U.S. administration has also noted and announced that it will — that there will be new announcements coming next week on April 2nd. 

    What  I can say today is that we are in the process of assessing the impact of all of these announcements, and we will continue to do that work in the context of our World Economic Outlook that will be released as I noted in April. 

    We have previously noted that for countries like Mexico and Canada that if sustained tariffs could have a significant effect on Mexico and Canada, a significant adverse impact on Mexico and Canada.  For other regions and groups of countries, we’re in the process of undertaking that analysis at the moment. 

    What I can say about the way or the process by which this will be incorporated into the WEO, the way the process works is we will look at all of the announcements and economic developments and data up until as far as we can into the process.  But at some point, there will need to be sort of a cutoff date after which we’re no longer able to incorporate new information.  We’re not there yet.  But at some point in the process there will be a date after which we just for production processes, need to kind of stop the churning of the data. 

    What the WEO will then have is a very clear exposition of what is incorporated into our baseline forecast, our main forecast.  We’ll talk about the assumptions that are included and any policy announcements and actions that are included in the baseline forecast.  Anything that occurs after our cut-off date will be discussed in qualitative terms or as part of the risks section of the report.  But we will aim, of course, in that report to be very clear about what is incorporated into the forecast and what is not incorporated into the forecast.  And of course, you will have an opportunity the week of the Annual Meetings to not only read the WEO, but we will have a press conference led by our Economic Counselor to answer detailed questions around the forecast.  And we will also have the press conferences of our regional area department heads to talk to answer specific regional questions. 

    And just maybe on the question about the U.S. economy, just to say perhaps a few words.  What I can say now is that the performance of the U.S. economy has been remarkably strong throughout the recent monetary policy tightening cycle.  Activity and employment exceeded expectations, and the disinflation process proved less costly than most feared.  And this was our assessment at the time of our January WEO.  Since then, of course, there have been many developments.  Large policy shifts have been announced, and the incoming data is signaling a slowdown in economic activity from the very strong pace in 2024.  All of this said, recession is not part of our baseline. 

    Let’s now move online. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you, Julie, for taking my questions.  My question is on Sri Lanka.  Sri Lanka’s Central Bank Governor has hinted, also suggested that the heavily indebted state-owned enterprises should be listed in the Colombo Stock Exchange as part of a program to perform these enterprises.  What is the IMF’s take on such a proposal given that the program also calls for extensive reforms in SEOs — I beg your pardon, SOEs? At the same time, $334 million was approved by the IMF Executive Board recently.  Has that tranche been given to Sri Lanka?  If not, why?  Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay. Any other questions on Sri Lanka online? Okay, let me take this question on Sri Lanka. 

    So first, let me just step back on Sri Lanka.  First, I’ll say that on Friday, February 28th, the IMF Executive Board approved the Third Review under the EFF (Extended Fund Facility) arrangement for Sri Lanka.  And this provided the country with immediate access to $334 million of support.  So, yes, once the Board approved that Third Review, the $334 million was made available to Sri Lanka to support its economic policies and reforms.  And with this $334 million, it brings total financial support from the IMF to Sri Lanka to $1.34 billion. 

    What I can also add is that reforms in Sri Lanka are bearing fruit.  The economic recovery is gaining momentum.  Inflation remains low in Sri Lanka, revenue collection on the fiscal side is improving, and international reserves are continuing to accumulate.  Economic growth reached 5 percent in 2024, and that was after two years of economic contraction.  And we do expect the recovery to continue in 2025 in Sri Lanka.  These are all very positive developments for Sri Lanka and for the people of Sri Lanka. 

    All of this said, the economy still does remain vulnerable, and therefore it is critical that the reform momentum be sustained to ensure that macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability are durably achieved. 

    And with respect to your specific question, I don’t have anything for you on that regarding the SOEs, but we’ll come back to you bilaterally. 

    I have one question here online from Shoaib Nizami from ARY News TV.  And the question is, when will Pakistan receive Climate Resilience Funds?  So before I turn to this, are there any other questions on Pakistan?  Okay, let me talk a little bit about Pakistan then. 

