Category: Business

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Simelane commits to support Free State in delivering housing units

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    Human Settlements Minister, Thembi Simelane, has pledged to support the Free State Province in its efforts to meet the 2024-2029 target to deliver housing units to qualifying beneficiaries.

    Simelane made the commitment during an oversight visit to the Mangaung Metropolitan Municipality on Friday, as part of a nationwide assessment of municipal and provincial performance in human settlements programmes.

    The visit aimed to address ongoing service delivery blockages within the province.

    The visit also formed part of a country-wide municipal and provincial assessment of human settlements programme performance.

    Addressing the provincial Human Settlements and Mangaung Municipality, Simelane discouraged working in silos between the provincial department and municipalities.

    She emphasised that overcoming the housing backlog and ensuring the delivery of sustainable human settlements, can only be achieved through coordinated efforts.

    While acknowledging the progress made to ensure the qualifying beneficiaries receive their houses, with some contractors already on the ground, the Minister expressed concern over several incomplete projects across the province.

    “We are gearing ourselves for the current 2024-2029 Medium Term Development Plan (MTDP) to deliver on our mandate. With our limited budget, we are aligning our plans to ensure that we effectively use our allocated budget,” Simelane said.

    The Minister reiterated the critical role that contractors play in delivering housing units and warned against those who have been given opportunities to “do the right thing and deliver houses.”

    She also issued a stern warning to both contractors and officials who fail to meet their responsibilities, saying that there would be consequences against those who let down the people.

    “A delayed project means one senior citizen is denied his or her constitutional right to adequate shelter,” Simelane said.

    Simelane further undertook to visit the Metros every quarter, to ensure that housing and service delivery targets are being met.

    She also underscored the importance of ensuring that every cent allocated to the department is spent towards improving the lives of deserving households.

    Human Settlements MEC, Teboho Mokoena, challenged the Minister to consider visiting the province more frequently, suggesting every two months, and reiterated the province’s commitment to improving service delivery.

    Mokoena also emphasised budget constraints, which remains a challenge, noting that this will have an impact in the department’s programme.

    “Progress is being made on several projects that were blocked including G-Hostel and Dark and Silver City. The qualifying beneficiaries are expected to incrementally move into the completed units during the 2025/2026 financial year,” Mokoena said.

    The MEC highlighted the province’s struggle with completing housing projects due to a range of issues, including multiple contractor changes in due to non-performance, vandalism at abandoned sites after contract terminations, community disruptions and non-compliance issues, financial constraints, non-payment of completed work certificates, and bureaucratic delays in the approvals of variation orders and claims.

    However, Mokoena assured that interventions are being implemented, including the appointment of new, reliable contractors, and regular monitoring and reporting, to ensure projects stay on track.

    “Despite these challenges, the province has done exceptionally well in the provision of serviced sites. By January 2025, the province reported the successful delivery of 5 025 service sites against the 1755 2024/2025 target. Most of the sites delivered are in Fezile Dabi District Municipality,” Mokoena said.

    Simelane is expected to return to the Free State to officially hand over completed units at Dark and Silver City Community Residential Units, as well as military veterans’ housing units at the Vista Park Catalytic Project, in Mangaung.

    The Vista Park project is a massive development aimed at providing much needed housing opportunities.

    The department said extension 2 of the project is expected to yield over 5 344 residential housing opportunities, while extension 3 will produce around 6 036 residential opportunities.

    The project is also expected to deliver the Breaking New Ground (BNG) units, including social housing, First Home Finance, and student accommodation. – SAnews.gov.za

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: President to open ECD leadership summit

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    Sunday, March 16, 2025

    President Cyril Ramaphosa will on Monday officially open the Bana Pele Early Childhood Development (ECD) Leadership Summit at the Atlas Studios, in Johannesburg.

    The summit, convened by the Department of Basic Education (DBE) and Business Leadership South Africa (BLSA), aims to mobilise a public and private coalition behind the DBE’s 2030 ECD Roadmap for quality, universal access to early learning.

    In a statement on Saturday, The Presidency noted that in South Africa, more than 1.3 million children are not enrolled in any form of ECD programme, leaving them without the foundational literacy and numeracy skills required to succeed in school.

    “This learning gap affects their ability to take on critical subjects, such as Mathematics, Science, Accounting, and Economics in later years, which are the skills that are vital for innovation, economic growth, and job creation,” the Presidency said.

    The summit will bring together government, business, civil society and education experts to “construct a roadmap for universal access to quality ECD across the country.

    “This initiative is a crucial step toward ensuring that every child, regardless of background, has access to the early learning opportunities they need to thrive in life,” the Presidency said. – SAnews.gov.za

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Businesses encouraged to operate ethically

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    Mpumalanga MEC for Economic Development and Tourism, Makhosazane Masilela, has called on businesses to “go above and beyond” to demonstrate ethical business practices.

    The MEC was speaking at the commemoration of World Consumer Rights Day (WCR), held at the University of Mpumalanga, on Saturday.

    “As we celebrate this significant day, we are reminded of the central role that consumers play in our economy, and the critical need to protect their rights, while also encouraging businesses to operate ethically, responsibly, and with integrity. 

    “It is not enough to simply adhere to the bare minimum of legal requirements; businesses must go above and beyond to establish a culture of fairness, respect, and responsibility,” Masilela said.

    World Consumer Rights Day is celebrated annually on the 15th of March, as a means of raising global awareness about consumer rights and needs. 

    Celebrating the day is a chance to demand that the rights of all consumers are respected and protected, and to protest against market abuses and social injustices which undermine those rights.

    The National Consumer Commission held the commemoration in partnership with the Competition Commission of South Africa, the Mpumalanga Department of Economic Development and Tourism, and various regulatory bodies, under the umbrella of the Consumer Protection Forum (CPF).

    The WCR was celebrated under the theme “Empowering Consumers—Balancing Rights with Ethical Business Practices”.

    Acting Commissioner of the NCC, Hardin Ratshisusu, emphasised the ongoing need to intensify efforts in addressing the sale of expired food items in local spaza shops.

    “Recent inspections on local spaza shops in various communities have revealed expired food items on shelves, prompting their removal and destruction. 

    “It is important we continue with this work given the recent spate of foodborne illnesses affecting the most vulnerable consumers in our society – our children,” Ratshisusu said.

    Competition Commission Acting Head of Advocacy, Andile Gwabeni, emphasised the importance of the Competition Act in ensuring a competitive market.

    “We understand that a fair and competitive market inherently protects consumers…and we therefore see consumer welfare as a direct output of our work,” he said. – SAnews.gov.za

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Simelane commits to support Free Sate in delivering housing units

    Source: South Africa News Agency

    Human Settlements Minister, Thembi Simelane, has pledged to support the Free State Province in its efforts to meet the 2024-2029 target to deliver housing units to qualifying beneficiaries.

    Simelane made the commitment during an oversight visit to the Mangaung Metropolitan Municipality on Friday, as part of a nationwide assessment of municipal and provincial performance in human settlements programmes.

    The visit aimed to address ongoing service delivery blockages within the province.

    The visit also formed part of a country-wide municipal and provincial assessment of human settlements programme performance.

    Addressing the provincial Human Settlements and Mangaung Municipality, Simelane discouraged working in silos between the provincial department and municipalities.

    She emphasised that overcoming the housing backlog and ensuring the delivery of sustainable human settlements, can only be achieved through coordinated efforts.

    While acknowledging the progress made to ensure the qualifying beneficiaries receive their houses, with some contractors already on the ground, the Minister expressed concern over several incomplete projects across the province.

    “We are gearing ourselves for the current 2024-2029 Medium Term Development Plan (MTDP) to deliver on our mandate. With our limited budget, we are aligning our plans to ensure that we effectively use our allocated budget,” Simelane said.

    The Minister reiterated the critical role that contractors play in delivering housing units and warned against those who have been given opportunities to “do the right thing and deliver houses.”

    She also issued a stern warning to both contractors and officials who fail to meet their responsibilities, saying that there would be consequences against those who let down the people.

    “A delayed project means one senior citizen is denied his or her constitutional right to adequate shelter,” Simelane said.

    Simelane further undertook to visit the Metros every quarter, to ensure that housing and service delivery targets are being met.

    She also underscored the importance of ensuring that every cent allocated to the department is spent towards improving the lives of deserving households.

    Human Settlements MEC, Teboho Mokoena, challenged the Minister to consider visiting the province more frequently, suggesting every two months, and reiterated the province’s commitment to improving service delivery.

    Mokoena also emphasised budget constraints, which remains a challenge, noting that this will have an impact in the department’s programme.

    “Progress is being made on several projects that were blocked including G-Hostel and Dark and Silver City. The qualifying beneficiaries are expected to incrementally move into the completed units during the 2025/2026 financial year,” Mokoena said.

    The MEC highlighted the province’s struggle with completing housing projects due to a range of issues, including multiple contractor changes in due to non-performance, vandalism at abandoned sites after contract terminations, community disruptions and non-compliance issues, financial constraints, non-payment of completed work certificates, and bureaucratic delays in the approvals of variation orders and claims.

    However, Mokoena assured that interventions are being implemented, including the appointment of new, reliable contractors, and regular monitoring and reporting, to ensure projects stay on track.

    “Despite these challenges, the province has done exceptionally well in the provision of serviced sites. By January 2025, the province reported the successful delivery of 5 025 service sites against the 1755 2024/2025 target. Most of the sites delivered are in Fezile Dabi District Municipality,” Mokoena said.

    Simelane is expected to return to the Free State to officially hand over completed units at Dark and Silver City Community Residential Units, as well as military veterans’ housing units at the Vista Park Catalytic Project, in Mangaung.

    The Vista Park project is a massive development aimed at providing much needed housing opportunities.

    The department said extension 2 of the project is expected to yield over 5 344 residential housing opportunities, while extension 3 will produce around 6 036 residential opportunities.

    The project is also expected to deliver the Breaking New Ground (BNG) units, including social housing, First Home Finance, and student accommodation. – SAnews.gov.za

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Email signatures are harming the planet and could cost people their lives — it’s time to stop using them

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Joshua M. Pearce, John M. Thompson Chair in Information Technology and Innovation and Professor, Western University

    A recent study has shown that the environmental and human mortality impacts of modern information technology — especially email infrastructure — are significant. (Shutterstock)

    The use of information technology (IT) has significant environmental and social impacts, including human mortality from climate change. One striking example is the carbon emissions and impacts associated with digital communication.

    To quantify the human cost of carbon-emitting technology, researchers use the 1,000-ton rule that estimates that for every 1,000 tons of carbon dioxide released into the atmosphere, one person dies prematurely.

    This rule is derived from the following calculation: burning one trillion ton of fossil carbon is likely to cause 2 C of anthropogenic global warming, which in turn is likely to cause about one billion premature deaths spread over the next century.

    This theory can be used as a decision-making framework for policymakers to compare the value of an activity to the cost of that activity in human lives.

    It’s also what I used in my recent study that analyzed how additional information in email signatures contributes to climate-related deaths in Canada.

    Email signatures causing emissions

    Sending emails is an everyday activity, but it comes with an environmental cost. Emails use energy, and that energy often comes from burning fossil fuels, which in turn, contribute to increasing atmospheric carbon dioxide levels.

    The overwhelming scientific consensus is that human activity is destabilizing the climate and is likely to cause irreversible damage to the global environment and humanity.

    My recent study explored the environmental impact of lengthening email signatures, focusing specifically on two types of information: gender pronouns and land acknowledgements because both are relatively new additions to email signatures.

    In both cases, the extra carbon emissions for each email for the extra characters is estimated and aggregated over the population that uses them.

    The environmental consequences of minor digital habits are often overlooked.
    (Shutterstock)

    The results showed that in Canada, where about 15 per cent of people include gender pronouns in emails, the resulting carbon emissions from this small change (three extra words) may contribute to the premature deaths of one person a year, according to the 1,000-ton rule.

    The environmental harm and human mortality caused by this seemingly minor digital habit is evident. Large blocks of text like legal disclaimers and land acknowledgements cause even more harm. Images and logos, which contain even larger amounts of data, cause more emissions and deaths still.

    Doing away with email signatures

    Most of the content in email signatures is redundant, as we tend to email the same people repeatedly. The environmental and human cost of using email signatures clearly outweighs the benefits. One solution to this issue is to replace email signatures with a hyperlinked name to additional information.

    Another simple way to increase efficiency and reduce emissions is by eliminating email signatures entirely, since emails already identify senders in the header. After all, we don’t sign our texts, so why do we feel the need to sign our emails?

    If you receive an email with a long signature, you might consider asking the sender to switch to a hyperlink instead, or eliminate their signature all together.

    Additionally, you can encourage others to use free, open-source ad blockers to reduce unnecessary data from ads while browsing or emailing. Ads, especially on websites, generate an enormous amount of unnecessary data and energy consumption.

    While these steps may seem small on their own, collectively, they can make a significant difference in reducing digital waste and unnecessary emissions.

    The hidden cost of spam emails

    The results of my recent study make it clear that Canada’s current IT and energy infrastructure are unsustainable. The study should serve as a wake-up call for the need to eliminate the use of fossil fuels from our energy systems entirely, particularly because it is already possible to displace fossil fuels with renewable energy with lower costs.

    It also gives pause for the far more damaging impacts of other forms of digital communications, particularly email spam.

    Already more than half of all emails are spam.
    (Shutterstock)

    Spam accounts for over half of all emails and, despite having lower carbon emissions per email (since many are deleted without being opened), spam accounts for far more emissions-producing data. Beyond its environmental toll, spam also wastes the time of every email user.

    In response, several proposals and laws have been put forward to reduce this digital waste, from including taxes on emails, opt-in or opt-out systems to even outlawing spam entirely. While these efforts are a step in the right direction, we all still suffer through an enormous amount of spam.

    The environmental impact of our online habits is far larger than most realize, and as digital communication continues to evolve, we must consider its long-term consequences on the environment and human life. We should take the easy steps of cutting wasteful energy use in our communications and it can start with eliminating email signatures.

    Joshua M. Pearce does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Email signatures are harming the planet and could cost people their lives — it’s time to stop using them – https://theconversation.com/email-signatures-are-harming-the-planet-and-could-cost-people-their-lives-its-time-to-stop-using-them-251215

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Gordie Howe’s elbows are Canada’s answer to Donald Trump

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Stacy L. Lorenz, Vice Dean and Professor, Physical Education and History, Augustana Campus, University of Alberta

    When Canadian ice hockey centre Connor McDavid scored in overtime to lead Canada to victory over the United States in the National Hockey League’s 4 Nations Face-Off tournament in February, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau posted on social media, “You can’t take our country — and you can’t take our game.”

    Trudeau’s comment was a direct response to U.S. President Donald Trump’s repeated denigration of the prime minister as the “governor” of the “51st state.” It captured the escalating tensions between the two countries over trade, tariffs and Trump’s threats to annex Canada.

    Meanwhile, the tournament itself, which pitted the top Canadian and American players against one another for the first time in more than a decade, became a representation of these deepening political divisions and showed that hockey isn’t as politically neutral as is often suggested.

    Since the 4 Nations Face-Off ended, hockey analogies and imagery continue to dominate the conversation around Canada-U.S. relations. This time the focus is on Gordie Howe (or “Mr. Hockey” as he was widely known), whose strategic use of elbows on the ice has become a political rallying cry for Canadians.

    A CBC News report on ‘Elbows Up’ becoming a rallying cry against Trump.

