Category: Australia

  • MIL-OSI Australia: 2023 Australian CRS reportable accounts by jurisdiction

    Source: New places to play in Gungahlin

    Limitations of the CRS report

    The Total accounts column represents the number of Financial Accounts held by foreign tax residents; it does not represent the number of foreign tax residents holding accounts. An account holder may be a tax resident of multiple jurisdictions, so accounts may be reported more than once.

    The Balance ($A) column represents the total balance or value of the Financial Assets held in the accounts. The figure includes:

    • cash
    • securities
    • bonds
    • commodities
    • partnership interests
    • debt interests and equity interests.

    Where an account is held by more than one account holder, the balance or value is attributed in full to each account holder. Where an account is held by a passive non-financial entity, such as a trust, the value of the equity interest is attributed in full to each controlling person. These accounts will be reported in the Total accounts and Balance ($A) columns more than once.

    Table: CRS statistics tabled by the Minister

    Jurisdiction

    Total Accounts

    Balance (AUD)

    Afghanistan

    11070

    $95,581,415

    Aland Islands

    693

    $3,871,473

    Albania

    728

    $10,764,088

    Algeria

    515

    $10,363,535

    American Samoa

    555

    $7,413,499

    Andorra

    1355

    $101,244,778

    Angola

    296

    $10,861,848

    Anguilla

    166

    $1,170,312

    Antigua and Barbuda

    234

    $3,613,577

    Argentina

    43207

    $239,451,920

    Armenia

    725

    $5,711,104

    Aruba

    510

    $18,999,978

    Austria

    16740

    $394,878,370

    Azerbaijan

    893

    $29,236,263

    Bahamas

    1044

    $232,452,443

    Bahrain

    1944

    $70,119,634

    Bangladesh

    29473

    $229,111,457

    Barbados

    378

    $15,992,240

    Belarus

    564

    $6,673,642

    Belgium

    11622

    $328,051,334

    Belize

    141

    $1,882,633

    Benin

    147

    $4,016,713

    Bermuda

    802

    $1,003,121,189

    Bhutan

    33564

    $129,472,928

    Bolivia (Plurinational State of)

    644

    $4,267,066

    Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba

    65

    $320,289

    Bosnia and Herzegovina

    1015

    $18,562,691

    Botswana

    1551

    $74,047,155

    Brazil

    115912

    $665,938,179

    Brunei Darussalam

    4830

    $175,136,606

    Bulgaria

    1168

    $30,359,474

    Burkina Faso

    209

    $6,083,998

    Burundi

    359

    $1,251,294

    Cabo Verde

    57

    $801,533

    Cambodia

    13543

    $310,460,409

    Cameroon

    286

    $12,837,192

    Canada

    131945

    $4,655,911,312

    Cayman Islands

    1261

    $2,287,140,562

    Central African Republic (The)

    65

    $1,886,237

    Chad

    47

    $1,931,612

    Chile

    34790

    $184,569,286

    China

    1168312

    $35,846,564,031

    Colombia

    117549

    $329,328,309

    Comoros

    202

    $1,192,041

    Congo (Democratic Republic of The)

    955

    $15,603,703

    Congo (The)

    592

    $5,826,658

    Cook Islands

    966

    $15,755,625

    Costa Rica

    737

    $9,190,245

    Cote d’Ivoire

    154

    $12,847,535

    Croatia

    2570

    $91,851,975

    Cuba

    270

    $3,587,708

    Curacao

    63

    $489,577

    Cyprus

    2728

    $174,738,630

    Czech Republic

    5737

    $138,163,643

    Denmark

    13370

    $711,421,080

    Djibouti

    56

    $94,469

    Dominica

    118

    $20,557,976

    Dominican Republic

    6717

    $219,006,335

    Ecuador

    4375

    $24,093,968

    Egypt

    7828

    $130,461,587

    El Salvador

    549

    $4,583,826

    Equatorial Guinea

    43

    $5,787,039

    Eritrea

    574

    $3,235,597

    Estonia

    5283

    $19,768,874

    Ethiopia

    2203

    $22,578,132

    Falkland Islands [Malvinas]

    100

    $662,808

    Faroe Islands (The)

    45

    $320,055

    Fiji

    33661

    $418,588,501

    Finland

    7518

    $243,196,353

    France

    88770

    $1,312,556,582

    French Guiana

    63

    $1,169,649

    French Polynesia

    1466

    $144,692,251

    Gabon

    95

    $254,579

    Gambia

    98

    $1,040,902

    Georgia

    519

    $14,078,846

    Germany

    97566

    $2,136,961,996

    Ghana

    3662

    $45,920,708

    Gibraltar

    271

    $98,559,288

    Greece

    18433

    $874,732,119

    Greenland

    34

    $1,090,263

    Grenada

    45

    $860,469

    Guadeloupe

    59

    $1,397,246

    Guam

    567

    $22,049,141

    Guatemala

    609

    $4,477,478

    Guernsey

    709

    $188,289,280

    Guinea

    467

    $16,333,658

    Guinea-Bissau

    22

    $52,235

    Guyana

    145

    $5,865,208

    Haiti

    79

    $3,315,500

    Holy See (The)

    31

    $223,543

    Honduras

    284

    $3,912,750

    Hong Kong

    417259

    $19,652,979,316

    Hungary

    4166

    $89,013,732

    Iceland

    706

    $9,559,465

    India

    541071

    $3,337,392,017

    Indonesia

    141551

    $2,447,310,574

    Iran (Islamic Republic of)

    25484

    $220,602,656

    Iraq

    5657

    $47,263,403

    Ireland

    99386

    $1,184,004,246

    Isle of man

    755

    $77,412,757

    Israel

    14404

    $870,500,826

    Italy

    61111

    $1,042,858,008

    Jamaica

    502

    $10,346,693

    Japan

    122031

    $2,930,986,700

    Jersey

    1191

    $1,500,635,721

    Jordan

    3192

    $51,114,032

    Kazakhstan

    2762

    $76,557,742

    Kenya

    19121

    $167,004,133

    Kiribati

    1728

    $27,628,158

    Korea (The Democratic People’s Republic of)

    1300

    $11,985,623

    Korea (The Republic of)

    120329

    $692,796,653

    Kuwait

    2278

    $59,151,943

    Kyrgyzstan

    253

    $10,798,328

    Lao Peoples Democratic Republic

    3950

    $56,663,831

    Latvia

    662

    $19,990,384

    Lebanon

    4658

    $77,228,058

    Lesotho

    76

    $1,552,742

    Liberia

    331

    $7,577,445

    Libya

    321

    $5,848,095

    Liechtenstein

    115

    $2,373,413

    Lithuania

    1572

    $17,114,640

    Luxembourg

    1269

    $1,281,207,061

    Macao

    8485

    $557,432,905

    Madagascar

    302

    $4,468,823

    Malawi

    602

    $7,546,068

    Malaysia

    207495

    $9,736,791,971

    Maldives

    1145

    $9,633,668

    Mali

    204

    $6,447,711

    Malta

    3940

    $266,412,830

    Marshall Islands (The)

    142

    $267,119,933

    Martinique

    54

    $348,133

    Mauritania

    107

    $2,254,652

    Mauritius

    7436

    $190,515,176

    Mayotte

    43

    $89,402

    Mexico

    12583

    $107,075,070

    Micronesia (Federated States of)

    147

    $15,869,862

    Moldova (The Republic of)

    251

    $2,923,446

    Monaco

    655

    $148,818,123

    Mongolia

    18288

    $90,339,348

    Montenegro

    244

    $25,032,609

    Montserrat

    5287

    $264,020,964

    Morocco

    919

    $34,620,243

    Mozambique

    551

    $16,987,061

    Myanmar

    10713

    $94,691,582

    Namibia

    852

    $28,134,752

    Nauru

    1258

    $71,353,711

    Nepal

    151948

    $530,415,177

    Netherlands (The)

    38960

    $5,741,717,769

    New Caledonia

    14843

    $946,289,722

    New Zealand

    593810

    $13,924,735,966

    Nicaragua

    212

    $1,863,857

    Niger (The)

    118

    $4,131,203

    Nigeria

    8518

    $59,998,862

    Niue

    63

    $457,441

    Northern Mariana Islands (The)

    86

    $1,940,793

    Norway

    12085

    $116,151,200

    Oman

    2919

    $53,732,678

    Pakistan

    40606

    $233,873,735

    Palau

    90

    $2,489,305

    Palestine, State of

    490

    $4,307,127

    Panama

    817

    $22,319,621

    Papua New Guinea

    20645

    $1,000,357,988

    Paraguay

    611

    $4,606,315

    Peru

    8102

    $93,464,956

    Philippines

    149788

    $1,081,032,048

    Pitcairn

    42

    $2,255,280

    Poland

    10216

    $183,398,727

    Portugal

    8340

    $364,367,730

    Puerto Rico

    111

    $1,240,149

    Qatar

    5561

    $199,292,806

    Republic of North Macedonia

    2098

    $48,970,081

    Reunion

    198

    $5,016,186

    Romania

    2257

    $33,817,593

    Russian Federation

    13479

    $311,237,493

    Rwanda

    349

    $2,900,073

    Saint Barthelemy

    43

    $132,991

    Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha

    19

    $53,689

    Saint Kitts and Nevis

    164

    $65,704,365

    Saint Lucia

    99

    $11,339,027

    Saint Martin (French part)

    24

    $1,272,193

    Saint Vincent and The Grenadines

    54

    $648,955

    Samoa

    5642

    $12,252,804

    San Marino

    22

    $225,736

    Sao Tome and Principe

    16

    $47,212

    Saudi Arabia

    17461

    $290,408,054

    Senegal

    246

    $17,019,253

    Serbia

    2765

    $61,671,117

    Seychelles

    747

    $66,081,694

    Sierra Leone

    518

    $59,985,702

    Singapore

    216492

    $16,932,866,043

    Sint Maarten (Dutch)

    44

    $2,030,457

    Slovakia

    2683

    $34,211,553

    Slovenia

    1143

    $31,256,112

    Solomon Islands

    5670

    $107,624,274

    Somalia

    419

    $883,615

    South Africa

    85705

    $3,036,112,507

    South Sudan

    409

    $1,439,169

    Spain

    34964

    $615,458,859

    Sri Lanka

    59417

    $496,470,828

    Sudan

    1369

    $9,428,890

    Suriname

    99

    $808,495

    Swaziland

    491

    $11,837,248

    Sweden

    24838

    $395,550,321

    Switzerland

    27602

    $2,522,289,323

    Syrian Arab Republic

    3146

    $16,259,175

    Taiwan (Province of China)

    215091

    $5,182,123,415

    Tajikistan

    150

    $6,070,527

    Tanzania, United Republic of

    1483

    $28,785,672

    Thailand

    115526

    $1,671,533,990

    Timor-Leste

    5625

    $103,220,105

    Togo

    50

    $392,068

    Tokelau

    34

    $94,511

    Tonga

    10335

    $27,905,071

    Trinidad and Tobago

    429

    $10,964,301

    Tunisia

    505

    $42,954,529

    Turkey

    12815

    $123,250,809

    Turkmenistan

    80

    $269,557

    Turks and Caicos Islands (The)

    62

    $12,992,454

    Tuvalu

    332

    $24,161,951

    Uganda

    1469

    $26,010,162

    Ukraine

    6358

    $57,835,515

    United Arab Emirates

    34016

    $1,525,677,609

    United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (The)

    650226

    $15,897,900,722

    United States Minor Outlying Islands (The)

    616

    $17,009,421

    United States of America (The)

    607512

    $32,140,613,865

    Uruguay

    2967

    $20,416,335

    Uzbekistan

    843

    $14,924,835

    Vanuatu

    12745

    $166,367,754

    Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of)

    3429

    $16,703,255

    Vietnam

    108399

    $1,368,106,502

    Virgin Islands (British)

    664

    $1,583,993,488

    Virgin Islands (U.S.)

    86

    $12,262,261

    Wallis and Futuna

    79

    $735,705

    Western Sahara

    54

    $172,955

    Yemen

    436

    $3,698,663

    Zambia

    2508

    $52,915,353

    Zimbabwe

    8557

    $181,025,534

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Family Court could better protect Indigenous women and children, but there are barriers in the way

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Heather Douglas, Professor of Law and Deputy Director of the Centre of Excellence for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (CEVAW), The University of Melbourne

    Shutterstock

    The family law system is crucial for protecting women and children nationwide. With its combination of judicial oversight, counselling and alternative dispute resolution, the family court can offer meaningful support to parents in complex situations. But First Nations families may be missing out.

    We partnered with Women’s Legal Services Australia to prepare a new review. The review highlights that First Nations women may face barriers to accessing the family law system, especially when they have experienced family violence.

    Our research

    Family law courts in Australia handle matters such as where children live and who has contact with them. They also deal with finance and property disputes within families, and family violence.

    In our research, we reviewed the existing literature and family court cases to see how First Nations people have interacted with the family law system.

    While 7% of family court final order applications in 2023–2024 included a First Nations litigant, we suggest the family law system may be underutilised by Indigenous women. There are several factors that point to this.

    One is the rate of out-of-home care. First Nations children make up 44.5% of children in out-of-home care nationally. Engaging with the family law system may reduce these rates.