    So again, just stepping back to explain where we are with Pakistan.  On September 25th of 2024, the Executive Board approved a 37-month EFF arrangement for Pakistan, and it was for $7 billion.  The First Review took place… the First Review mission took place recently, and a staff-level agreement on the First Review was reached on March 25th.  And in addition to reaching a staff-level agreement on the EFF arrangement for the First Review, there was also a staff-level agreement reached on an RSF, a Resilience and Sustainability Facility, that was also reached on March 25th.

    Under the EFF part – so I’m going to talk about both of them.  So the EFF part, which is the First Review under the program, once approved by the IMF’s Executive Board, that would enable Pakistan to have access of about $1 billion for that disbursement.  For the RSF over the length of the arrangement, again subject to approval by the IMF’s Executive Board, the staff-level agreement references an amount of $1.3 billion and that access will be over the life of the RSF, delivered in tranches. 

    Okay.  Kyle, you had a question in the room. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Kyle Fitzgerald with the National.  So, following the recent staff visit to Lebanon, the IMF and Lebanon agreed to remain in close contact on a new economic reform program.  I was just wondering if you could provide more clarity on what the next steps are and what a potential timeline for this looks like.  Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, very good. With respect to Lebanon, I also have another question online which I am going to read out loud. It is from Sabine Oawais from Annahar (phonetic).  There are two questions here.  The first is when does the IMF anticipate the signing of a program with Lebanon?  What prior actions must the Lebanese government take before reaching final agreement?  The second is, given Lebanon’s ongoing economic challenges, what specific reforms does the IMF see as critical for stabilizing the country’s financial system and securing a sustainable recovery? 

    Before I respond on Lebanon, are there any other questions on Lebanon?  Okay.

    So on Lebanon, an IMF fact-finding mission visited Lebanon from March 10th to 13th.  And on that mission, the staff welcomed the authority’s request for a new IMF-supported program to support the authority’s efforts to address Lebanon’s significant economic challenges.  We have received, obviously, this request for a new program.  We’re working with the authorities to help them develop their comprehensive economic reform program.  The engagement and discussions with the Lebanese authorities are ongoing. 

    And in terms of what is needed, what I can say is that first and foremost what is needed is a comprehensive strategy for economic rehabilitation.  This is going to be critical to restore growth, reduce unemployment and improve social conditions.  The authority’s reform program is going to need to be focused on fiscal and debt sustainability, financial sector restructuring, international reserves are continuing to accumulate.  Economic growth reached 5 percent in 2024, and that was after two years of economic contraction.  And we do expect the recovery to continue in 2025 in Sri Lanka.  These are all very positive developments for Sri Lanka and for the people of Sri Lanka. 

    All of this said, the economy still does remain vulnerable, and therefore it is critical that the reform momentum be sustained to ensure that macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability are durably achieved. 

    And with respect to your specific question, I don’t have anything for you on that regarding the SOEs, but we’ll come back to you bilaterally. 

    I have one question here online . And the question is, when will Pakistan receive Climate Resilience Funds?  So, before I turn to this, are there any other questions on Pakistan?  Okay, let me talk a little bit about Pakistan then. 

    So again, just stepping back to explain where we are with Pakistan.  On September 25th of 2024, the Executive Board approved a 37-month EFF arrangement for Pakistan, and it was for $7 billion.  The First Review took place… the First Review mission took place recently, and a staff-level agreement on the First Review was reached on March 25th.  And in addition to reaching a staff-level agreement on the EFF arrangement for the First Review, there was also a staff-level agreement reached on an RSF, a Resilience and Sustainability Facility, that was also reached on March 25th.