    Canada is “elbows up”

    During his professional career from 1946 to 1980, Howe combined skill and scoring ability with toughness, physicality and a willingness to fight when necessary.

    In particular, Howe’s practice of keeping his “elbows up” in the corners to ward off belligerents on the opposing team has become a focal point for Canadians’ actions against Trump’s aggression.

    The hashtag #ElbowsUpCanada has been trending on social media. Howe’s guidance has been echoed by Canadian comedian Mike Myers on Saturday Night Live and by Trudeau at the Liberal leadership convention that marked the transition to Prime Minister Mark Carney.

    In his first speech as Liberal leader, Carney made another hockey reference when he said:

    “We didn’t ask for this fight, but Canadians are always ready when someone else drops the gloves. So the Americans, they should make no mistake: In trade, as in hockey, Canada will win.”

    While it may be surprising to see such enthusiasm for an “elbows up” approach and for “dropping the gloves” as one would in a hockey fight, this kind of strategic employment of violence fits perfectly with Howe’s longstanding brand of hockey manhood.

    “Mr. Elbows” and the “Bashful Basher”

    Although Howe’s early nickname of “Mr. Elbows” has received the bulk of the public’s attention recently, his other moniker used extensively by the Detroit media during his first season in the NHL — the “Bashful Basher” — captures even more effectively the style of masculinity that Canadians are currently calling upon in their clash with Trump.

    Writing in the Detroit Free Press in 1947, reporter Marshall Dann invited readers to “Meet Red Wings’ Bashful Basher.” Alongside a photo of a youthful Howe innocently sipping a milkshake through a pair of straws, Dann noted:

    “Howe not only had proven himself an exceptionally promising rookie, but he also had established the fact that while he might be a malted milk devotee off the ice, he positively was no milk-sop on a hockey rink.”

    Howe’s brand of violence was careful and calculated, rather than reckless or emotional. Even when he used his fists to batter an opponent — such as in his famous 1959 fight with New York Rangers enforcer Lou Fontinato — Howe presented himself as a reluctant and reasonable fighter who conformed to the idealized, manly “code” of hockey.

    He resorted to fighting only to defend smaller teammates and to deter even more harmful forms of violence, such as stick attacks or overly aggressive hits. Far from a wild brawler, Howe was a calm protector, governed by a sense of honest accountability for his actions.

    Author Don O’Reilly’s 1975 biography Mr. Hockey also highlights the image of “two Gordie Howes — quiet, unassuming, and bashful off the ice and aggressive and competitive on the ice.”

    O’Reilly contrasts “the mild-mannered, smiling, innocent-faced Howe, the clean-cut All-Canadian-American boy” with his more ruthless counterpart: “The guy who excels with his elbows as weapons, a man who, his opponents say, is skilled with the illegal high stick and so devious that the officials often fail to see the offense.”

    Likewise, a 1962 Time magazine profile quoted a rival coach as saying:

    “When Howe gets knocked down, he looks like he doesn’t care. But when he’s getting up, he looks for the other guy’s number. A little later, the guy will have four stitches in his head.”

    Mr. Hockey and Canadianness

    A combination of humble manliness and controlled violence firmly established Howe’s masculine credentials within the culture of hockey. More broadly, Mr. Hockey became an admirable embodiment of the most valued manly qualities of the postwar period in North America.

    Howe’s strategic use of fighting also normalized the high level of violence in hockey by showing that it could be measured and purposeful, in accordance with the informal code of expectations that governed the game.

    Although critics of fighting and violence have become more outspoken in recent years, these values remain integral to hockey culture at the highest level and an influential point of reference for what it means to be a “true” hockey fan and a patriotic Canadian.

    In the current political climate, it is perhaps the title of the story that appeared in Life magazine in 1959 that resonates most clearly: “Don’t mess around with Gordie. Hockey’s tough guy (Lou Fontinato) discovers that the game’s best player (Gordie Howe) is a rough man in a fight.”

    With their “elbows up,” Canadians are counting on a Gordie Howe-style response — rational, expert and effective — in a trade war with the United States that may just be getting started.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why Gordie Howe’s elbows are Canada’s answer to Donald Trump – https://theconversation.com/why-gordie-howes-elbows-are-canadas-answer-to-donald-trump-252167

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Donald Trump thinks some accents are ‘beautiful,’ but what makes them so?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Nicole Rosen, Professor and Canada Research Chair in Language Interactions, University of Manitoba

    United States President Donald Trump has recently been commenting on accents while meeting foreign leaders and taking questions from foreign journalists. Trump praised British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s “beautiful” accent, saying he would have been president 20 years ago if he’d had that accent.

    He didn’t answer an Afghan journalist’s question, saying her accent was “beautiful” but that he didn’t understand it, and he completely dismissed the question of a journalist from India during a joint news conference with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, saying he didn’t understand his accent before abruptly moving on.

    What is a “beautiful” accent, and what makes one hard to understand? There is much evidence showing that opinions on language are not based in any objective standards of beauty or aesthetics, but rather on our attitudes about the people speaking them.

    Accent attitudes reflect our biases

    Consider long-standing attitudes regarding the southern American accent. Some might automatically assess an accent from Tennessee or Kentucky as sounding less smart than one from Michigan or California. However, there is no scientific relationship between accent and intelligence; these stereotypes are learned behaviour.

    Research shows young children of about five or six, for example, do not discriminate between U.S. northern and southern accents. As they get older, they start to develop the same attitudes of the adults around them, and by age 10 they start to find that northern-accented speakers sound “smarter” and more “in charge” than southern-accented speakers.

    Many negative stereotypes about accents and the people who have them are often based in racism or classism. Take, for example, the following quote from American writer Edward Larocque Tinker’s 1935 essay on “Gombo,” the dialect of French spoken by the Black population in Louisiana:

    “French, which had taken centuries to develop into a most subtle intricate form — the height of sophistication — was far too complex for these simple savages to learn. So they did their poor, primitive best and contrived a queer, simplified ‘pidgin’ French dialect of their own.”

    It is quite clear this judgment is not based in scientific fact, but rather on racist attitudes toward Black people. Today, language attitudes may be more subtle in their racism or classism, but they persist, using our biases about a group of people to affect how we feel about their way of speaking.

    How people judge accents

    Studies show that speakers tend to rate their own dialects as very pleasant. Research also shows that when people are unfamiliar with accents, they tend to not discriminate between them. In other words, when unfamiliar listeners have no knowledge about an accent or its place of origin, they rate accents equally.

    When speakers are familiar with an accent or dialect, however, they use their social knowledge to make judgments about the esthetics, determining which is more pleasing than another. This means that it’s not always the actual phonetic aspects of the language that drive our preferences, but rather social knowledge about the people who speak with that accent that we are assessing.

    In terms of foreign accents in particular, our native language shapes the way we categorize the sounds of other languages. When languages have unfamiliar sounds, our brains need a little more time to process the correspondences between the foreign accent and our own so we can accurately categorize the sounds in the foreign-accented speech. Understanding different accents is a skill that develops over time, and greater exposure to speakers with a particular accent helps us understand that accent more easily.

    Processing accents is more demanding for the brain. For example, in a noisy room, our brains might have to work more than usual to separate out the sounds in order to hear. On the telephone or when the speaker is wearing a mask, the listener doesn’t have access to cues such as lip movements. Older adults with hearing loss also have a harder time understanding foreign accents, as do people with dementia.

    The attitude we have about foreign accents is affected by our social knowledge of a person, their accent and where they come from. Having more frequent and positive associations with people from a particular region will make us more likely to find the accent pleasing and worth deciphering. Our ability to understand reflects the cognitive load that our brain is put through in order to categorize the different sounds that we are hearing.

    Putting these two together, it is easy to see how the historical prestige associated with European accents, as well as the political power of leaders like Emmanuel Macron of France, Starmer from the United Kingdom or Modi of India would be reflected in Trump’s positive attitude towards them.

    Similarly, he might consider a foreign journalist’s position on the world stage to be far less worth doing the cognitive work necessary to understand them.

    Fundamentally, there is no objective criteria for determining the “beauty” of someone’s accent. Our attitudes towards particular accents are often much more rooted in our biases and how we see others in our world.

    Nicole Rosen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Donald Trump thinks some accents are ‘beautiful,’ but what makes them so? – https://theconversation.com/donald-trump-thinks-some-accents-are-beautiful-but-what-makes-them-so-251458

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Canadian-trained doctors should be allowed to practise anywhere in Canada without additional licensing

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Anthony Sanfilippo, Professor of Medicine (Cardiology), Queen’s University, Ontario

    Pan-Canadian licensing can improve health-care access in underserved areas and increase flexibility for physicians. (Shutterstock)

    While politicians tout the benefits of reducing interprovincial trade barriers to unlock prosperity amid escalating trade tensions, our most precious health-care resources — fully qualified doctors — remain shackled. Physicians face a maze of regulations when attempting to practise beyond their home province. We must break these chains.

    By 2026, 4.4 million Ontarians — one in four residents — will lack access to family doctors. The crisis extends nationwide, with projections showing 9.6 million Canadians could be without a family physician by 2034. And our existing doctors are stretched thin, with the average family physician seeing 18 per cent fewer patients annually compared to a decade ago.

    It’s mystifying why Canada still struggles with the question of whether a doctor licensed in one province should be automatically qualified to practice in others. In October 2023, federal, provincial and territorial health ministers committed to “advancing labour mobility” for health-care professionals.

    The Atlantic provinces launched a multi-jurisdictional licensing system in May 2023, allowing doctors to practice in all four Atlantic provinces for an additional annual fee. However, this licence is not accepted outside of Atlantic Canada, and no other provinces have such agreements: current legislation requires separate licensing in each province.

    This uncertainty persists despite the critical shortage of physician services, especially for emergency department coverage and unexpected practice vacancies.

    All medical schools and training programs are accredited by the same, pan-Canadian processes based on common, and extensive, criteria.
    (Shutterstock)

    Inter-provincial restrictions undermine the efforts of overworked physicians to arrange coverage for temporary leaves. Such breaks could significantly enhance doctors’ personal well-being and extend their longevity in practice, ultimately benefiting holistic patient care while boosting Canadians’ access to physicians.

    Is there a legitimate rationale, grounded in differences in training or competence, for inter-provincial barriers?

    Medical training in Canada

    Canada has 17 excellent medical schools with campuses in nine provinces (soon expanding to 20 covering all provinces). Although curricula and learning schemes vary according to individual philosophies and available resources, all are united by a shared vision. These institutions strive to equip students with a core set of physician competencies, ensuring graduates excel based on common educational objectives.

    Canadian medical schools are inter-connected and collaborative. They share their approaches, discuss educational innovations, and engage common challenges. Medical student societies participate in collaborative activities to support knowledge sharing in clinical education.

    Graduates of Canadian medical schools face the same qualifying examinations, established by the Medical Council of Canada. Success in these exams is required for entry to practice in all provinces and territories. Graduates apply to the same postgraduate residency programs, which are pan-Canadian. A graduate of an Ontario school interested in a career in family medicine, for example, is free to apply to training programs in any province without prejudice.

    Why are doctors with identical training and qualifications confined to practising in just one province or territory?
    (Shutterstock)

    Those training programs operate under the guidance of national colleges that set pan-Canadian standards for training. All programs are expected to deliver the same training and meet the same standards, regardless of location. All medical schools and training programs are accredited by the same, pan-Canadian processes based on common, and extensive, criteria.

    All this national commonality exists because (with some regional variability in prevalence) people are afflicted with similar medical problems wherever they reside. And so, the practice of medicine should be guided by consistent, high standards. Canadians, regardless of where they live in our country, deserve to be assured that their doctors are exceptionally well trained and qualified.

    Provincial barriers

    Why, then, are doctors with identical training and qualifications confined to practising in just one province or territory? The answer lies not in medical competence, but in bureaucracy. Despite national standards for training and qualification, the power to grant a licence rests with 13 separate provincial and territorial regulatory colleges. This fragmented system creates artificial barriers, limiting the mobility of our highly skilled physicians across Canada.

    This is not to dismiss the important work of these provincial and territorial colleges. They are responsible for ensuring that the doctors working within their jurisdictions have completed appropriate training, achieved qualifications and maintained competence. Importantly, they are also responsible for investigating and assessing any potential breaches of competence or professionalism.

    In calling for common pan-Canadian credentialing, the physician community is not suggesting the important role of provincial and territorial colleges be set aside or in any way diminished. Rather, those critical processes should be either centralized or shared reciprocally. Public protection from doctors who are disciplined or sanctioned can be accelerated through pan-Canadian licensure: the public could search physician sanctions through one online portal, not 13.

    Regulation must be assessed against its purpose. If the purpose is public protection and advancing a high quality and equitable health-care system, then a doctor in good standing who lives and practises in Ontario should be able to take up emergency room shifts or cover a colleague’s practice in Manitoba without having to restart and reinvest in another lengthy, time-consuming and expensive registration process.

    Pan-Canadian licensure can improve health-care access in underserved areas and increase flexibility for physicians. Canadian-trained doctors should be allowed to practice where they are qualified and needed, and that’s in Canada — all of it.

    Neil Seeman, co-founder of Sutherland House Experts, is the publisher of “The Doctors We Need: Imagining a New Path for Physician Recruitment, Training, and Support” by Dr. Anthony Sanfilippo.

    Anthony Sanfilippo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why Canadian-trained doctors should be allowed to practise anywhere in Canada without additional licensing – https://theconversation.com/why-canadian-trained-doctors-should-be-allowed-to-practise-anywhere-in-canada-without-additional-licensing-251672

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Video: Classic speech with a modern look!

    Source: US Army (video statements)

    About the U.S. Army:

    The Army Mission – our purpose – remains constant: To deploy, fight and win our nation’s wars by providing ready, prompt & sustained land dominance by Army forces across the full spectrum of conflict as part of the joint force.

    Interested in joining the U.S. Army?
    Visit: spr.ly/6001igl5L

    Connect with the U.S. Army online:
    Web: https://www.army.mil
    Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/USarmy/
    X: https://www.twitter.com/USArmy
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    LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/us-army
    #USArmy #Soldiers #Military #Shorts

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fXz-XUdR48E

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-Evening Report: Cyclone Alfred to cost budget $1.2 billion, hit growth and push up inflation: Chalmers

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Cyclone Alfred will cost the March 25 budget at least A$1.2 billion, hit growth and put pressure on inflation, Treasurer Jim Chalmers says.

    In a Tuesday speech previewing the budget, Chalmers will also say that on preliminary estimates, the cyclone’s immediate hit to GDP is expected to be up to $1.2 billion, which could wipe a quarter of a percentage point off quarterly growth.

    “It could also lead to upward pressure on inflation. From building costs to damaged crops raising prices for staples like fruit and vegetables,” Chalmers says in the speech, an extract of which has been released ahead of delivery.

    The treasurer says the temporary shutting of businesses due to the cyclone lost about 12 million work hours.

    By last Thursday, 44,000 insurance claims had been lodged. Early modelling indicated losses covered by the Cyclone Reinsurance Pool were about $1.7 billion.

    The estimated costs to the budget, which are over the forward estimates period, are preliminary.

    The government has already co-sponsored with the states $30 million in support for immediate recovery costs, Chalmers says. Millions of dollars are being provided in hardship payments.

    “The budget will reflect some of those immediate costs and we’ll make sensible provisions for more to come,” he says.

    “I expect that these costs and these new provisions will be in the order of at least $1.2 billion […] and that means a big new pressure on the budget.”