    Another is the prevalence of Indigenous families with a single parent. Nearly 45% of First Nations children under 15-years-old live in single-parent households.

    People in these households may need to negotiate safe contact arrangements for their children with other family members. The family law system can play an important role for these families.

    And we know family violence is present in 83% of parenting proceedings in the family courts. First Nations women are at a higher risk of family violence than non-First Nations women, often perpetrated by a non-First Nations partner. The family law system must take account of family violence when making orders.

    It therefore may be reasonable to expect a higher proportion of First Nations people to use the family law system. So what’s stopping them?

    Prior bad experiences

    Previous studies have focused on First Nations women’s experiences of child protection, criminal law and family violence protections orders.

    First Nations women may fear the family law system because of negative experiences with these other processes, including genuine fears about child removal.

    Research shows parts of the legal system often fail First Nations women who have experienced family violence.

    The family law system relies on people making their own application to enter the system. Prior bad experiences of other legal systems are likely to affect people’s willingness to use family law.

    Family law is different from other parts of the legal system. In criminal law and family violence protection orders, for instance, the state brings First Nations people into the legal system. This happens through police charging people, or police applying for family violence protection orders on behalf of a victim-survivor.

    We know in some civil law processes where the person must make the application, like debt recovery, First Nations people are less likely than non-First Nations people to report or make an application.

    Structural issues

    Child protection matters often overlap with family law matters. The law has changed to require child protection authorities to share information when the family courts request it.

    Agencies that support First Nations women are also required to report particular concerns to child protection authorities. These factors may contribute to First Nations women being reluctant to apply to the family law system for fear their children will be removed.

    In some research, interview participants referred to an “erosion of trust and disengagement of victims” from services as a result of mandatory reporting.

    Systemic racism, biases and discrimination identified in other legal systems may also affect First Nations women’s experiences in family law. This may lead them to disengage, or not engage the next time they have concerns about their children’s safety.

    When First Nations women who have experienced family violence do engage with the family law system, this is sometimes because their non-First Nations partner makes an application. When this happens, research suggests the family law system may give more weight to the non-First Nations party’s version of events.

    Improving the system

    The family law system is making efforts to improve access for First Nations people.

    There is now a requirement for family courts to consider how parenting arrangements will help Aboriginal children to remain in contact with culture, community, family, language and Country.

    Indigenous Family Liaison Officers are employed by family courts to support First Nations people in court.

    Indigenous Lists also exist in specific courts where cases involving First Nations parties are heard on a particular day and specialised support is available.

    We need to find out more about how effective these measures are and what else needs to change so the family law system can best support First Nations women.

    We also need to know more about how to support First Nations women in the family courts when the other party is a non-First Nations person. For most couples across Australia that include an Indigenous person, the other person is non-First Nations.

    The family law system holds real potential to be a proactive and protective pathway for more First Nations women concerned about their own safety and their children’s safety. Our continuing research hopes to show how this potential may be realised.


    13YARN is a free and confidential 24/7 national crisis support line for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who are feeling overwhelmed or having difficulty coping. Call 13 92 76.

    Heather Douglas receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Kyllie Cripps receives funding from the Australian Research Council for a number of projects she is involved with.

    Samantha O’Donnell receives funding from the Australian Research Council. Samantha O’Donnell also volunteers for the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre.

    ref. The Family Court could better protect Indigenous women and children, but there are barriers in the way – https://theconversation.com/the-family-court-could-better-protect-indigenous-women-and-children-but-there-are-barriers-in-the-way-253619

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Curious Kids: If you scoop a bucket of water out of the ocean, does it get lower?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dylan Irvine, Outstanding Future Researcher – Northern Water Futures, Charles Darwin University

    Lizzie Lamont/Shutterstock

    If you scoop a bucket of water out of the ocean, does it get lower?

    –Ellis, 6 and a half, Hobart

    This is a great question Ellis! The short answer is yes, but the change in water level will be extremely tiny. You can actually test this idea at home.

    For starters, you’ll need a glass of water and a teaspoon. Fill the glass almost to the top, and take note of the water level. Now, carefully remove a teaspoon of water. Can you see the difference in the water level? Maybe you can, but maybe not.

    You could repeat this experiment in the kitchen sink, or a bathtub if you have one. The key point is that the water level does drop, but only by a very small amount. If you scoop a teaspoon of water out of the bathtub, you probably won’t see the difference with the naked eye.

    Millions of buckets

    So, let’s return to the ocean. It’s truly huge, especially compared to a bucket.

    Let’s say that you have a bucket that fits ten litres. Using the information here, there are about 137 million, million, million buckets of water in the ocean (that is, all of Earth’s oceans combined).

    I crunched the numbers. If you took a bucket of water from the ocean, the water level would drop by around 0.0000000000277 millimetre. You can see how small a millimetre is on your school ruler. We don’t have anything on Earth that can measure anything this small. For example, this is way, way, way smaller than even a single atom.

    So, the more detailed answer to your question is: yes, the water level gets lower, but by such a small amount that we can’t even measure it.

    But wait, there’s more

    Earth is a really interesting place. When you take your bucket of water, all that water is moving through something called the water cycle.

    Sea levels are actually constantly changing. Each year, a lot of water evaporates from the ocean. Some of it is even lost to outer space.

    However, most of the evaporated water rains back down directly onto the ocean, or onto the ground, with that water making its way to rivers that eventually flow to the ocean. There is also a lot of water stored underground, and some of it makes its way to the ocean, as well.

    So, if you poured your bucket of water onto the ground, eventually it would end up back in the ocean via the water cycle!

    A few fun facts

    There’s a lot to know about water. Some more fun facts (and big numbers):

    1. There are 1,500,000,000,000,000,000 molecules of water (H₂O) in a single drop of water. That’s 1.5 million, million, million.

    2. The oldest water in the world is estimated to have fallen as rain more than 1.6 billion years ago.

    3. Most (about 98%) of the world’s fresh, liquid water is underground – that’s why it’s called groundwater.

    Dylan Irvine receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Cooperative Research Centre program, the National Water Grid Authority and the Ian Potter Foundation. This article is independent of these funded research activities.

    ref. Curious Kids: If you scoop a bucket of water out of the ocean, does it get lower? – https://theconversation.com/curious-kids-if-you-scoop-a-bucket-of-water-out-of-the-ocean-does-it-get-lower-233249

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI China: Fewer Chinese studying in US due to rising tensions

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    The number and proportion of Chinese students studying in the United States continue to decline as rising geopolitical tensions and safety concerns weigh heavily on families’ decisions, according to official reports and education experts.
    The 2024 Blue Paper for Chinese Overseas Students Returning to China for Employment, recently released by the Chinese Service Center for Scholarly Exchange under the Ministry of Education, shows that while the U.S. remains a key destination for Chinese students, its dominance is fading.
    In 2023, only 14.54 percent of Chinese returnees with doctoral degrees studied in the U.S., down from 25 percent in 2020 — a decline of more than 10 percentage points over four years, according to the blue paper.
    Among returnees from the top three study destinations — the United Kingdom, the U.S. and Australia — 51.5 percent had studied in those countries, marking a decrease of approximately 3 percentage points from the previous year, driven primarily by the drop in the number of U.S.-based graduates, it added.
    The decline comes as more Chinese families are rethinking their higher education plans in light of worsening bilateral relations and growing concerns over safety abroad.
    The Ministry of Education last week warned Chinese students to make security assessments if choosing to study in certain U.S. states, citing a bill passed in the U.S. state of Ohio that contains negative provisions related to China. It imposes restrictions on education exchanges and cooperation between Chinese and U.S. higher education institutions.
    “Geopolitical tensions inevitably affect the international flow of students,” said Chen Zhiwen, a member of the Chinese Society of Educational Development Strategy.
    “The U.S. has increasingly restricted China in areas such as trade, technology and talent, making the study environment more hostile. Over the past four years, the number of Chinese students in the U.S. has dropped by 100,000,” Chen said, urging Chinese parents to carefully evaluate study-abroad destinations.
    According to data from the 2024 Open Doors Report on International Educational Exchange, produced in part by the U.S. Department of State, China was surpassed by India as the largest source of international students in the U.S. for the 2023-24 academic year. There were 277,398 students from the Chinese mainland enrolled in U.S. higher education institutions during that period, a figure that has been dropping annually since peaking at 372,532 in the 2019-20 academic year.
    Chinese parents are increasingly factoring in national relations and domestic stability when considering where to send their children.
    Kendy Jia, the mother of a secondary school student in Beijing, said she had been planning to send her child abroad for high school just a few years ago.
    “Now, that plan is on hold,” she said at the 2025 China International Education Exhibition Tour in Beijing on Friday.
    “With the current international situation, we’re leaning toward waiting until after high school,” Jia said. “We might still consider sending him abroad for university, but not necessarily to the U.S. As parents, we first consider the country’s relationship with China, because political stability is very important and affects our child’s personal safety overseas,” she said, adding that worsening international relations might also add to the cost of overseas study.
    A survey by consultancy EIC Education released last month found that safety and financial support have become top concerns for prospective Chinese students during the 2024-25 academic year. The local security environment ranks fourth among factors influencing study-abroad decisions, it said.
    Hannah Song, secretary-general of the America-China Education Foundation Greater China, a U.S.-based nonprofit organization, said many Chinese parents have expressed concerns about whether bilateral relations might pose safety risks for students studying in the country.
    “Parents don’t need to be overly worried,” she said. “Most U.S. states and universities focused on educational exchange rather than politics. For the majority of American institutions, the impact is minimal,” she said.
    Despite current geopolitical tensions, Song said the U.S. remains a top choice for many Chinese families in terms of undergraduate education.
    According to the blue paper, the U.S. kept attracting Chinese students in certain academic fields. Economics and mathematics remain the top choices for undergraduates from 2022 to 2024, while computer science and finance dominate among graduate applicants in 2024.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Shopping the sales online? Read this first

    Source: Northern Territory Police and Fire Services

    Make sure you research the retailer you’re buying from.


    In brief:

    • The end of the year is a time when people tend to shop more.
    • This story includes a few details to be aware of to help avoid shopping disappointment

    As Black Friday sales start and Christmas shopping begins, we’re exposed to lots of advertising. Whether you’re at the shops or browsing online, here are our tips for a smooth shopping experience.

    Do your research

    Read product reviews, shop around and ensure that a sale really is a bargain.

    Read the terms and conditions of your purchase. Ensure you understand any fees you’ll be charged if you cancel or change your order.

    Always make sure you ask for a receipt and keep it somewhere safe.

    Know who you’re buying from when shopping online.

    When buying a product or service online, research the retailer you’re buying from. Only buy from websites that:

    • are well known and legitimate
    • have a good reputation
    • display clear processes for solving problems.

    Always check the website is secure, and screenshot or save any documentation, receipts or confirmation emails.

    Some businesses sell products that they don’t have in stock, instead they have another business supply you the product. When deciding who to buy from, ask the business whether it holds the stock itself.

    Check delivery timeframes

    Before you make a purchase, check delivery timeframes, including Christmas cut-off dates.

    Be aware of possible delays and always give yourself plenty of time to ensure the gift arrives in time.

    Be cautious with overseas websites

    Overseas online businesses that provide goods or services directly to consumers in Australia must follow the Australian Consumer Law. However, you aren’t covered by the Australian Consumer Law if the business doesn’t directly offer their products and services in Australia.

    If a business is overseas, you may have difficulty getting a refund, repair, or replacement for your product.

    Understand your rights

    If you don’t get what you paid for with a product or service, you have rights. This applies even when an item is on sale.

    Always check the store’s returns policy. Refunds aren’t always an automatic right. Businesses don’t have to give you a refund if you:

    • change your mind
    • buy the wrong size, or
    • buy the wrong colour.

    Some businesses still offer refunds in these situations. This is their choice to provide good customer service, and not a legal requirement.

    You are entitled to a refund, repair or replacement if a consumer guarantee is not met. The remedy you’re entitled to will depend on whether the issue is major or minor.

    If you do experience a problem with a product or service, you should always talk to the business first. Most traders want to do the right thing and fix any problems for their customers. If you are unable to resolve the problem, Access Canberra may be able to help.

    Get help with a consumer issue.

    For more information about your rights as a consumer, visit the Access Canberra website.


    Get ACT news and events delivered straight to your inbox, sign up to our email newsletter:


    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: The highs and lows of working in public housing support

    Source: Northern Territory Police and Fire Services

    After meeting Louise, Senior Director Tenant Experience at Housing ACT, it’s clear to see that she’s someone who is genuinely committed to helping people.

    “What fundamentally keeps me with housing is because I’m a real people person. There are lots of opportunities to engage with and support really wonderful and fascinating members of our community who have unique and interesting stories of their own,” she says.

    We have a dedicated staffing group that works tirelessly seven days a week to make sure we can be responsive to our clients. “But just like with any industry, there can be not-so-positive interactions. Particularly given current cost of living pressures and the importance of having stable housing” Louise says.

    “When there’s financial hardships or homelessness, sometimes clients can take those frustrations out on our staff. So that’s really hard when people are turning up, day after day, to do a job and they’re being abused. The staff have done nothing to deserve those levels of anger or frustrations or threats,” she says.

    “We would love nothing more than to house everyone straight away and not have waitlists, but unfortunately there is a supply and demand issue. And that can be terribly frustrating when you’re talking to and listening to members of the community who really are in dire straits. There are so many things that can be a pressure point in not having housing, so we certainly understand that.”