    Under the EFF part – so I’m going to talk about both of them.  So the EFF part, which is the First Review under the program, once approved by the IMF’s Executive Board, that would enable Pakistan to have access of about $1 billion for that disbursement.  For the RSF over the length of the arrangement, again subject to approval by the IMF’s Executive Board, the staff-level agreement references an amount of $1.3 billion and that access will be over the life of the RSF, delivered in tranches. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning. So, following the recent staff visit to Lebanon, the IMF and Lebanon agreed to remain in close contact on a new economic reform program.  I was just wondering if you could provide more clarity on what the next steps are and what a potential timeline for this looks like.  MS. KOZACK: Okay, very good.  With respect to Lebanon, I also have another question online which I am going to read out loud.  There are two questions here.  The first is when does the IMF anticipate the signing of a program with Lebanon?  What prior actions must the Lebanese government take before reaching final agreement?  The second is, given Lebanon’s ongoing economic challenges, what specific reforms does the IMF see as critical for stabilizing the country’s financial system and securing a sustainable recovery? 

    Before I respond on Lebanon, are there any other questions on Lebanon?  So on Lebanon, an IMF fact-finding mission visited Lebanon from March 10th to 13th.  And on that mission, the staff welcomed the authority’s request for a new IMF-supported program to support the authority’s efforts to address Lebanon’s significant economic challenges.  We have received, obviously, this request for a new program.  We’re working with the authorities to help them develop their comprehensive economic reform program.  The engagement and discussions with the Lebanese authorities are ongoing. 

    And in terms of what is needed, what I can say is that first and foremost what is needed is a comprehensive strategy for economic rehabilitation.  This is going to be critical to restore growth, reduce unemployment and improve social conditions.  The authority’s reform program is going to need to be focused on fiscal and debt sustainability, financial sector restructuring, governance improvements, and reforms to state owned enterprises.  And critically, it’s going to be important to enhance data provision, to improve transparency and to inform policymaking.  And that is the latest update that I have on Lebanon.  We’ll of course keep you updated and I just want to reassure that we are fully committed to working with the Lebanese authorities and the engagement is ongoing and constructive. 

    Let me go online.  We have a few online before I come back to the room.  And I have another question to read here, which is on Egypt.  The question on Egypt is how do you assess the Egyptian economy right now, taking into consideration the impact of geopolitical tensions in the Middle East region? 

    So let me say a few words on Egypt, but before I do so, are there any other questions on Egypt?  So on Egypt, first, I just want to start by saying that on March 10th, the IMF’s Executive Board concluded the 2025 Article IV consultation and completed the Fourth Review under the EFF arrangement.  This enabled the authorities to draw $1.2 billion.  The Executive Board at that time also approved the RSF arrangement, which paves the way for Egypt to access about $1.3 billion over the life of the RSF. 

    Now, with respect to the specific question, our projections for growth, and this is the question about the impact on the Egyptian economy of tensions, our projections for growth in inflation for the next fiscal year — Egypt uses fiscal year, so it’s a 2025-2026 fiscal year — indicate a growth rate of 4.1 percent.  And this is an increase from 3.6 percent in the previous fiscal year.  And on the inflation side, we expect inflation to continue a downward trajectory and reach 13.4 percent by the end of this period.  We’ll be looking to update these projections for Egypt as part of our update in April of the World Economic Outlook.  And of course, those projections will take into account any recent developments. 

    What I can say more broadly for Egypt is that the main economic impact on Egypt of the tensions in the region has been through disruptions in the Red Sea and the disruptions to revenues through the Suez Canal.  Trade disruptions in the Red Sea in Egypt since December of 2023 have reduced foreign exchange inflows from the Suez Canal by about $6 billion in 2024 alone for Egypt.  And the volume of transit trade is about one third of pre conflict levels.  And so this has of course, adverse spillovers to growth in Egypt and also to fiscal revenues in Egypt.  That is the main area that we’re focused on in terms of how Egypt is being affected by the tensions in the region.  And of course, we’ll continue to closely monitor that as part of our deep and constructive engagement with Egypt. 

    QUESTIONER: Yes, thank you, Julie.  Can you hear me all right? 

    MS. KOZACK: Yes, we can hear you.

    QUESTIONER: Just a quick follow up on Argentina.  You mentioned the amount of discussion will be sizable.  I appreciate we can’t discuss what a final figure might be at this point, but can you confirm that Argentina has requested a loan package of around $20 billion or at least discussed a similar figure as Minister Caputo said this morning. 