    This is in addition to the already budgeted for disaster relief.

    “At MYEFO, we’d already booked $11.6 billion for disaster support nationally over the forward estimates.

    “With all of this extra funding we expect that to rise to at least $13.5 billion when accounting for our provisioning, social security costs and other disaster related support.”

    Chalmers will again argue in the speech his recent theme – that the economy has turned a corner. This is despite the global uncertainty that includes the Trump tariff policies, the full extent of which is yet to be spelled out.

    Australia is bracing for the possibility our beef export trade could be caught in a new tariff round to be unveiled early next month.

    Despite last week’s rebuff to its efforts to get an exemption from the aluminium and steel 25% tariffs, the government has vowed to fight on for a carve out from that, as well as trying to head off any further imposts on exports to the US.

    In seeking the exemption, Australia was unsuccessful in trying to leverage its abundance of critical minerals, which are much sought after by the US.

    Trade Minister Don Farrell told Sky on Sunday:

    What we need to do is find out what it is that the Americans want in terms of this relationship between Australia and the United States and then make President Trump an offer he can’t refuse.

    In Tuesday’s speech, Chalmers is expected to say the budget will contain fewer surprises than might be the case with other budgets.

    This is because this budget – which would have been avoided if the cyclone had not ruled out an April 12 election – comes after the flurry of announcements already made this year and before further announcements in the campaign for the May election.

    Those announcements already made include:

    • $8.5 billion to boost Medicare

    • $644 million for new Urgent Care Clinics

    • a multi-billion dollar package to save Whyalla Steelworks

    • $7.2 billion for the Bruce Highway and other infrastructure

    • funds for enhanced childcare and to provide some
      student debt relief

    • new and amended listings for contraception, endometriosis and IVF on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme.




    Read more:
    Labor and the Coalition have pledged to raise GP bulk billing. Here’s what the Medicare boost means for patients


    Deloitte Access Economics in its budget monitor predicts the budget will have a deficit of $26.1 billion for 2024-25.

    Deloitte’s Stephen Smith said that although a $26.1 billion deficit was slightly smaller than forecast in the December budget update, the longer-term structural deterioration should be “a reality check for politicians wanting to announce election sweeteners in the weeks ahead”.

    Deloitte projects a deficit of nearly $50 billion in 2025-26.

    Open to a ‘small’ Ukraine peacekeeping role

    Over the weekend, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese took part in the “coalition of the willing” virtual meeting convened by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer in support of Ukraine.

    The meeting also included Ukraine, France, Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Greece, Italy, Poland, Bulgaria, the Scandinavian countries, Canada and New Zealand. The United States did not participate. President Donald Trump is trying to force an agreement between Ukraine and Russia to end the conflict.

    Albanese reiterated after the meeting: “Australia is open to considering any requests to contribute to a future peacekeeping effort in support of the just and lasting peace we all want to Ukraine”.

    He added the obvious point: “Of course, peacekeeping missions by definition require a precondition of peace”.

    Albanese said that any Australian contribution to a Ukraine peacekeeping force would be “small”.

    Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has opposed sending Australians to a peacekeeping force.




    Read more:
    Politics with Michelle Grattan: Peter Dutton on why he’s not Australia’s Trump – ‘I’m my own person’


    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Cyclone Alfred to cost budget $1.2 billion, hit growth and push up inflation: Chalmers – https://theconversation.com/cyclone-alfred-to-cost-budget-1-2billion-hit-growth-and-push-up-inflation-chalmers-252171

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Economics: CBB holds first Board meeting for 2025

    Source: Central Bank of Bahrain

    CBB holds first Board meeting for 2025

    Published on 16 March 2025

    Manama, Kingdom of Bahrain – 16 March 2025 – The Central Bank of Bahrain’s (CBB) Board of Directors held its first meeting for the year 2025, chaired by Mr. Hassan Khalifa Al Jalahma on Sunday, 16 March 2025.

    The Board reviewed the topics on the agenda and approved the CBB’s annual report and audited financial statements for the year 2024. The Board also discussed the CBB’s investment policy for 2025, and reviewed the CBB’s activities thus far in 2025.

    The Board also reviewed key monetary and banking indicators for the year 2024 including the money supply, which increased by BD0.3 billion to reach BD 16.3 billion at the end of December 2024, compared to the same period in 2023. As for retail banks, total private deposits increased to around BD14.2 billion at the end of December 2024, an increase of 0.4% compared to the end of December 2023. The outstanding balance of total loans and credit facilities extended to resident economic sectors increased to BD12.3 billion at the end of December 2024, an increase of 4.6% compared to the end of 2023, with the Business Sector accounting for 42.3% and the Personal Sector at 48.3% of total loans and credit facilities.  The balance sheet of the banking system (retail banks and wholesale sector banks) increased to $247.8 billion at the end of December 2024, an increase of 3.9% compared to the end December of 2023.

    Point of Sales (POS) data for January 2025 totaled 21.2 million transactions (77.4% of which were contactless), an increase of 25.4% compared to the same period in 2024. The total value of POS transactions for January 2025 totaled BD 433.0 million (51.9% of which were contactless), an increase of 14.6% compared to the same period in 2024.

    The banking sector maintained a high level of capital adequacy and liquidity, as the capital adequacy ratio of the banking sector reached 21.2% in Q4 2024 compared with 19.7% in Q4 2023. The capital adequacy ratio for the various banking sectors was 32.0% for conventional retail banks, 16.9% for conventional wholesale banks, 24.6% for Islamic retail banks, and 19.6% for Islamic wholesale banks in Q4 2024.

    The total number of registered Collective Investment Undertakings (CIUs) as of January 2025 stood at 1741 CIUs, compared to 1678 funds as of January 2024. The net asset value (NAV) of the CIUs increased from US $11.139 billion in Q4 2023 to US $11.170 billion in Q4 2024, reflecting an increase of 0.3%. The NAV of Bahrain domiciled CIUs decreased from US $4.309 billion in Q4 2023 to US $4.268 billion in Q4 2024, reflecting a decrease of 1%. The NAV of overseas domiciled CIUs increased from US $6.830 billion in Q4 2023 to US $6.902 billion in Q4 2024, reflecting an increase of 1.1%. Additionally, the NAV of Shari’a-compliant CIUs increased from US $1.618 billion in Q4 2023 to US $1.715 billion in Q4 2024, reflecting an increase of 6%.

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: NZ & India launch Comprehensive FTA negotiations

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Trade and Investment Minister Todd McClay today announced New Zealand and India have formally launched negotiations on a Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement.

    Mr McClay held extensive discussions with his Indian counterpart Piyush Goyal in New Delhi today, where they agreed to launch negotiations.

    “This announcement is a major breakthrough in the economic relationship between India and New Zealand,” Christopher Luxon says.

    “When we came into Government 16 months ago, we made it clear that closer economic ties with India was a key priority.

    “Currently the fifth-largest economy in the world, with a population of 1.4 billion people, India holds significant potential for New Zealand and will play a pivotal role in doubling New Zealand’s exports by value over the next ten years.

    “This announcement comes off the back of a major lift in political engagement with India. Todd McCay has visited five times and had eight meetings with his Indian counterpart. Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters has also visited, and I had a highly productive meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi last year.

    A Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement is only one part of the Government’s commitment to stepping up all facets of the New Zealand-India relationship.

    Trade and Investment Minister Todd McClay says alongside trade agreement negotiations, New Zealand will continue to invest in stronger, deeper, more sustainable connections with India across all pillars of the relationship, including our political, defence and security, sporting, environmental, and people-to-people connections.

    “One in four Kiwi jobs rely on trade and last year our export revenue added $100 billion to the economy. Strong agreements and relationships like this ensure every New Zealander has good job opportunities, higher wages and access to world-class public services,” Mr McClay says.

    Negotiations will start next month.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Ghana’s poor are the ones who suffer most from corruption: history offers some ideas about fighting back

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ernest Harsch, Researcher, Institute of African Studies, Columbia University, Columbia University

    It didn’t take long for the new government of John Mahama in Ghana to find a dramatic way to highlight its commitment to combating corruption. On 12 February 2025 his special prosecutor declared the previous finance minister a “wanted fugitive” for going abroad to evade questioning for suspected financial irregularities, before later agreeing to schedule a return.

    In that one move, the government of Mahama’s National Democratic Congress sounded a couple of familiar notes from past campaigns. First, that the widespread graft so many Ghanaians bemoan was largely the fault of the other party, in this case the New Patriotic Party, voted out the previous December. And second, that dishonesty and misconduct are most damaging when they involve high public officials.

    The reality of corruption lived by ordinary Ghanaians is far more complicated than that. Across the past 30 years of electoral democracy, both parties have been tainted by scandal and malfeasance. And over the country’s much longer history, as I detail in a new book, Ghanaians have complained about a wide range of misdeeds by figures in both the public and private realms, in positions high and low.

    Ordinary people have often challenged abuses, misdeeds and outright theft by the wealthy and powerful. They did so well before the territory’s indigenous societies were subjugated by Britain and incorporated into its Gold Coast colony.

    Based on my research into corruption over Ghana’s centuries-long history, it’s clear to me that the effectiveness of any new initiatives depends as much on action from below as from above. Poor people feel the effects of corruption and exploitation more acutely than the better off. And if they are organised they can push the authorities to be more active in rooting out fraud and graft.

    Pre-colonial anticorruption actions

    The strongest precolonial society was Asante, an empire that ruled over a wide area of what is today Ghana. At times, the excesses and injustices of Asante’s monarchs provoked turmoil, fuelled by anger among elites and ordinary people alike.

    One, Kofi Kakari, was dethroned in 1874 after violating established norms by removing gold ornaments from a sacred mausoleum. His successor, Mensa Bonsu, prompted a popular insurgency and was finally overthrown in 1883 by an alliance of junior aristocrats and commoners.

    Meanwhile, the coastal areas populated by Fante developed a more institutionalised method of ensuring chiefly accountability. Commoner-led defence groups, known locally as asafo, which performed a range of civic functions, could depose unpopular chiefs. In some removal ceremonies asafo members seized a chief and bumped his buttocks on the ground three times.

    According to Ghanaian social anthropologist Maxwell Owusu, asafo companies

    had a sacred duty to safeguard the interests of the wider local community against rulers or leaders who misused or abused their power.

    The asafo remained active into the early colonial period. In the 1920s, however, the colonial administration curtailed their powers, to protect chiefs willing to implement colonial orders.

    Echoes of asafo could still be heard many decades later. Following a succession of postcolonial administrations, Ghana erupted in widespread mobilisations against corruption and injustice. The popular outpourings of 1979 and the early 1980s were set off by two lower-rank coups led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings. Recalling past traditions of resistance, protesters sang asafo war songs, beat drums, and employed other popular rituals.

    Many of those activists regarded corruption not as a failing of individuals in high office, but as a problem rooted in Ghana’s class-divided society. As one leading figure of the new People’s Defence Committees put it in 1982:

    Corruption … is the product of a social system and enriches a minority of the people whilst having the opposite effect on the majority.

    Soon the Rawlings government moved towards accommodation with both western financial circles and domestic elites. The youth-led defence committees were purged and eventually abolished.

    The multiparty era

    Radical social perspectives persisted into the era of multiparty electoral democracy, though not in the two mainstream parties. Both say they are opposed to corruption. But according to critics like political scientist Kwame Ninsin, they in effect take turns at the helm to “control the state for private accumulation”.

    Most official anticorruption strategies tend to ignore political contention and social distinctions. And the standard international corruption ratings of Transparency International largely rely on external financial and investor assessments.

    Afrobarometer research surveys provide a more comprehensive view. In 2019, for example, Afrobarometer interviewers asked Ghanaians whether corruption had worsened over the previous year. Some 67% of those living in greater poverty said it had, while only 47% of the better off thought so. And although poor respondents also cited misdeeds by high officials, they often stressed more tangible aspects in their daily lives, such as having to pay bribes to local police or to obtain health or education services.

    Some corruption scholars see benefits to “frying big fish”, to publicly demonstrate their seriousness. Ghanaian governments have a long history of doing that, however, and face an increasingly sceptical public. To be more credible, anticorruption campaigns cannot target only the opposing party or just those at the heights of power.

    Strengths and weaknesses

    Ghana now has a range of laws and institutions to combat graft, fraud and other injustices. Some focus on exposure and punishment, both through the regular courts and through institutions such as the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, which annually hears thousands of citizens’ complaints.

    Some official actions stress prevention. High office-holders have to declare their families’ assets, to make it harder to hide illegal wealth. Mahama made his own declaration of assets public, the first president ever to do so.

    Government anticorruption measures have improved over the years. But they still suffer from bureaucratic inertia and limited commitment. That’s why many activists argue against relying solely on politicians.

    The effectiveness of any new initiatives by Mahama or other officials depends as much on action from below as from above. After all, it’s ordinary Ghanaians who know where corruption pinches them the most.

    – Ghana’s poor are the ones who suffer most from corruption: history offers some ideas about fighting back
    – https://theconversation.com/ghanas-poor-are-the-ones-who-suffer-most-from-corruption-history-offers-some-ideas-about-fighting-back-250821

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Middle Eastern monarchies in Sudan’s war: what’s driving their interests

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Federico Donelli, Assistant Professor of International Relations, University of Trieste

    The civil war in Sudan that began in April 2023 involves several external actors. The conflict pits the Sudanese Armed Forces against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces in a quest for political and economic power. The situation has created one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Various foreign states have picked a side to support. They include Chad, Egypt, Iran, Libya, Qatar, Russia, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

    In particular, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are providing financial and military support to the warring parties, although they have denied it. Political scientist Federico Donelli, who has studied the influence of these Gulf monarchies in Sudan, unpacks the implications of their intervention.

    How did the UAE and Saudi Arabia get involved in Sudan?

    Domestic factors within Sudan were the primary triggers for the outbreak of the civil war. Framing the Sudanese conflict as a proxy war may underestimate or overlook important internal variables.

    But it’s also important to highlight the indirect involvement of other states. In the Horn of Africa region, Sudan has interacted the most with Middle Eastern states over the past two decades. Among these states, two Gulf monarchies – Saudi Arabia and the UAE – stand out.

    Political relations between Saudi Arabia and Sudan date back to the independence of the Sudanese state in 1956. And people-to-people links have flourished over centuries. This is largely because Sudan is geographically close to Saudi and the two Muslim holy cities of Mecca (Makkah) and Medina.

    The case of the UAE is different. Since the beginning of the new millennium, the Emirates have expanded their economic and financial influence in Africa, investing in niche sectors such as port logistics. Sudan in particular came to the fore for the Emirates at the end of the 2010s when regional balances shifted before and after the Arab uprisings.

    Between 2014 and 2015, Saudi Arabia and UAE influence in Sudanese politics increased under President Omar al-Bashir. Both monarchies wanted to counter Iran’s ability to project power into the Red Sea and in Yemen. In 2015, after breaking off relations with Iran, Sudan contributed 10,000 troops to a Saudi-led military operation in Yemen to fight Houthi rebels. Both the Sudanese army and paramilitary forces took part, and personal links were forged.

    In the post-Bashir era that began in 2019, Saudi and UAE influence has continued to grow, thanks to those direct links.

    In general, both monarchies are status seekers. In a changing international context, Sudan is a testing ground for their ability to influence and shape future political settlements.

    Seeing the post-2019 transition as an opportunity to influence Sudan’s regional standing, the two monarchies chose to support different factions within Sudan’s security apparatus. This external support exacerbated internal competition.