    As a born and bred Canberran who grew up with a single mother living in public housing, Louise understands firsthand the pressures faced by her clients. So when it came time to find a job, she jumped at the chance to give back to the community and work with the ACT Government in Housing Assistance – and 26 years on, she’s still there.

    “I just fell in love with the different roles and the work that we do in housing that supports so many members of the public,” says Louise.

    From an entry-level position, Louise has worked her way up, taking on a range of different roles, and now leads a team responsible for looking after tenants.

    “You get exposed to really diverse members of the community, and it’s really rewarding to support these people at times when they need that little bit of extra assistance with housing support, or if there’s a crisis in their current situation and to be able help them stabilise it, so you can see them excel in their lives.”

    Working in tenant experience is similar to working in property management, including managing rent accounts, inspections and complaints. But Louise says the main difference is they bring a “social landlord lens” and work hard to support people to sustain their tenancies.

    “A large amount of the work we do is understanding our tenants, their needs and looking to help them with what they need,” she says.

    Louise believes social housing can get a bad rap in the media and greater community, and she’s passionate about changing that narrative.

    “Sometimes it’s frustrating to me that we can’t tell all the good stories, because of privacy laws,” she says. “But there are a lot of good things we do behind the scenes that aren’t publicly known. For example, during heat waves, we call up older tenants to make sure they’re alright. And that’s resulted in us identifying a medical emergency and getting them assistance.”

    Louise says that due to the occupational violence experienced, Housing ACT have a range of measures in place to support and protect staff, like regular communication and specialist training programs. They’ve also introduced duress devices for frontline staff, and have a range of follow-up supports in place for staff if an incident occurs.

    But Louise says it really is only a few people who become aggressive.

    “We don’t want to stop people raising concerns or telling us what they think. But it’s about doing it in a way that’s not aggressive or violent towards us. You can express your dissatisfaction, but use the mechanisms available to you, like lodge a complaint.”

    “By far, tenants are lovely. So it’s one of those things where a handful can really ruin it,” she says.

    And as for her career, if you want to work somewhere where you really know you’re making a difference, Louise says working in housing assistance is incredibly rewarding, with a good mix between field work and office work.

    “For people who don’t see themselves stuck behind the desk from nine to five and love client engagement, there’s that real mix, and we have that flexibility,” she says.

    “If you like working in a team with people, and have value-driven outcomes, this would be the job for you. Every single day, I go home thinking, ‘I’ve done something today that has helped someone’.”

    * For personal privacy, surnames of interviewees have been removed.

    Find out more about how you can help make ACT Government workplaces safe for everyone.


    Get ACT news and events delivered straight to your inbox, sign up to our email newsletter:


    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Stats NZ information release: International travel: February 2025

    Source: Statistics New Zealand

    International travel: February 202514 April 2025 – International travel covers the number and characteristics of overseas visitors and New Zealand resident travellers (short-term movements) entering or leaving New Zealand.

    Key facts

    Monthly arrivals – overseas visitors
    Overseas visitor arrivals were 354,400 in February 2025, a decrease of 8,400 from February 2024. The biggest changes were in arrivals from:

    • United States (up 8,200)
    • Australia (up 7,600)
    • United Kingdom (up 3,100)
    • Canada (up 1,600)
    • Japan (up 1,100)
    • China (down 18,400)
    • Taiwan (down 1,500)
    • Malaysia (down 1,200).

    Further Information:

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: How to mitigate construction risks and avoid disputes in pumped hydro projects

    Source: Allens Insights (legal sector)

    Given the geographical scale and requirements for PHES projects, appropriate sites are often situated on or near to culturally significant sites and/or land subject to Indigenous claims. This means PHES developments are particularly susceptible to legal challenge to licences and approvals, on the basis that developers have failed to adequately consult with Indigenous stakeholders in satisfaction of domestic ESG regulations. This risk can materialise as a result of activism by public interest groups, formal complaints to regulators and/or judicial review proceedings. Efforts to address complaints by Indigenous stakeholders and consequent litigation will not only lead to inflated costs, but also likely disrupt the project or halt progress entirely.

    Developers are also subject to stakeholder scrutiny for compliance with their own ESG policies, voluntary commitments and published representations, which may go further than domestic ESG regulations. Increasingly, stakeholders, shareholders and activists expect companies to align with both international laws and voluntary soft law standards like the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs).

    In addition to project, legal and cost consequences, failure (or perceived failure) to comply with ESG policies and commitments can lead to reputational damage and loss of social license (ie support from the community).

    Case study: Queensland Hydro Project

    The project area for the Borumba PHES project holds significant cultural importance for the Kabi Kabi people, the traditional landowners.

    The developer is reported to be in negotiations with the Kabi Kabi people, which may lead to the need to downsize the project to avoid sensitive sites.

    As part of these negotiations, an Indigenous Land Use Agreement (ILUA) has been agreed between the Kabi Kabi people and the developer to allow exploratory works to be carried out.12

    Case study: Barossa Gas Project (Northern Territory, Australia)

    In 2022, Tiwi Island traditional owners filed a lawsuit against the developer and the National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority (NOPSEMA). They argued that the developer had failed to adequately consult them about the project’s potential risks to their food sources and spiritual connection to the sea. In September 2022, the Federal Court ruled in favour of the traditional owners, invalidating the developer’s drilling approval and ordering the cessation of drilling activities.13 The developer was required to resubmit fresh approvals and was only able to recommence in early 2024 after almost 16 months of delay and another round of litigation with the Tiwi Island traditional owners.14

    Contracts should be clear around who bears the cost and time risks associated with any legal challenges. In order to mitigate against time and cost implications of potential challenges, it is essential that parties consult traditional owners early and transparently, and engage compliance policies to ensure ESG regulations and internal ESG policies and commitments are met.

    One strategy to achieve this is to design robust complaints and grievance mechanisms and deploy them as early as possible in the project. These mechanisms should allow traditional owners and other stakeholders to lodge complaints prior to design and development. This allows developers to make changes and negotiate agreements while it is still reasonably quick and inexpensive to do so.

    In 2024, the Clean Energy Council published a best practice guide for the renewable energy industry to support their engagement with First Nations. This included discussion of key principles of best practice for renewables projects with First Nations peoples, including respectful engagement, preservation of cultural heritage, ensuring economic and social benefits are shared and embedding land stewardship and cultural competency. The guide is a useful source of discussion on minimum and best practices around PHES projects.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Allens advises ACEN Australia on major renewable energy portfolio financing

    Source: Allens Insights (legal sector)

    Allens has advised ACEN Australia, a key player in the Australian energy transition, on the $750 million platform financing for its renewable energy portfolio. The two seed assets are the 400MW New England Stage 1 Solar and 400MW Stubbo Solar projects.

    The financing establishes a platform to support the continued development of ACEN Australia’s pipeline of renewable energy assets across the country, including approximately 8 GW of solar, wind, battery energy storage systems and pumped hydro projects.

    With Macquarie Capital as financial adviser, the financing included a syndicate of 11 Banks comprising ANZ, Cathay United Bank, Commonwealth Bank, CTBC Bank, DBS Bank, Deutsche Bank, HSBC, MUFG, SMBC, UOB, and Westpac,

    A cross-disciplinary team, comprising lawyers across Banking & Finance, Projects, Corporate and Real Estate, Environment and Planning, advised on all aspects of the financing and due diligence.

    ‘We are proud to have advised on this significant milestone transaction for ACEN Australia, which will help facilitate the development of new renewable energy projects across Australia.’ said lead Partner Scott McCoy.

    ‘This portfolio financing platform is a prime example of the innovative funding structures being developed to support the sector’s growth, offering greater flexibility in managing individual projects, future growth and risk mitigation.’

    This transaction builds on Allens extensive expertise in renewable energy  portfolio financings having advised on recent transactions for clients including Neoen, Fotowatio Renewable Ventures, Global Power Generation Australia , CWP Renewables and Atmos Renewables.

    Allens legal team

    Finance, Banking & Debt Capital

    Scott McCoy (lead Partner), Jamie Guthrie (Managing Associate), Flynn O’Byrne-Inglis (Senior Associate), Maya Bahra (Lawyer), Nick Walker (Lawyer)

    Projects

    Andrew Mansour (Partner), Kip Fitzsimon (Partner), Amy Ryan (Senior Associate), Sara Pacey (Associate), Jeanne Shu (Lawyer), Amelia Rebellato (Lawyer), Esther Khor (Lawyer), Emma Cottle (Lawyer), Saleem Al Odeh (Laywer)

    Real Estate, Environment & Planning

    Michael Graves (Partner), Naomi Bergman (Partner), Nathaniel Jende (Associate), Samuel Mursa (Associate), Ankita Rao (Lawyer), Alexander Murphy (Lawyer)

    M&A and Capital Markets

    Harry Beardall (Managing Associate), Matthias Laubi (Lawyer)

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: A ‘drastic intrusion’: appointing provisional liquidators to a solvent company

    Source: Allens Insights (legal sector)

    To protect, preserve and investigate: the role of provisional liquidators 5 min read

    In a recent Federal Court decision,1 Justice Cheeseman declined to set aside the appointment of provisional liquidators which had been made pursuant to s472(2) of the Corporations Act 2001 (Cth) (the Act). The case serves as a useful reminder of the principles relevant to the appointment of a provisional liquidator, including in circumstances where the company is (or is assumed to be) solvent.

    Key takeaways

    • The appointment of a provisional liquidator remains an important tool, whether in or outside of the context of insolvency, to preserve the status quo and continue any legitimate business while commencing investigations.
    • Evidence of corporate governance failure or the shirking of statutory obligations may increase the prospect of a provisional liquidator being appointed.
    • Akin to other forms of interim preservation, the court must be satisfied that there are good prospects of the plaintiff obtaining a winding up order and that the assets of the company are in jeopardy to justify what is otherwise a drastic measure.

    Background

    The liquidator of various corporate plaintiffs commenced substantive proceedings against certain corporate defendants and individuals alleging (among other things) breaches of directors’ duties, including by a shadow director of each defendant company, where the company had become exposed to a penalty for tax avoidance. The liquidator also sought the winding up of certain related companies on the ‘just and equitable’ ground under s461(1)(k) of the Act.

    On the same day that the substantive proceedings were commenced, the liquidator made an urgent ex parte application seeking the appointment of provisional liquidators to some defendants (as well as an interim receiver to another). The evidence relied on by the liquidator included evidence that there was a risk of asset dissipation due to funds being ‘cycled’ between related companies.

    The liquidator succeeded on his application. However, less than two weeks later, some of the defendants sought to set aside the appointment of provisional liquidators (and the interim receiver).

    Provisional liquidators

    Section 472(2) of the Act provides that the court may appoint a liquidator provisionally:

    • after the filing of a winding up application and before the making of a winding up order; or
    • if there is an appeal against a winding up order, before a decision in the appeal is made.

    Similar to a liquidator, a provisional liquidator has:

    • the power to carry on the company’s business (s472(4)(a)); and
    • the powers that a liquidator of the company would have under paragraph 477(1)(d), subsection 477(2) (except paragraph 477(2)(m)) and subsection 477(3) if the company were being wound up in insolvency or by the court (s472(4)(b)).

    There is a range of circumstances that might constitute sufficient grounds to appoint a provisional liquidator. The court has wide discretion in this regard and its function is to balance the intrusion into the affairs of the company against the desire to preserve the status quo.2 If other measures are adequate to preserve the status quo, then the balance would be against the appointment of a provisional liquidator.3

    As stated by Justice Cheeseman:

    The appointment of a provisional liquidator is a drastic remedy and serious intrusion into the affairs of the company.4

    Relevant factors the court will consider when deciding whether to appoint a provisional liquidator include;

    • public interest considerations either for or against appointment.
    • whether the affairs of the company have been conducted casually without due regard to the law.
    • whether the assets of the company will be dissipated in the interim before winding up orders may be made.
    • the likelihood that there would be further acts detrimental to creditors or shareholders.
    • whether there is a lack of control over the assets of the companies arising from the intermingling of monies between the respondent companies.
    • whether there are proper books in circumstances where money has been lent between respondents.
    • whether the affairs of the company are being controlled by persons other that the de jure directors.
    • whether a provisional liquidator might be able to undertake investigations that might be fruitful.

    Decision

    Justice Cheeseman upheld the appointment of the provisional liquidators, having particular regard to:

    • the good prospects that the companies would be wound up on the just and equitable ground.
    • the public interest in preserving the status quo and to protect company assets for the benefit of creditors.
    • the facilitation of an effective investigation to enable the identification and preservation of assets.
    • the fact that none of the directors put on evidence to address the claims against them.
    • the fact that the companies appeared to be controlled by a shadow director, not the de jure directors appointed to them.
    • the fact that the companies appeared to be conducting their affairs in a casual manner, in neglect of their obligations under the Act.
    • the lack of corporate governance, and failure to comply with taxation obligations.
    • the risk of dissipation inherent in the dishonest nature of the alleged conduct, including the cycling of funds through a network of companies, and the failure to provide information and documents in respect of the external administrations of the companies.