    MS. KOZACK: Look, I’m not — just as with the other questions in terms of the ongoing discussions, I’m not going to get into the details of those discussions. They are ongoing. And I can simply confirm that the size of the final package for Argentina will be determined by our Executive Board and that the discussions are for a sizable financing package. 

    QUESTIONER: I want to look at the Caribbean specifically on this one.  With the U.S. proposing to tariff Chinese vessels to the tune of $1.5 million docking to an extent in the U.S., what recommendations or how does the — what does the IMF foresee in terms of potential economic fallouts for Small Island States within the Caribbean region going forward?  And this is in keeping with the tone of questions in the room there.  Do you foresee any potential — or what recommendation would the IMF give to Small Island States, especially those in the Caribbean region, about potential inflation as you look towards the future and tariffs “here is the name of the game” from the United States?

    MS. KOZACK: I’d say like with all of the other impacts of recent developments, we will be discussing this in our World Economic Outlook. But also, I think importantly for the Caribbean, we will have a discussion around regional developments by our Western Hemisphere Department.  And that discussion will, of course, cover the specific impacts on the Caribbean. 

    What I can say today about the Caribbean is to just give a sense of where we stood in our latest forecast, which was in January of 2025.  At that time we expected that growth in the region would be normalized.  So, what we saw in the Caribbean was a kind of rapid recovery after the Pandemic.  And now we’re seeing a normalization phase, or at least that was our assessment in January.  And we expected real GDP growth to reach 2.4 percent in 2025, which would have been about the same as in 2024.  What we saw on inflation again in January was that it had moderated significantly in 2023 and 2024 and that inflation in the Caribbean had returned to pre-Pandemic levels.  So of course, we will then incorporate any of the recent developments in our revised forecast, which will be coming out in April, and we can have a — we’ll have a fuller picture at that time. 

    But just to say a few words on the policy advice, our policy advice for the Caribbean has been more broadly to continue to pursue sustainable fiscal policies to continue to rebuild policy buffers and to strengthen the resilience of domestic economies and institutions.  We also encouraged Caribbean economies to accelerate investment in infrastructure and to implement necessary reforms to boost growth.  And again, we will have a fuller update in January — I mean, sorry, in April. 

    I see some more questions coming online for me to read.  I have a question online on Kenya.  And the question says at the end of the Eighth Review, and I assume under the program, Ms. Gita Gopinath stated, Kenya’s economy remains resilient with growth above the regional average, inflation decelerating and external inflows supporting the shilling and a buildup of external buffers despite a difficult socioeconomic environment.  What has changed since then that has prevented completion of the Final Review under the program? 

    So, before I move to Kenya, are there other questions on Kenya?  QUESTIONER: Thank you, Julie.  Yes, on Kenya, if there’s any details on, on why that last review was ditched as, as my colleague asked, and did they fail to meet any of their targets?  And can we expect any update on, on a request of a new program?  MS. KOZACK: Okay.  I don’t see anything else on Kenya.  So let me give this update on Kenya. So we did recently have an IMF staff team recently visited Kenya for a staff visit.  We did issue a statement on March 17th and in that statement, what was noted is that the Kenyan authorities and the IMF reached an understanding that the Ninth Review under the EFF and ECF programs would not proceed. 

    Where we — what I can say more generally is that the authorities, policy, agenda, and reform programs have been supported by the IMF and they have helped improve Kenya’s economic resilience.  As was stated in the first question, the external position has indeed strengthened over the past year and inflation has eased. 

    All of this said, fiscal challenges do remain amid continued revenue shortfalls and the materialization of additional spending pressures.  And what this is going to require is a reassessment of the medium-term fiscal consolidation strategy to ensure that fiscal sustainability can be preserved.  These challenges will require more time to resolve, and the IMF has therefore received a formal request for a new program from the authorities.  And we are going to — we are, our team is engaging on this request of the authorities, and they remain closely in contact with the authorities.  We’ll provide additional details as we have them.  I can just add that we do remain committed to supporting Kenya’s efforts to realize its full economic potential. 