    Riyadh, in conjunction with Egypt, maintained close ties with army leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. Abu Dhabi aligned itself with the head of the Rapid Support Forces, Mohamed Dagalo, or Hemedti.

    Since 2019, the relationship between the UAE and Saudi Arabia has changed. After more than a decade of strategic convergence, especially on regional issues, the two Gulf monarchies began to diverge on issues like their view on political Islam. This divergence has been evident in various crisis scenarios, including in Sudan.

    Although both countries jointly supported the initial Sudanese transition after Bashir’s ouster, the deterioration of relations between Hemedti and al-Burhan created conditions for a showdown between the two monarchies.

    However, the conflict in Sudan didn’t break out because of the rift between the UAE and Saudi Arabia. But Sudan’s local actors felt able to go to war because they were aware of external support. And once the conflict broke out, both monarchies were reluctant to withdraw local support lest they appear weak in the eyes of their regional counterpart.

    Why is Sudan important to these countries?

    My recent study with political scientist Abigail Kabandula shows that the UAE and Saudi Arabia gradually increased their presence in Sudan after the 2011 Arab uprisings. The fall of some regimes, including Egypt, made the two Gulf monarchies fear that instability could entangle them.

    Our analysis identifies two main reasons for the two countries’ influence in Sudan:

    • changes to the regional power structure

    • the strategic importance of the Horn of Africa.

    The US pivot to Asia – shifting resources from the Middle East to the Pacific – and the Arab Spring protests increased uncertainty among Gulf states. This led to a realignment of regional power dynamics and the formation of rival blocs. As a result, the UAE and Saudi Arabia sought closer ties with African countries. In Sudan, the relationship has developed through both military and political engagement.

    Our analysis shows an increase in both countries’ interest in Sudan between 2012 and 2020. However, our research also highlighted some key differences in their growing influence.

    In the early years after the Arab uprisings, the UAE’s influence grew rapidly, driven by concerns about the spread of protests. This was particularly important given Sudan’s proximity to Egypt.

    Saudi Arabia maintained a more stable level of influence from 2010 to 2020. This was despite Riyadh also initially fearing the spread of the protests.

    Both Gulf states were wary of al-Bashir’s growing ties with Turkey and Qatar, which they feared would strengthen a pro-Islamist bloc in the region. However, after Bashir’s overthrow in 2019, their approaches began to diverge.

    The two Gulf monarchies view Sudan as a key country because of its geographical location.

    Sudan is situated between two major regions – the Sahel and the Red Sea – characterised by instability and conflict. These regions face interconnected challenges: political instability, poverty, food insecurity, and internal and external wars. They also face population displacement, transnational crime and the threat of jihadist groups.

    Moreover, Sudan is an important link between the Mediterranean and sub-Saharan Africa. The country is a crossroads, influencing current and future geostrategic dynamics in the region.

    The Gulf monarchies, including Qatar, have also invested heavily – between US$1.5 billion and US$2 billion – in Sudan’s agri-food sector, which is vital to their food security. Sudan, with its abundant water resources, offers a large amount of fertile land, making it attractive to Gulf companies.

    What can we expect to see next?

    Similar to other current global crises – such as those in Ukraine, the Middle East and the Democratic Republic of Congo – the conflict in Sudan seems difficult to resolve through negotiations. Two main factors contribute to this difficulty.

    First, both parties see the victory of one side as entirely dependent on the defeat of the other. Such logic leaves no room for a win-win solution. Second, the current international context supports the continuation of hostilities. The global shifting balance of power provides both warring parties with opportunities for external support. This complicates efforts to find a peaceful solution.

    There are now two centres of power and governance in the country. It is likely that this division will become more pronounced.

    – Middle Eastern monarchies in Sudan’s war: what’s driving their interests
    – https://theconversation.com/middle-eastern-monarchies-in-sudans-war-whats-driving-their-interests-251825

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Who owns digital data about you? South African legal scholar weighs up property and privacy rights

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Donrich Thaldar, Professor, University of KwaZulu-Natal

    In the digital economy, data is more than just information – it is an asset with immense economic and strategic value. Yet, despite its significance, a fundamental legal question remains unresolved: Can data be owned? While privacy laws worldwide focus on protecting individuals’ rights over their personal data, they often sidestep the issue of ownership. This has led to legal uncertainty, particularly in South Africa, where the Protection of Personal Information Act (Popia) grants data subjects various rights over their personal information but does not explicitly address ownership.

    This gap in legal clarity raises pressing questions: If personal data – such as private health information – exists within a vast and ever-growing digital landscape, can it be owned? And if so, who holds the rightful claim?

    Legal academic Donrich Thaldar, whose research focuses on data governance, explores these questions in a recent academic article. He unpacks his findings for The Conversation Africa.

    Why does it matter who owns data?

    In today’s digital economy, data is the most valuable asset – it’s often referred to as “the new oil”. Whether in commerce, research, or social interactions, the ability to generate, use and trade with data is central to economic competitiveness.

    If data ownership is not clearly established, it could stifle innovation and investment. Companies require legal certainty to operate effectively in a knowledge-driven economy.

    Countries have taken different legal approaches to tackling the question of who owns data. China, for instance, formally recognises the proprietary rights of data generators, meaning that businesses and individuals who generate data have legally defined rights over its use and commercialisation. This provides legal support for the country’s digital industries.

    What does South African law say?

    In the past, the South African Information Regulator has taken the position that personal information is automatically owned by the data subject – the person to whom the data relates – rather than by the entity generating the data. In this view, the rights created by Popia imply that data subjects themselves are the owners of their personal data, and nobody else.

    I suggest that this stance is legally flawed, as it conflates two different branches of the law: privacy law and property law. Moreover, it could severely disrupt the digital economy. The digital economy depends on data as a tradeable asset – it must be capable of being sold, licensed and commercialised like any other economic object. If ownership must always be with data subjects, businesses face uncertainty in using and monetising data. Uncertainty stifles innovation, discourages investment, and undermines South Africa’s digital competitiveness.

    You applied property law to the question of data ownership. Why?

    Ownership is a concept in property law, not privacy law. Therefore, to answer the data ownership question, we need to look for answers in property law.

    Property law governs the relationship between subjects (legal persons) and objects (things external to the body, whether physical or not). Ownership is about the rights that a subject has over an object. For an object to be capable of being owned, it must be valuable, useful, and – importantly – capable of human control. A bottle of water meets these criteria, but the vast oceans do not, as they are not within human control.

    Personal data in the abstract is like the water in the ocean – vast, uncontained, and beyond individual control. However, a digital instance of personal data, such as a computer file, is more like a bottled version of that water – defined and subject to human control. Just like digital money and other valuable digital assets, a specific instance of personal data meets all the requirements under South African common law for private ownership. Thus, in this sense personal data can be owned.

    Is the data owner not the data subject?

    At first glance this might seem so, but no, not necessarily. The reason that it might seem so, is because some of the privacy rights created by Popia resemble ownership rights. For example, an owner’s agreement is required before someone else can use the owned object (e.g., loan for use and rent). Similarly, a data subject’s consent is in most cases required before personal data can be processed. Furthermore, the owner of a thing has the right to destroy it; similarly, a data subject typically has the right to have personal data deleted.

    Do these privacy rights mean that data subjects actually own their personal data? I suggest not. Wearing a feather in one’s hat does not make one a bird. In the same way, privacy rights that resemble ownership rights do not mean that they constitute ownership. Ownership is acquired by following the rules of property law.

    So who owns the data?

    Because a newly created personal data instance has no antecedent legal object – in other words, it is not created out of another legal object – it initially belongs to no one. It is res nullius. Ownership of res nullius is acquired through appropriation, which requires two elements: control and the intention to own.

    This means that the entity generating the data, such as a company or university collecting and recording it, is best positioned to acquire ownership. Since it already has control over the data, the only remaining requirement is simply the intention to be the owner.

    If an entity like a university generates data and intends to own it, then – provided it is in control of that data – it will legally become the owner. This in principle allows the entity to use, license and trade the data as an economic asset. Indeed, it is prudent for data-generating entities, such as universities, to explicitly assert ownership over the data they produce. This not only establishes their legal rights with clarity but also serves as a safeguard against unauthorised access and misuse by malicious actors.

    Doesn’t this compromise data privacy?

    No, it should not. Ownership is always limited by other legal rules. For example, while I might own a car, I cannot drive it in any way I like – I must obey the rules of the road. Similarly, ownership of personal data is subject to strict limitations, particularly the privacy rights of data subjects under Popia.

    However, it is also important to understand that privacy rights apply only to personal data. If personal data is de-identified, meaning that it can no longer be linked to the data subjects, privacy rights cease to apply. What remains are the ownership rights in the data itself. It can be a fully tradeable asset.

    Recognising that a digital instance of personal data can be owned – and that the rightful owner is typically the data generator – does not undermine the privacy protections of Popia. Rather, it clarifies the legal landscape, ensuring that the rights of both data subjects and data generators are recognised and protected.

    – Who owns digital data about you? South African legal scholar weighs up property and privacy rights
    – https://theconversation.com/who-owns-digital-data-about-you-south-african-legal-scholar-weighs-up-property-and-privacy-rights-249741

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Committing to our calendar of crowd favourite events

    Source: New South Wales Ministerial News

    Published: 15 March 2025

    Released by: Minister for the Arts, Minister for Music and the Night-time Economy, Minister for Tourism


    Fourteen iconic events from Sydney’s Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras to the TCS Sydney Marathon and Tamworth’s Country Music Festival, will benefit from less red tape in recognition of their importance to our state’s identity.

    The Minns Labor Government is introducing a new events framework, and announcing the first round of Foundation Events, to secure our calendar of events, including the Sydney Festival, the Parkes Elvis Festival, Vivid Sydney and the Bathurst 1000.

    Events are a significant contributor to the NSW visitor economy. In 2023-24, events supported by the Destination NSW alone delivered $1 billion in visitor expenditure for the state. In classifying these events as foundation, we not only protect them but also ensure their ongoing contribution to the NSW visitor economy, support for local businesses and role as jobs creators.

    The new framework complements the NSW Government’s focus on experience tourism to keep visitors coming back to enjoy our iconic events time and again.

    The event framework recognises that foundation events contribute not just economically but to the cultural fabric and tradition of the state. For example, the NRL Grand Final should be assessed and supported differently to a travelling Premier League match due to its significance over many decades to NSW. 

    Beyond generating economic value through direct event visitation, the framework will assess the social contribution and community benefits, as well as social and cultural legacy of events.

    The event framework gives event organisers certainty, which allows them to innovate with programming, drives culture, connects communities and generates economic growth.

    Foundation Events will be assessed differently, and provided additional support –

    • Prioritised for a minimum 3-year Strategic Investment Agreement with Destination NSW (or 3 events for bi-annual events) with renewals negotiated one year prior to the last event. This gives events greater certainty and room to plan.
    • A more favourable regulatory environment will support events to maximise benefits for the community.
    • An event assessment approach which provides greater consideration of strategic, economic, marketing and brand, social and cultural benefits.

    Events included in the first round of Foundation Events

    • Bathurst 1000
    • Biennale of Sydney
    • Bluesfest
    • Broken Hill Mundi Mundi Bash
    • Deni Ute Muster
    • NRL Men’s & Women’s Grand Final
    • Parkes Elvis Festival
    • Sydney Festival
    • Sydney Fringe Festival
    • Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras
    • SXSW Sydney
    • Tamworth Country Music Festival
    • TCS Sydney Marathon
    • Vivid Sydney

    This list will be reviewed periodically, and more events will be announced in the future.

    Minister for Arts, Tourism, Music and the Night-Time Economy, John Graham said:

    “We are building the calendar and investing for growth. These events light up the calendar, they have become part of who we are, and it’s time we give them the recognition and certainty they deserve.

    “The NSW calendar has an incredible line up of events, special times in our annual calendar that allow us to come together for iconic moments. The foundation events framework gives these festivals certainty so they can keep producing these important experiences for us all to share.

    “What these incredibly fun and unique events speak to, is government supporting local communities to play to their strengths and then tell their local story to the world. Locals know what works in their patch. We support them to do it!

    “The foundation events framework gives events certainty, which drives culture, connects communities and generates economic growth.”

    Background

    • The three new event categories
      • Foundation Events: Regular, recurring events that may grow in size and significance over time. These events are often essential to NSW’s identity and visitor economy.
      • Major Events: Large-scale events that bring in significant visitor economy and economic benefits. They could happen once or several times and have a major impact on an area.
      • Local Events: These events are typically smaller in scale and contribute to a local visitor economy and the community.
    • The stage process:
      • Step 1: Classify the event
      • Step 2: Assess the event based on criteria
      • Step 3: Make a recommendation and prioritise

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ghana’s poor are the ones who suffer most from corruption: history offers some ideas about fighting back

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ernest Harsch, Researcher, Institute of African Studies, Columbia University, Columbia University

    It didn’t take long for the new government of John Mahama in Ghana to find a dramatic way to highlight its commitment to combating corruption. On 12 February 2025 his special prosecutor declared the previous finance minister a “wanted fugitive” for going abroad to evade questioning for suspected financial irregularities, before later agreeing to schedule a return.

    In that one move, the government of Mahama’s National Democratic Congress sounded a couple of familiar notes from past campaigns. First, that the widespread graft so many Ghanaians bemoan was largely the fault of the other party, in this case the New Patriotic Party, voted out the previous December. And second, that dishonesty and misconduct are most damaging when they involve high public officials.

    The reality of corruption lived by ordinary Ghanaians is far more complicated than that. Across the past 30 years of electoral democracy, both parties have been tainted by scandal and malfeasance. And over the country’s much longer history, as I detail in a new book, Ghanaians have complained about a wide range of misdeeds by figures in both the public and private realms, in positions high and low.

    Ordinary people have often challenged abuses, misdeeds and outright theft by the wealthy and powerful. They did so well before the territory’s indigenous societies were subjugated by Britain and incorporated into its Gold Coast colony.

    Based on my research into corruption over Ghana’s centuries-long history, it’s clear to me that the effectiveness of any new initiatives depends as much on action from below as from above. Poor people feel the effects of corruption and exploitation more acutely than the better off. And if they are organised they can push the authorities to be more active in rooting out fraud and graft.

    Pre-colonial anticorruption actions

    The strongest precolonial society was Asante, an empire that ruled over a wide area of what is today Ghana. At times, the excesses and injustices of Asante’s monarchs provoked turmoil, fuelled by anger among elites and ordinary people alike.

    One, Kofi Kakari, was dethroned in 1874 after violating established norms by removing gold ornaments from a sacred mausoleum. His successor, Mensa Bonsu, prompted a popular insurgency and was finally overthrown in 1883 by an alliance of junior aristocrats and commoners.

    Meanwhile, the coastal areas populated by Fante developed a more institutionalised method of ensuring chiefly accountability. Commoner-led defence groups, known locally as asafo, which performed a range of civic functions, could depose unpopular chiefs. In some removal ceremonies asafo members seized a chief and bumped his buttocks on the ground three times.

    According to Ghanaian social anthropologist Maxwell Owusu, asafo companies

    had a sacred duty to safeguard the interests of the wider local community against rulers or leaders who misused or abused their power.

    The asafo remained active into the early colonial period. In the 1920s, however, the colonial administration curtailed their powers, to protect chiefs willing to implement colonial orders.