    Interestingly, in this case the appointment of provisional liquidators was made in the absence of insolvency, or at least on the presumption of solvency. Solvency generally weighs against the appointment of a provisional liquidator. However, solvency is not a bar to the appointment of provisional liquidators where there have been serious and ongoing breaches of the Act, as in this case where Justice Cheesman noted:

    In the present circumstances, there is a justifiable lack of confidence in the conduct and management of the companies’ affairs and the evidence supports a conclusion that there have been serious and ongoing breaches of the Corporations Act by the relevant companies.5

    Rather than basing the application on insolvency, the substantive application for winding up was made on the just and equitable ground. There is significant overlap between the matters relevant to the just and equitable ground and the matters that weigh in favour of the appointment of a provisional liquidator.6

    In relation to the balance of convenience, Justice Cheesman recognised the appointment of provisional liquidators would have a seriously adverse effect on the companies and risked reputational harm, but weighed these factors against the need to protect, preserve and investigate the asset position of the companies for the benefit of creditors. A lesser form of relief was considered inadequate to provide such protection.

    Final thought

    This judgment provides a timely reminder that the appointment of provisional liquidators remains a useful interim preservation tool, even where a company is assumed to be solvent. It also highlights the risks of poor corporate governance and the willingness of the Court to intervene in circumstances where there is substantial non-compliance with the Act.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Fire restrictions to end in West Wimmera and Horsham

    Source:

    As restrictions lift, CFA is urging residents to remain fire-aware, as dry Autumnal conditions combined with strong winds can still lead to fast-moving grassfires.   

    CFA District 17 Assistant Chief Fire Officer Chris Eagle said low fire activity over the past few weeks and the cooler conditions has allowed fire restrictions to ease in the area. 

    “Conditions are still dry, however fuel loads have been significantly reduced thanks to livestock and the breakdown of the crop and grass,” Chris said. 

    “Despite the lifting of these restrictions we are urging residents to be extremely careful if they are planning to undertake private burn-offs and have appropriate resources on hand to contain it.  

    “We haven’t had a lot of rain in the region, so it is important the proper precautions are taken before igniting any burns and the weather conditions are suitable.” 

    To prevent unnecessary emergency callouts, landowners must register their private burn-offs. If smoke or fire is reported, it will be cross-checked with the register to avoid an emergency response and allow 000 call-takers to prioritise emergency calls.  

    Burn-offs can be registered online at Fire Permits Victoria at www.firepermits.vic.gov.au. 

    Where possible, landowners should also notify neighbours and those nearby who may be sensitive to smoke.  

    Residents travelling to other parts of Victoria are reminded to remain vigilant, as fire danger periods in other regions may still be active.  

    Burn-off safety checklist 

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: 121-2025: Scheduled Outage: Wednesday 16 April to Thursday 17 April 2025 – PEBS

    Source: New South Wales Government 2

    14 April 2025

    Who does this notice affect?

    All importers of plants, cats and/or dogs who will be required to use the Post Entry Biosecurity System during this planned maintenance period.

    Information

    Due to scheduled system maintenance, the Post Entry Biosecurity System (PEBS) will be unavailable from 23:00 Wednesday 16 April to 00:00 Thursday 17 April 2025 (AEST). 

    Action

    Clients are advised to await the completion of this maintenance period…

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Driver licence changes to help young Kiwis

    Source: New Zealand Government

    The Government is proposing the first major changes to New Zealand’s driver licence system since 2011
    The changes include removing the requirement for a practical driving test when getting a full driver licence
    Public consultation on the changes will begin tomorrow.

    The Government proposes to remove the requirement for a second practical test when gaining a driver licence and reduce the number of eyesight tests required, among other sensible changes to the Graduated Driver Licensing System (GDLS), Transport Minister Chris Bishop says. 
    “Getting a driver licence is very important for many Kiwis. Having a licence means people can access jobs, education, healthcare, and participate in society. 

    “Around one million adults in New Zealand don’t have a full driver licence, and nearly half of these people have no licence at all.
    “Right now the process for getting a driver licence is time consuming and inefficient. It involves a theory test to get a learner licence, and then two practical tests – one when going for a restricted licence, and another when going for a full licence. 
    “It’s also expensive, with the full process from learner to full licence costing a minimum of $362.50 in fees.
    “The Government is proposing changes to the driver licensing system to make the process for getting a full driver licence more accessible, efficient and affordable.
    “The main change is to remove the requirement for a person on their restricted licence to do a practical driving test when going for their full licence. The full licence test currently costs $98.90 to book.
    “Internationally, we are an outlier in requiring a practical driving test when going from a restricted licence to full. Other countries such as Australia require those on restricted licences to have longer learner periods, reduced demerit thresholds, or mandatory practice hours.
    “We’re proposing new safety measures, including:

    requiring drivers on their restricted licence to keep a clean driving record to progress to their full licence, for 18 months for under-25s – or 12 months if they complete an advanced driving course – with a zero tolerance for any driving offence
    halving the demerit threshold for learner and restricted drivers, meaning they can have their licence suspended if they reach 50 demerit points, as opposed to the current threshold of 100 demerit points
    introducing a zero-alcohol limit for learner and restricted drivers of any age, as well the current zero limit for everyone under 20 years

     
    “NZTA will also look at introducing a hazard perception test at the end of the learner stage.
    “These measures are designed to encourage safe driving from these drivers while they gain experience behind the wheel. 
    “We’re also proposing to reduce the frequency of eyesight tests for drivers. 
    “At present, drivers are required to undergo an eyesight test before their learner, restricted and full driving tests. This means some people end up having their vision tested three times between age 16 and 18, while a person aged over 25 going through the process to get their driver licence can have their vision tested three times in just nine months. 
    “Evidence suggests there is little safety benefit from this repeated eyesight testing. Instead, we propose that people would still need to have their vision tested when they apply for their first licence, and when they first renew their licence after they turn 45. At other times people would need to declare that their vision has not deteriorated.
    “We are not proposing changes to eyesight testing for heavy vehicle licences or endorsements, or for people over 75 years.
    “Any changes to the driver licensing system would be implemented in July 2026. Until the new system is in place, people will need to follow the current requirements for their licence.
    “We believe our proposals strike the right balance between making it easier to progress through the system and maintaining road safety.”
    Consultation on the proposed changes to the Graduated Driver Licensing System opens on 14 April and will close on 9 June 2025.
    Notes to the editor
     

    See attached fact sheet.
    The last major update to New Zealand’s driver licensing system was in 2011, when the minimum age for obtaining a learner licence was raised from 15 to 16 years.
    The graduated driver licensing system consultation document and survey will be available on the Ministry of Transport website from 14 April.
    The removal of the full licence test would apply to car licences only.
    Other proposed changes to the Graduated Driver Licensing System include improving New Zealand Transport Agency’s (NZTA) oversight of approved advanced driver courses for all licence classes.
    There would be no change to licence requirements for overseas licence conversions, senior drivers, or licence reinstatements

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Rural Health Roadshow to hear from rural communities

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Associate Health Minister with responsibility for Rural Health and Minister for Mental Health Matt Doocey announced today he will be coming to 12 rural locations across the country on a Rural Health Roadshow, starting this week in Levin.“All New Zealanders deserve timely access to quality health care and this Government is committed to improving health and mental health outcomes, particularly for the one in five living in our rural communities,” Mr Doocey says.“The Rural Health Strategy was published in 2023 and sets the direction for improving the health of people who live in rural communities. The rural health road show is an opportunity for me to hear from the public and those working in rural health about how well the strategy is being implemented.“We know access to health care within rural communities, or being supported to access care when required, are key issues for rural communities. That’s why I want to hear from our rural communities who are accessing health care services directly about what’s working well and what’s not, I also want to hear from those who are working in rural health.”Some initiatives are already in train. Late last year, the Government provided accreditation to Te Tai o Poutini West Coast to deliver Australian College of Rural and Remote Medicine Training and awarded scholarships to 27 health care students to boost the future rural health workforce.The Government is also improving access to primary care including access to 24/7 digital care, training more new doctors and investing to increase the number of nurses in primary care. Primary care providers will receive up to $20,000 per nurse employed in rural areas.“We are prioritising rural communities as part of Health New Zealand’s roll out of Integrated Primary Mental Health and Addiction Services. It’s about bringing mental health and addiction support in over 400 general practices across the country,” Mr Doocey says.“Early feedback I have received so far from rural health agencies is that they are keen to be involved in the roadshow, and they appreciate the opportunity for the voices of rural communities to be heard.”Note for editors:•    Join your local community roadshow event to ensure your voice is heard. To register, please visit the Ministry of Health’s website•    Rural Health Roadshow locations and dates:o    Levin – 16 Aprilo    Wairoa – 1 Mayo    Wānaka – 1 Julyo    Oamaru – 2 Julyo    Hanmer Springs – 7 Julyo    Gore – 8 Julyo    Tūrangi – 6 Augusto    Kaitaia – 7 Augusto    Hāwera – 23 Septembero    Te Kuiti – 24 Septembero    Greymouth – 30 Septembero    Thames – 1 October

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: The only thing sizzling this Easter should be a BBQ, not the bush

    Source:

    As families head outdoors for Easter adventures, nothing beats toasting marshmallows over a warm fire. However, fire and land authorities are warning if people are not careful, a campfire or fire pit can go from a cozy glow to a full-blown bushfire faster than you can say ‘Easter egg hunt’.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Russia

    Source:

    We’ve reviewed our travel advice for Russia and continue to advise do not travel. Foreigners, including Australians, are at risk of arbitrary detention or arrest. Russian authorities make strong, negative comments regarding Western countries, including Australia. Local authorities may adopt a more negative attitude towards foreigners in Russia and arbitrarily enforce local laws. Avoid any protests or demonstrations and avoid commenting publicly on political developments.

    There’s a high threat of terrorism. Terrorist groups, including al-Qaeda and Daesh-aligned groups, continue to call for attacks in Russia. Attacks can be indiscriminate and may occur on or around seasonal, festive, or religious events in public places, including popular tourist sites. Attacks could occur with little or no warning. Always be alert to possible threats. Military activity is underway in the regions of Kursk and Belgorod. Russian authorities introduced a federal state of emergency in these regions. The security situation could deteriorate with little warning.

    If you’re in Russia, leave immediately using the commercial options available or private means if it’s safe to do so. Departure routes from Russia may become disrupted at short notice. Have an alternate exit plan. Review your personal security plans and carefully consider the safest means and route to depart. You’re responsible for your own safety and that of your family.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Opening remarks by SITI at Welcome Dinner of InnoEX 2025 (English only)(with photo)

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    Following are the opening remarks by the Secretary for Innovation, Technology and Industry, Professor Sun Dong, at the Welcome Dinner of InnoEX 2025 today (April 12):
     
    Margaret (the Executive Director of the Hong Kong Trade Development Council (HKTDC), Ms Margaret Fong), å¾�常委 (Member of the 14th National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), Ms Xu Xiaolan), 任秘書長 (the Secretary General of the World Internet Conference (WIC), Mr Ren Xianliang), distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,
     
         Hello! 你好! What a thrill to have you all here this evening! A very warm welcome to friends from around the world to the InnoEX 2025 in Hong Kong. 
     
    This welcome dinner is a prelude to the InnoEX 2025, Hong Kong’s signature exhibition on innovation & technology (I&T) to start tomorrow. Also an anchor event of our vibrant Business of Innovation and Technology Week (BIT Week), InnoEX 2025 can be “digitised” into the magic figure of “12345” –
     

    • 1 vision to connect global I&T power;
    • 2 much to anticipate;
    • 3 years in a row;
    • 4 incredible days of a full programme from April 13 to 16; and
    • 5 frontier tech areas we are going to focus on.

         InnoEX returns stronger and bigger this year, from countries and regions – from Hong Kong, Macao, and 16 Mainland provinces and cities, to France, Canada, India, the United Kingdom, Japan, Korea, and across ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations). Joining us first-time also include those from Australia, the UAE (United Arab Emirates), Malaysia, Sweden, and Luxembourg. 

    To the familiar faces and all new friends, thank you so much for bringing your tech, your creativity and your interest to our city!

    This year’s theme of InnoEX – “Innovate • Automate • Elevate” says it all: only with innovation powering the engine, automation steering the course, our journey towards a more prosperous economies and societies could be elevated to the next higher level. 

    The five tech areas we focus this year, namely artificial intelligence, robotics, cybersecurity, low-altitude economy, and smart mobility, are the components of this autonomous vehicle, leading us to a better and smarter future.

    Indeed, these aren’t just tech and small parts of an engine. They fundamentally change the way we work, connect, interact and grow. They change how we see the future.

    And right here at InnoEX, you’ll see how these agents are applied in different places around the globe, and how ideas translate into impact on industries and people.

    As the brand InnoEX implies, Hong Kong is also witnessing the exponential power of innovation. We may be like a GPU (graphics processing unit) in terms of physical size, but Hong Kong is huge in terms of innovative power – top-notch R&D (research and development), five world-class universities, 16 State Key Laboratories, and a staunch supporter of free economy and international partnerships. This is how we fuel novel ideas, groom talents, attract investment, and build an increasing robust I&T ecosystem.

    And we believe innovation thrives when people come together – across sectors and borders, and blending cultures and values. That’s what the BIT Week and InnoEX are all about: a global stage with no boundaries and limits. This spirit of connection is echoed at the World Internet Conference Asia-Pacific Summit happening soon at this convention centre.