    QUESTIONER: So I was wondering if you could provide an update on Nigeria, Senegal, and Zambia.  I know the Managing director met with the Finance Minister of Zambia yesterday.  So if you have any update that you could provide regarding the debt restructuring.  And on Senegal, there was a release that was issued yesterday by the IMF defining, confirming that there was a significant underreporting of the fiscal deficit.  How did the IMF miss that information and how do you plan to ensure that it doesn’t happen?  And are you looking to change your methodology? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, on Nigeria, what I can say is [that] the first Deputy Managing Director, Gita Gopinath, traveled to Abuja and Lagos on March 3rd and 4th. She met with Finance Minister Edun, Central Bank Governor Cardoso, as well as civil society groups and private sector leaders. And she also participated in an event with students at the University of Lagos.  Our staff are planning to travel to Nigeria next week in preparation for the 2025 Article IV Consultation.  The authorities’ policies to stabilize the economy and to promote growth are welcome, and they will, of course, need to be accompanied by targeted social transfers to support the most vulnerable populations. 

    We do recognize the extremely difficult situation that many Nigerians face.  And for that reason, I just want to emphasize that completing the rollout of cash transfers to vulnerable households is an important priority for Nigeria, as is improving revenue mobilization domestically. 

    And that is the latest that I have on Argentina and not will — not Argentina, I’m looking at Rafael — on Nigeria, and we will have, of course, more after the mission completes its work.

    MS. KOZACK: Now on Senegal, what I can say on Senegal is, you know, we are actively engaged with the Senegalese authorities and a staff team, which included experts from several different IMF departments, visited Senegal on March 18th through 26th. And they released the statement, of course, that you referred to at the end of that mission. The purpose of the mission was to advance efforts to resolve the recent misreporting case. 

    I think, as we have discussed here before, Senegal’s Court of Auditors released its final report on February 12.  The Court confirmed that the fiscal deficit and public debt were under-reported over the period 2019 to 2023.  And we’re also, our team is also working closely with the authorities to resolve those — that misreporting case and to look at what measures can be taken to ensure, of course, that it doesn’t happen going forward, what are the root causes, and what needs to be done to support Senegal as it seeks to move forward.

    What I can also add is that we collaborate.  The IMF collaborates closely with member countries in all of our engagements, but at the end of the day, it is the member country that is responsible for providing us with accurate and comprehensive data.  While we are partners in the process, it is really the primary responsibility of the country authorities to ensure that the credibility and the quality of the data is accurate.  And we do, of course, for countries that are finding shortcomings in data quality or data accuracy or who want to improve their data reporting, we do offer technical assistance through our experts to help support countries that are interested in improving their data provision. 

    QUESTIONER: Can I quickly ask, regarding that, about the technical support that you provide?  How much — how many African countries are taking advantage of? 

    MS. KOZACK: It is a good question. I do not have the numbers in front of me, but we can certainly come back to you bilaterally. Overall, the continent of, you know — well, Sub-Saharan Africa, the region of Sub-Saharan Africa, is a heavy user of technical assistance services.  How [many] of those are in the area of data and statistics, I do not know.  But we can certainly come back to you bilaterally with that information

    And then on Zambia, I don’t have an update here for you, but we can come back to you bilaterally on Zambia. 

    QUESTIONER: Okay.  Thank you very much.

    MS. KOZACK: Last question.

    QUESTIONER: Thank you, Julie.  And I am sorry for bothering you a third time in a row.  It is about the Black Sea Grain Initiative.  I presume that it is too early to assess, but from the IMF perspective, how can potential moratorium on strikes on the Black Sea between Russia and Ukraine contribute to global trade, food security, and overall, does the IMF monitor the current ongoing discussions on this topic?  MS. KOZACK: Okay, very good.  So, on this one, what I can say is, of course, we are closely monitoring the discussions around the Black Sea.  I do not have a full assessment, of course, now.  What I can say is that there is quite a bit of global trade that goes through the Black Sea.  I think the number is about 7 percent.  And also, we know that some of that global trade is concentrated in key food commodities like wheat.  And to the extent that there is a, let us say, improvement in the ability for transit through the Black Sea, particularly with respect to important global food commodities, that should help ease food shortages globally. 