    Echoes of asafo could still be heard many decades later. Following a succession of postcolonial administrations, Ghana erupted in widespread mobilisations against corruption and injustice. The popular outpourings of 1979 and the early 1980s were set off by two lower-rank coups led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings. Recalling past traditions of resistance, protesters sang asafo war songs, beat drums, and employed other popular rituals.

    Many of those activists regarded corruption not as a failing of individuals in high office, but as a problem rooted in Ghana’s class-divided society. As one leading figure of the new People’s Defence Committees put it in 1982:

    Corruption … is the product of a social system and enriches a minority of the people whilst having the opposite effect on the majority.

    Soon the Rawlings government moved towards accommodation with both western financial circles and domestic elites. The youth-led defence committees were purged and eventually abolished.

    The multiparty era

    Radical social perspectives persisted into the era of multiparty electoral democracy, though not in the two mainstream parties. Both say they are opposed to corruption. But according to critics like political scientist Kwame Ninsin, they in effect take turns at the helm to “control the state for private accumulation”.

    Most official anticorruption strategies tend to ignore political contention and social distinctions. And the standard international corruption ratings of Transparency International largely rely on external financial and investor assessments.

    Afrobarometer research surveys provide a more comprehensive view. In 2019, for example, Afrobarometer interviewers asked Ghanaians whether corruption had worsened over the previous year. Some 67% of those living in greater poverty said it had, while only 47% of the better off thought so. And although poor respondents also cited misdeeds by high officials, they often stressed more tangible aspects in their daily lives, such as having to pay bribes to local police or to obtain health or education services.

    Some corruption scholars see benefits to “frying big fish”, to publicly demonstrate their seriousness. Ghanaian governments have a long history of doing that, however, and face an increasingly sceptical public. To be more credible, anticorruption campaigns cannot target only the opposing party or just those at the heights of power.

    Strengths and weaknesses

    Ghana now has a range of laws and institutions to combat graft, fraud and other injustices. Some focus on exposure and punishment, both through the regular courts and through institutions such as the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, which annually hears thousands of citizens’ complaints.

    Some official actions stress prevention. High office-holders have to declare their families’ assets, to make it harder to hide illegal wealth. Mahama made his own declaration of assets public, the first president ever to do so.

    Government anticorruption measures have improved over the years. But they still suffer from bureaucratic inertia and limited commitment. That’s why many activists argue against relying solely on politicians.

    The effectiveness of any new initiatives by Mahama or other officials depends as much on action from below as from above. After all, it’s ordinary Ghanaians who know where corruption pinches them the most.

    Ernest Harsch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Ghana’s poor are the ones who suffer most from corruption: history offers some ideas about fighting back – https://theconversation.com/ghanas-poor-are-the-ones-who-suffer-most-from-corruption-history-offers-some-ideas-about-fighting-back-250821

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Middle Eastern monarchies in Sudan’s war: what’s driving their interests

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Federico Donelli, Assistant Professor of International Relations, University of Trieste

    The civil war in Sudan that began in April 2023 involves several external actors. The conflict pits the Sudanese Armed Forces against the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces in a quest for political and economic power. The situation has created one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Various foreign states have picked a side to support. They include Chad, Egypt, Iran, Libya, Qatar, Russia, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

    In particular, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are providing financial and military support to the warring parties, although they have denied it. Political scientist Federico Donelli, who has studied the influence of these Gulf monarchies in Sudan, unpacks the implications of their intervention.

    How did the UAE and Saudi Arabia get involved in Sudan?

    Domestic factors within Sudan were the primary triggers for the outbreak of the civil war. Framing the Sudanese conflict as a proxy war may underestimate or overlook important internal variables.

    But it’s also important to highlight the indirect involvement of other states. In the Horn of Africa region, Sudan has interacted the most with Middle Eastern states over the past two decades. Among these states, two Gulf monarchies – Saudi Arabia and the UAE – stand out.

    Political relations between Saudi Arabia and Sudan date back to the independence of the Sudanese state in 1956. And people-to-people links have flourished over centuries. This is largely because Sudan is geographically close to Saudi and the two Muslim holy cities of Mecca (Makkah) and Medina.

    The case of the UAE is different. Since the beginning of the new millennium, the Emirates have expanded their economic and financial influence in Africa, investing in niche sectors such as port logistics. Sudan in particular came to the fore for the Emirates at the end of the 2010s when regional balances shifted before and after the Arab uprisings.

    Between 2014 and 2015, Saudi Arabia and UAE influence in Sudanese politics increased under President Omar al-Bashir. Both monarchies wanted to counter Iran’s ability to project power into the Red Sea and in Yemen. In 2015, after breaking off relations with Iran, Sudan contributed 10,000 troops to a Saudi-led military operation in Yemen to fight Houthi rebels. Both the Sudanese army and paramilitary forces took part, and personal links were forged.

    In the post-Bashir era that began in 2019, Saudi and UAE influence has continued to grow, thanks to those direct links.

    In general, both monarchies are status seekers. In a changing international context, Sudan is a testing ground for their ability to influence and shape future political settlements.

    Seeing the post-2019 transition as an opportunity to influence Sudan’s regional standing, the two monarchies chose to support different factions within Sudan’s security apparatus. This external support exacerbated internal competition.

    Riyadh, in conjunction with Egypt, maintained close ties with army leader Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. Abu Dhabi aligned itself with the head of the Rapid Support Forces, Mohamed Dagalo, or Hemedti.

    Since 2019, the relationship between the UAE and Saudi Arabia has changed. After more than a decade of strategic convergence, especially on regional issues, the two Gulf monarchies began to diverge on issues like their view on political Islam. This divergence has been evident in various crisis scenarios, including in Sudan.

    Although both countries jointly supported the initial Sudanese transition after Bashir’s ouster, the deterioration of relations between Hemedti and al-Burhan created conditions for a showdown between the two monarchies.

    However, the conflict in Sudan didn’t break out because of the rift between the UAE and Saudi Arabia. But Sudan’s local actors felt able to go to war because they were aware of external support. And once the conflict broke out, both monarchies were reluctant to withdraw local support lest they appear weak in the eyes of their regional counterpart.

    Why is Sudan important to these countries?

    My recent study with political scientist Abigail Kabandula shows that the UAE and Saudi Arabia gradually increased their presence in Sudan after the 2011 Arab uprisings. The fall of some regimes, including Egypt, made the two Gulf monarchies fear that instability could entangle them.

    Our analysis identifies two main reasons for the two countries’ influence in Sudan:

    • changes to the regional power structure

    • the strategic importance of the Horn of Africa.

    The US pivot to Asia – shifting resources from the Middle East to the Pacific – and the Arab Spring protests increased uncertainty among Gulf states. This led to a realignment of regional power dynamics and the formation of rival blocs. As a result, the UAE and Saudi Arabia sought closer ties with African countries. In Sudan, the relationship has developed through both military and political engagement.

    Our analysis shows an increase in both countries’ interest in Sudan between 2012 and 2020. However, our research also highlighted some key differences in their growing influence.

    In the early years after the Arab uprisings, the UAE’s influence grew rapidly, driven by concerns about the spread of protests. This was particularly important given Sudan’s proximity to Egypt.

    Saudi Arabia maintained a more stable level of influence from 2010 to 2020. This was despite Riyadh also initially fearing the spread of the protests.

    Both Gulf states were wary of al-Bashir’s growing ties with Turkey and Qatar, which they feared would strengthen a pro-Islamist bloc in the region. However, after Bashir’s overthrow in 2019, their approaches began to diverge.

    The two Gulf monarchies view Sudan as a key country because of its geographical location.

    Sudan is situated between two major regions – the Sahel and the Red Sea – characterised by instability and conflict. These regions face interconnected challenges: political instability, poverty, food insecurity, and internal and external wars. They also face population displacement, transnational crime and the threat of jihadist groups.

    Moreover, Sudan is an important link between the Mediterranean and sub-Saharan Africa. The country is a crossroads, influencing current and future geostrategic dynamics in the region.

    The Gulf monarchies, including Qatar, have also invested heavily – between US$1.5 billion and US$2 billion – in Sudan’s agri-food sector, which is vital to their food security. Sudan, with its abundant water resources, offers a large amount of fertile land, making it attractive to Gulf companies.

    What can we expect to see next?

    Similar to other current global crises – such as those in Ukraine, the Middle East and the Democratic Republic of Congo – the conflict in Sudan seems difficult to resolve through negotiations. Two main factors contribute to this difficulty.

    First, both parties see the victory of one side as entirely dependent on the defeat of the other. Such logic leaves no room for a win-win solution. Second, the current international context supports the continuation of hostilities. The global shifting balance of power provides both warring parties with opportunities for external support. This complicates efforts to find a peaceful solution.

    There are now two centres of power and governance in the country. It is likely that this division will become more pronounced.

    Federico Donelli is Senior Research Associate at the Istituto di Studi di Politica Internazionale, ISPI (Milan) and Non-Resident Fellow at the Orion Policy Institute, OPI (Washington, DC).

    ref. Middle Eastern monarchies in Sudan’s war: what’s driving their interests – https://theconversation.com/middle-eastern-monarchies-in-sudans-war-whats-driving-their-interests-251825

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Who owns digital data about you? South African legal scholar weighs up property and privacy rights

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Donrich Thaldar, Professor, University of KwaZulu-Natal

    alexsl

    In the digital economy, data is more than just information – it is an asset with immense economic and strategic value. Yet, despite its significance, a fundamental legal question remains unresolved: Can data be owned? While privacy laws worldwide focus on protecting individuals’ rights over their personal data, they often sidestep the issue of ownership. This has led to legal uncertainty, particularly in South Africa, where the Protection of Personal Information Act (Popia) grants data subjects various rights over their personal information but does not explicitly address ownership.

    This gap in legal clarity raises pressing questions: If personal data – such as private health information – exists within a vast and ever-growing digital landscape, can it be owned? And if so, who holds the rightful claim?

    Legal academic Donrich Thaldar, whose research focuses on data governance, explores these questions in a recent academic article. He unpacks his findings for The Conversation Africa.

    Why does it matter who owns data?

    In today’s digital economy, data is the most valuable asset – it’s often referred to as “the new oil”. Whether in commerce, research, or social interactions, the ability to generate, use and trade with data is central to economic competitiveness.

    If data ownership is not clearly established, it could stifle innovation and investment. Companies require legal certainty to operate effectively in a knowledge-driven economy.

    Countries have taken different legal approaches to tackling the question of who owns data. China, for instance, formally recognises the proprietary rights of data generators, meaning that businesses and individuals who generate data have legally defined rights over its use and commercialisation. This provides legal support for the country’s digital industries.

    What does South African law say?

    In the past, the South African Information Regulator has taken the position that personal information is automatically owned by the data subject – the person to whom the data relates – rather than by the entity generating the data. In this view, the rights created by Popia imply that data subjects themselves are the owners of their personal data, and nobody else.

    I suggest that this stance is legally flawed, as it conflates two different branches of the law: privacy law and property law. Moreover, it could severely disrupt the digital economy. The digital economy depends on data as a tradeable asset – it must be capable of being sold, licensed and commercialised like any other economic object. If ownership must always be with data subjects, businesses face uncertainty in using and monetising data. Uncertainty stifles innovation, discourages investment, and undermines South Africa’s digital competitiveness.

    You applied property law to the question of data ownership. Why?

    Ownership is a concept in property law, not privacy law. Therefore, to answer the data ownership question, we need to look for answers in property law.

    Property law governs the relationship between subjects (legal persons) and objects (things external to the body, whether physical or not). Ownership is about the rights that a subject has over an object. For an object to be capable of being owned, it must be valuable, useful, and – importantly – capable of human control. A bottle of water meets these criteria, but the vast oceans do not, as they are not within human control.

    Personal data in the abstract is like the water in the ocean – vast, uncontained, and beyond individual control. However, a digital instance of personal data, such as a computer file, is more like a bottled version of that water – defined and subject to human control. Just like digital money and other valuable digital assets, a specific instance of personal data meets all the requirements under South African common law for private ownership. Thus, in this sense personal data can be owned.

    Is the data owner not the data subject?

    At first glance this might seem so, but no, not necessarily. The reason that it might seem so, is because some of the privacy rights created by Popia resemble ownership rights. For example, an owner’s agreement is required before someone else can use the owned object (e.g., loan for use and rent). Similarly, a data subject’s consent is in most cases required before personal data can be processed. Furthermore, the owner of a thing has the right to destroy it; similarly, a data subject typically has the right to have personal data deleted.

    Do these privacy rights mean that data subjects actually own their personal data? I suggest not. Wearing a feather in one’s hat does not make one a bird. In the same way, privacy rights that resemble ownership rights do not mean that they constitute ownership. Ownership is acquired by following the rules of property law.

    So who owns the data?

    Because a newly created personal data instance has no antecedent legal object – in other words, it is not created out of another legal object – it initially belongs to no one. It is res nullius. Ownership of res nullius is acquired through appropriation, which requires two elements: control and the intention to own.

    This means that the entity generating the data, such as a company or university collecting and recording it, is best positioned to acquire ownership. Since it already has control over the data, the only remaining requirement is simply the intention to be the owner.

    If an entity like a university generates data and intends to own it, then – provided it is in control of that data – it will legally become the owner. This in principle allows the entity to use, license and trade the data as an economic asset. Indeed, it is prudent for data-generating entities, such as universities, to explicitly assert ownership over the data they produce. This not only establishes their legal rights with clarity but also serves as a safeguard against unauthorised access and misuse by malicious actors.

    Doesn’t this compromise data privacy?

    No, it should not. Ownership is always limited by other legal rules. For example, while I might own a car, I cannot drive it in any way I like – I must obey the rules of the road. Similarly, ownership of personal data is subject to strict limitations, particularly the privacy rights of data subjects under Popia.

    However, it is also important to understand that privacy rights apply only to personal data. If personal data is de-identified, meaning that it can no longer be linked to the data subjects, privacy rights cease to apply. What remains are the ownership rights in the data itself. It can be a fully tradeable asset.

    Recognising that a digital instance of personal data can be owned – and that the rightful owner is typically the data generator – does not undermine the privacy protections of Popia. Rather, it clarifies the legal landscape, ensuring that the rights of both data subjects and data generators are recognised and protected.

    Donrich Thaldar receives funding from the NIH.

    ref. Who owns digital data about you? South African legal scholar weighs up property and privacy rights – https://theconversation.com/who-owns-digital-data-about-you-south-african-legal-scholar-weighs-up-property-and-privacy-rights-249741

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Shane Jones has no shame

    Source: Green Party

    Shane Jones’ display on Q&A showed how out of touch he and this Government are with our communities and how in sync they are with companies with little concern for people and planet. 

    “Shane Jones is nothing more than a puppet for private interest, parroting industry talking points while allowing our oceans to be exploited and abused for short-term profit that will come with long-term consequences,” says the Green Party’s spokesperson for Oceans, Teanau Tuiono.

    “Instead of pandering to industry interests, the Minister must wake up to the reality that he has a responsibility to protect our oceans so that future generations can enjoy what we have today.

    “Jones’ cushy relationship with the most exploitative elements of the fishing industry has always been pretty fishy. However, his display on Q&A was a severe case of a Minister being completely captured and controlled by corporate interest, even by his standards. 

    “Shane has no shame. On national television, he was quite happy to defend a company described by a Judge as cavalier and found guilty of bulldozing over ocean protections with repeated bottom trawling. Companies connected to this of course donated to New Zealand First. 