    So this evening, we are here to start conversations; to cultivate friendships; and to scale possibilities. Whether you are a policymaker, buyer, exhibitor or tech leader – there is always a space here in InnoEX for you to spark something big.

    Before I close, my heartfelt thanks to our incredible partner, HKTDC, and my fellow colleagues at the Innovation, Technology and Industry Bureau and the Digital Policy Office for their hard work. You have made this possible.

    To our guests: please enjoy the evening, get ready for four exciting days ahead, and make the best out of InnoEX! Thank you.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: City offers free weaving workshop for over 55’s

    Source: New South Wales Ministerial News

    As part of its commitment to positive ageing the City of Greater Bendigo is offering a free sustainable weaving workshop for people aged 55 plus from 10am to 12pm on Thursday May 8, at the Samuel Gadd Centre at the Bendigo Botanic Gardens, White Hills.

    City of Greater Bendigo Community Partnerships Acting Manager Jo Connellan said the workshop will be presented by Yorta Yorta woman and celebrated artist Janet Bromley.

    “This is a hands-on workshop and participants will enjoy a morning of sustainable weaving with Janet who will guide them through the steps to create a small woven wall hanging using recycled textiles, household objects and found natural materials,” Ms Connellan said.

    “Janet will also share her First Nations cultural insights while exploring the connection between tradition and sustainability.

    “If you love crafting, care about the environment, or just want to try something new, this workshop is for you.”

    Bookings are essential. To book, visit:

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Make this Friday a Good Friday – Help us reach $40 million

    Source:

    CFA is calling on Victorians to dig deep alongside thousands of volunteers rattling tins for the annual Good Friday Appeal (GFA) this week, supporting the Royal Children’s Hospital. 

    From fire trucks to traffic lights, community clubs to local events, Victorians can expect to see CFA volunteers out in force this Good Friday. In fact, you’re likely to find a CFA volunteer shaking a tin in nearly every town across the state.  

    Since 1951, CFA brigades have proudly raised more than $39 million for the Appeal, becoming a cornerstone of the fundraising effort. This year, CFA is aiming to reach a historic milestone – raising a grand total of $40 million.  

    CFA Chief Officer Jason Heffernan said the image of CFA volunteers in their firefighting gear collecting donations has become an iconic part of Good Friday.  

    “A significant number of our CFA members will be out in force again this year, and it’s just one of the things that truly defines the spirit of the Good Friday Appeal,” Jason said.  

    “Our long-standing partnership with the GFA is not possible without the incredible generosity and passion of our CFA volunteers who give up their time year after year to raise funds for kids who are in need of care.   

    “So, this Friday, give what you can to a firey – and help us make a difference.”  

    This year, Chief Officer Jason Heffernan will have the honour of presenting CFA’s total collection amount live on-air during the Good Friday Appeal telethon late on Friday night.   

    He will be joined by Epping CFA volunteer Rohan Stevens, whose son Jack is one of the official faces of the 2025 Appeal.   

    Jack received life-saving care from the Royal Children’s Hospital, and the support his family received during that time has left a lasting impact. Their story is a powerful reminder of why every donation matters.  

    The continued partnership between CFA and the Good Friday Appeal reflects the selfless dedication and community-first ethos that CFA volunteers embody. For many, it is a powerful way to give back and connect.  

    Members of the community are encouraged to look out for CFA crews in their local area and donate generously – every dollar makes a difference to the lives of children and families across the state.  

    Submitted by CFA Media

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Serious Two Vehicle Crash, East Derwent Highway, Geilston Bay

    Source: New South Wales Community and Justice

    Serious Two Vehicle Crash, East Derwent Highway, Geilston Bay

    Sunday, 13 April 2025 – 5:44 am.

    At approximately 10:48pm on Saturday 12th April 2025, emergency services responded to a two-vehicle crash on the East Derwent Highway Geilston Bay, at the intersection of Sugarloaf Rd.
    A silver Opal sedan, driven by a 19-year-old man from Warrane, had been travelling south on the East Derwent Highway, when it collided with a north bound white Toyota Camry at the intersection of Sugarloaf Rd.  The Toyota was being driven by a 32-year-old man from Berriedale.
    There were a combined total of 7 occupants in both vehicles, all of which were transported to the Royal Hobart Hospital for medical treatment or assessment.  A 17-year-old woman who was travelling in the Opal sedan at the time of the crash has suffered serious injuries.
    Investigations in relation to this crash are ongoing, however initial investigations suggest that excessive speed may have been a contributing factor in this crash.
    Police would like to ask anyone with information about this crash or those who may have observed the manner of driving of the vehicles prior to the crash, to contact police on 131 444 or crime stoppers on 1800 333 000, quoting ESCAD number 531-12042025.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Top unis have imposed new restrictions on campus protests. What does this mean for students, staff and democracy?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joo-Cheong Tham, Professor, Melbourne Law School, The University of Melbourne

    A wave of restrictions on protesting has been rippling through Australia’s top universities.

    Over the past year, all of Australia’s eight top research universities (the Group of Eight) have individually increased restrictions on campus protests.

    The changes include bans on indoor protests and restrictions on banners, posters and student announcements. At some campuses, groups need to give notice or obtain university approval if they are going to protest.

    Why has this happened and what does it mean for protests, free speech and democracy at Australian universities?

    Why are university protests important?

    Over the past 60 years, campus protests have been a defining feature of Australian university life.

    In the 1960s and ‘70s, they were a breeding ground for social protest, including rallies against apartheid and the Vietnam War, and in favour of women’s rights. In more recent years, students have protested on key social, political and environmental issues, from university fees to the invasion of Iraq and climate action.

    This protest history feeds into the broader purposes of universities. Universities act as a modern-day “public square”. This means they are a place where ideas can be freely debated and difficult issues can be explored. In this way, they act as a key component of a free and healthy democracy.

    As Victorian university legislation notes, universities should promote

    critical and free enquiry, informed intellectual discourse and public debate within the University and in the wider society.

    Rally and draft burning by students at the University of Sydney in 1968.
    Image courtesy of the SEARCH Foundation, from the collections of the State Library of New South Wales., CC BY

    Restricting protests for campus safety

    Since early 2024, there have been increasing restrictions on campus protests.

    These come in the wake of the months-long encampments protesting the war in Gaza – and ensuing concerns over antisemitism at universities and campus safety.

    They have also coincided with increased public scrutiny over university governance. This includes accusations vice-chancellors are running a “lawless sector,” pointing to underpayment of staff, high levels of executive pay and criticism of the way some universities managed the protests.

    What have universities done?

    In this heightened context, universities have increased restrictions on campus protests, arguing they are needed for safety.

    Universities have taken various measures. For example, the University of Western Australia has restricted student announcements in class (or “lecture-bashing”).

    To ensure safety and wellbeing, student announcements are not permitted at the commencement of lectures or other teaching and learning activities.

    The University of Adelaide has banned student encampments and indoor protests.

    The changes across the Group of Eight mean students announcing a rally for climate action in class now risk disciplinary action at some universities. Sit-ins calling on universities to divest from weapon companies are no longer permitted at others. At some campuses, union members going to stop-work meetings to protest staff cuts could be engaging in employee misconduct.

    The legal basis of the restrictions

    Australian universities are typically set up under state legislation and through this have broad powers to regulate campus protests.

    They can impose obligations on students through university rules and direct their staff as employers. They can determine who is allowed to enter and remain on campus through their powers to manage land they either own or control.

    Universities in South Australia and Victoria also have powers under state legislation to make university statutes and regulations.

    The protest restrictions have relied on a mix of these powers.

    Could these changes be challenged?

    But these restrictions are also subject to enterprise agreements made under the federal Fair Work Act which protect academic and intellectual freedom. For example, the University of Sydney’s enterprise agreement entitles staff to:

    • express opinions about the operation of the university and higher education policy in general

    • express unpopular or controversial views, provided that in doing so staff must not engage in harassment, vilification or intimidation.

    There is also the implied right of freedom of political communication under the Australian Constitution.

    This means both the Fair Work Act and Constitution may provide grounds for a legal challenge to many of these new restrictions. The High Court has previously ruled restrictions on protest must be proportionate and necessary for preventing harm and damage.

    The protest restrictions also implicate various human rights. Under international law, which Australia has ratified, staff and students have freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly. As workers, staff have freedom of association through trade unions, including the right to organise.

    Many of these measures would seem to restrict activities where there is no or little threat to safety. In some cases, there are arguably excessive and disproportionate means to ensure safety.

    What will happen now?

    Some university students, staff and unions have opposed these protest restrictions.

    But there is a balancing to be struck here. Other students and staff have not felt safe on campus and in class and have called for more safety protections. This has particularly been the case for those from Jewish backgrounds.

    Given the doubts over their legality, court challenges may be on the horizon. It is also possible some groups will actively test these restrictions.

    But we may see a chilling effect on university activism and protests, when individuals would otherwise speak their minds on campus. Some staff may be worried they will lose their jobs. Students may be also worried about academic penalties or expulsion and the impact on their future careers.

    This undermines universities as a place where people talk, debate and test ideas as a key part of the learning and research process – and a vital component of our democracy.

    Joo-Cheong Tham has been an employee of the University of Melbourne for more than two decades. During this time, he has participated in campus protests at the university that would now be banned by the university’s protest restrictions.

    He is the Victorian Division Assistant Secretary (Academic Staff) of the National Tertiary Education Union; a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia; a Director of the Centre for Public Integrity; and an Expert Network Member of Climate Integrity.

    Joo-Cheong has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Council of Trade Unions, European Trade Union Institute, International IDEA, the New South Wales Electoral Commission, the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption and the Victorian Electoral Commission.

    ref. Top unis have imposed new restrictions on campus protests. What does this mean for students, staff and democracy? – https://theconversation.com/top-unis-have-imposed-new-restrictions-on-campus-protests-what-does-this-mean-for-students-staff-and-democracy-253627

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Most bike lanes in inner Melbourne have less than 40% tree cover – that’ll get worse, new maps show

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Judy Bush, Senior DECRA Research Fellow, The University of Melbourne

    Unshaded cycling paths mean heat exposure on hot days, particularly for the afternoon commute. Judy Bush, CC BY

    Walking and cycling is good for people and the planet. But hot sunny days can make footpaths, bike lanes and city streets unbearable. Climate change will only make matters worse.

    So city planners and decision-makers need to provide adequate shade for walking, cycling and other forms of active transport – including from good tree canopy cover.

    Unfortunately, our recent research reveals Melbourne’s transport strategy and its separate strategy to increase canopy cover from 22% to 40% by 2040 aren’t currently working together.

    Our research found most bicycle lanes in inner Melbourne today have less than 40% canopy cover. And as the maps below show, future bicycle lanes will have even less. There’s plenty of room for improvement.

    Searching for shady lanes

    We used the City of Melbourne as a case study to explore bikeability, tree cover and health.

    The city council area covers 37 square kilometres, taking in suburbs from leafy Parkville to industrial Fishermans Bend.

    When we mapped tree canopy cover against the active transport network, we found most bicycle lanes have less than 40% canopy cover. Some cycling corridors – such as along Royal Parade and parts of St Kilda Road – stand out with relatively high canopy cover. But they are few and far between.

    Existing bike lanes

    Most bicycle lanes in the City of Melbourne have less than 40% tree cover.
    Crystal Tang

    And it’s about to get worse.

    Bicycle lanes proposed for construction have lower overall tree canopy coverage than existing lanes, particularly in urban renewal areas in post-industrial precincts such as Fishermans Bend and Docklands.

    Along Royal Parade and St Kilda Road corridors, additional bicycle lanes are proposed next to existing lanes. However, in current conditions, the proposed new bicycle lanes have lower canopy coverage than existing bicycle lanes along the same corridor.

    Proposed bike lanes

    Proposed future bicycle lanes have even less tree cover than existing bike lanes.
    Crystal Tang

    The city’s strategies don’t match up

    We also examined the city’s transport and urban forest strategies. The latter includes the council’s ambitious goal to increase canopy cover to 40% by 2040.

    We found both the transport and urban forest policies recognise that they can contribute to the health and wellbeing of city residents, workers and visitors. They also acknowledge the health risks associated with lack of physical activity, such as heart disease, lung disease and diabetes. But there are key gaps.

    The transport strategy broadly refers to climate change, but does not mention urban heat.

    In contrast, addressing urban heat is one of the main stated aims of the urban forest strategy. But there’s only a passing reference to encouraging outdoor activity and exercise.

    There are signs though that this may be changing – in 2022, Melbourne has joined a handful of other cities worldwide in appointing chief heat officers to focus planning and action for cooler cities.

    Planning for more trees

    Trees need sufficient space for healthy growth. This includes space below ground for a strong and stable root system as well as room to grow up and spread out.

    For street trees, extra care must be taken to facilitate this growth. The locations of other infrastructure, both above- and below-ground, need to be taken into account.

    Smaller trees may be more appropriate in some urban areas, particularly where overhead powerlines require clearance, but obviously these trees will provide less canopy. Likewise, healthy tree root development can be disrupted by underground services, unless high quality soil and sufficient space is allocated.

    To ensure trees are still thriving in 50 or even 100 years time, planners also need to select species that can withstand hotter and drier conditions.