    With that, I’m going to bring this Press Briefing to a close.  Thank you all for joining us today.  As a reminder, the briefing is embargoed until 11:00 a.m. Eastern Time in the United States.  A transcript will be made available later on IMF.org and as always, in the case of clarifications or additional queries, please do not hesitate to reach out to my colleagues at media@imf.org.

    This concludes our Press Briefing for today, and I wish everyone a wonderful day.  I look forward to seeing you next time and, of course, at the Spring Meetings.  Thank you. 

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Brian Walker

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: New SH3 roundabout at Woodville opening tomorrow

    Source: New Zealand Transport Agency

    State Highway 3 at the southern end of Woodville will reopen to traffic tomorrow morning from 9am, following the completion of construction work on a new roundabout.

    The new roundabout will link SH3 to the new Te Ahu a Turanga: Manawatū-Tararua Highway, which is scheduled for completion in mid-2025.

    The work on the roundabout was expected to be completed by 30 March but as it is now finished, the road can be reopened a few days earlier than expected.

    A temporary speed limit will remain in place on this stretch.

    Te Ahu a Turanga project spokesman Grant Kauri says completing this work on the roundabout is a major milestone towards the completion of the new highway.

    “We’re now getting closer to being able to open the new highway – this new roundabout is a crucial part of this and a great addition to the state highway network.

    “People driving through Woodville and to or from Saddle Road will be able to drive around the roundabout from tomorrow. While the highway isn’t yet open, people will get a clearer view of it.

    “We know the closure of this section of SH3 over the past 5 weeks has caused delays for road users and nearby residents and we’re really grateful for people’s support. By closing the road, we’ve been able to complete the roundabout work a lot quicker than if the road had remained open,” says Mr Kauri.

    Next season, it’s likely you’ll see crews return to the roundabout to apply a 2nd coat seal to the road.

    This is normal. When we rebuild a section of the road and apply a chipseal finish we need to come back later to carry out a second coat seal. This locks in the seal to make it waterproof, keeps it stronger and safer for longer.

    For more information about the Te Ahu a Turanga project, please head to :

    Te Ahu a Turanga – Manawatū Tararua Highway

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: 28 March 2025 Final fourteen homes complete Kerikeri development The new homes, including two built for those living with disabilities, are ready for whānau to move in following a whakawātea (blessing ceremony) by hapū leaders of Ngāti Rēhia.

    Source: New Zealand Government Kainga Ora

    The homes complete the second and final stage of the 22-home development, which includes park space and fruit trees for residents.

    Jeff Murray, Kāinga Ora Regional Director – Northland, says the homes have been built for people of all ages and abilities.

    “The homes are a range of sizes and styles, making them suitable for small families, couples and older persons. Two of the ground floor homes are also accessible providing those living with disabilities, illness or injury, greater independence,” he says.

    The accessible homes include design features such as wide hallways and doorways, power point and light switches at suitable heights, wet bathrooms, handrails and level access both into the home and to enjoy the outdoor deck area.

    Kipa Munro, Chair of Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Rēhia, says the finished development has stayed true to the name ‘Te Tira’ which was gifted by their hapū.

    “Te Tira has not only lived up to its name, which means homes that are climate smart, secure and respectful, the homes also represent a small but important step towards addressing the housing shortage facing whānau in the Far North,” he said.

    Jasem Saleh, Development Director at Gemscott, says Te Tira has been a collaborative project focussed on well-built and well-designed homes.

    “At every step of this project we have worked in close partnership with the community, Ngāti Rēhia, Kāinga Ora and the Far North District Council, and the finished homes are testament to these partnerships.

    “We have taken great care to not only deliver high-quality homes, but also homes where everyone has access to outdoor living, be it a garden, patio or balcony, as well as opportunities to connect and socialise at the park space just for residents,” he says.

    Suitable whānau on the Ministry of Social Development’s Housing Register will be matched to the homes over the coming weeks.

    L-R Jeff Murray, Regional Director – Northland Kāinga Ora, Mariameno Kapa-Kingi, MP for Te Tai Tokerau, Te Pāti Māori, Nora Rameka, Board Trustee – Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Rēhia, Kipa Munro, Chair – Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Rēhia, Babe Kapa, Far North District Council Representative for Ngā Tai o Tokerau Māori Ward, Peter Thomas, GM Te Aka Wahiora, Te Whatu Ora

     
     

    Page updated: 28 March 2025

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Fire Safety – Hawke’s Bay fireworks ban extended until end of April

    Source: Fire and Emergency New Zealand

    Fire and Emergency New Zealand is extending its ban on fireworks and sky lanterns in Hawke’s Bay until Wednesday 30 April, 2025.
    The prohibition, which was due to end on Monday 31 March 2025, affects Ahuriri-Heretaunga, Wairoa coast, Tukituki East and West, southern Hawke’s Bay coast, Pōrangahau, Pahiatua, Eketāhuna, and Tararua East, West, Central and South.
    Hawke’s Bay District Manager Glen Varcoe says recent rain hasn’t yet reduced the fire risk in many parts of the district, and grass in particular is still very dry.
    “Usually the southern Hawke’s Bay has started greening up by now, but we’re still seeing drought conditions here,” he says.
    “We’re also expecting more winds in April, which could elevate fire danger by drying out vegetation, and making it easy for fires to get started and spread rapidly.
    “It’s risky to let off fireworks and lanterns in these conditions, so we’re keeping the ban in place for another month this year – until the end of April.”
    Glen Varcoe reminded people that central and southern Hawke’s Bay are still in a restricted fire season, which means fire permits are required before lighting any fires.
    “We are continuing to monitor the fire risk in Hawke’s Bay and restrictions may change at any time,” he says.
    “Always go to checkitsalright.nz to find out what the restrictions are at your location and apply for a permit if you need one, and comply with any conditions required to help keep Hawke’s Bay fire-free.”

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Health – KEYTRUDA® (pembrolizumab) Now Registered to Treat Certain Patients with Malignant Pleural Mesothelioma, Biliary Tract Carcinoma and Merkel Cell Carcinoma1

    Source: Merck & Co

    Auckland, New Zealand, March 28th, 2025 – MSD (tradename of Merck & Co., Inc., Rahway, N.J., USA (NYSE: MRK) announced today that KEYTRUDA is now registered to treat patients with the following cancers:

     

    KEYTRUDA is not publicly funded for the treatment of patients with these cancers.

    Vanessa Gascoigne, Merck Sharp & Dohme (New Zealand) Limited (MSD) Director, says, “We are excited about these new registrations as mesothelioma, Merkel cell carcinoma and biliary tract cancer are rare forms of cancer.”.3, 4, 5

    Dr Terri-Ann Berry, Mesothelioma Support & Asbestos Awareness Trust Board Chair, says “Mesothelioma is a cancer primarily caused by asbestos exposure. Asbestos causes harm when a person is exposed to the tiny asbestos fibres. 3 It is most likely to be found in buildings built before the 2000s and mesothelioma usually develops 15-60 years after exposure. 6,3

    “Pleural mesothelioma is a type of mesothelioma which affects the tissue lining around the lungs (pleura) and is the most common form of this cancer. The symptoms of mesothelioma may include – a cough that doesn’t go away, chest pain, shortness of breath, fatigue, unexplained weight loss, sweating at night, and fevers.” 3

    Bile tract cancer affects the bile ducts and gallbladder. Symptoms may include yellowing of the skin and eyes, nausea and vomiting, weakness or tiredness, loss of appetite and weight, fever, right-side abdominal pain, dark urine, pale stools, and itchy skin. 2, 7

    Merkel cell carcinoma is a rare type of skin cancer which tends to grow quickly. Merkel cell carcinomas most often start on skin that’s exposed to the sun, like the face, neck, and arms, but it can occur anywhere. Merkel cell carcinomas typically appear as solid lumps or bumps on the skin, which can be pink, red, or purple in color. They are generally painless. 

     

    Vanessa Gascoigne, MSD New Zealand Director, adds, “KEYTRUDA is now registered for 31 indications including for the treatment of patients with certain types of advanced and early-stage cancers.

     

    ““Thanks to the Government’s increase in the medicines budget last year, eligible patients may access funded KEYTRUDA for 11 of those indications. Patients with any of the other 20 indications may access KEYTRUDA at their own expense through a private cancer center across New Zealand. 8,9 We recommend speaking to your doctor if you would like more information about these cancers. 

     

    “MSD will continue to work with the funding agency, Pharmac, in an effort to obtain funded access for more patients with cancer, including those with early-stage high-risk triple-negative breast cancer and stage III melanoma. 10 

     

    “We know people across New Zealand would benefit from faster funded access to cancer treatment. The sadness is that while KEYTRUDA is currently publicly funded for 11 indications, it is not funded for all patients in which it is indicated for.” 9

     

    Please see accompanying Prescribing Information and Patient Information for KEYTRUDA. 

     

    KEYTRUDA® (pembrolizumab) is available as a 100 mg/4 mL concentrate for solution for infusion.

    The KEYTRUDA Consumer Medicine Information (CMI) is available at www.medsafe.govt.nz

     

    KEYTRUDA is a Prescription Medicine and may be used in adults:

     

    KEYTRUDA may be used in children with MPM, cHL, MCC, MSI-H or dMMR cancer, or after surgery to remove melanoma. It is not known if KEYTRUDA is safe and effective in children with MSI-H or dMMR cancer of the brain or spinal cord (central nervous system cancers).

     

    You should not be given KEYTRUDA if you are allergic to pembrolizumab or to any of the other ingredients listed at the end of the CMI. 

     

    KEYTRUDA can cause harm or death to unborn babies. Talk to your doctor if you are a woman who could become pregnant and use effective contraception while you are being treated with KEYTRUDA and for at least 4 months after the last dose of KEYTRUDA. Do not breastfeed while taking KEYTRUDA. 

     

    Serious immune-mediated side effects have occurred affecting the lungs, intestines, liver, kidneys, hormone glands, blood sugar levels, skin, other organs and in transplant recipients.  Some of these side effects can sometimes become life-threatening and can lead to death. These side effects may happen anytime during treatment or even after your treatment has ended and you may experience more than one side effect at the same time. Serious infusion reactions have also occurred. 

     

    Very common side effects with KEYTRUDA alone include diarrhoea, nausea, itching, rash, joint pain, back pain, feeling tired, cough, patches of discoloured skin, stomach pain, decreased levels of sodium in blood and low levels of thyroid hormone. 

     

    When KEYTRUDA was given in combination with chemotherapy, hair loss, vomiting, decreased white-blood cell count, mouth sores, fever, decreased appetite, decreased number of red blood cells, decreased number of platelets in the blood and swelling of the lining of the digestive system (for example mouth, intestines) were also commonly reported. 

     

    When KEYTRUDA was given in combination with axitinib, high blood pressure, fatigue, low levels of thyroid hormone, decreased appetite, blisters or rash on palms of your hands and soles of your feet, increased liver enzyme levels, hoarseness, and constipation were also commonly reported.

     

    When KEYTRUDA was given in combination with lenvatinib, high blood pressure, decreased appetite, low levels of thyroid hormone, vomiting, weight loss, headache, constipation, hoarseness, urinary tract infection, stomach-area (abdominal pain), blisters or rash on the palms of your hands and soles of your feet, protein in your urine, increased liver enzyme levels and feeling weak were also commonly reported. 

     

    The most common side effects when KEYTRUDA is given alone to children include fever, vomiting, headache, stomach pain, decreased number of red blood cells, cough, and constipation. (v54)

     

    KEYTRUDA has risks and benefits. Talk to your doctor to see if KEYTRUDA is right for you. If symptoms continue or you have side effects, tell your doctor.

     

    KEYTRUDA is funded to treat certain patients with the following types of advanced cancers: melanoma, non-small cell lung cancer, MSI-H or dMMR colorectal cancer, triple-negative breast cancer, head and neck squamous cell carcinoma, urothelial carcinoma, and classical Hodgkin lymphoma – further restrictions apply.  KEYTRUDA is not funded for the treatment of all other cancers listed above. 

     

    Ask your health professional about the cost of the medicine and any other medical fees that may apply.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News