    “Shane also did his very best to make his industry mates proud by saying ‘there’s nothing to see here’ when it comes to the dolphins, albatrosses and other wildlife becoming caught up in the collateral damage of the industry. Despite the shocking scenes and saddening statistics cameras on boats have uncovered, Shane continued to argue against them in a bid to protect the industry from any accountability or transparency. 

    “What is clear here is that Shane Jones is not in charge, neither is the Prime Minister, the worst elements of the fishing industry are in control and the health of our ocean is at risk. 

    “However, we can feel the tide turning against this Government. Many are waking up to the fact that we can do a lot better than a government that is happy to sell out on people and planet to please a few rich mates. We deserve better and we can do better,” says Teanau Tuiono. 

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Former Filipino Duterte’s arrest by the ICC – 20 journalists killed during his presidency

    Pacific Media Watch

    Paris-based global media freedom watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has recalled that 20 journalists were killed during the six-year Philippines presidency of Rodrigo Duterte, a regime marked by fierce repression of the press.

    Former president Duterte was arrested earlier this week as part of an International Criminal Court investigation into crimes against humanity linked to his merciless war on drugs. He is now in The Hague awaiting trial.

    The watchdog has called on the administration of current President Ferdinand Marcos Jr to take strong measures to fully restore the country’s press freedom and combat impunity for the crimes against media committed by Duterte’s regime.

    “Just because you’re a journalist you are not exempted from assassination, if you’re a son of a bitch,” Rodrigo Duterte said in his inauguration speech on 30 June 2016, which set the tone for the rest of his mandate — unrestrained violence against journalists and total disregard for press freedom, said RSF in a statement.

    During the Duterte regime’s rule, RSF recorded 20 cases of journalists killed while working.

    Among them was Jesus Yutrago Malabanan, shot dead after covering Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war for Reuters.

    Online harassment surged, particularly targeting women journalists.

    Maria Ressa troll target
    The most prominent victim was Maria Ressa, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and founder of the news site Rappler, who faced an orchestrated hate campaign led by troll armies allied with the government in response to her commitment to exposing the then-president’s bloody war.

    Media outlets critical of President Duterte’s authoritarian excesses were systematically muzzled: the country’s leading television network, ABS-CBN, was forced to shut down; Rappler and Maria Ressa faced repeated lawsuits; and a businessman close to the president took over the country’s leading newspaper, the Philippine Daily Inquirer, raising concerns over its editorial independence.

    “The arrest of Rodrigo Duterte is good news for the Filipino journalism community, who were the direct targets of his campaign of terror,” said RSF’s Asia-Pacific bureau director Cédric Alviani.

    RSF’s Asia-Pacific bureau director Cédric Alviani . . . “the Filipino journalism community were the direct targets of [former president Rodrigo Duterte]’s campaign of terror.” Image: RSF

    “President Marcos and his administration must immediately investigate Duterte’s past crimes and take strong measures to fully restore the country’s press freedom.”

    The repression carried out during Duterte’s tenure continues to impact on Filipino journalism: investigative journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio has been languishing in prison since her arrest in 2020, still awaiting a verdict in her trial for “financing terrorism” and “illegal possession of firearms” — trumped-up charges that could see her sentenced to 40 years in prison.

    With 147 journalists murdered since the restoration of democracy in 1986, the Philippines remains one of the deadliest countries for media workers.

    The republic ranked 134th out of 180 in the 2024 RSF World Press Freedom Index.

    Source report from Reporters Without Borders. Pacific Media Watch collaborates with RSF.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Television interview – Sunday Agenda, Sky News

    Source: Minister for Trade

    Andrew Clennell: The Trade Minister, Don Farrell, joins me now from Adelaide. Don Farrell, thanks for your time. You’re due to talk to the US Trade Ambassador tomorrow.

    Minister for Trade: Pleased to be with you.

    Andrew Clennell: And you spoke at two o’clock Friday morning to Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick. How did your chat with Mr Lutnick go and what are you hoping to achieve with Mr Greer?

    Minister for Trade: Look, Andrew, I did speak with Commerce Secretary Lutnick. That’s the second contact we’ve had with one another since he just recently was appointed to that position. I obviously expressed my disappointment that we had not been able to reach an agreement over the suspension of tariffs on steel and aluminium. But I did say that there’s obviously a further review, and you’ve talked about some of the issues that potentially arise, that the U.S. Government is undertaking by the early part of April. I indicated to him that we want to continue to talk with them. I find that discussion is the best way to resolve these issues. Not retaliatory tariffs, but discussion. What we need to do, Andrew, is find out what it is that the Americans want in terms of this relationship between Australia and the United States and then make President Trump an offer he can’t refuse.

    Andrew Clennell: And did Howard Lutnick give you any indication of what they might be after? Because obviously you offered them some form of critical minerals deal. Did he give any, any ray of light you had a chance? I mean, I think you’ve said that President Trump allowed Australia or the Prime Minister to believe there was a chance when there wasn’t. Has he given you any suggestion there’s a chance, or was he holding the line and saying, look, this is our America First policy, that’s it.

    Minister for Trade: Look, it wasn’t a pessimistic conversation, I’m pleased to say, Andrew. but look, he gave, you know, no assurances about what might happen in the next round of negotiations. Our job is to sit down and continue to talk. I think the important thing here to understand, Andrew, is that when President Trump, in his first iteration, gave Australia an exemption to Prime Minister Turnbull, it was one of over 30 exemptions that the United States gave to a range of countries around the world. So, more than 30 countries, including most of our competitors in the American market, were able to get an exemption. On this occasion, not one country, not one country got an exemption on either steel or aluminium. Now, that’s obviously, we think that’s bad news. We think it’s bad news, obviously, for the companies that trade in Australia with the United States. It’s also bad news for the Americans because what that has done is simply pushed up the price of steel and aluminium in the US market and that has to have an impact both on, on inflation and on jobs. So, part of my job is to continue to put the arguments to the Americans that in fact, this is the wrong policy to adopt. We should actually be doing the opposite. We should be making more free trade, more fair trade, rather than less trade.

    And of course, one of the things that we’ve done in government is diversify our trading relationship. So, we have new agreements with the United Kingdom, we’ve got new agreements with India. I think we’re just about to get another offer from the Indians to even expand our trading relationship with India. We’ve signed a new agreement with the United Arab Emirates. This is like dealing with the Woolies warehouse of the Middle East. If you can get your products into the United Arab Emirates, then you can get it all around the Middle East. On Tuesday night, I spoke with my Korean counterpart, Mr. Ahn, and we’ve got identical problems with the United States. Of course, they sell a lot more steel into the United States than we do. But we are talking about how we can expand our relationship with Korea so that we can sell more product into Korea.

    So, it’s a two-pronged approach. Andrew, we are continuing the discussions with the United States. We’ll continue to discuss. We’re not going down the track of some countries in applying retaliatory tariffs. I don’t think that will work, it hasn’t worked for any other country, why would it work for us? We want to explain our position and we want to get those exemptions for Australian companies because it’s good for prosperity in the United States, but it’s also good for prosperity in Australia.

    Andrew Clennell: Well, I think you’ve got Buckley’s chance of arguing free and fair trade to the Trump administration, to be frank Minister, but what’s the worst-case scenario here? What’s the worst-case scenario? $30 billion, our exports to the U.S. Could we lose it all?

    Minister for Trade: Look, I don’t believe so, Andrew. And just on that first point you made, Buckley’s chance. When I came to this job three years ago, we had $20 billion worth of trade bans in China. People told me, look, you will never, never, ever get that trade back. At the end of last year, the last of the products that had been subject to those trade impediments, namely crayfish, we got back into China. And since then, in the first month of that new trade, we got $188 million of crayfish sold into China. You can reverse these decisions, Andrew, so, don’t give up on us just yet. You can get countries to realise. You can get countries if you keep talking to them and you keep making your arguments, which is exactly what I intend to do. If you keep making your arguments, you can in fact convince countries that the policies that they are adopting are in fact counterproductive, just as they were with China.

    Andrew Clennell: Okay, but what’s the worst-case scenario? What’s the worst-case scenario here?

    Minister for Trade: Look, I wish I could tell you exactly what the American Government is finally going to do. To be honest with you, I suspect they don’t even know themselves right now. They’re conducting this review. They’re conducting the review in respect of every single trade agreement they have. It’s not just Australia, it’s every country. And my job in the discussions that go on in this coming week and in the weeks ahead is to get the best result for Australian producers, and that’s what I intend to do. And it’ll only be by reaching out, by having discussions, by putting our point of view that we’re going to get an acceptable outcome here.

    Andrew Clennell: In any of these discussions, do you talk about the prospect of a phone call between Prime Minister Albanese and President Trump?

    Minister for Trade: Oh, that’s way above my pay grade, I’m afraid, Andrew.

    Andrew Clennell: Is it though? Kevin Rudd asks.

    Minister for Trade: Well, he’s the ambassador, of course he asks, and that’s the job of the ambassador to do that representation on behalf of the Australian Prime Minister.

    Andrew Clennell: How many times has he asked, do you know?

    Minister for Trade: No, I don’t know the answer to that question, Andrew. But you know, we were amongst the first countries to ring President Trump when he was elected and congratulated him. The Prime Minister did that. And we of course got a second phone call with him to express our concerns about the direction that he was taking in respect of tariffs.

    To the best of my knowledge, we were the only country in the world where he said, I’m going to give some consideration to not applying these tariffs to you. Now, I know we didn’t get the exemption in the end, but we were the only country that at least got him to say, look, we’re going to give some consideration to this. Ultimately, the consideration was that they would not do it.

    As I’ve said on Sky previously, the people around President Trump, particularly Mr. Navarro, I think, were determined that they weren’t going to go down the track that they went down last time. So, I mentioned before over 30 countries got exemptions for steel and aluminium. They were determined, the people around President Trump were determined not to go down that track again. They were going to apply the tariffs, the 25 per cent tariffs, and no country was going to get an exemption. But look, we will continue to talk. As I said, I’ve spoken to Commerce Secretary Lutnick on Friday morning, tomorrow US time, so, Tuesday morning, I think 7:30, I’m going to have my conversation with Jamieson Greer. We’re going to work out firstly what it is that the Americans want out of this arrangement, because it’s still not clear to me what it is that they are seeking. But once we find that out, we’ll work through this issue and we’ll work through it in Australia’s national interest.

    Andrew Clennell: Why haven’t you been to the US, yourself?

    Minister for Trade: Look, can I say this, Andrew, modern communications these days, a telephone call, a video conference, which is what I’ll be doing with Jamieson Greer, Ambassador Greer, on Tuesday, we’re getting our message across. After that first conversation between President Trump and Prime Minister Albanese, we embarked on a course of action which was determined in consultation with the officials in the United States about how best to progress our concerns about the introduction or the reintroduction of tariffs. We followed that. We followed that course of action and we followed it until last Wednesday when it became clear that the Americans were not going to give us an exemption. So, we had a plan. We had a plan for how we deal with this issue. We were hopeful, certainly based on early discussions, that we would get a successful result here. In the event that that didn’t happen. But we’re not giving up. We’re continuing the talks. And in fact, in lots of ways, the talks will be beefed up in the weeks and the months ahead as we try and resolve all of these issues, but these are not easy issues, Andrew.

    Andrew Clennell: No, they’re not. But Peter Dutton says you haven’t got the relationships. He’s pointed the finger at Kevin Rudd. The suggestion is Albanese, the Prime Minister, was seen as too close to Joe Biden. Penny Wong found out from the media that this had occurred. What do you say to all that? I mean, his contention as we go into an election campaign is their government would have better luck with the US Administration. What do you say to that?

    Minister for Trade: Look, Peter Dutton couldn’t go two rounds with a revolving door Andrew. What happened? When we came to government, there were $20 billion worth of tariffs and trade impediments with the Chinese. If Peter Dutton’s so good at building relationships and solving problems, they didn’t get a cent, they didn’t get a cent or a single tariff removed in that previous three years in government. We got the best result or the best response of any country in the world. We got a consideration by the President to review these tariffs. Now ok, it didn’t ultimately result in us getting the tariffs removed and we accept that. We accept that situation. I’d ask your listeners, who do you think is going to be better to negotiate with the United States? Somebody with a proven record of getting results or somebody, when they had the opportunity to get some results, did nothing. Did nothing. They did nothing.

    Andrew Clennell: What would a tariff do to the beef industry?

    Minister for Trade: It would certainly have a clearly a negative impact. The United States I think is, if it’s not the largest export market for our beef industry, it would have a significant impact. We are expanding our beef exports, our beef exports right now thanks to the Albanese Labor Government, are the best that they’ve ever been. We’re exporting more beef than we ever have. The significance, of course to the United States about our beef exports is that most of it goes into McDonald’s hamburgers. And if you push up the price of those beef exports by 25 per cent or 10 per cent or whatever the figure is, then you simply push up the price of hamburgers in the United States. It doesn’t make any sense, Andrew. It doesn’t make any sense at all.

    Andrew Clennell: Sure.

    Minister for Trade: You want to be pushing prices down. You don’t want to be pushing them up.

    Andrew Clennell: Indeed. There’s also speculation the trade war could harm the PBS somehow and cause pharmaceutical prices to go up. How would that occur and what do you make of that speculation?

    Minister for Trade: Well, it simply is speculation. That’s all it is, Andrew. I’ve not heard one comment from any person in the United States that refers to the PBS. We’ve got a terrific health system. We’re continuing to improve all the time. Minister Butler is always coming up with new ideas to improve our health system. The PBS is an essential part of our health system and there will be absolutely nothing that the Americans can do to impact on our health system or the PBS system. And we certainly, we certainly would not contemplate doing anything at any stage that makes our health system more expensive. We want to put downward pressure on the cost of health and we’re going to continue to do that, especially if we get re-elected in a few weeks’ time.

    Andrew Clennell: It’s been reported the deal that Australia put on the table was access to our critical minerals like lithium, manganese, what’s the nature of that deal? Presumably America would still have to pay for the minerals. Would they get the minerals at a cheaper rate? Would they have the first right of refusal on the minerals? What are the minerals to be used for? Making mobile phones, electric cars and the like?

    Minister for Trade: Yeah, look, Australia is very fortunate in the sense that we have either the largest or the second largest reserves of all critical minerals and rare earths in the world. Now, critical minerals are different from other minerals. If you go up to the Pilbara, you can see iron ore as far as the eye can see, Andrew. Critical minerals tend to be in much smaller deposits and they’re much deeper down. Two things about that. They are more expensive to extract and they take longer to dig out of the ground and they don’t last as long so you’ve got to keep finding new resources. What this means for what we were proposing to the Americans was continued and improved investment in getting access to those critical minerals. We’ve got some of the most sophisticated miners in Australia, Andrew. We’ve got a very sophisticated mining operation here, much more sophisticated than the Americans. But the thing we often don’t have is access to capital. So, the offer to the Americans was, look, we’ll work with you. You want these critical minerals, you want them for electric batteries in cars, you’ve mentioned some of the other things, mobile phones, all of these sorts of things. But the process of extraction is expensive, we need capital. We want to work with other countries. We want to particularly work, for instance, with the Europeans. We’ve made them some offers in this regard. It’s not about cheaper prices, it’s not about preferred access. It’s about ensuring that they’ve got a reliable supply chain to ensure that when they need these critical minerals, you’ve got a reliable country like Australia who can provide them.

    Andrew Clennell: So, would that be Australian money or American money? When you talk about increased investment –

    Minister for Trade: Both. Both.

    Andrew Clennell: Okay. So, an Australian financial offer was put on the table?