    What a difference shade makes

    Street trees cool urban areas by shading surfaces and releasing water into the air. This can lower air temperatures by 1-2°C. But the temperature difference on the ground can be even more substantial. Asphalt can be anywhere from 13°C–20°C cooler under dense tree canopy shade.

    Reducing the amount of heat roads and other hard surfaces absorb eases what’s known as the urban heat island effect, in which cities experience warmer temperatures than green spaces.

    Climate change is increasing the frequency and duration of heatwaves. This adds to the pressure on Australia’s health services, including ambulances and emergency departments. If current rates of climate change continue, Victorians are likely to experience twice the annual number of very hot days by the 2050s, compared with 1985-2005.

    All of this means walking or riding in the absence of shade can expose people to heat-related illness and even premature death.

    Canopy trees create cooler cycling conditions.
    Judy Bush

    Better planning for liveable cities

    Our research shows planning policies must work together more effectively for liveable cities. This is particularly important when it comes to building new infrastructure such as roads, bicycle lanes and footpaths.

    Proactively planning for more trees in these spaces can promote healthy tree growth, with benefits for human health in cooler cities.

    And while we can plant trees next to bike lanes for future shade, the need to protect cyclists from heat now means we should locate bike lanes along existing shaded streets.

    City planners and decision-makers need to ensure the places we live, work and play are designed to promote active transport. That means ensuring transport routes align with our urban forest.

    Acknowledgements: thanks to Bachelor of Design, Urban Planning (Honours) student Crystal Tang who carried out the research that underpins this article.

    Judy Bush is the recipient of a Discovery Early Career Researcher Award (2024-27) from the Australian Research Council. She is a member of the Planning Institute of Australia and the Ecological Society of Australia.
    Crystal Tang undertook the data collection and analysis as part of her B.Des (Hons), supervised by Judy.

    ref. Most bike lanes in inner Melbourne have less than 40% tree cover – that’ll get worse, new maps show – https://theconversation.com/most-bike-lanes-in-inner-melbourne-have-less-than-40-tree-cover-thatll-get-worse-new-maps-show-253222

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Think your specialist is expensive? Look at what others are paying

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yuting Zhang, Professor of Health Economics, The University of Melbourne

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Seeing a medical specialist can leave you with significant out-of-pocket costs. Yet political parties have not adequately addressed this in their pre-election bids.

    Labor has promised A$7 million to expand the government’s Medical Costs Finder website, which potentially allows you to compare specialists’ fees. But it hasn’t outlined a policy to lower these fees. The Coalition and the Greens have not addressed specialists’ fees directly.

    During a cost-of-living crisis, this is a major omission.

    Specialists’ fees are high, vary across specialties and across geographical regions.

    That’s what we found when we used actual Medicare data to map costs across Australia to see a specialist doctor.

    What we did and what we found

    We used data from the national 2023 Medicare Benefits Schedule (or MBS) accessed from the Australian Bureau of Statistics. We calculated mean (average) fees charged by doctors in 17 specialties for initial face-to-face appointments after a GP referral.

    Under MBS billing rules, different specialties use different item numbers (104 or 110) for an initial consultation. These attracted a different Medicare schedule fee ($91.80 and $161.90, respectively, as of January 2023). These schedule fees are what Medicare considers a fair price for doctors to charge.

    Most patients pay the gap between 85% of the Medicare schedule fee and the specialist’s fee. This is their out-of-pocket cost. But that percentage can differ, depending on the circumstances. So not all patients have the same out-of-pocket costs for the same consultation.

    We only looked at fees charged by private specialists at private clinics. We didn’t include free specialist care in public clinics. Nor did we look at GP fees.

    We then looked at how specialists’ fees varied by patients’ geographical location to create some maps.

    Use the map below to search for mean specialists’ fees and mean out-of-pocket costs for cardiology, rheumatology, neurology, and oral and maxillofacial surgery.

    Fees for the other 13 specialties we looked at are available via maps on the HALE Hub’s Australian Healthcare Atlas website.

    Which specialists charged the most?

    Specialist fees varied substantially. On average, rheumatology had the highest fees, followed by neurology and immunology. Oral and maxillofacial surgery had the lowest fees, followed by general surgery.

    Some specialties used the item number that attracted the $91.80 Medicare schedule fee. But almost all these specialists (except for general surgery) charged more than twice this amount (an average $183.60) in at least 80% of geographical areas.

    Other specialties used the item number that attracted the $161.90 Medicare schedule fee. This included rheumatologists, which charged an average of over $323.80 (twice the schedule fee) in 17.6% of geographical areas. Neurologists charged the same amount in 19.2% of geographical areas.

    Which parts of the country had the highest fees?

    Certain states and territories consistently had higher fees for some specialties. For example:

    • cardiology was most expensive in Western Australia, Australian Capital Territory and Queensland

    • orthopaedics was most expensive in ACT, New South Wales and Queensland

    • obstetrics was most expensive in ACT, WA and NSW.

    High fees matter

    Higher specialists’ fees directly translate to patients’ higher out-of-pocket costs. That’s because Medicare rebates are fixed, and private health insurance does not cover out-of-hospital consultations.

    If patients avoid their initial consultation due to cost, their health can worsen over time, potentially leading to more expensive treatments later.

    Higher specialists’ fees and the barrier to care could also entrench inequalities. That’s because people in lower socioeconomic groups already tend to have worse health.

    What can I do?

    You can use our maps to look at what specialists charge near you. Although the maps use 2023 data and look at average fees and out-of-pocket costs, you can get a general idea. Then you can call specialists’ offices and the receptionist will tell you how much the doctor charges for an initial appointment.

    If there are several referral options, comparing fees will help you make an informed decision about your health care, alongside wait times, geographical location, quality of care and other factors. You can discuss these issues with your GP so they can refer you to the best available specialist for your circumstances.

    What else can we do?

    1. Make fees transparent

    Patients often do not know how much a specialist consultation costs until they arrive at the doctor’s office. GPs typically do not refer to specialists based on their fees and often don’t know them anyway.

    The government’s Medical Costs Finder website relies on doctors voluntarily reporting their fees. But only a few report them.

    If re-elected, the Labor government says it will upgrade the website to display the average fee charged by every eligible specialist (other than GPs) using Medicare data, without asking doctors to spend time inputting their fees.

    This is a welcome move. But the government should also mandate disclosure of fees on the website, which would be more up-to-date than looking back through past Medicare data.

    2. Doctors need more advice, and can help

    Specialists in Australia can charge what they like, and as we’ve found, sometimes way above the Medicare schedule fee.

    But professional medical colleges can provide guides on how to set “reasonable” fees. They can also develop codes of conduct about fee practices, and counsel members who consistently charge high fees.

    Once specialists’ fees are more transparent, GPs can inform patients about fee variations and options for more affordable care.

    3. We need more public clinics

    Government could also open more public clinics that offer free specialist care for those who cannot afford large gap fees in private clinics. This type of investment may be warranted in some low-socioeconomic areas if we’re aiming for all Australians to receive the specialist care they need.

    Yuting Zhang has received funding from the Australian Research Council (future fellowship project ID FT200100630), Department of Veterans’ Affairs, the Victorian Department of Health, National Health and Medical Research Council and Eastern Melbourne Primary Health Network. In the past, Professor Zhang has received funding from several US institutes including the US National Institutes of Health, Commonwealth fund, Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, and Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. She has not received funding from for-profit industry including the private health insurance industry.

    Chenhao Liang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Think your specialist is expensive? Look at what others are paying – https://theconversation.com/think-your-specialist-is-expensive-look-at-what-others-are-paying-253628

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Post-election tax reform is the key to reversing Australia’s growing wealth divide

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Helen Hodgson, Professor, Curtin Law School and Curtin Business School, Curtin University

    Federal elections always offer the opportunity for a reset. Whoever wins the May 3 election should consider a much needed revamp of the tax system, which is no longer fit for purpose.

    The biggest challenge that should be addressed through tax reform is the level of inequality in Australian society.

    The five-yearly Intergenerational Reports lay bare the intergenerational squeeze. The future burden of supporting the ageing population will increasingly fall on younger Australians who generally don’t enjoy the same financial wellbeing of previous generations.

    But there is also rising inequality within generations. Not all younger Australians can rely on inherited wealth, including the bank of mum and dad. And superannuation balances at retirement vary wildly, given they are tied to work history.

    Proper systemic tax reform would play a crucial role building a fairer society.

    Reform freeze

    But to define what is meant by tax reform, we need to think about some of the big picture concerns that affect our economy.

    Arguably we have not successfully pursued a tax reform agenda since the introduction of the GST in 2000. Various governments have changed the tax rates, but that doesn’t constitute genuine reform.

    The Henry Review, commissioned by the Rudd government, set out the long-term horizon for reform – including resource taxes and road user charges for the transition to a net-zero economy. However, the Henry blueprint has not been adopted by any succeeding government.

    Politicians like to boast of “reform agendas”. Despite the political rhetoric, the tax system has not yet adapted to the 21st century.

    Wealth inequality

    The biggest gap in our tax base relates to the concessional taxation of wealth and assets, which is an area ripe for reform.

    According to the Treasury, the top six revenue losers all relate to superannuation, capital gains and negative gearing. In 2024–25, the estimated revenue foregone for these concessions are:

    • $29 billion for the concessional taxation of employer superannuation contributions

    • $27 billion for the main residence Capital Gains Tax exemption (discount component)

    • $26 billion for rental deductions (this is partly offset by rental income)

    • $24.5 billion for main residence Capital Gains Tax exemption

    • $22.73 billion for CGT discount for individuals and trusts

    • $22.2 billion for the concessional taxation of superannuation earnings

    The distributional analysis for superannuation and the Capital Gains Tax discount shows the greatest benefit goes to older taxpayers in the higher earnings brackets. So wealth inequality is perpetuated.

    Addressing these overgenerous concessions to broaden the tax base should be the starting point for any meaningful reform in this country.

    Taking another look at death duties, which were abolished from the late 1970s, should also be considered.

    Death duties were applied to assets transferred to beneficiaries on death. If they were reimposed with a starting threshold set at an appropriate level, they would limit the intergenerational transfer of wealth, which is generating much of the inequity.

    Wealth creation tools

    The Capital Gains Tax discount was introduced following the 1999 Ralph Review to direct productive capital into Australian businesses.

    The 50% discount sparked the boom in residential investment, which combined with negative gearing, has supercharged the inefficiencies in our housing market.

    Superannuation is another wealth-creation tool. Again, the design of superannuation, whereby tax was paid at 15% on the three stages of contributions – investment, earnings and withdrawal – was subverted in search of simplicity in 2007 when the Howard government exempted superannuation withdrawals from tax.

    Case study

    By comparison, the age pension is taxable, if the recipient earns other income. So too are earnings from work allowed under Centrelink rules. This not only allows estate planning advantages, but creates an unfair outcome for retirees who have not had the opportunity to accumulate substantial balances.

    Consider the cases of “Jean” and “Kim”, who are both single homeowners aged 68.

    Jean has no financial assets and receives the full pension of $1,194 per fortnight plus $512 per fortnight from part-time work. She has a taxable income of $43,816 per annum and, after tax offsets, pays $2,595 in tax including $209.70 medicare levy.

    Kim has a superannuation balance of $880,000 and draws a super pension of $44,000. Kim is not eligible for the pension, but pays no tax and no medicare levy.

    Is our tax system really delivering a fair go for all Australians?

    Tax relief is not reform

    Ahead of election day, both the government and opposition are promising tax handouts. Labor is offering top-up tax cuts starting July 1 2026. The coalition says it will temporarily halve the fuel excise.

    But meaningful reform will not be achieved by politicians trading off various interest groups to win votes.

    Nor do we need yet another review: many of the solutions to Australia’s tax problem were identified by the Henry Review 15 years ago.

    And we must avoid cherry-picking incentives that lead to perverse outcomes. For example, cutting fuel excise will slow down the transition to a net zero economy.

    Consensus needed

    Whoever forms government after the election could build a coalition of business and community sector leaders to seek consensus and pursue holistic reform. The focus must be on addressing the inequality that is emerging as a challenge to the economy and our way of life.

    As Ken Henry recently stated, successive governments have fuelled inequality by failing to do three things

    one, manage financial risks arising from the erosion of the tax base; two, maintain the integrity of the tax system; and three, have regard to intergenerational equity.

    Without significant tax reform, Australia’s wealth divide will continue to deepen with young people and future generations left to suffer the brunt.


    This is the sixth article in our special series, Australia’s Policy Challenges. You can read the other articles here

    Helen Hodgson has received funding from the ARC, AHURI and CPA Australia. Helen is the Chair of the Social Policy Committee and a Director of the National Foundation for Australian Women (NFAW). Helen was a Member of the WA Legislative Council in WA from 1997 to 2001, elected as an Australian Democrat. She is not a current member of any political party. She is a Registered Tax Agent and a member of the SMSF Association, CPA Australia and The Tax Institute. Helen has superannuation with Unisuper and jointly owns positively geared rental properties.

    ref. Post-election tax reform is the key to reversing Australia’s growing wealth divide – https://theconversation.com/post-election-tax-reform-is-the-key-to-reversing-australias-growing-wealth-divide-252177

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Strongmen, Daggy Dads and State Daddies: how different styles of political masculinity play into Australian elections

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Blair Williams, Lecturer in Australian Politics, Monash University

    Australian politics has historically been a male domain with an overwhelmingly masculine culture. Manhood and a certain kind of masculinity are still considered integral to a leader’s political legitimacy.