    Minister for Trade: No, it wasn’t a financial offer in that sense. It was a way forward to try and get support both in Australia and in the United States for extracting these critical minerals. So, if we’re going to go down the track of decarbonising our economies, this is the way we need to go. But it’s going to require investment, significant investment. The Australian Government is already making significant investments in this area. But to get to where we want to get to in terms of that net zero project, then we need more investment and – 

    Andrew Clennell: Do you see the hand of Elon Musk? Do you see the hand of Elon Musk in any of this? The keenness of the Americans for these critical minerals.

    Minister for Trade: Well, look, they didn’t accept our offer. So, if Mr Musk was involved in this, then he doesn’t appear to have influenced the result, if that was what he was after. To the best of my knowledge, Mr. Musk was not involved in any of these discussions that I –

    Andrew Clennell: All right, no worries. We’re nearly out of time. Overnight, the PM reiterated in a meeting with European leaders he would consider sending peacekeepers to Ukraine if there was peace. That’ll be controversial with a lot of Australians because it’s not our region. We know Peter Dutton doesn’t support this. Is the PM trying to muscle up here after Peter Dutton has continually called him weak? What’s the motivation to get involved in this conflict?

    Minister for Trade: Andrew, for the last 80 years, in other words, since the end of World War II, Australia has been involved in peacekeeping missions all the way around the world. We’ve come out right from day one, Prime Minister Albanese has been very clear and very strong on this, we support Ukraine. Ukraine’s fight for democracy. Ukraine’s fight for its sovereignty is Australia’s fight. It’s Australia’s fight. We’ve made significant financial contributions to Ukraine to ensure that they can defend themselves from this illegal and immoral monster, Putin, and we’ll continue to do that. And if Prime Minister Starmer says, look, will you contribute to peacekeeping? I think that’s the right thing to do. Look, it’s not all about popularity and so forth, but it’s the right thing to do. We want to see peace around the world. The best thing that Australia can do in terms of any international relationship is to support peace. And if we can make a contribution to that peacekeeping effort, then I think we should. And I think Mr. Dutton is completely on the wrong track here. Australians support the Ukrainian fight. I was on the steps of Parliament House just a couple of weeks ago with Premier Malinauskas. His background is Lithuanian. He knows exactly what happens if you don’t stand up to bullies like Putin. It’s in our interest to defend democracy in Ukraine. It’s in our interest to be part of a peacekeeping force when there’s peace.

    Andrew Clennell: Finally, and briefly, there was something of a blow to the government late last week with the default market offer out, that Australians face price rises of up to 10 per cent on their power bills. Will the government’s electricity subsidy be extended and increased in the budget?

    Minister for Trade: Well, you know the answer to that question, Andrew. You’ll have to ask the Treasurer, and you’ve only got a few more sleeps to find out what’s going to be in the next budget.

    Andrew Clennell: Well, I might ask him on the show next week. Thanks very much, Don Farrell.

    Minister for Trade: Nice talking with you Andrew. 

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI China: Generous childcare subsidies rolled out across China

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    Generous childcare subsidies have been reported across China as part of the country’s holistic efforts to boost birth rates, making news headlines and sparking heated discussions.
    The latest news came from Hohhot, capital of north China’s Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. The city announced this week that it will offer a one-time subsidy of 10,000 yuan (about 1,394 U.S. dollars) to couples having their first child. A second child will receive 10,000 yuan per year until he/she reaches five years old.
    For the third child or more, the annual subsidy is 10,000 yuan until the child turns 10, with the total amount reaching 100,000 yuan, a relatively high amount compared with other cities and roughly twice the annual income of local citizens.
    Official statistics show that the per capita disposable income in Hohhot stood at 49,200 yuan in 2024. The generous cash reward is believed to become a relief for couples who are hesitant to have children due to financial concerns.
    “The policy made us more assured in making our mind to having a second child. The subsidies can reduce the financial costs, especially for maternity and childcare,” said Yang Lixin, 30, who works at a private firm in Hohhot and already has a five-year-old.
    The policy came on the heels of the recent conclusion of the annual national legislative session, during which the government work report was adopted and, for the first time, vowed to “provide childcare subsidies.”
    “We will formulate policies on boosting birth rates, provide childcare subsidies, vigorously develop integrated nursery and childcare services, and increase public-interest childcare services,” the report reads.
    Also during the legislative session, Director of the National Health Commission (NHC) Lei Haichao said that the commission was working with relevant departments to draft a childcare subsidy operational plan, and the public would see direct, beneficiary measures and corresponding policy arrangements in due course.
    The inclusion of childcare subsidies in the government work report signals China’s commitment to supporting fertility intentions with tangible financial assistance, said political advisor Ni Bangwen. He called for further efforts to issue comprehensive measures to support childbearing families.
    Local governments have put into action. More than 20 provincial-level regions in China had explored offering childcare subsidies at different levels, according to earlier data from the NHC.
    For instance, Shenyang, the capital of northeast China’s Liaoning Province, provided a monthly subsidy of 500 yuan to local families for their third child until the child turns three, according to a document issued in 2023.
    Many Chinese people have expressed their expectation for such policies to be expanded to their hometowns. “Hope it can be spread across the country as soon as possible,” a netizen from south China’s Guangdong Province commented.
    The birth incentives have proved feasible and effective in Tianmen, a fifth-tier city with a population of 1.6 million in Hubei Province. Since the city implemented birth-boosting measures, which include childbirth and childcare subsidies, housing rewards as well as maternal leave allowances, the number of newborns rose by 17 percent last year after declining for eight consecutive years.
    As one of the world’s most populous countries, China faces profound demographic challenges due to a dwindling number of newborns and a growing aging population. The country’s birth rate and number of newborns both dropped for seven consecutive years before reporting rises in 2024, while the population aged 60 and above reached 310 million last year.
    To boost its birth rate, China has implemented a slew of supportive policies in recent years. It phased out its one-child policy by allowing married couples to have two children in 2016 and announced support for couples looking to have a third child in 2021.
    In addition to financial support, other incentive measures include increased childcare services, extended maternity leave, and strengthened support in education, housing and employment, all aimed at fostering a birth-friendly society.
    Childcare services have been improved nationwide to create better situations for parents. In Suzhou, Jiangsu Province, community-based childcare centers launched full-day care, half-day care, temporary care, and hourly care for infants and children, providing convenient and reliable childcare options for residents.
    Moreover, maternity leave in China has been generally extended to over 158 days, along with spousal paternity leave and parental leave, making new mothers feel increasingly supported.
    Longer maternity leave as well as additional spousal leave and parental leave could enhance family cohesion and alleviate caregiving burdens. Meanwhile, economic subsidies eased the financial pressure on families raising children, thereby boosting their willingness to have more children, said Mi Hong, director of the Institute for Population and Development Studies at Zhejiang University.
    Providing childcare subsidies is also relevant to enterprises. “A significant portion of our key employees are of childbearing age. Childcare subsidies will help retain talent and enable the company’s sustainable development,” said Sheng Jing, the human resources chief of a data-tech company in north China’s Tianjin Municipality.
    “Enterprises should provide heartfelt support to employees who raise children and explore a new way to balance working and child-rearing,” said Wang Zhen, a lawmaker and entrepreneur of Inner Mongolia.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: China expands marine ranching to boost food security

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    With an extensive coastline, China is turning to the vast ocean to bolster food security by building modern marine ranches.
    The construction of marine ranches, dubbed “blue granaries” in the vast blue ocean, highlights the nation’s efforts to diversify food supplies. With more investment and innovative technologies, China’s marine ranching industry is playing a role in strengthening food security.

    This file photo shows a marine ranch with eight giant aquaculture cages located 42 nautical miles off the coast of Yantai in east China’s Shandong Province. [Photo/Xinhua]
    FOOD SECURITY
    Chinese leaders have underscored the importance of utilizing both land and sea resources to enhance food production to feed a population of over 1.4 billion.
    This year’s “No. 1 central document” stresses that work must be done to build a diversified food supply system and adopt an all-encompassing approach to agriculture and food.
    It says that efforts will be made to expand food resources through multiple channels, including promoting the high-quality development of fisheries and supporting the development of deep-sea and far-sea aquaculture and the construction of marine ranches.

    An aerial drone photo taken on March 13, 2025 shows fishers driving boats to the fish farming area at a marine ranch in Rongcheng City, east China’s Shandong Province. [Photo/Xinhua]
    In recent years, marine ranching has gained momentum along China’s coast. In 2024, the city of Shanwei, in the southern province of Guangdong, invested more than 2 billion yuan (about 279 million U.S. dollars) to build eight marine ranches as well as cold chain and sales facilities.
    To date, China has built more than 180 national-level marine ranches. The eastern province of Shandong ranked top with 71 national-level marine ranches, accounting for 38 percent of the country’s total, said Zhang Jiandong, head of the Oceanic Administration of Shandong Province.
    SMART AQUACULTURE
    The technological advances, including automated feeding and underwater imaging systems, have transformed the aquaculture industry.
    As the spring aquatic farming season started recently, Liu Yulei started his work on a marine ranch with eight giant aquaculture cages located 42 nautical miles off the coast of Yantai.

    An aerial drone photo taken on March 13, 2025 shows fishers driving boats to the fish farming area at a marine ranch in Rongcheng City, east China’s Shandong Province. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Each cage, 68 meters long and wide, could enclose 94,000 cubic meters of seawater, providing an optimal environment for 1 million fish with an annual fish catch of 1,000 tonnes.
    “The fish farm is built here with Class I water quality and suitable temperature and salinity,” Liu said. “With strong currents moving at 1.5 meters per second, the water in the cage could be completely refreshed within dozens of seconds, much more frequently than in traditional aquaculture facilities.”
    Modern technology has made fish farming more efficient. “Work on the marine ranch is busy but far easier than traditional fish farming. Only four workers can oversee a cage,” Liu added.
    Each giant cage is equipped with advanced sonar, lidar and binocular vision systems that allow workers to monitor the fish population, distribution and health, equipment, water quality, hydrology, and meteorological conditions in real time.

    This file photo shows a marine ranch with eight giant aquaculture cages located 42 nautical miles off the coast of Yantai in east China’s Shandong Province. [Photo/Xinhua]
    “We used to lack proper feeding knowledge, which led to excessive food waste accumulating on the seabed. Now, with scientific breeding, we have significantly improved both quality and output while also protecting the marine environment,” said Luan Jianguo from another marine ranch off Changdao Island of Yantai.
    A local fishing company purchases juvenile fish of certain sizes from local seafood farmers. The partnership means a faster return on investment, lower financial risks, and a larger seafood production with better quality.
    NEW OPPORTUNITIES
    Marine ranching also creates new business opportunities as some ranches offer travel services to tap into the consumer market better.
    Off the coast of Yantai’s Laishan District, the “Genghai No. 1” ecological marine ranch complex integrates aquaculture and tourism facilities to generate additional revenues.
    On weekends, tourists visit the complex for an immersive marine experience. On the main deck, visitors can engage in interactive activities such as a “deep-sea elevator” simulation using VR and AR devices. They can also participate in recreational fishing and enjoy the sea view.
    “We provide 71 sea-view hotel rooms, and guests can also enjoy freshly caught seafood at our canteen,” said Yan Haidong, deputy general manager of Shandong Ocean Harvest Corporation, which operates the complex.
    Low carbon is also at the core of the complex’s operation. “Our total installed solar and wind power capacity is 426 kW, with power generation of approximately 500,000 kWh annually,” Yan added.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: African youth urged to leverage AfCFTA to access market, economic opportunities

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    African youth have been urged to leverage the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement to tap into broader continental market and economic opportunities.

    Experts and policymakers made the call on Saturday during a continental youth-themed meeting organized by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) under the theme of “Making the African Continental Free Trade Area work for African young people: opportunities, challenges and the way forward,” at the UN Conference Center in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa.

    Addressing the meeting, Executive Secretary of the UNECA Claver Gatete emphasized that the effective implementation of the continental free trade pact requires concerted efforts toward empowering Africa’s youth as the continent’s future, with 60 percent of Africa’s population under the age of 25.

    “We are in a situation where we are facing very serious challenges, and these challenges will continue and will be carried forward by you as young people. That is why empowering the young people becomes very important,” Gatete told African youth.

    The UNECA chief emphasized that in the face of a rapidly changing world, the African continent needs to urgently address socio-economic development challenges. He stressed the need to meaningfully engage the youth in key decision-making and development initiatives as a sustainable approach to addressing the challenges.

    “We are facing big challenges, where poverty levels are still very high as 476 million Africans are poor, 600 million Africans do not have electricity, and only 37 percent of Africans have access to the internet. This is not a good situation,” Gatete said.

    Highlighting the AfCFTA’s critical role in unlocking economic opportunities while also augmenting job creation, he urged African youth to harness the opportunities presented through the growing intra-African trade anchored by the AfCFTA.

    Experts, policymakers, and youth representatives at the meeting underscored that growth must create decent work, social inclusion, and poverty reduction, in which the AfCFTA injects the much-needed impetus.

    Ethiopian State Minister for Youth Affairs Muna Ahmed underscored that as Africa strives for the AfCFTA’s success, the continent needs to place the major aspirations and challenges of its burgeoning youth central to the free trade pact’s implementation process.

    “The AfCFTA presents a historic opportunity to unlock the immense potential of Africa’s young people by expanding access to markets, fostering innovation, and creating sustainable employment opportunities,” the state minister said.

    According to the AfCFTA Secretariat, trading under the AfCFTA has gained momentum, as 48 African countries have deposited their instruments of ratification to the African Union (AU).

    The AfCFTA envisaged transforming Africa into the world’s largest free trade area. When fully implemented, it is expected to create a single market for goods and services for about 1.4 billion people across Africa, with a combined gross domestic product of 3.4 trillion U.S. dollars, according to the AU.

    The meeting, which was held on the margins of the 57th session of the Conference of African Ministers of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, explored opportunities for African youth to leverage in the implementation of the AfCFTA. The meeting also deliberated on the development challenges affecting young Africans.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Fear of ‘Trumpcession’ mounting in Europe

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    Flags of the European Union fly outside the Berlaymont Building, the European Commission headquarters, in Brussels, Belgium, Jan. 29, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    European shares dropped this week as a broad sell-off took hold, fueled by mounting concerns over the fallout of “Trumpcession,” a term coined by economists to describe the turbulence triggered by “erratic” trade and economic policies of U.S. President Donald Trump.

    The escalating strain in transatlantic trade relations has sparked fears that the European Union (EU) may not escape unscathed if “Trumpcession” comes to pass.

    SPIRALING ESCALATION

    Earlier this week, the EU said it would retaliate against Trump’s 25-percent tariffs on steel and aluminum with countermeasures on 26 billion euros (28 billion U.S. dollars) worth of U.S. imports, including boats, bourbon and motorbikes.

    “As the United States is applying tariffs worth 28 billion dollars, we are responding with countermeasures worth 26 billion euros,” European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said in a statement, noting that the U.S. tariffs affect approximately 5 percent of total EU goods exports to the United States.

    Trump quickly hit back, threatening to slap a 200-percent tariff on EU wine and other alcohol products.

    “If this tariff is not removed immediately, the United States will shortly place a 200-percent tariff on all wines, champagnes and alcoholic products coming out of France and other EU-represented countries,” Trump wrote on his social media platform Truth Social.

    Samina Sultan, an economist at the German Economic Institute, said the resulting uncertainty harms corporate investments and the broader economy. “This could also put jobs at risk on both sides of the Atlantic.”

    Thomas Gitzel, chief economist at VP Bank in Liechtenstein, warned that the current U.S. tariffs are just the start of escalating trade barriers. “A global trade war is steadily gaining momentum, with growing risks of further intensification,” he said.

    ADDING FUEL

    Although U.S. tariffs impact just 5 percent of EU exports, they will hit the steel and automotive industries hard, which are already grappling with high costs and weak demand.

    The U.S. steel tariffs will “hit on various levels, at a time already challenging enough,” said Gunnar Groebler, president of the German Steel Association. According to the association, up to 20 percent of the EU’s steel exports go to the United States, the second-biggest export market for EU steel producers.

    Trump’s 25-percent tariffs on autos are “no small issue for the EU,” according to a study by Oxford Economics. Citing its estimates that exports from German and Italian automakers to the United States can drop by 7.1 percent and 6.6 percent due to the auto tariff, the study warned that the EU automotive industry is “highly vulnerable” to U.S. tariff threats.

    David Bahnsen, chief investment officer at the Bahnsen Group, highlighted that “tariff talk, reversal, speculation and chaos only foster uncertainty.”

    Echoing this view, Angel Gavilan, director of economy at the Bank of Spain, said uncertainty can significantly slow down the economy as people and businesses may delay consumption and investments, which lowers overall demand and slows economic growth.

    DEBT CRISIS

    Desmond Lachman, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and a former IMF official, warned that Trump’s tariffs could trigger a Europe-wide recession and another debt crisis in the eurozone.

    He said the German economy is in a prolonged downturn, while Italy and France face severe sovereign debt issues, citing data that shows their public debt-to-GDP ratios are now higher than during the 2010-2012 eurozone debt crisis.

    Eurozone countries are bound by a unified monetary policy from the European Central Bank. This means countries like Italy and France cannot set independent interest rates or exchange rate policies to boost domestic exports and consumption.

    Additionally, these high-debt countries are struggling to reduce their debt burden by boosting exports to Germany. But the German economy is in a weak growth phase and import demand is declining.

    Christine Lagarde, president of the European Central Bank, said it was “impossible” to guarantee that policymakers would meet the 2-percent inflation target in the short term, citing global volatility. She added that tariffs “are not good at all and are net negative on pretty much all accounts.”

    “When the magnitude and distribution of shocks become highly unpredictable, we cannot provide certainty by committing to a specific (interest) rate trajectory,” she noted. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Showcasing Scotland’s investment proposition

    Source: Scottish Government

    FM: Time to capitalise on a potential £100 billion offshore wind market.

    The Scottish Government will host a major investment event in Edinburgh tomorrow (Monday 17th March) aimed at unlocking new private investment in the country’s rapidly growing offshore wind industry.

    More than 100 stakeholders, including investors and developers, will attend the Global Offshore Wind Investment Forum, to be hosted by First Minister John Swinney.

    The Forum is taking part following a Green Industrial Strategy commitment to raise the profile of Scotland as a destination for capital investment. The Strategy identified offshore wind as one of five priority areas for Scottish Government resources and investment.

    The Scottish Government is investing up to £500 million over five years in the Scottish offshore wind supply chain to leverage an expected £1.5 billion of private investment.

    Speaking ahead of the Forum, the First Minister said:

    “The growth and success of Scotland’s offshore wind industry is not only an ambition of my Government, it is a priority for me personally. Delivering on its promise will not only deliver our global climate obligations, but create significant new jobs and economic opportunities.

    “History has shown that success stems from choosing the right time and place to capitalise on the next innovation of the era. We have already gained a significant first-mover advantage and laid the groundwork for success.

    “Now we are poised to move to the next stage of development and growth and reap the rewards of what we estimate could be a £100 billion market.

    “The Global Offshore Wind investment Forum is about “Team Scotland” showcasing the offer that Scotland’s offshore wind sector offers to global investors. We have a compelling story and a clear message that Scotland is open for business.”

    Background

    Deputy First Minister Kate Forbes, Acting Cabinet Secretary for Net Zero and Energy Gillian Martin and Employment and Investment Minister Tom Arthur will also take part in the Forum, which has been delivered by Scottish Enterprise. Highlands and Islands Enterprise, South of Scotland Enterprise and Scottish National Investment Bank will also take part in the event. The UK Government will be represented.

    Recent investments made as part of the Scottish Government’s commitment of up to £500 million include:

    Green industrial strategy – gov.scot

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Samsung Electronics Earns ‘Product Carbon Reduction’ and ‘Product Carbon Footprint’ Certifications for Neo QLED 8K and Neo QLED for Fifth Consecutive Year

    Source: Samsung

     
    Samsung Electronics today announced that approximately 80 models in its 2025 TV, monitor and soundbar lineups have received Product Carbon Reduction1 and Product Carbon Footprint2 certifications from TÜV Rheinland, a globally recognized certification organization based in Germany. This marks the fifth consecutive year that the premium lineups, Neo QLED 8K and Neo QLED, have received certifications, reinforcing the company’s continued efforts in carbon reduction.
     
    “Samsung Electronics is committed to driving technological innovation for a sustainable future,” said Taeyong Son, Executive Vice President of Visual Display Business at Samsung Electronics. “As the world’s leading TV manufacturer, we will continue to be at the forefront of establishing a more energy-efficient ecosystem that benefits consumers.”
     
    Following last year’s certification of 60 models across the Neo QLED, OLED and Lifestyle TV categories, Samsung has further increased its number of certified products in 2025 to include QLED TVs. In addition, the company is also working towards obtaining certification for its Color E-Paper lineup later this year.
     

     
    The certifications from TÜV Rheinland are awarded following a rigorous evaluation of a product’s entire lifecycle — including manufacturing, transportation, usage and disposal — based on internationally recognized sustainability standards. By assessing and verifying carbon emissions at each stage, these certifications highlight Samsung’s efforts to reduce environmental impact across its product lineup.
     
    In particular, the Product Carbon Reduction certification is granted to products that have already received a Product Carbon Footprint certification and further demonstrate a measurable reduction in carbon emissions compared to their predecessors.
     
    Samsung’s leadership in energy-efficient display technology dates back to 2021, when the Neo QLED became the first 4K and higher-resolution TV to earn the Reducing CO2 certification. Since then, Samsung has continually expanded its portfolio of environmentally certified products, including QLED, Crystal UHD, Lifestyle TVs, OLED TVs and a wide range of monitors and digital signage products.
     
    For more information on Samsung’s 2025 TV lineup, please visit www.samsung.com.
     
     
    1 38 Certified models include Neo QLED 8K(QN990F, QN950F), Neo QLED 4K(QN90F, QN85F), OLED(S95F 55”/65”, S90F, S85F 77”/83”), The Frame Pro(LS03FW), LCD Signage(QMC 43”, 50”, 55”, 75”), and Soundbar(Q930F, Q800F, QS700F) products.1 42 Certified models include Neo QLED 8K(QN900F), Neo QLED 4K(QN80F, QN70F), OLED(S95F 77”/83”, S85F 55”/65”), The Frame(LS03F), QLED(Q8F, Q7F), Viewfinity S80UD, S80D, QMC 65’’/85’’, Soundbar(Q990F), EMDX 32″.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI USA: Senator Marshall to CMS Administrator Nominee Dr. Oz: We’re Not Going to Save Medicare and Medicaid Unless We Make America Healthy Again

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Kansas Roger Marshall
    Washington – U.S. Senator Roger Marshall, M.D. (R-Kansas) participated in the confirmation hearing today for President Donald Trump’s Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) Administrator nominee, Dr. Mehmet Oz, in the U.S. Senate Committee on Finance. 
    Dr. Mehmet Oz is a world-class heart surgeon and would be the first doctor at the helm of CMS in more than a decade. He knows the health care system inside and out, as he’s lived it throughout his career, starting with a joint M.D.-MBA education. Having invented life-saving devices, hosted a successful TV show, and touched the lives of millions of patients across the nation, Dr. Oz brings a much-needed perspective to Make America Healthy Again.
    [embedded content]
    Click HERE or on the image above to watch Senator Marshall’s full line of questioning.
    Highlights from Dr. Oz’s confirmation hearing include: 
    On Dr. Oz’s background: 
    Senator Marshall: “Why did you go into medicine? And what are some of the highlights or the most rewarding parts of your career?”
    Dr. Oz: “I don’t think there’s a joy greater than looking a patient in the eyes and recognizing that you’re there for each other, that nothing will get in the way of you providing the best care possible. It’s not that there won’t ever be problems, but you’ll be there emotionally supporting them.
    “And if you’ve been gifted with teachers, as I was, that could educate me about how to take care of patients, you get to watch them get better and feel a joy inside your heart that can’t be matched in another field…
    “I think it’s why I went into medicine, because I saw my father go into the hospital and do things like putting needles in people, which looks painful, but the patients would smile and thank him for it, paradoxically. 
    “And that’s why I think it’s also appropriate for physicians, as you have.. and other physicians on this committee, Dr. Cassidy, to enter government, because we’re trained to tell people things that they need to hear but aren’t pleasant, but that’s how you get the system to work better.” 
    On Dr. Oz’s prescription to Make America Healthy Again: 
    Senator Marshall: “My grandma always said, if you have your health, you have everything. And America doesn’t have her health right now. 60% of us have a chronic disease. Several people pointed out this country is spending multiples more than other countries do to take care of our sick.
    “There’s not enough sick care out there to save Medicare and Medicaid.
    “You and I came here to save Medicare and Medicaid, but part of that is making America healthy again, so that we don’t have to do as many heart bypasses and give as much insulin and diabetic drugs. 
    “What is your prescription for America? How do you work with Medicare and Medicaid patients to help America become healthy again?”
    Dr. Oz: “The deeper promise that we should all be making to America is we’re going to make it easy for America to do the right thing when it comes to their health. Some of these decisions are not difficult. Some of them need to be simplified, and some of them need to be reminded frequently.
    “Senator Wyden and I had spoken about this a little bit, the idea of giving incentives to patients is an idea that I think is a worthy one, especially for Medicaid beneficiaries. If people don’t feel like it matters what they do, if they don’t think they have agency over their future… then they’re not going to take proactive steps to reduce their diabetes or another action that would dramatically reduce their life expectancy and their cost to the health care system. 
    “There’s a lot of opportunity for us to do this, and we should be innovative and explore ideas. And I think there’s an ecosystem we can build together to engender that kind of enthusiasm from people on the outside of medicine who want to make it better. We have got to challenge the incumbents and the system to have new ideas bubble to the top so we can pick the winners based on competition.”
    Senator Marshall: “We’re not going to save Medicare and Medicaid unless we Make America Healthy Again.”
    On maternal care, how to save Medicare and Medicaid:
    Senator Marshall: “I’m going to talk just a second about maternal care. I came to this body, the other side of the Capitol, and people were talking about maternal mortality then. We were seeing a big spike in it. And I asked people, “Why? What? How come?” And we didn’t have an answer.
    “… And not surprising to me, the number one killer of pregnant women that delivered that year after is actually suicide and fentanyl poisoning, overdose. We don’t need to study it more. We need action, early access to prenatal care to be the other action point as well…
    “Half of our patients, half the patients I delivered, were Medicaid patients. They need access to care, and we also need to stop the flow of fentanyl.
    “My last question though, speak briefly to how price tags and health care savings accounts turn patients into consumers again, and how that might actually help save Medicare and Medicaid?”
    Dr. Oz: “There’s a lot we can do with health savings accounts. We could even investigate new ways of using them. Maybe they should be part of your estate and passed on to your children, because so many families don’t really have anything to pass on. 
    “It would incentivize behaviors even at the end of life. But I think there’s an opportunity for us to give consumerism, give the power of the purse back to the American people, especially if they’re beneficiaries on Medicare, and let them make the wisest decisions they can.
    “They got to that age by making some good decisions, and so we might as well let them keep going.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: If FEMA Initially Finds You Ineligible for Assistance, You Still Have Options

    Source: US Federal Emergency Management Agency

    Headline: If FEMA Initially Finds You Ineligible for Assistance, You Still Have Options

    If FEMA Initially Finds You Ineligible for Assistance, You Still Have Options

    LOS ANGELES – If you received a letter from FEMA that says you’re ineligible for assistance, you still have options

    A quick fix, like providing more information, may change FEMA’s initial determination

     Duplication of benefits is a common reason for a FEMA ineligibility determination

    If you already accepted an insurance settlement or other benefit for the damage or loss, by law, FEMA cannot cover it

    You may also be found ineligible if your home was damaged but is still safe, and sanitary

    FEMA grants are primarily meant to make a home habitable, rather than returning it to pre-wildfire condition

     Sometimes, however, an ineligibility determination can stem from misinformation, inadequate information, or changes in your circumstances and may be reversed

    Be sure to read your FEMA determination letter carefully

    It specifies why you are ineligible and recommends actions that may change the initial determination

     When Might an Ineligibility Determination be Reversed?If you told FEMA you are insured, but later your insurance company denies your claim, or your settlement is insufficient to meet your needs, you should update FEMA with that information

    Describe the damage or losses and provide reliable documentation from your insurer that shows your claims have been denied or excluded

    Damage to your home may not have become apparent until later

    If you reported no home damage when you applied with FEMA but later discover the home is no longer habitable, let FEMA know

    In some cases, your application is simply missing proof of occupancy or identity

    If FEMA is unable to verify occupancy of your primary residence, you may provide utility bills, a bank or credit card statement, phone bills, pay stubs, a driver’s license, state-issued ID card or voter registration card showing the damaged dwelling’s address

    Also, FEMA needs to verify your identity with a valid Social Security number

    To verify identity, provide FEMA with a copy of your Social Security card, accompanied by federal or state-issued identification

    All FEMA Applicants Have a Right to AppealYou can appeal a decision or award amount by sending documents to FEMA that demonstrate your eligibility and need for additional assistance

    FEMA determination letters explain the reason you are ineligible and the types of documents that may help you appeal

    Documentation or estimates supporting your claim are all that are required to appeal a FEMA decision

    You can also fill out the Appeal Request Form included with your FEMA decision letter

    Appeals must be submitted within 60 days of the date on the FEMA decision letter

    To file an appeal:For an American Sign Language video on how to Appeal, visit FEMA R9: Determination Letters and Appeals (ASL PSA)Upload documents to your disaster assistance account at DisasterAssistance

    gov

     Mail to: FEMA, P

    O

    Box 10055, Hyattsville, MD 20782-8055

     Fax to 1-800-827-8112 with Attention: FEMA – Individuals & Households Program

     Visit a Disaster Recovery Center (DRC)

    To find your nearest DRC, visit fema

    gov/drc

    If you have questions or need to speak about your ineligibility status, call the FEMA Helpline at 800-621-3362

     For the latest information about California’s recovery, visit fema

    gov/disaster/4856

    Follow FEMA Region 9 @FEMARegion9 on X or follow FEMA on online, on X @FEMA or @FEMAEspanol, on FEMA’s Facebook page or Espanol page and at FEMA’s YouTube account

    For preparedness information follow the Ready Campaign on X at @Ready

    gov, on Instagram @Ready

    gov or on the Ready Facebook page

    California is committed to supporting residents impacted by the Los Angeles Hurricane-Force Firestorm as they navigate the recovery process

    Visit CA

    gov/LAFires for up-to-date information on disaster recovery programs, important deadlines, and how to apply for assistance

    alberto

    pillot
    Sat, 03/15/2025 – 16:59

    MIL OSI USA News