    Yet leadership masculinity changes along party lines. We are now halfway through the election campaign and can already see differences in the masculine performances of Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton.

    State Daddy versus Strongman Tough Cop

    In a recent open-access study, I identified the emergence of two Australian political masculinities during the COVID-19 pandemic.

    First, the traditional “Daggy Dad” of former Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison, centred around the nuclear family and paternalistic protection.

    Second, the “State Daddy”, embodied by Labor leaders such as Albanese, who perform a more compassionate masculinity focused on social provision. In the 2022 election, Albanese effectively used his caring masculinity against Morrison’s faltering protective paternalism, highlighting many of Morrison’s weaknesses and especially his unpopularity with women.

    The 2025 election is shaping up to be another “gender election”, this time between the State Daddy and the Strongman Tough Cop.

    Albanese and Dutton’s adoption of certain masculine identities reveals not only how they want to be perceived but also how they envision the electorate, the nation, and its defining values.

    Dutton is a “tough-nut” conservative who portrays himself as a “strongman” protector. His leadership masculinity combines that of several other Liberal leaders, notably John Howard. But his conservatism is more reactionary, focusing less on economics and more on stoking culture wars.

    Like Tony Abbott, he is a pugilistic opposition leader who promises to keep Australians safe while reinforcing fear and uncertainty. Following Morrison’s lead, Dutton also targets outer-suburban electorates that traditionally vote Labor.

    His plan is to tap into voters’ anxiety and offer his “strongman” masculinity as its antidote. Since becoming leader, Dutton has frequently attempted to emasculate Albanese, labelling him “weak”, “woke”, and too preoccupied with “elite” issues, such as the Voice Referendum, to tackle the cost-of-living crisis.

    Dutton positions himself as the traditional masculine protector of the nation. The mobilisation of fear of a threat, real or imagined, is core to this identity. Dutton vows to protect Australians by being tough on crime, immigration and “wokeness”.

    Yet his strongman persona and conservative policies do not resonate with women, who fear he will follow Trump’s lead on gutting Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives or cuts to the public service and rights to work from home.

    The strongman protective persona is aimed at men in the outer suburbs, especially those at risk of voting Labor.

    In contrast, Albanese’s State Daddy masculinity targets women over men and seeks to inspire hope, care, and a collective response. The focus is on issues of equality, embodying a caring masculinity to rival traditional conservative masculine identities.

    Physical attractiveness is integral to the State Daddy image. For example, before the 2022 election, Albanese underwent what is colloquially termed a “glow up”.

    Seeking to appeal to the female gaze, he gave an “at home” interview for The Australian Women’s Weekly. These images are a useful tool for State Daddies for two reasons. First, to physically differentiate them from the dishevelled look preferred by conservative political leaders, such as Morrison, Boris Johnson or Donald Trump. Second, to visually signal their commitment to women voters.

    Both the Daggy Dad and Strongman Tough Cop often fall short. They claim to provide financial and physical protection to citizens, but only in exchange for subordination to their masculine authority. These limitations are often exposed when it’s necessary to protect citizens during crises such as, in Morrison’s case, bushfires, flood or plague. This protector masculinity fundamentally fails to recognise citizens’ needs and exposes the empty rhetoric at the core of protectionism.

    Who can we see at the 2025 election?

    Albanese is a far less popular leader than he was in 2022, for many reasons. However, the ALP are again campaigning on boosting the care economy, with major commitments to health care, aged care, and childcare. These are primarily women-dominated industries that Dutton, like Morrison before him, has repeatedly failed to support and engage.

    In contrast, Dutton was forced into an embarrassing back-down on a promise to end work-from-home arrangements for public servants, 57% of whom are women.

    Distracting from the Coalition’s long-standing “women problem”— which in part cost them the 2022 election — Dutton has been implying that Albanese’s “wokeness” has left men behind.

    Taking a page from the Trump playbook, Dutton has appeared on podcasts targeting mainly male audiences. On one appearance, he made a pitch to young male voters, noting: “Young males feel disenfranchised [and] ostracised”. He sympathised with the “anti-woke revolution” and argued that young men are “fed up” with “woke” practices.

    Albanese, meanwhile, has appeared on podcasts targeting mainly women audiences, including Abbie Chatfield’s “It’s A Lot” or Cheek Media’s podcast. He spoke about Labor’s policies supporting women’s health in areas including endometriosis care, contraceptives and menopause.

    It’s clear that both leaders are targeting very different parts of the voter bloc, in policy platforms and social media strategies.

    Blair Williams does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Strongmen, Daggy Dads and State Daddies: how different styles of political masculinity play into Australian elections – https://theconversation.com/strongmen-daggy-dads-and-state-daddies-how-different-styles-of-political-masculinity-play-into-australian-elections-252727

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Productivity reform has been put in the too-hard basket for years. Here’s why leaders leave it alone

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lachlan Vass, Fellow, Tax and Transfer Policy Institute, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

    National licensing of electricians has been one of the few productivity reforms of recent years. Shutterstock

    The federal election leaders’ and treasurers’ debates last week covered many topics: from Trump’s tariffs to the cost of living, energy supply and excise tax.

    But one of the most consequential things for Australia’s future prosperity was not mentioned – what either a Labor or Coalition government plans to do to kick-start productivity growth.

    It’s usually at this point – seeing the word “productivity” – that people switch off. So bear with me a minute.

    Productivity is a much-maligned term, often thought to mean people working harder or longer. But that’s not what it means.

    Being more productive means getting more for the same amount of work – working smarter, not longer. For example, in 1901 it took 18 minutes of an average worker’s time to be able to afford a loaf of bread.

    Thanks to improvements in efficiency (think using a dough hook rather than hand-kneading) and rising wages, today it takes around four minutes of work to afford a loaf.

    Why it matters to you

    Productivity growth matters. Increasing output and decreasing prices is the main driver of increasing real incomes in the long term. It means you’re able to purchase more (or better quality) goods and services as their relative costs go down and incomes increase.

    But Australia’s productivity growth is languishing. Reserve Bank analysis highlights that labour productivity grew only 0.2% per year over the six years to June 2024. The escalating global tariff war, and associated uncertainty, will threaten this further.

    Poor productivity growth also has significant implications for the federal budget. The budget papers showed that a forecast return to a balanced budget in a decade’s time is premised on a productivity growth assumption of 1.2% per year – which is optimistic.

    Recent analysis from the e61 Institute shows even a slightly more realistic assumption of 1% would increase the budget deficit by 0.4% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and push out the return to budget balance.

    What about all the inquiries?

    So what can we do about it? Fortunately, the Productivity Commission has delivered several reports that deep dive into the problems and potential solutions.

    The most recent report, Advancing Prosperity, was delivered to the government in 2023. It provided 29 reform directions and 71 individual recommendations, across over 1,000 pages of analysis.

    While a small number of these have been picked up by governments, such as reforms to the temporary skilled migration system, the vast majority remain on the shelf.

    There have been some initiatives aimed at stimulating productivity pursued by government outside of the Productivity Commission recommendations, such as the banning of non-compete clauses and nationally consistent licensing for electricians.




    Read more:
    Non-compete clauses make it too hard to change jobs. Banning them for millions of Australians is a good move


    These are steps in the right direction, but relatively small ones. We need policies to tilt our economy towards being more flexible and adaptable, allowing us to take advantage of whatever the next world-changing idea or technology is.

    Lots of talk, not much action

    So why have we seen so little action on productivity reforms, and why is neither side of politics talking about our productivity problem?

    There are a few likely reasons.

    Firstly, as economists often like to remind people, incentives matter. Politicians are no different to the rest of us in that they respond to the incentives they face. And often productivity-enhancing reforms come with short-term costs (political, economic or social), while the benefits don’t tend to materialise until the longer term.

    With politicians (understandably) focused on re-election every three years, the prospect of incurring a clear short-term cost for a longer-term benefit isn’t always a tempting one.

    Secondly, the impact of productivity-enhancing reforms tend to be more uncertain than other policies.

    For example, if we increase the level of JobSeeker payments, we can be fairly certain that those on JobSeeker will be able to consume more. While we may be confident about the direction of the impact of productivity reforms – such as improving the ability of the workers to find the firms that they best match with – it is harder to be certain about the size of this impact.

    This makes it more difficult to concretely claim an individual policy reform will have benefits that clearly and significantly outweigh the costs.

    No silver bullet on reform

    Finally, when it comes to productivity-enhancing reform, there is no single silver bullet. Modern productivity reform requires a collection of policies enacted together, which may be politically more difficult due to the larger number of potentially negatively affected groups.

    So what can we do to fix this? As constituents if you’re door-knocked or approached by politicians in the election campaign over the coming weeks, then make sure to ask them what their plans for reviving productivity growth are.

    Longer term, it is incumbent upon researchers and policymakers to create the burning platform for why productivity-improving change is needed, and what this means.

    There are many issues Australia faces, and politicians and citizens have limited bandwidth. We should work to better highlight and communicate the benefits and trade-offs, rather than bemoan the lack of action from politicians simply responding to incentives.


    The author thanks Aaron Wong, senior economist at the e61 Institute, for their contribution to this article.

    Lachlan Vass is affiliated with the e61 Institute.

    ref. Productivity reform has been put in the too-hard basket for years. Here’s why leaders leave it alone – https://theconversation.com/productivity-reform-has-been-put-in-the-too-hard-basket-for-years-heres-why-leaders-leave-it-alone-253749

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Newspoll steady but Albanese’s ratings jump; swing to Labor in marginal seats

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

    A national Newspoll, conducted April 7–10 from a sample of 1,271, gave Labor a 52–48 lead, unchanged since the March 31 to April 4 Newspoll. Primary votes were 35% Coalition (down one), 33% Labor (steady), 12% Greens (steady), 8% One Nation (up one) and 12% for all Others (steady).

    Anthony Albanese’s net approval jumped seven points to -4, his best net approval since May 2024. Peter Dutton’s net approval dropped two points to -19, his worst since September 2023. Albanese led Dutton as better PM by 49–38 (48–40 previously).

    Leaders’ ratings changes may imply that future Newspolls will be better for Labor on voting intentions, but this doesn’t always happen. Here is the graph of Albanese’s net approval in Newspoll this term. The plus signs are data points and a trend line has been fitted. Albanese’s ratings have surged from a low of -21 net approval in mid-February.

    This Newspoll is the only new national poll since Friday’s article, but a Redbridge poll of marginal seats had a 1.5-point swing to Labor since the 2022 election, implying that Labor is gaining seats. Here is the national poll graph.

    I believe Donald Trump is most responsible for Labor’s surge in the polls to a clear lead and a probable majority government (they won a majority in 2022 on the same primary vote Newspoll gives them). Albanese’s ratings have probably lifted owing to a favourable comparison between Albanese and Trump.

    Coalition senator Jacinta Price’s use of “Make Australia Great Again” on Saturday, an echo of Trump’s “Make America Great Again” slogan, will damage efforts by the Coalition to distance itself from Trump.

    Asked what type of government they wanted after the election in Newspoll, 32% wanted a Labor majority, 32% a Coalition majority, 21% a Labor minority government and 15% a Coalition minority government. This means 64% wanted a Labor or Coalition majority, while 36% wanted a minority government. The overall 53–47 split for a Labor government nearly matches the 52–48 two-party estimate.

    Redbridge marginal seats poll has swing to Labor

    A poll of 20 marginal seats by Redbridge and Accent Research for the News Corp tabloids was conducted April 4–9 from a sample of 1,003. It gave Labor a 52.5–47.5 lead, a three-point gain for Labor since the late February marginal seats poll. Primary votes were 36% Coalition (down five), 35% Labor (up one), 12% Greens (steady) and 17% for all Others (up four).

    The overall 2022 vote in these 20 seats was 51–49 to Labor, so this poll implies a 1.5-point swing to Labor from the 2022 election. If applied to the national 2022 result of 52.1–47.9 to Labor, Labor would lead by about 53.5–46.5.

    Albanese’s net favourability improved three points since late February to -8, while Dutton’s was down five points to -16. Dutton led Albanese by 27–23 on best to manage the relationship with the US and Trump (31–22 previously). But if people really thought Dutton would be able to prevent Trump’s tariff chaos, voting intentions would not have shifted towards Labor.

    On whether the US is a reliable partner and friend for Australia, 61% said it had been a reliable partner and friend, but less so now than it was, 18% said the US is still a reliable partner and friend, and 12% said it was never a reliable partner or friend.

    Dutton may be trailing in Dickson, and other seat polls

    Dutton won the Queensland seat of Dickson by 51.7–48.3 against Labor in 2022. The Poll Bludger reported Saturday that a uComms poll of Dickson for the Queensland Conservation Council, conducted April 9–10 from a sample of 854, gave Labor a 52–48 lead over Dutton.

    In other Dickson seat polls, the Coalition said their own polling by Freshwater gave Dutton a 57–43 lead, a uComms poll for Climate 200 gave Labor a 51.7–48.3 lead and Labor’s polling had it tied 50–50. Seat polls are unreliable.

    In the Western Australian Liberal-held seat of Forrest, a poll for Climate 200 gave a teal candidate a 51–49 lead over the Liberals. In the Tasmanian Labor-held seat of Lyons (50.9–49.1 to Labor in 2022), a uComms poll for the Australian Forest Products Association gave Labor a 50.9–49.1 lead over the Liberals.

    In other seat-specific news, in the Victorian seat of Macnamara, Labor incumbent Josh Burns won’t recommend preferences on how to vote material between the Liberals and Greens. Previously Labor has recommended preferences to the Greens. It will be more difficult for the Greens to win Macnamara if the final two candidates are the Liberals and Greens.

    Candidate nominations declared

    Candidate nominations were declared on Friday. The Poll Bludger said there were 1,126 total candidates for the 150 House of Representatives seats, an average of 7.5 candidates per seat. That’s down from 1,203 total candidates in 2022, an average of 8.0 per seat.

    Labor, the Greens and the Coalition will contest all 150 seats, One Nation 147 (all except the three ACT seats), Trumpet of Patriots 100 (down from contesting all seats under UAP in 2022), Family First 92, Libertarians 46 and Legalise Cannabis 42. There are a total of 132 independent candidates, up from 98 in 2022.

    Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Newspoll steady but Albanese’s ratings jump; swing to Labor in marginal seats – https://theconversation.com/newspoll-steady-but-albaneses-ratings-jump-swing-to-labor-in-marginal-seats-254445

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Greenpeace activists crash Coalition launch event to say: Don’t Risk Dutton’s Nuclear 

    Source: Greenpeace Statement –

    SYDNEY, Sunday 13 April 2025 – Greenpeace activists have staged a ‘hazard cleanup’ at the Coalition’s election campaign launch at Liverpool Catholic Club in Western Sydney to send a clear message to Australian voters: Don’t risk Dutton’s nuclear. 

    Greenpeace activists dressed in hazmat suits and gas masks staged the clean up with Geiger counters outside the launch event during Peter Dutton’s election launch, and displayed banners reading: “Don’t risk Dutton’s nuclear”. The activists were escorted away from the entrance by security, but continued protesting near the building. Greenpeace is calling on Peter Dutton to dump his nuclear policies, saying the plans are too risky for Australia.

    Speaking from the event, David Ritter, CEO at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said:

    “We’re here today because Peter Dutton’s nuclear plan is too risky and too dangerous to proceed. We’re sounding the alarm on the dangers of the Coalition’s reckless nuclear plan that could expose Australian communities to an accident involving highly radioactive waste, and will prolong the use of climate-wrecking coal and gas for decades.

    “Greenpeace will always challenge policies that harm people, nature, and the climate. That is why today we have sent a loud and clear message to Australian voters — don’t risk Dutton’s nuclear plan. 

    “The Coalition has no plan for dealing with toxic waste safely, nor for protecting locals and emergency services in communities like Collie, LaTrobe Valley and the Hunter Valley, where it wants to build nuclear reactors. 

    “Nuclear is a dangerous distraction from the urgent need to slash emissions this decade and phase out coal, oil, and gas at emergency speed and scale. It is a smokescreen to prolong coal and gas while we wait decades for nuclear. 

    “We have the solutions — why risk nuclear when we’re already almost halfway towards powering Australia with clean, safe and affordable wind and solar power? A credible energy policy is one that rapidly scales up renewables and storage, not one that locks us into dangerous, unnecessary nuclear and fossil fuels for decades. 

    “Greenpeace is calling on Peter Dutton to dump his unpopular, unviable, and dangerous nuclear plan, and instead support the proven, safe, and affordable renewable energy solutions that will benefit our economy, our communities and our planet.”

    —ENDS—

    Photos and video of the protest will be uploaded here by 2pm

    For more information or to arrange an interview please contact Kate O’Callaghan on 0406 231 892 [email protected] or Kimberley Bernard on 0407 581 404 [email protected]

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fresh details emerge on Australia’s new climate migration visa for Tuvalu residents

    ANALYSIS: By Jane McAdam, UNSW Sydney

    The details of a new visa enabling Tuvaluan citizens to permanently migrate to Australia were released this week.

    The visa was created as part of a bilateral treaty Australia and Tuvalu signed in late 2023, which aims to protect the two countries’ shared interests in security, prosperity and stability, especially given the “existential threat posed by climate change”.

    The Australia–Tuvalu Falepili Union, as it is known, is the world’s first bilateral agreement to create a special visa like this in the context of climate change.

    Here’s what we know so far about why this special visa exists and how it will work.

    Why is this migration avenue important?
    The impacts of climate change are already contributing to displacement and migration around the world.

    As a low-lying atoll nation, Tuvalu is particularly exposed to rising sea levels, storm surges and coastal erosion.

    As Pacific leaders declared in a world-first regional framework on climate mobility in 2023, rights-based migration can “help people to move safely and on their own terms in the context of climate change.”

    And enhanced migration opportunities have clearly made a huge difference to development challenges in the Pacific, allowing people to access education and work and send money back home.

    As international development expert Professor Stephen Howes put it,

    Countries with greater migration opportunities in the Pacific generally do better.

    While Australia has a history of labour mobility schemes for Pacific peoples, this will not provide opportunities for everyone.

    Despite perennial calls for migration or relocation opportunities in the face of climate change, this is the first Australian visa to respond.

    How does the new visa work?
    The visa will enable up to 280 people from Tuvalu to move to Australia each year.

    On arrival in Australia, visa holders will receive, among other things, immediate access to:

    • education (at the same subsidisation as Australian citizens)
    • Medicare
    • the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS)
    • family tax benefit
    • childcare subsidy
    • youth allowance.

    They will also have “freedom for unlimited travel” to and from Australia.

    This is rare. Normally, unlimited travel is capped at five years.

    According to some experts, these arrangements now mean Tuvalu has the “second closest migration relationship with Australia after New Zealand”.

    Reading the fine print
    The technical name of the visa is Subclass 192 (Pacific Engagement).

    The details of the visa, released this week, reveal some curiosities.

    First, it has been incorporated into the existing Pacific Engagement Visa category (subclass 192) rather than designed as a standalone visa.

    Presumably, this was a pragmatic decision to expedite its creation and overcome the significant costs of establishing a wholly new visa category.

    But unlike the Pacific Engagement Visa — a different, earlier visa, which is contingent on applicants having a job offer in Australia — this new visa is not employment-dependent.

    Secondly, the new visa does not specifically mention Tuvalu.

    This would make it simpler to extend it to other Pacific countries in the future.

    Who can apply, and how?

    To apply, eligible people must first register their interest for the visa online. Then, they must be selected through a random computer ballot to apply.

    The primary applicant must:

    • be at least 18 years of age
    • hold a Tuvaluan passport, and
    • have been born in Tuvalu — or had a parent or a grandparent born there.

    People with New Zealand citizenship cannot apply. Nor can anyone whose Tuvaluan citizenship was obtained through investment in the country.

    This indicates the underlying humanitarian nature of the visa; people with comparable opportunities in New Zealand or elsewhere are ineligible to apply for it.

    Applicants must also satisfy certain health and character requirements.

    Strikingly, the visa is open to those “with disabilities, special needs and chronic health conditions”. This is often a bar to acquiring an Australian visa.

    And the new visa isn’t contingent on people showing they face risks from the adverse impacts of climate change and disasters, even though climate change formed the backdrop to the scheme’s creation.

    Settlement support is crucial
    With the first visa holders expected to arrive later this year, questions remain about how well supported they will be.

    The Explanatory Memorandum to the treaty says:

    Australia would provide support for applicants to find work and to the growing Tuvaluan diaspora in Australia to maintain connection to culture and improve settlement outcomes.

    That’s promising, but it’s not yet clear how this will be done.

    A heavy burden often falls on diaspora communities to assist newcomers.

    For this scheme to work, there must be government investment over the immediate and longer-term to give people the best prospects of thriving.

    Drawing on experiences from refugee settlement, and from comparative experiences in New Zealand with respect to Pacific communities, will be instructive.

    Extensive and ongoing community consultation is also needed with Tuvalu and with the Tuvalu diaspora in Australia. This includes involving these communities in reviewing the scheme over time.

    Dr Jane McAdam is Scientia professor and ARC laureate fellow, Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, UNSW Sydney. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Labor and Coalition support for new home buyers welcome but other Australians also struggling with housing affordability

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Cull, Associate Professor, Western Sydney University

    doublelee/Shutterstock

    There is no denying housing reform is urgently needed in Australia to make housing more affordable and accessible to everyday Australians.

    Both major parties have now announced the incentives they are offering to help first-home buyers. While both Labor and the Coalition are hopeful their newly announced policies will win the most votes, how easy will it be to implement and how will it help first-home buyers?

    What new housing incentives are being offered?

    Refreshingly, both major parties are offering more novel policies than have previously been announced. In addition, both policies offer welcome relief to first-home buyers.

    As part of their $43 billion housing plan that already includes delivering 55,000 social and affordable homes, a Labor government will spend $10 billion to help more Australians purchase their first home.

    The first part of this plan includes increasing housing supply by building 100,000 new homes over eight years – just for first home buyers. The government would work with the states to identify where these homes will be built, beginning next financial year.

    The second part of Labor’s plan involves expanding the 5% deposit Home Guarantee Scheme to remove the annual cap of 50,000 places and removing income thresholds.

    It will also increase property price caps to better reflect local markets so that buyers can look to purchase a property where they currently work and/or live. For example, the current cap in Sydney will increase from $900,000 to $1.5 million.

    The Home Guarantee Scheme, which has already been used by more than 150,000 Australians, allows eligible first-home buyers to purchase a property with a 5% deposit and without paying Lenders Mortgage Insurance. The government guarantees part of the home loan. This will speed up the time that it will take for first-home buyers to save for a deposit, as they will be able to use a smaller deposit to secure a home.

    The 100,000 homes that would be built as part of Labor’s plans would only be available to first time home owners.
    Go My Media

    The Coalition have announced they will permit first-time buyers of newly built properties to deduct interest on up to $650,000 of their mortgage against their income for up to five years. The first home buyers, however, have to remain in their home for this time period.

    This will be available to singles on incomes up to $175,000 and couples with a combined income of up to $250,000. This is similar to the mortgage interest tax deduction currently permitted through negative gearing to property investors with rental properties.

    How easy are these housing policies to implement?

    While Labor’s Home Guarantee policy is already in operation, it should be relatively easy to expand this policy.

    However, in terms of building 100,000 homes, we know Labor is already well behind on its plan to build new housing stock, even though the number of dwellings increased by 53,200 to 11,294,300 for the quarter ended December 2024.

    This is where Labor’s policy of increasing subsidies to apprentices in the construction industry, as well plans to invest in prefabricated and modular homes and introduce a national certification system will help. While welcomed by housing advocates, the detail surrounding exactly where the houses will be built is an important part of this new housing policy.

    The Coalition’s proposal is more radical and will require changes to legislation before it can be implemented.

    It may also need to form part of more holistic taxation reform to have the intended effect. Details are still needed as to how this reform may affect the current capital gains tax exemption and other property tax concessions for one’s principal place of residence.

    Whether the Coalition have other taxation reforms planned is yet to be revealed.

    Could these policies work?

    The latest housing policies announced by both major parties are a step in the right direction.

    However, the details are missing and concerns remain around how these policies will interact with other policy proposals and whether there will be an unintended effect of pushing up housing prices.

    Peter Dutton says the deduction scheme would save the average family about $11,000 a year.
    Andrey Popov/Shutterstock

    While increasing the supply of housing is the answer to the housing crisis, whether these houses can be built quickly is still questionable. The 5% deposit for first home buyers will go a long way in enabling first home buyers to save a deposit. However, this means the remaining 95% still needs to be repaid and first home buyers will still need to prove they can service the loan. It will also increase pressure on first home buyers if interest rates increase early in their home ownership journey.

    First home owners who want to claim a tax deduction on their mortgage interest will still need to construct a new home, which will take some time to build.

    The tax deduction will help first-home buyers in the early years of their mortgage when mortgage interest is highest. However, it does tend to favour higher income earners who receive larger tax deductions due to their higher tax brackets.

    While it does little to put downward pressure on housing prices, the Coalition has combined this with an aggressive immigration policy aimed at increasing supply of established homes.

    Given the tight and expensive market in Australia, the latest housing incentives announced by the major parties may come as welcome news to first home buyers. But any new policy must be viewed as part of the larger package of policies being offered. First home buyers are not the only ones experiencing problems with housing affordability and accessibility.

    If anything, the contest for the federal election has forced both major parties to seriously consider their housing policies and share these with the public. However, the hardest part is yet to come: whether the incoming government’s housing policy is actually effective.

    Michelle Cull is a member of CPA Australia, the Financial Advice Association Australia and President Elect of the Academy of Financial Services in the United States. Michelle is an academic member of UniSuper’s Consultative Committee. Michelle co-founded the Western Sydney University Tax Clinic which has received funding from the Australian Taxation Office as part of the National Tax Clinic Program. Michelle has previously volunteered as Chair of the Macarthur Advisory Council for the Salvation Army Australia.

    ref. Labor and Coalition support for new home buyers welcome but other Australians also struggling with housing affordability – https://theconversation.com/labor-and-coalition-support-for-new-home-buyers-welcome-but-other-australians-also-struggling-with-housing-affordability-254451

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz