Category: Child Poverty

  • MIL-OSI Russia: 2nd Belt and Road Science, Technology and Innovation Ministerial Meeting Held in Chengdu

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    BEIJING, June 12 (Xinhua) — The Second Belt and Road Science, Technology and Innovation Ministerial Meeting was held in Chengdu, capital of southwest China’s Sichuan Province, on Wednesday, chaired by Yin Hejun, head of the Ministry of Science and Technology of the People’s Republic of China, according to a statement posted on the ministry’s official website.

    Speaking at the event, Yin Hejun said that the Chinese government has so far signed bilateral intergovernmental agreements on scientific and technological cooperation with more than 80 countries participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. The construction of more than 70 Belt and Road joint laboratories and 10 international technology transfer centers has been launched.

    In addition, according to him, China is actively developing scientific, technical and humanitarian exchanges and cooperation in the field of technology parks, organizing the implementation of special plans for cooperation in the fields of technologies for sustainable development, geospatial research, poverty reduction through scientific and technical achievements, innovative entrepreneurship, etc.

    These measures will ensure the flow of innovative energy for high-quality construction of the Belt and Road, Yin Hejun emphasized.

    The meeting was attended by science, technology and innovation ministers and their representatives from 41 Belt and Road member countries.

    The meeting participants had an in-depth exchange of views, focusing on issues of unleashing new potentials and forming new models of scientific and technological cooperation, as well as jointly building the Belt and Road innovation and technology community. The broad discussion was devoted to deepening cooperation in such key areas as artificial intelligence, geospatial technologies, green and low-carbon solutions, as well as improving the global scientific and technological governance system.

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Carers’ Week 2025: Inspiring art by Derby carers

    Source: City of Derby

    An exhibition showcasing artwork by unpaid carers in Derby has been launched to mark National Carers’ Week. The art, created by members of Derby’s Carers Craft Café, is on display to the public at the Council House, alongside their inspirational stories.

    Initially established at QUAD following the pandemic, the Carers’ Craft Café has evolved in recent years and now meets monthly at Derby’s Dubrek Studios. This setting allows carers to explore their creative sides while connecting with others.

    The exhibition, themed ‘How creativity supports me’, features a variety of works produced at the Craft Café, alongside pieces inspired by the café and others created during carers’ limited personal time. The exhibition is located in the foyer of the Council House, near the Better Together Café, until Thursday 3 July, when it will move into Riverside Library for the remainder of the month.

    Anna Botham-Collins, who cares for her elderly parents and uncle, has her artwork on display. She said:

    When I go to the café, it’s nice to chat to other people who understand your situation. There’s a kinship between the people that go along. It’s good to have that time where you can turn your mind off and there’s no pressure.

    Before I registered as a carer, I didn’t realise the support that was available. I’m sure there are a lot of people in the same situation, so I hope this exhibition will raise awareness.

    Fellow member Barbara Lucas, who is a carer for her husband, said:

    When started going to the café, we had just moved to Derby so it really helped me get to know people. I enjoy trying different ways to be creative and chatting to people who are in the same situation as I am.

    Carers’ Week is an annual campaign to raise awareness of caring, highlight the challenges unpaid carers face and recognise the contribution they make to families and communities throughout the UK. It also helps people who don’t think of themselves as having caring responsibilities to identify as carers and access much-needed support.

    Cllr Alison Martin (centre) with carers and representatives from Universal Services for Carers

    This year the theme is ‘Caring About Equality’ highlighting the inequalities faced by unpaid carers, including a greater risk of poverty, social isolation, poor mental and physical health. Far too often, carers of all-ages miss out on opportunities in their education, careers, or personal lives, just because of their caring role.

    Unpaid carers in Derby can receive assistance through Universal Services for Carers. This service, funded by Derby City Council and the Derby and Derbyshire Integrated Care Board, and provided by Citizens Advice Mid Mercia, offers free, confidential, and impartial support specifically for unpaid carers in the city. 

    Its aim is to provide a comprehensive range of services to help unpaid carers maintain their emotional and physical wellbeing, feel empowered, and gain knowledge and skills. Services include:

    • A helpline for carers staffed by experienced advisers who can provide information, support and signposting
    • A variety of indoor, outdoor and virtual workshops and events to provide respite, reducing stress and anxiety
    • Awareness and training sessions to support carers in their role
    • Peer support groups, which provide a much-needed opportunity to meet others living in similar situations.

    Councillor Alison Martin, Derby City Council Cabinet Member for Health and Adult Care, said:

    This exhibition is an inspiring way to celebrate the talent and resilience of Derby’s unpaid carers. It highlights how vital groups like the Carers’ Craft Café are for well-being. 

    The city’s carers contribute so much to our community, often while facing significant challenges, and it’s essential that we recognise their efforts and provide them with the support they deserve. Universal Services for Carers in Derby is a vital service and I’d encourage carers to contact them for support.

    If you’re an unpaid carer, you can access support on the Universal Services for Carers website. Alternatively, call 01332 228777 or email carers@citizensadvicemidmercia.org.uk.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Jack’s Law expansion is a symbolic step – it’s not a solution to knife crime

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janet Ransley, Professor, Griffith Criminology Institute, Griffith University

    khak/Shutterstock

    Laws just passed in Queensland give police unprecedented powers to scan people with a handheld wand and potentially search them in all public places, without needing a warrant or reasonable suspicion.

    Earlier versions of “Jack’s Law” were copied in other jurisdictions, such as New South Wales, Tasmania, the Northern Territory and Western Australia. Queensland’s expanded laws may flow on to them now, too.

    However, while the newly expanded Jack’s Law may detect more weapons, there’s no evidence it reduces violent crime. It may, in fact, do more harm than good, while putting human rights at risk.

    What is Jack’s Law?

    Jack’s Law is named after 17-year-old Jack Beasley who was stabbed to death outside a convenience store in Surfers Paradise in 2019.

    Passed in 2021, the law resulted in a time-limited trial allowing officers to “wand” people with metal detectors in some entertainment precincts.

    Since then, the trial was expanded twice to include public transport, stations, shopping centres and licensed entertainment venues.

    In a little more than two years, Queensland police conducted 116,287 scans and removed 1,126 weapons – a detection rate of about 0.9%.

    The majority of charges that followed were for minor drug offences, or breaches of knife-carrying bans.

    The trial was set to expire on October 30, 2026 after another mandatory review.

    Instead, the law has now been made permanent with the scope extended again to allow wanding in all public places.

    The changes also remove safeguards, such as the need for senior officer oversight, reporting requirements and a further review of the impact of wands on crime and on civil liberties.

    Our research into Jack’s Law

    Our review of the 12-month trial of Jack’s Law on the Gold Coast in 2021–22 is the only publicly available evidence about the impact of metal detector wanding on knife violence in Queensland.

    We found there was no reduction in violence as a result of the use of the hand-held scanners.

    There’s also potential for bias when officers using the wands are influenced by factors that aren’t related to evidence. This includes the unfair targeting of minorities. More people could also be caught up in the justice system for minor, non-violent breaches.

    What’s needed to reduce knife violence are evidence-based programs addressing underlying causes such as mental health, poverty, child maltreatment and domestic and family violence.

    Wanding has no impact on these underlying causes and diverts resources and police attention from where they’re really needed.

    Does the law reduce knife crime?

    While the intention behind Jack’s Law is to enhance public safety by deterring knife-related crimes, the evidence suggests this is unlikely to happen.

    Our study found that although the use of metal-detecting wands can lead to increased detection of weapons, there is no evidence this in turn reduces violent crimes involving knives.

    Confiscated knives are easily replaced and we found no evidence that scanning deterred people from carrying weapons.

    This is consistent with research from the UK showing “stop and search” laws had no effect on violent crime, and Victorian research showing no effect of similar stop and search laws on violent crimes.

    Concern over human rights

    The expansion of police powers under Jack’s Law raises human rights concerns.

    The ability to stop and search people without reasonable suspicion may lead to racial profiling and erode public trust in law enforcement.

    A 2022 independent inquiry into the Queensland Police Service highlighted issues of systemic racism and sexism within the force, underscoring the potential risks of granting broader discretionary powers without adequate oversight.

    Our review also found evidence of police wanding decisions being based on discriminatory stereotypes. This makes the removal of oversight and review mechanisms of particular concern.

    Additionally, searches for knives following wanding have led to a rise in minor drug charges. This funnels more young people into the criminal justice system, which increases their risk of re-offending and also places more pressure on an already overburdened criminal justice system.

    While the expansion of Jack’s Law is a visible response to public concerns about knife crime, it is essential to recognise such measures are not a silver bullet.

    Further erosion of the already tenuous trust in the police service among minority communities in Queensland, particularly Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, could lead to reduced public trust and have long-term negative impacts on public safety.

    Why a holistic approach is needed

    Addressing the root causes of knife violence requires a comprehensive approach that includes investment in support services and community programs.

    We also need to recognise around 50% of serious violent crime occurs in the context of domestic and family violence, in private settings. Wanding does nothing to help those victims.

    Understanding why people carry knives and implementing targeted prevention strategies are crucial steps toward creating a safer society.

    While Jack’s Law serves as a symbolic gesture honouring the memory of Jack Beasley, its efficacy in reducing knife crime remains unlikely and will now not be reviewed.

    Policymakers must balance the desire for immediate action with evidence-based strategies that address underlying factors contributing to violence.

    Only through a holistic approach can we hope to achieve lasting change and truly honour the lives lost to such senseless acts.

    Janet Ransley receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Paul Ramsay Foundation. The Queensland Police Service funded the research referred to in this article.

    ref. The Jack’s Law expansion is a symbolic step – it’s not a solution to knife crime – https://theconversation.com/the-jacks-law-expansion-is-a-symbolic-step-its-not-a-solution-to-knife-crime-258804

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI China: Chinese, African foreign ministers pledge stronger ties

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with South African Minister of International Relations and Cooperation Ronald Lamola in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    CHANGSHA, June 11 — Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on Wednesday met respectively with some African counterparts who came to China for the Ministerial Meeting of Coordinators on the Implementation of the Follow-up Actions of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Changsha, capital of central China’s Hunan Province.

    These African foreign ministers include the Republic of the Congo’s Jean-Claude Gakosso, South Africa’s Ronald Lamola, Djibouti’s Abdoulkader Houssein Omar, Ghana’s Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s Therese Kayikwamba Wagner, Niger’s Bakary Yaou Sangare, Guinea-Bissau’s Carlos Pinto Pereira, Nigeria’s Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, Burkina Faso’s Karamoko Jean-Marie Traore, and Ethiopia’s Gedion Timothewos.

    When meeting with Gakosso, Wang, a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, said China is willing to work with the Republic of the Congo to safeguard each other’s core interests and consolidate political mutual trust, promote the upgrading of economic and trade cooperation, and strengthen exchanges on state governance.

    Gakosso said the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) brings hope for Africa to break free from the vicious cycle of poverty and backwardness and achieve independent development, and the Republic of the Congo will continue to actively participate in the BRI and firmly abide by the one-China principle.

    When meeting with Lamola, Wang said China is willing to work with South Africa to consolidate political mutual trust, welcomes South Africa’s greater role on international and regional stages, supports South Africa’s fulfillment of duties under its Group of 20 presidency, and is ready to join hands with South Africa to safeguard common interests of the developing countries.

    Lamola said the FOCAC has yielded fruitful achievements and contributed to the development of African countries over the 25 years since its establishment. South Africa looks forward to strengthening cooperation with China in various fields, including economy and trade, energy, human resources training, and HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment.

    When meeting with Omar, Wang said China stands ready to work with Djibouti to fully implement the outcomes of the FOCAC Beijing Summit and the important common understandings reached by the two heads of state, noting that China will continue to support Africa in strengthening solidarity and pursuing self-reliance, and in resolving African issues in the African way.

    Omar said Djibouti highly values its strategic partnership with China, firmly supports multilateralism and opposes unilateralism, and will enhance coordination with China to jointly address challenges.

    When meeting with Ablakwa, Wang said China and Ghana established a strategic partnership last year, opening a new chapter in bilateral relations. China stands ready to work with Ghana to deepen practical cooperation across various fields, advance the cause of China-Africa friendship, and uphold multilateralism in opposition to unilateralism.

    Ablakwa said as China has become Ghana’s largest trading partner, Ghana looks forward to deepening cooperation with China in various fields, and will continue to adhere to the one-China principle and consolidate the strong partnership between the two countries.

    When meeting with Wagner, Wang called on both sides to implement the consensus reached by the two heads of state, deepen mutually beneficial cooperation, saying that China is willing to help the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in transforming its resource advantages into development advantages, and China’s super-large market will always be open to the DRC.

    Wagner said that the DRC firmly adheres to the one-China principle and is willing to deepen mutually beneficial and win-win cooperation with China, adding that the DRC actively supports the BRI and other global initiatives proposed by China.

    When meeting with Sangare, Wang said that China-Niger relations are part of South-South cooperation, and China is willing to carry forward the traditional friendship between the two countries and enhance mutual trust. Wang expressed the hope that Niger will safeguard the security and legitimate rights and interests of Chinese enterprises and citizens in Niger.

    Sangare said Niger firmly adheres to the one-China policy, regards cooperation with China as a priority, attaches great importance to security issues, and is willing to enhance mutual trust and maintain dialogue in the spirit of mutual respect.

    When meeting with Pereira, Wang said that Guinea-Bissau took reciprocal measures in the face of the U.S. tariff hikes, and the Global South should stand together, resist unilateralism and protectionism to safeguard international fairness and justice.

    Pereira thanked China for its long-term assistance to Guinea-Bissau, and Guinea-Bissau will continue to work with China to expand practical cooperation and achieve win-win results in the spirit of mutual support.

    When meeting with Tuggar, Wang said under the strategic guidance of the two heads of state, the relationship between China and Nigeria is increasingly of global importance, adding that China is willing to share development opportunities with Nigeria.

    Tuggar hailed the productive Nigeria-China relationship, expressing willingness to further deepen cooperation with China across various fields to advance their comprehensive strategic partnership.

    When meeting with Traore, Wang said facts have proven that the resumption of diplomatic ties between China and Burkina Faso fully serves the fundamental and long-term interests of Burkina Faso and its people. China is willing to strengthen mutually beneficial cooperation with Burkina Faso and encourages Chinese enterprises to invest and establish businesses there, Wang said, expressing the belief that Burkina Faso will ensure the safety of Chinese companies and personnel.

    Traore said Burkina Faso and China have elevated their relationship to a strategic partnership last year. Burkina Faso highly commends China for demonstrating leadership in supporting Africa’s development, thanks China for its support since the resumption of diplomatic ties, and is willing to deepen sincere and friendly cooperation with China, Traore said.

    When meeting with Timothewos, Wang said China and Ethiopia have worked together to achieve early results in implementing the outcomes of the FOCAC Beijing Summit, bringing more tangible benefits to the Ethiopian people. China is willing to strengthen strategic communication with Ethiopia, promote common development through mutually beneficial cooperation, and safeguard shared interests through solidarity and collaboration, he added.

    Timothewos said Ethiopia and China have achieved fruitful results in practical cooperation, setting a model for the Global South. He expressed gratitude for China’s firm support of Ethiopia’s core interests and valuable assistance to Africa’s development, and reiterated Ethiopia’s adherence to the one-China principle.

    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Minister of Foreign Affairs of Djibouti Abdoulkader Houssein Omar in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Foreign Minister of Ghana Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Congo Jean-Claude Gakosso in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Bissau-Guinean Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Communities Carlos Pinto Pereira in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Niger’s Foreign Minister Bakary Yaou Sangare in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Nigeria’s Foreign Minister Yusuf Maitama Tuggar in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Ethiopian Foreign Minister Gedion Timothewos in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Burkinabe Minister of Foreign Affairs Karamoko Jean-Marie Traore in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, meets with Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Therese Kayikwamba Wagner in Changsha, central China’s Hunan Province, June 11, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI USA: SCHUMER SAYS: HANDS OFF UPSTATE NY’S JOB CORPS CENTERS; FOLLOWING TRUMP ORDER TO SHUT DOWN JOB CORPS, ELIMINATING 550+ UPSTATE NY JOBS & CUTTING JOB TRAINING FOR THOUSANDS OF NEW YORKERS, SENATOR…

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New York Charles E Schumer
    Job Corps Provides Residential Workforce Training To Thousands of Students Across America & NY – Located In Albany, Sullivan, Orleans, Otsego & Chautauqua Counties – Helping Underserved Workers Get The Skills They Need To Start Careers In Healthcare, Construction, Tech, And Other Fields With Worker Shortages
    Schumer Says Rash, Potentially Illegal Move By Trump Admin Is Gut Punch To Upstate NY’s Worker-Starved Businesses From Albany To Western NY That Rely On Job Corps To Find Skilled Workers; Demands NY Republicans Stand Up To Trump And Join Him In Pushing To Reverse These Counterproductive Cuts That Hurt Small Businesses & Workers In Their Backyards
    Schumer: Eliminating Job Corps Hurts Workers, Businesses, And Upstate NY Economy
    With the Trump administration attempting to eliminate Job Corps, one of the nation’s largest workforce training programs with 5 centers across Upstate NY, U.S. Senator Chuck Schumer demanded the Trump administration stop their cruel, potentially illegal, attempts to decimate Job Corps, eliminating over 550 jobs across Upstate NY and canceling training to help students across America, including thousands in New York, get the skills they need to enter in-demand careers. Schumer said Upstate NY’s Job Corps centers – in Albany, Sullivan, Orleans, Otsego, and Chautauqua Counties – are essential for local small businesses and other employers that rely on Job Corps for a pipeline of new skilled workers to fill jobs.
    Schumer said the Trump administration is not only attempting to shut down Job Corps centers by June 30th, but in the recently released Presidential “skinny” budget request, Trump said he wants to totally zero out funding for the program. Schumer is leading efforts in the Senate to oppose these destructive and potentially illegal actions like pausing existing funds for the Job Corps centers by the Trump Administration to end this valuable program to train Upstate NY workers, and is demanding the GOP, especially NY House Republicans, many of whom have districts that rely on Job Corps, to stand with their constituents in fighting to save Job Corps by pushing the Trump administration to reverse course on these damaging policies.  
    “Across Upstate NY the Trump administration’s cruel order to shut down Job Corps centers has caused students and teachers to scramble, and if this goes through, it will be our small businesses and local economies paying the price. Job Corps is one of the best bang for your buck programs we have, one of America’s largest workforce training programs with thousands upon thousands of success stories putting young people into good-paying careers and helping employers grow with new, skilled workers. Job Corps is where New Yorkers go to get the skills they need to start their career in healthcare, construction, and other in demand fields, but right now, Trump wants to close the doors and kick all these young workers out on the street,” said Senator Schumer. “It’s cruel, it’s outrageous, and potentially illegal to stop the flow of funding under existing contracts from a program that is authorized and funded by Congress. We must save Job Corps across Upstate NY. We want to help young people get jobs, to get the training they need for successful careers, and eliminating these centers will hurt those students as well as local employers like small businesses and hospitals in getting the skilled workers they need. The courts have already put a pause on Trump’s initial attempts to kill Job Corps, and I will vehemently oppose his attempts to defund this program in the Senate because the people are on our side in saving Job Corps.”
    Last month, Trump paused operations at Job Corps centers nationwide sparking widespread outcry. Schumer explained this would kick more than a thousand young New Yorkers out of training programs and potentially to the curb, create mass layoffs of hundreds of workers at Job Corps centers in every corner of the state and hurt local businesses and other employers in need of skilled workers. Since then, a federal judge has temporarily blocked the pause, but Job Corps employees and students are being left in the lurch and are being forced to scramble as they do not know what the future holds as a final ruling in the court case is pending and the Trump administration continues its attacks on the program. In addition, Trump’s FY2026 budget proposal would completely eliminate funding for Job Corps centers, effectively killing the program.
    The Trump administration’s destructive actions would close Job Corps centers in every corner of New York, which train thousands of young New Yorkers every year. Schumer specifically highlighted how:
    In the Capital Region, the Glenmont Job Corps Center provides training to hundreds of students every year in fields encompassing construction, solar, culinary, automotive, security, and healthcare. The center employs 125 workers in the local area and has an estimated local community impact of $24.6 million annually.
    In the Hudson Valley, the Delaware Job Corps Center provides training for hundreds of students in fields encompassing construction, security, healthcare, and culinary. The center employs 101 workers in the local area and has an estimated local community economic impact of $18.1 million annually. The center also provides construction for community-based projects throughout the region via work-based learning agreements.
    In the Rochester-Finger Lakes Region, the Iroquois Job Center provides training to over 200 students in fields such as brick masonry, carpentry, electrical work, commercial painting, and healthcare. The center employs approximately 104 staff and injects over $8.9 million in federal funding into the local economy every year.
    In the Southern Tier, the Oneonta Job Corps is currently providing training hundreds of students and employs approximately 130 staff dedicated to helping students succeed.  Attracting students from all across the country, the center prepares students for careers in auto trades, healthcare, and pre-apprenticeship union trades in electrical, tile, and cement masonry. Oneonta’s Smart Grid Advanced Training for Electrical program helps students develop the skills they need to work on overhead lines, underground residential distributions, and smart meter logic controllers. In partnership with Mohawk Valley Community College, the center is training the next generation of drone operators through their Unmanned Aircraft Systems Operator program.
    In Western New York, the Cassadaga Job Corps provides training in fields such as healthcare, carpentry, and plumbing. The center employs approximately 100 workers in the local area.
    Schumer added, “Many of NY GOP districts rely on workers trained at Upstate NY’s Job Corps centers. That is why I’m calling on NY House Republicans to immediately reverse the proposed cuts in Trump’s budget request and push the Trump administration to stop its destructive pause of current funding to Job Corps that would devastate communities in their backyard.”
    For more than 60 years, Job Corps centers have helped millions of young people ages 16 to 24 finish high school, learn technical skills, and get jobs in in-demand fields such as healthcare and construction. Low-income and at-risk young people have received stable housing and health care while developing the skills they need to get good-paying jobs after graduation. Schumer is fighting to keep these centers open to preserve this pipeline for thousands of New Yorkers.
    Schumer recently sent a letter with 39 of his colleagues in the Senate calling on U.S. Department of Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer to protect Job Corps and demanding answers on these destructive efforts. A copy of the letter sent by Senator Schumer and his colleagues can be found HERE.
    “At Glenmont Job Corps, we see firsthand how powerful this program is. It gives young people the tools, support, and confidence they need to rewrite their stories and build a better future. These aren’t just students—they’re future workers, leaders, and contributors to our communities. If Job Corps is taken away, the loss won’t just be felt by the students—it’ll be felt in our neighborhoods, our workforce, and our local economy. We could see more young people left without direction, and that creates real challenges for everyone. This program works—and it’s worth fighting for. I’m incredibly grateful to Senator Schumer for standing with us and with every young person who deserves a chance to succeed,” said Tracy Battle, Center Director, Glenmont Job Corps.
    “For 60 years, the Iroquois Job Corps Center has trained hundreds of young adults annually to become the electricians, carpenters, medical assistants and more that our community needs,” said Lynne Johnson, Chairman of the Orleans County Legislature.  “The Center is also a vital employer, with 104 local workers, and has infused over 8.9 million-dollars in federal funding into our region’s economy. Stopping student enrollments and threatening to close the Iroquois Job Corps Center not only risks the futures of over 12,000 students but also the workforce that drives our region’s economic growth.  I’m proud to stand with Senator Schumer in calling for Job Corps student enrollments to resume immediately and keeping the Iroquois Job Corps Center open, so we can continue building a stronger, more prosperous community.”
    “I’ve worked at the Cassadaga Job Corps Center for 15 years. I’ve seen thousands of young people transform their lives here—earning diplomas, learning trades, and gaining real-world experience that benefits both them and our local community,” said Cassadaga Guardians of the Hill President Jake Brock. “Closing our center would take away critical opportunities from students and eliminate over 100 jobs in a rural area with few alternatives. We’re deeply grateful to Senator Schumer for his support in keeping Job Corps strong for future generations.”
    “The Delaware Valley Job Corps Center in Callicoon has been a valuable part of our community for nearly half a century, and any closure – even temporarily – will have devastating results in and around Sullivan County. Local young adults benefit from the skills training that the Center provides, and many of the over 100 employees live and shop in Sullivan County. We certainly will be harmed, economically and educationally, should that facility be shuttered,” said Sullivan County Manager Joshua A. Potosek.
    “The Delaware Valley Job Corps program has been a cornerstone of our community for nearly 50 years. By providing stable employment opportunities to local residents, it has made a meaningful contribution to the economic well-being of our region. Just as importantly, it has given our community the opportunity to positively impact the lives of thousands of young people, offering them the support, skills, and direction needed to build brighter futures. I am deeply concerned about the potential loss of these jobs and the far-reaching effects this would have on our local families and economy. The decision to shut down or scale back this program is short-sighted and overlooks the long-term value it provides—not only to the individuals it serves but to our entire community. I strongly urge that this decision be reversed and that full support be restored to the Delaware Valley Job Corps program,” said Sullivan County Legislator Catherine Scott.
    “The loss of the Oneonta Job Corps Academy would have a severe impact on our economy, our infrastructure, the capacity of our community services, and the quality of life in the City,” said Mark Drnek, Mayor of the City of Oneonta. “But beyond that, the closure of the Job Corps program, would be the retraction of a helping hand, and of the opportunity for hundreds of young men and women to pull themselves from poverty and place themselves on the very ladder of success that is the American Dream, in many cases providing precedent and role modeling to family, friends, and neighborhoods.”
    “Job corps gave me the opportunity to get my basic needs met (food, water, shelter and a stable environment), while giving me the opportunity to work on myself and the trajectory of my career. I would not be where I am today, without job corps,” said Cassadaga Job Corps Graduate Arlene Tariq.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Advocacy – Wellington hīkoi to parliament tomorrow against prison expansion

    Source: People Against Prisons Aotearoa (PAPA)

    On Friday, June 13, People Against Prisons Aotearoa (PAPA) is inviting concerned members of the community to a rally outside the Department of Corrections National Office in Pōneke (Wellington), to protest the Coalition Government’s expansion of Waikeria and Christchurch Men’s Prisons. After speeches, there will be a hīkoi to the lawn outside parliament.

    PAPA Wellington branch member Mallory Stevenson said “Adding more capacity to prisons will not address the injustices of our so-called justice system. We already know that the police and the courts lock up Māori extremely disproportionately. Expanding these systems just breaks apart more whānau, pushes Māori further into poverty. We need to meet people’s real needs, rather than just dumping billions of dollars into locking up the poor.”

    “The prison population is only growing because of totally reversible decisions this government has made. Despite evidence that longer sentences make it harder for people to reintegrate into society, they are choosing to lock more people up for longer.”

    An 810-bed expansion planned for Waikeria was announced in May of last year, and a 596-bed facility opened just a week ago. This year’s budget also announced a 292-bed expansion to Christchurch Men’s Prison. Paul Goldsmith’s recently passed Sentencing (Reform) Amendment Bill effectively provides a blanket increase to minimum sentences, interfering with the courts’ ability to make appropriate decisions.

    “If there’s an issue with prison overcrowding, it is an issue this government has created. We could be granting bail to the thousands of people on remand who haven’t been convicted of any crime and pursuing community-based solutions wherever possible. This government has taken every opportunity to defund services that actually help people and reduce crime. This government has defunded society so it can funnel cash to its billionaire supporters, and the prison crisis is the result. We deserve better.”

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Global: More free school meals is a start – here’s what would really address child poverty

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will Baker, Associate Professor of Sociology and Education, University of Bristol

    victoriyasmail/Shutterstock

    All children in England living in households claiming universal credit will soon be eligible for free school meals, the UK government has announced. This will improve the lives of 500,000 more children and save their families £500 per year.

    This will reduce hunger at school. But it will not solve the UK’s child poverty crisis.

    In her spending review on 11 June, Chancellor Rachel Reeves described the move – as well as investment in education – as “a downpayment ahead of publication of the Child Poverty Strategy in the autumn”. However, the two-child benefit cap, which the government is considering scrapping, and challenging school budgets, remain major barriers to addressing child poverty and food insecurity.

    According to analysis from the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the new free school meals policy will ultimately lift 100,000 children out of poverty and cost £1 billion a year. Under the current system, only families in receipt of universal credit and earning below £7,400 a year qualify for free school meals. This incredibly low threshold has excluded a huge number of children living in poverty from getting a good meal at school.

    Reactions have been justifiably positive. Nick Harrison, CEO of social mobility charity the Sutton Trust, has called the move “a significant step towards taking hunger out of the classroom”.

    The Institute for Fiscal Studies pointed out, however, that the implied poverty reducing benefits of the policy will only be realised in the long term.

    Eligibility for free school meals had temporarily widened during the roll out of universal credit.
    Juice Flair/Shutterstock

    This is partly because, since 2018, the eligibility for free school meals has been temporarily widened to mitigate the impact of changes in the welfare system (the roll out of universal credit) on families. During this period, which ended in April this year, children still received free school meals even if family entitlements to universal credit changed.

    This means that many children made eligible for free school meals under the new policy are already receiving them. And far fewer than 100,000 children will immediately be “lifted out of poverty”, as the government had claimed.

    A mission against child poverty?

    The education secretary, Bridget Phillipson, called the new school meals entitlement part of “the moral mission of this government to tackle the stain of child poverty”. She said: “Today this government takes a giant step towards ending it with targeted support that puts money back in parents’ pockets.”

    Such forceful language almost does justice to the scale of the problem. In the UK, 4.45 million children live in poverty. One in five children live in food insecure households – meaning their families struggle to put food on the table.

    My own research shows that a fifth of all schools now run a food bank. Extending free school meals is an undoubtedly positive step but it will only scratch the surface of these much deeper problems.

    Given the depths of child poverty in the UK, the government must build on this development if it really wants to tackle the problem. Firstly, the government must commit to removing the two-child benefit cap, which limits benefits paid for children to the first two children in a family. Doing so would lift 350,000 children out of poverty immediately and reduce the number of children turning up to school too hungry to learn.

    Extending free schools meal coverage is the less contentious policy option. There is, rightly or wrongly, public support for the two-child limit.

    But it is also the comparatively less ambitious and effective one. Lifting the two child benefit cap would help more children at a lower cost per child.

    Secondly, too often the government asks schools to meet essential costs, duties and innovations out of their existing budgets. In the long run, this disadvantages all children and particularly those living in poverty. This needs to change.

    For example, the government currently only funds 75% of the costs of the new national school breakfast clubs. Next year schools will have to find £400 million from their existing budgets to fund pay rises for teachers. This figure dwarfs the amount schools will receive next year for extending free school meals.

    Finally, we need to tackle the root causes of poverty and build viable pathways out of it. This cannot be achieved by largely focusing on education and providing more funding to schools – important as this is.

    Child poverty is shaped by how our welfare and benefits system is organised, insecure and low-paid work, the high costs of housing and bills, and the absence of high-quality services and community resources that help children thrive. Only by tackling all of these issues in a coordinated and progressive way will be able to make child hunger and poverty things of the past, which is where they belong.

    Will Baker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. More free school meals is a start – here’s what would really address child poverty – https://theconversation.com/more-free-school-meals-is-a-start-heres-what-would-really-address-child-poverty-258509

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Leader’s Report – June 2025

    Source: Scotland – City of Edinburgh

    Latest news from the Council Leader Jane Meagher.

    Driving attainment in our schools

    As we near the end of the school term, I want to begin by recognising the hard work and achievements of our children, young people, teachers and school staff throughout the year.

    I was particularly pleased to hear that the attainment of our school leavers has improved across almost all measures, with the gap narrowing between the performance of the most and least disadvantaged young people in our schools.

    These results are due, at least in part, to our curriculum pathways programme, which offers our secondary pupils the opportunity to enjoy a varied and engaging school day while seeing clear connections to future career opportunities.

    Our construction, roofing and stone carving courses, for example, help students in S4 to S6 to develop practical skills while also gaining qualifications that help them to map out a career path beyond school. It’s testament to this work that 95% of our school leavers are now going on to positive destinations.

    To all of our pupils who recently sat their exams, I wish you all the best of luck with your results in August. Pupils, teachers and staff have put in a tremendous amount of hard work preparing for exams and I know many parents, carers and wider family members will also have been encouraging their children to do their best.

    And to our school leavers, I wish you the very best as you embark on your next journey, whether in the workforce or further education.

    Cleaner, greener travel

    Earlier this month we marked one year since we began enforcement of our Low Emission Zone (LEZ). With Clean Air Day (19 June) coming up next week, this anniversary is a timely reminder of the importance of restricting the most polluting vehicles and improving air quality in our busy city centre.

    Air pollution is associated with between 29,000 and 43,000 deaths a year in the UK alone, with both the World Health Organisation and the UK Government citing it as the largest environmental threat to our health. It was reassuring then to hear both NHS Lothian and Asthma + Lung UK praising our scheme.  

    The good news is we’re seeing wider benefits across our network with the Institute of Occupational Medicine finding a statistically significant shift towards active travel and public transport in the six months following LEZ enforcement.

    Recent data suggests further positive outcomes from new active travel projects such as Leith Connections (20% increase in pedestrian numbers) and Leith Walk (40% increase in cycling numbers), with Cycling Scotland also reporting record journeys on the City Centre West to East Link (CCWEL) and at Picardy Place.

    Meanwhile Edinburgh Trams and Lothian Buses both continue to report improving passenger numbers and performance following their respective Operator of the Year accolades at the National Transport Awards 2024.

    Building a strong and stable third sector

    Tackling poverty remains a key priority for us – but we can’t achieve this without the third sector. Yet worryingly, with funding becoming ever scarcer, our population growing and more people struggling with the cost of living, many charities are in a precarious position.

    It’s clear to me that we need to find a more sustainable way forward for a sector that brings so much good. That’s why we’ve asked the Edinburgh Partnership to conduct a review of how it supports and works with third sector organisations across the city, and ultimately to find solutions for improving funding certainty in future years.

    We want to hear about how we can make it simpler, provide more stability, and collaborate to help those who need this sector’s support most. Please share your views on our Consultation Hub. Results will be shared with everyone who takes part and with the third sector, before being reported to our next Policy and Sustainability Committee in August.

    Farewell Sir Tom

    I was saddened to hear of the passing of Sir Tom Farmer last month. A proud Leither, generous philanthropist and true son of Edinburgh whose influence reached far beyond our city’s boundaries.

    Sir Tom was a recipient of the Edinburgh Award, and his handprints remain immortalised in the City Chambers Quadrangle, a lasting tribute to a life of service, innovation, and generosity. Best known as the founder of Kwik Fit, he transformed the automotive industry, building a business that grew to over 2,000 locations across 18 countries and, of course, owned a majority stake in Hibernian FC for 28 years. I have no doubt he was looking down proudly as Hibs Ladies clinched the league title for the first time in 18 years.

    Yet, his legacy extends well beyond his entrepreneurial success. Born in Leith in 1940, his roots in the community remained strong throughout his life. His service was recognised with a knighthood in 1997, and again in 2009, when he was made a Commander of the Royal Victorian Order (CVO) for his charitable work. He also received the Carnegie Medal for Philanthropy and was named a Knight Commander with Star of the Order of St Gregory the Great, an honour bestowed by the Pope.

    Sir Tom’s final journey took him through the streets of Leith, past Easter Road Stadium, where hundreds of Hibs fans gathered to pay tribute to a man whose kindness, leadership and civic pride have left a lasting mark.

    Summer in the city

    The busy summer season is upon us once more. The city has already enjoyed the Edinburgh Children’s Festival, with the ever-popular Meadows Festival taking place last weekend.

    Looking ahead, the city is gearing up for a colourful and joyful celebration next weekend as the annual Pride Edinburgh march brings thousands together in the heart of the Capital. Pride is an important date in the city’s calendar and honours the diversity, history and dignity of our LGBT+ community. 

    Then, later this month, all eyes will turn to Ingliston for the Royal Highland Show (19–22 June), a highlight of Scotland’s summer and a showcase of rural life, food, and culture.

    The coming weeks will see the city filled with music, art, and performance, starting with the Edinburgh Castle concert series and the Edinburgh Jazz & Blues Festival in July. As we move into August, the city becomes the world’s stage with the Edinburgh Festival Fringe – boasting 3,350 shows and 265 venues this year – the International Festival, Book Festival, Art Festival, Film Festival, and the iconic Royal Edinburgh Military Tattoo.

    I’m also very much looking forward to the reopening of the Filmhouse on 27 June following a lengthy and well-coordinated campaign to save and refurbish it. I know this was a cause very close to the heart of our late friend and colleague, Val Walker, and how much joy this would have brought her.

    Our world-renowned festivals and events sustain our reputation as a global cultural capital, with the positives extending well beyond entertainment. You need look no further than the £200 million our Winter Festivals brought to the local economy last year.

    They also bring real energy and excitement to the city, alongside lasting benefits to our businesses, communities and local charities. From next July, they will help to raise even more (as much as £50 million per year) for the city, courtesy of our visitor levy. We’re continuing to make good progress towards its introduction and have just given our views to the Scottish Government on a potential Cruise Ship Levy, which could be worth a further million pounds to the city each year.

    Stay Different

    Of course, these events require meticulous planning and coordination to limit the inevitable pressure on the city and our residents – and I want to extend my thanks to the many colleagues across events, waste, public safety and our partner organisations, for ensuring they remain safe, inclusive, and successful.

    Another way we can relieve the pressure is to encourage visitors (and residents!) to leave the beaten track and explore the many other wonderful attractions we have across the city. That’s the message of our new destination visitor marketing campaign Stay Different, which reminds visitors that Edinburgh is a year-round destination and there is much to discover in our local neighbourhoods and beyond.

    A revealing glimpse into our past

    As if we didn’t have enough to do this summer, I’m very much looking forward to exploring three standout shows that offer powerful glimpses into our past.

    At the St Giles’ Cathedral, Edinburgh’s First Burghers: Revealing the Lives and Hidden Faces of Edinburgh’s Medieval Citizens presents an extraordinary mix of science, history, and storytelling. Marking the joint 900th anniversaries of Edinburgh and St Giles’ Cathedral, this unique exhibition brings to life the medieval citizens buried at the site and allows us to see the faces and learn the stories of some of our earliest residents.

    At the City Art Centre, meanwhile, John Bellany: A Life in Self-Portraiture showcases more than 80 works by one of Scotland’s most important modern artists. With never-before-seen sketchbooks and artworks displayed across two floors, this is a compelling insight into a life lived through art.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Spending Review presents challenges

    Source: Scottish Government

    Funding for Scotland falls behind UK Government departments.

    The UK Spending Review fails to deliver for Scotland, Finance Secretary Shona Robison has said.

    Spending levels for public services will fail to offset the impact of proposed cuts to welfare support and the rise in National Insurance contributions, the Finance Secretary warned in response to the Chancellor’s statement.

    Shona Robison said: 

    “This Spending Review is business as usual from the UK Government, which is yet again treating Scotland as an afterthought and failing to provide us with the funding we need.

    “Today’s settlement for Scotland is particularly disappointing, with real terms growth of 0.8% a year for our overall Block Grant, which is lower than the average for UK Departments. Had our resource funding for day-to-day priorities grown in line with the UK Government’s overall spending, we would have £1.1 billion more to spend on our priorities over the next three years. In effect, Scotland has been short-changed by more than a billion pounds.

    “This all comes on top of the UK Government’s failure to fully fund their employer National Insurance increase, depriving us of hundreds of millions of pounds in funding, and their proposed cuts in support for disabled people that will push 250,000 people into poverty, including 50,000 children.

    “It is also disappointing that despite apparent briefing to media in advance, we are still awaiting clarity on funding for the vital Acorn project in the North East of Scotland.

    “We made extensive representations to the UK Government on our priorities for the Spending Review, including calls for an end to spending that bypasses devolution, but there has been limited opportunity to engage with them. It appears that the continuation of local growth funding – which fails to match the European Structural Funds it was supposed to replace – will come directly from Whitehall, yet again bypassing devolved governments.

    “We will now take the time to digest the detail of this statement and will set out our formal response on 25 June as part of the Medium Term Financial Strategy.” 

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK Spending Review locks in decades of austerity

    Source: Scottish Greens

    Labour could choose to tax the rich, instead they’re making more cuts to vital sectors

    The UK Labour Government’s Spending Review will lock in many years of austerity and drive people further into poverty and hardship, warn the Scottish Greens.

    Chancellor Rachel Reeves’ announcement saw £52 billion of spending in total promised for Scotland, but noted losses to the budgets for crucial devolved areas such as transport, environment and rural affairs, while increasing spending in reserved areas such as defence and nuclear energy. 

    Labour also made no indication of scrapping the harmful policies that exacerbate widespread poverty across Scotland and the wider UK.

    Responding to the publication of the UK Government’s Spending Review, Scottish Greens co-leader Patrick Harvie MSP said:

    “The UK Spending Review should be a chance for the UK Government to ditch some of the most damaging policies that have driven people across the UK into poverty and hardship.  

    “Despite the shiny capital announcements made so far, Labour’s ideologically driven, self-imposed borrowing rules will still lock in austerity for many years to come.  

    “The UK Government could choose to tax the wealthiest in society – millionaires and billionaires – and raise more than £24 billion a year. 

    “Just like their Tory predecessors – Labour remain all too happy to balance the books through slashing support for some of our most marginalised communities – all while allowing the rich to get even richer. Scotland has had enough of mitigating bad decisions made by Westminster. 

    “The Scottish Greens are not scared of taking on vested interests and ensuring that the wealthiest in society and the big polluters pay their fair share. 
     
    “We’ll soon see what hand the Spending Review deals for Scotland’s budget. 

    “The Scottish Government must now show the boldness that’s been missing from both governments so far, especially on the action needed now to tackle the climate emergency, instead of relying on techno-fixes that are still on the drawing board.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: Davids, 100 Members of Congress Demand Restoration of Title X Funding Following Extreme Attacks on Family Planning

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Sharice Davids (KS-3)

    Last week, ahead of the 60th anniversary of the landmark Griswold v. Connecticut decision affirming the constitutional right to contraception, U.S. Representatives Sharice Davids (KS-03), Josh Gottheimer (NJ-05), Judy Chu (CA-27), and Lizzie Fletcher (TX-07) demanded the Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. to immediately restore funding for the Title X Family Planning Program. 

    Title X is the only federal program solely dedicated to family planning. Despite Congressional approval, the Trump Administration is withholding funding from 16 grantees across 23 states under vague investigations into “possible violations.” Grantees have received no updates or timeline, forcing health centers to slash staff, reduce services, and in some cases close entirely.

    This funding freeze is a part of the Trump Administration’s larger attacks on reproductive freedom, including rescinding Biden-era guidance for emergency abortions this week. Title X is essential for preventing unwanted pregnancies and ensuring access to care for all.

    “We must not turn a blind eye to the broader mounting threats to our reproductive freedoms. Both contraception and abortion are essential health care services and part of a full range of sexual and reproductive health care that allow every American the freedom to make decisions about our own bodies and their own futures. The overturning of Roe v. Wade dealt a direct blow to people’s privacy rights, access to health care, including imperiling access to contraception. In a world where access to abortion is severely limited or not accessible at all, it is even more important for people who want to prevent pregnancy to be able to affordably and easily access it from trusted family planning providers of their choice,” the Members wrote in a letter to Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert Kennedy, Jr. 

    The Members continued, “That is why Title X is so important. Title X has historically received broad bipartisan support and has been funded by Congress every year since 1970 because we recognize what Griswold holds true: that all individuals should have the freedom to make decisions about their own bodies and lives.”

    “60 years ago the right to birth control was established in Griswold v Connecticut, but today the attacks to take away our reproductive rights are relentless. President Trump’s decision to withhold Title X funding shows he’s so determined to shutter Planned Parenthood health centers that he’s willing to harm millions of people and deny many their only source of health care to do it. In the more than 50 years since this bipartisan, popular program has been in effect, Title X funding has played a critical role in allowing patients to access vital services and has helped Planned Parenthood health centers provide critical care like birth control, cancer screenings, and STI testing and treatment. This, along with Trump and Congressional Republicans’ efforts to ‘defund’ Planned Parenthood, reveals a dangerous and unacceptable agenda that will leave millions at risk of losing health care and nearly 200 health centers at risk of closing. This funding must be released so that patients can get the life-saving and affordable care they need,” said Alexis McGill Johnson, President and CEO of Planned Parenthood Action Fund.

    “Withholding Title X funds from trusted providers — without transparency or resolution — is not just unjustified; it’s a direct threat to essential health care for millions,” said Clare Coleman, President & CEO of the National Family Planning & Reproductive Health Association. “More than 60 days after this reckless and unlawful HHS action affecting Title X-funded care in 23 states, we are seeing health center closures, staff layoffs, and reduced services — all of which will lead directly to worsening health outcomes. While the right to contraception guaranteed to Americans under Griswold has never been more precarious, the facts stand: everyone deserves the freedom to make their own choices about their lives and health, without political interference.”

    Full text of the letter sent to Secretary Robert Kennedy Jr. can be found here and below:

    Dear Secretary Kennedy, 

    On the 60th anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in Griswold v. Connecticut, we write to express our unwavering support for the Title X Family Planning Program (Title X), the only domestic federally-funded program dedicated to family planning. For 60 years, the constitutional right to contraception has been protected by Griswold v. Connecticut, empowering millions with the ability to make their own reproductive health care decisions. However, due to the actions of this Administration, reproductive freedom is under threat. The Administration’s decision to withhold millions in funding for Title X means low income individuals have lost access to contraceptive services and supplies. On this landmark anniversary of Griswold, it is extremely important to protect Title X and reiterate why it has and should continue to serve as the cornerstone of safety-net care for millions of people.

    Title X provides access to contraception to help people avoid pregnancies they do not want, and to plan and space pregnancies they do want, decreasing the risk of complications.  This is even more critical for patients who face financial barriers to health care. Title X plays an instrumental role in ensuring patients get the care they need and want without cost being a barrier. In 2023, 83% of clients served by Title X-funded clinics had family incomes at or below 250% of the federal poverty level, with 60% qualifying for free services because they had incomes at or below 100% of the federal poverty level ($30,000 for a family of four). Among all Title X clients, 27% were uninsured, while 67% of users with some form of health insurance had public insurance coverage.  It is no wonder that 60% of women who receive reproductive health care services from Title X providers say it is the only form of health care they receive in a year. The Title X program supports a network of approximately 4,000 clinics across the country.  Without Title X funding, many of these clinics could shutter, ripping access to contraception away from millions.

    As we reflect on the significance of Griswold, we must not turn a blind eye to the broader mounting threats to our reproductive freedoms. Both contraception and abortion are essential health care services and part of a full range of sexual and reproductive health care that allow every American the freedom to make decisions about our own bodies and their own futures. The overturning of Roe v. Wade dealt a direct blow to people’s privacy rights, access to health care, including imperiling access to contraception. In a world where access to abortion is severely limited or not accessible at all, it is even more important for people who want to prevent pregnancy to be able to affordably and easily access it from trusted family planning providers of their choice That is why Title X is so important. Title X has historically received broad bipartisan support and has been funded by Congress every year since 1970 because we recognize what Griswold holds true: that all individuals should have the freedom to make decisions about their own bodies and lives.

    On March 31, 2025, your Department notified 16 Title X grantees — representing networks of health care providers in 23 states — that their funding was being withheld until an investigation over ‘possible violations’ of grant terms and conditions, specifically federal civil rights laws and executive orders, could be undertaken.  More than two months later, these grantees remain without funding and have received no communication from the Administration regarding the status of the investigations, the expected timeline, or the future of their funding. In that time, several of these entities have been forced to furlough or layoff staff, limit available services or charge for services that were previously available to low-income individuals at low or no cost, and shutter health centers. Congress has already appropriated these funds, and the Administration has a responsibility to distribute them without undue delay or obstruction, ensuring that critical care is not disrupted for millions of people who rely on Title X services.

    We urge you to restore all appropriated funding for Title X providers and work with Congress to ensure that all people have access to the comprehensive contraception services they seek.

    Sincerely,

    MEMBERS OF CONGRESS

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Deputy Secretary-General’s remarks to the Opening of the Eighteenth Session of the Conference of States Parties to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities [as delivered]

    Source: United Nations secretary general

    Welcome to the 18th session of the Conference of States Parties to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

    On behalf of the Secretary-General, I extend my deepest gratitude to all of you for all you do to advance the rights of persons with disabilities around the world.

    A special welcome to civil society, and in particular, to the organizations led by persons with disabilities.

    Your presence fills this Hall with purpose.

    Advancing equality and expanding opportunities for people with disabilities is not only close to my heart – it is central to the vision of the Secretary-General and the UN Disability Inclusion Strategy.

    It is a test of our common values. Inclusion of persons with disabilities is also a testament to common sense.

    When persons with disabilities can fully participate in society, communities and economies are stronger.

    We know this.  And so do all those who realize the Convention.  

    In an often-divided world, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities stands as a powerful declaration: 

    Disability inclusion is fundamental to human rights — and essential to achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. 

    Yet today, we face a sobering truth.

    Progress is not just slow – in some cases, it is reversing.

    The UN Disability and Development Report found that nearly all SDG indicators for persons with disabilities are off track.

    The message is stark:

    Persons with disabilities face higher poverty, greater unemployment, deeper food and health insecurity, and more limited access to education, jobs and digital technologies.

    And as this session reminds us, indigenous persons with disabilities face even greater exclusion.

    This must change.

    The Pact for the Future, adopted last year, reinforces the call for a more peaceful, inclusive, accessible and equitable world – one in which persons with disabilities play a full and equal role in advancing sustainable development, climate action and digital transformation.

    We meet today on the threshold of two vital gatherings: the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, and the Second World Summit for Social Development.

    Your deliberations will help shape those events. 

    This session focuses on three critical themes.

    How we finance change.

    How we harness technology.

    And how we honour those most often left behind: Indigenous persons with disabilities.

    Let me offer a few reflections.

    First, on funding change.

    Progress requires investment.

    Yet today, global support for disability inclusion has been cut in half – falling from $500 million to $250 million in just two years.

    Behind these figures are real lives. 

    Children with disabilities shut out of classrooms.

    Adults with disabilities who cannot get to work, if they have work at all.

    Families of persons with disabilities denied essential services.

    Women and girls with disabilities are denied sexual and reproductive health and rights.

    We need targeted investments and tailored solutions – such as microfinance, social impact bonds and public-private alliances – that address gaps in realizing the rights of persons with disabilities.

    And we must unlock capital to fund inclusion today, and build sustainable, inclusive systems for tomorrow.

    This requires advancing the Pact for the Future’s calls to recapitalize Multilateral Development Banks, provide debt relief, and reform the international financial architecture – so that developing countries can invest in systems that are inclusive and accessible to persons with disabilities.  

    Second, we must continue to harness the transformative power of technologies.

    Artificial intelligence is the latest frontier – and it holds immense potential to advance inclusion. 

    AI can be the difference between isolation and participation.

    And help individuals navigate the world through tools such as speech recognition, sign language interpretation, real-time captioning, screen readers, accessible navigation assistance and personalized support for daily tasks.

    But this promise comes with a warning. 

    Biases are being hardwired into algorithms.

    And regulations on accessibility of emerging technologies are sorely lacking.

    Developed countries, in particular, have a responsibility to step up support.

    Today about 70% of AI-powered assistive technologies are concentrated in developed economies.

    Without global cooperation and fair technology transfer agreements, people in the poorest countries risk being excluded – again. 

    We must ensure that AI becomes a tool for humanity, not a mirror of entrenched inequalities.

    Through the Global Digital Compact, countries have made their expectations clear: 

    AI technologies must empower all people, including persons with disabilities, and ensure that no one is left behind in the digital age.     
        
    Third, we must do more to uphold the rights of Indigenous persons with disabilities.

    Persistent barriers in intersecting forms of discrimination are limiting their rights, and the disparities are stark.

    In Latin America, for example, indigenous persons with disabilities attend fewer years of school, earn half as much income, and hold fewer leadership roles.

    Indigenous women and girls with disabilities face greater rates of violence, isolation and lack of support services.

    Legal services are not accessible or are not culturally adequate for equal access to justice.

    This is not just neglect – it is erasure.

    Realizing the rights of Indigenous Persons with Disabilities requires culturally appropriate approaches – and meaningful inclusion in decision-making.

    The rallying cry has never been more fitting:  Nothing about us without us. 

    Dear friends,

    We’ve come a long way in 19 years.

    Laws have changed.

    Attitudes have shifted.

    And political realities have shifted, too.

    Armed conflict in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan and elsewhere is leaving countless civilians with sustained permanent injuries and deep psychological trauma.

    Children with disabilities are especially vulnerable – Gaza alone has the highest number of child amputees in modern history.

    Families are bearing the brunt of conflicts, and communities will require inclusive and accessible rebuilding.

    Wars are draining budgets. And the foundations of multilateralism are being chiseled away by division and mistrust.

    Yet this session is proof that the world can still come together – with purpose and resolve. 

    It is a reminder that we must make sure promises made are promises kept.

    Let’s make the most of this conference – and the historic opportunities ahead – to drive action for persons with disabilities.  

    To build a world that is inclusive, accessible, and sustainable.

    And to say in one voice:

    Rights are not optional.

    They are universal. 

    They are non-negotiable.

    And they belong to all.

    Thank you.
     

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Family homesteads with tangled titles are contributing to rural America’s housing crisis

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jennifer Pindyck, Assistant Professor of Architecture, Auburn University

    Rural Studio helps families build new housing on land with tangled titles, meaning there’s no clear owner. Auburn University Rural Studio. Photo by Timothy Hursley, CC BY-SA

    Imagine your parents leave you and your siblings a share of land that’s been in your family for generations. Several of your relatives already live on the land, and you’d like to do the same; but you can’t get a loan to build or renovate a home without permission from all the relatives who also share ownership. And at any moment, another heir could sell their share, triggering a court-ordered sale that could force you off the land – and lose everything you’ve invested in.

    This is the reality of what’s known as heirs’ property: land passed down informally, without clear wills or deeds, which results in a “tangled” or “clouded” title.

    It’s more common than you might think in the U.S., especially in rural areas, and it presents significant challenges to long-term housing stability.

    Research shows that within 44 states and the District of Columbia, there are an estimated 508,371
    heirs’ properties, with an assessed value of US$32 billion. (There wasn’t reliable enough data in six states.)

    It’s more of an issue in some states, such as Alabama. But it’s also a problem in cities such as New York City and Philadelphia.

    Because it’s so difficult to finance home construction on this land, sell it or leverage it, heirs’ property can leave families vulnerable to exploitation and perpetuate cycles of poverty. Despite these challenges, many families have nonetheless lived together and supported one another on shared land for generations.

    As faculty and collaborators with Auburn University’s Rural Studio, we study heirs’ property and its role in shaping housing access. Based in Hale County, Alabama, Rural Studio has completed over 200 projects – many of them homes built on heirs’ property – providing critical housing for families facing complex land ownership challenges.

    Land with no clear owner

    The lack of a clear will or deed often happens due to inadequate access to – and distrust of – the legal system.

    Once the land is passed down to the next generation, the heirs are known as “tenants in common,” meaning they own an undivided interest in the entire property. As the property continues to pass down from generation to generation, the number of tenants in common increases exponentially.

    When a couple passes down land to their children – and then those kids pass it down to their kids – the number of heirs dramatically increases.
    Auburn University Rural Studio, CC BY-SA

    Without clear title, no single person or group can make decisions about the property. Every heir must legally sign off on any action, which makes it nearly impossible to secure traditional forms of financing, obtain insurance, access disaster relief, or use the land as collateral.

    Those living on the land often pay their share of property taxes, but distant or unaware heirs might not, which puts the entire property at risk of being lost through a tax lien sale. This leaves families with property in “tangled” status exposed to predatory land acquisition practices that often lead to land loss.

    Any tenant in common can sell their share to an outside party. These outside parties – either individuals or companies – can then request a court to order what’s called a partition by sale, which can push every other owner off the land.

    Imagine three siblings inherit a piece of land from their parents and are now tenants in common. One sibling sells their share to a real estate investor. That investor then goes to court and requests a partition by sale. The court then orders the entire property sold and the proceeds split among the owners, effectively forcing the other two siblings off the land, even if they wanted to keep it.

    Such tactics are especially common in the Black Belt region of the U.S., which covers Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia and South Carolina; as such, they disproportionately affect Black Americans.

    Why family-owned land matters

    Our research in Hale County, Alabama, finds that Black families in particular have supported one another for generations while living on heirs’ property.

    These multigenerational kinship networks rely on one another for child care, elder care, food, transportation and shared utility costs. But the value of this sort of living situation goes beyond social and economic benefits. The land can be woven into family lore or be steeped in the history of the surrounding area.

    So, despite the legal and financial challenges, many extended families will do whatever they can to continue living together on their land. Even a small stake in heirs’ property offers connection to the past and a place to return home in the future.

    Family members often live in different homes spread across heirs’ property, which often exists in a legal gray area.
    Auburn University Rural Studio, CC BY-SA

    These informal kinship networks can provide support and resilience in ways that traditional forms of land and homeownership do not. Putting all of the people who own the land on the title – what’s known as “clearing title” – is not only costly and time-consuming, but it also often requires dividing up the property into smaller parcels, which can prevent some family members from living on the land altogether.

    Meanwhile, traditional legal and financial products – think mortgages and land-use agreements with farmers – tend to be structured with sole ownership in mind. Most banks and institutions simply won’t lend to heirs’ property with tangled titles.

    There have been recent efforts to protect these informal arrangements. The Uniform Partition of Heirs Property Act, which has been enacted in 25 states, ensures due process and sets up safeguards against immediate partition by sale actions.

    For example, if a suit is brought by a co-owner, a fair market value appraisal – or an agreed-upon value by all parties – must be conducted. The other shareholders of the land also have the option to buy out the shareholder bringing the suit. Under the statute, additional partition methods may be considered. And if a sale is required, it’s done on the open market.

    Many organizations are working to address issues related to heirs’ property and tangled titles. Most of the work centers on clearing title, establishing shared land agreements and teaching landowners how to avoid having their property fall into a tangled title situation. For example, the Florida Housing Coalition, Housing Assistance Council and the Alabama Heirs Property Alliance are actively engaged in community education, legal support, data mapping and policy advocacy.

    Build first, ask permission later

    Many rural families on heirs’ property have limited pathways to homeownership. Financial constraints, limited access to quality housing options and lot restrictions have often forced residents to settle for older, substandard, manufactured homes. Small utility sheds have even begun to replace broken-down trailer homes in many rural areas.

    Utility sheds are increasingly being used as homes across the U.S. South.
    Auburn University Rural Studio, CC BY-SA

    There’s clearly a need for safe, durable housing that enables these families to build generational wealth. And that’s where Rural Studio comes in.

    Building new housing or renovating existing structures means dealing with a web of zoning laws, building codes and land development ordinances, which are all tied to financing and lending systems. While many efforts to address heirs’ property aim to change legal policies, we approach this issue through housing.

    We use what we call a “build first” strategy. Using funds from research grants and donations, we simply start building on heirs’ properties with the permission of families. In the process, we show that if tangled titles were no longer an obstacle, much more housing could be built.

    One of our recent Rural Studio projects is the 18×18 House, a compact, multistory home built for a young man living on heirs’ property in Alabama.

    The 18X18 House is a multistory home that was on heirs’ property in Alabama.
    Auburn University Rural Studio. Photo by Timothy Hursley, CC BY-SA

    The home is nestled between several other family members’ homes. We had to work around existing electrical lines, a septic field, roads and steep topography. Despite these site constraints, the house is an ideal starter home: big enough for the young man and a future partner to live comfortably on the family plot. If he ever decides to leave, other family members can move in.

    Rather than focusing on one-off products, our goal with the 18×18 House is to develop replicable housing prototypes that respond to the realities of intergenerational living on family land. We also hope that tangible housing will help policymakers understand the value of reform.

    The question isn’t whether design can respond to these challenges, but how it can lead by pushing antiquated regulatory and legal frameworks to evolve.

    Jennifer Pindyck receives funding from Fannie Mae, Wells Fargo and the Center for Architecture, in partnership with AIA New York. She is affiliated with the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture and is a registered architect in the state of Georgia.

    Christian Ayala Lopez work is funded through a diverse range of organizations such as Fannie Mae, USDA, and Center for Architecture NY. He is affiliated to Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture, National Council of Architectural Registration Boards, and member of Florida Housing Coalition.

    Rusty Smith receives funding from Fannie Mae, USDA, Wells Fargo and Regions Bank. He is affiliated with the Housing Assistance Council, the American Institute of Architects, the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture, the National Renewable Energy Laboratory Innovation Incubator, the EPA Collegiate/Underserved Community Partnership and the Bipartisan Policy Center.

    ref. Family homesteads with tangled titles are contributing to rural America’s housing crisis – https://theconversation.com/family-homesteads-with-tangled-titles-are-contributing-to-rural-americas-housing-crisis-254679

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Ten British AI breakthroughs set to cut bills and heat homes more efficiently

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    Press release

    Ten British AI breakthroughs set to cut bills and heat homes more efficiently

    Millions of families could see warmer homes and lower energy bills, as ministers back ten new AI innovations which will help make the UK a clean energy superpower through the government’s Plan for Change.

    Manchester Prize finalists announced.

    • Ten AI pioneers are being supported to develop AI solutions which slash energy bills and accelerate the UK’s clean energy superpower ambitions.   
    • Technologies include AI-powered heat mapping drones and smart panels that warm homes from the outside.  
    • Winners will compete for £1 million Manchester Prize, helping to unlock AI innovation and growth to deliver the government’s Plan for Change.

    Millions of families could see warmer homes and lower energy bills, as ministers back ten new AI innovations which will help make the UK a clean energy superpower through the government’s Plan for Change.

    The ten finalists for the second round of the Manchester Prize include revolutionary technologies that could transform how Britain tackles climate change, while cutting costs for working families.  

    Among them is a system using AI to design bespoke panels, turning bricks into radiators to warm homes from the outside in, keeping a comfortable inside temperature all year round and simplifying the installation of heat pumps in older homes while reducing costs.   

    Another team uses AI-enabled drones to map heat loss across entire neighbourhoods, helping councils identify exactly which homes need urgent insulation upgrades – which could save households hundreds on their annual energy bill.   

    The Manchester Prize, funded by the Department of Science, Innovation and Technology and delivered by Challenge Works (part of the Nesta group), is rewarding UK-led AI breakthroughs that support the public good, including growing the economy, improving public services and helping to create a just transition to Net Zero for everyone.   
     
    Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology, Peter Kyle said:   

    AI is opening up transformative new ways to tackle climate change and support the UK’s ambition to become a clean energy superpower.   

    That includes using the technology to keep our homes warm, while also supporting projects which will use AI to slash carbon emissions in our cement and steel industries – sectors which account for 16% of global emissions.   

    This is how we deliver our Plan for Change – harnessing innovation to solve major challenges, cut energy bills, and improve lives across Britain.

    Energy Secretary Ed Miliband said: 

    Clean power is the economic opportunity of the 21st century and these projects will help households and businesses take advantage of lower bills, in a smarter and faster way than ever before. 

    From specially designed radiator walls to a smart power grid that flicks on and off as we need, AI has the potential to help every home in Britain to feel the benefits of warmer homes and homegrown clean energy.

    Julia King, Baroness Brown of Cambridge, chair of the Manchester Prize judging panel said:   

    We are at a critical juncture in the journey to net zero, the next decade is make or break if the world is to keep global temperatures from exceeding 1.5C by 2050. Global emissions need to halve by 2030 compared to 1990 levels if we are to stay on track, while electricity production will need to double by 2050 to meet the demands of an electrified economy – clean energy innovation is essential.

    The rapid advancement of AI means we have tools like never before to achieve the goal of decarbonising the economy while supporting individuals, communities and businesses to thrive.

    Other finalists include AI technologies to help the logistics industry cut its emissions, and AI being used to ensure the energy grid remains balanced at all times – as more and more of our energy supplies comes from wind and solar.   
     
    The ten teams behind the advanced AI solutions have each received £100,000 in seed funding, plus £60,000 worth of compute credits to help train and scale their models. They will also benefit from non-financial support including investor readiness guidance and access to a network of experts, positioning them for success in the pursuit of the £1 million grand prize in spring 2026. The winning solution will demonstrate not only technical innovation, but also an evidenced road map to near-term (2030) adoption, scale and impact.   

    These shortlisted finalists will now follow in the footsteps of Polaron – the inaugural winners of the Manchester Prize which speeds up the development of advanced materials used in all walks of life – from wind turbines to electric batteries.  

    The winning innovation will be announced early next year, taking home the grand prize of £1 million to bring their cutting-edge ideas to life.  

    It builds on the AI Opportunities Action Plan, the UK government’s blueprint to accelerate the use of AI across the economy. By harnessing cutting-edge solutions like these, AI is driving breakthroughs in industry, transforming public services, and improving the lives of citizens across the country.

    Notes to Editors

    About the first Manchester Prize

    The Manchester Prize is a multi-million-pound challenge prize from the UK’s Department for Science, Innovation and Technology to reward UK-led breakthroughs in artificial intelligence for public good. It is rewarding innovations that will help to transform the lives of the people across the UK and continue to secure the UK’s place as a global leader in cutting edge innovation.   
     
    In its second year, the Manchester Prize will reward UK-led breakthroughs in artificial intelligence that will accelerate action towards the UK’s ambitious clean energy and net zero goals – manchesterprize.org.

    About Challenge Works

    Challenge Works is a global leader in designing and delivering high-impact challenge prizes that incentivise cutting-edge innovation for social good. It is part of UK innovation foundation agency Nesta. For more than a decade, it has run more than 97 prizes, distributed more than £210 million in funding and engaged with 16,000 innovators.   

    Manchester Prize (year 2) finalists

    Agent Net Zero

    Agent Net Zero by University of Sheffield and AMRC. Agent Net Zero is an innovative AI system that helps industrial companies become more sustainable by analysing their environmental impact in real-time. The system continuously monitors energy usage and emissions by connecting to various data sources across operations. Using advanced AI techniques, Agent Net Zero identifies environmental hotspots and automatically suggests practical improvements. This gives businesses clear, actionable insights to reduce their carbon footprint while maintaining productivity and competitiveness, essentially providing a “sustainability assistant” that works 24/7 to help companies achieve their net-zero goals.

    BiofuelAi

    BiofuelAi by University of Surrey. BiofuelAi brings cutting-edge AI and machine learning to the biofuel industry, optimising complex, variable processes in real time. Traditional biogas production often relies on operator intuition due to unpredictable biological systems because biofuels are made from multiple material inputs. BiofuelAi solves this with advanced predictive models that create a digital twin of each site, enabling whole-system optimisation – from daily feedstock recipes to long-term acquisition strategies. Developed by AI and sustainability experts, the platform boosts efficiency, profitability, and environmental impact, offering a scalable solution for cleaner, data-driven energy production worldwide.

    Carbon Re

    Carbon Re by Carbon Re. Cement forms the foundation of our modern world but it has a sustainability problem – it is responsible for around 8% of global CO₂ emissions. Carbon Re is tackling this challenge by building AI process control software to cut emissions in cement production. Acting like self-driving for industrial plants, Carbon Re optimises industrial processes in real-time, helping manufacturers cut both costs and carbon while transitioning to low-carbon operations. A joint spin out of University College London and the University of Cambridge, Carbon Re was founded to deliver immediate climate impact for heavy industry.

    Cavolo

    Cavolo by Kale AI. Cavolo uses advanced AI to make city deliveries more efficient and eco-friendly. The system helps businesses switch from traditional delivery vans to Light Electric Vehicles (LEVs), which are more efficient in busy cities. By using AI, Cavolo optimises delivery routes in real-time, reducing traffic, energy use, and emissions. The technology helps make urban logistics faster and greener, allowing businesses to deliver goods quickly while saving time and reducing their environmental impact.

    Deep.Optimiser-PhyX

    Deep.Optimiser-PhyX by Deep.Meta. Deep.Meta is tackling carbon emissions in the steel industry with an AI-powered Digital Twin – a smart digital replica of the production process that combines physics and machine learning to optimise furnace operations. By using real-time sensor data and material science, Deep.Meta more accurately predicts steel slab temperatures and improves scheduling, boosting energy efficiency and significantly cutting emissions. Unlike black-box AI, which can discourage adoption, Deep.Meta’s explainable, physics-based models offer clear reasoning, building trust with users. Founded by experts in metallurgy and machine learning, Deep.Meta is already partnering with global steelmakers and aims to scale through broader industry collaboration.

    DRIVE

    DRIVE (Deep Re-enforcement learning for Intelligent Vehicle and Energy optimisation) by Flexible Power Systems. Flexible Power Systems (FPS) helps big fleets like vans, trucks, and buses switch to electric by managing vehicles, chargers, and schedules with smart software. FPS uses advanced AI called Deep Reinforcement Learning to solve complex, fast-changing problems – like where and when to charge – more quickly and efficiently. After training in a virtual world, the AI can make smart decisions in real time. First used in EV fleets, this technology could also help with bigger energy challenges in the future.

    EnergyWall

    EnergyWall by Underheat, in partnership with University of Salford. EnergyWall upgrades a building’s walls, gently warming or cooling homes from the outside, turning bricks into radiators that maintain a comfortable internal temperature all year round. Using AI to analyse a building and off-site manufacturing, it designs and installs pipe systems into insulation panels for the walls of a building, making retrofitting buildings with heat pumps faster, cheaper, and less disruptive. This approach is ideal for social housing, helping reduce carbon emissions, cut energy bills, and tackle condensation that causes mould. It’s a smarter, scalable way to decarbonise heating and fight fuel poverty across the UK.

    Green Loops

    Green Loops by University of Wolverhampton, in partnership with ABCircular GmbH Berlin. Green Loops tackles the challenge of recycling end-of-life photovoltaic (PV) cells by creating high-efficiency solar panels from recycled materials.  It uses machine learning to analyse the optical properties of materials and structures of solar cells. Using highly conductive artificially engineered MXene-based metamaterials, Green Loops optimises the design of solar cells to enhance energy performance while reducing manufacturing costs. With the growing e-waste problem from old solar panels, the technology helps reduce waste, supports a circular economy, and makes solar energy more sustainable and accessible.

    Grid Stability

    Grid Stability by University of Manchester. For electricity grids to function, there must be balance between the electricity going into the grid and the electricity leaving it. Grid Stability Monitor uses AI and machine learning to quickly analyse power grid stability as more low-carbon technologies like wind, solar, EVs and heat pumps connect. It replaces slow, complex simulations with rapid, AI-driven assessments, enabling real-time monitoring, faster decision-making, and more confident planning. This helps grid operators maintain reliability while scaling up clean energy solutions and cutting emissions.

    Rapid Thermal Performance Assessment algorithms (RaThPAs)

    Rapid Thermal Performance Assessment algorithms (RaThPAs) by Kestrix. Kestrix uses AI and thermal drones to map heat loss across entire neighbourhoods, acting as fast, 3D energy surveys from the sky. This helps stakeholders like utilities, councils and housing providers plan energy upgrades with fewer costly, time-consuming site visits. Like a “Google Maps of heat loss,” the system shows where buildings are leaking heat and recommends fixes. With a team of experts in computer vision and physics, Kestrix aims to speed up home retrofits, in turn cutting emissions, saving households money, and making homes warmer and healthier at scale.

    DSIT media enquiries

    Email press@dsit.gov.uk

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    Updates to this page

    Published 11 June 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Christine Lagarde: Drawing a common map: sustaining global cooperation in a fragmenting world

    Source: European Central Bank

    Speech by Christine Lagarde, President of the ECB, at the People’s Bank of China in Beijing

    Beijing, 11 June 2025

    It is a pleasure to be back here in Beijing.

    Some years ago, I spoke about how a changing world was creating a new global map of economic relations.[1]

    Maps have always reflected the society in which they are produced. But in rare instances, they can also capture historical moments when two societies meet at the crossroads.

    This was evident in the late 1500s during the Ming Dynasty, when Matteo Ricci, a European Jesuit, travelled to China. There Ricci went on to work with Chinese scholars to create a hybrid map that integrated European geographical knowledge with Chinese cartographic tradition.[2]

    The result of this cooperation – called the Kunyu Wanguo Quantu, or “Map of Ten Thousand Countries” – was historically unprecedented. And the encounter came to symbolise China’s openness to the world.

    In the modern era, we saw a similar moment when China entered the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. The country’s accession to the WTO signified its integration into the international economy and its openness to global trade.

    China’s entry into the WTO went on to reshape the global map of economic relations at a time of rapid trade growth, bringing significant benefits to countries across the world – particularly here in China.

    Since that time, the global economy has changed dramatically. In recent years, trade tensions have emerged and a geopolitically charged landscape is making international cooperation increasingly difficult.

    Yet the emergence of tensions in the international economic system is a recurring pattern across modern economic history.

    Over the last century, frictions have surfaced under a range of international configurations – from the inter-war gold exchange standard, to the post-war Bretton Woods system, to the subsequent era of floating exchange rates and free capital flows.

    While each system was unique, two common lessons cut across this history.

    First, one-sided adjustments to resolve global frictions have often fallen short, regardless of whether deficit or surplus countries carry the burden. In fact, they can bring with them either unpredictable or costly consequences.

    Such adjustments can be especially problematic when trade policies are used as a substitute for macroeconomic policies in addressing the root causes.

    And second, in the event that tensions do emerge, durable strategic and economic alliances have proven critical in preventing tail risks from materialising.

    In contrast to eras when ties of cooperation were weak, alliances have ultimately helped to prevent a broader surge in protectionism or a systemic fragmentation of trade.

    These two lessons have implications for today. Frictions are increasingly emerging between regions whose geopolitical interests may not be fully aligned. At the same time, however, these regions are more deeply economically integrated than ever before.

    The upshot is that while the incentive to cooperate is reduced, the costs of not doing so are now amplified.

    So the stakes are high.

    If we are to avoid inferior outcomes, we all must work towards sustaining global cooperation in a fragmenting world.

    Tensions across history

    If we look at the history of the international economic system over the past century, we can broadly divide it into three periods.

    In the first period, the inter-war years, major economies were tied together by the gold exchange standard – a regime of fixed exchange rates, with currencies linked to gold either directly or indirectly.

    But unlike the pre-war era, when the United Kingdom played a dominant global role[3], there was no global hegemon. Nor were there impactful international organisations to enforce rules or coordinate policies.

    The system’s flaws quickly became apparent.[4] Exchange rate misalignments caused persistent tensions between surplus and deficit countries. Yet the burden of adjustment fell overwhelmingly on the deficit side.

    Facing outflows of gold, deficit countries were forced into harsh deflation. Meanwhile, surplus countries faced little pressure to reflate. By 1932, two surplus countries accounted for over 60% of the world share of gold reserves.[5]

    One-sided adjustments failed to resolve the underlying problems. And without strong alliances to contain tail risks, tensions escalated. Countries turned to trade measures in an attempt to reduce imbalances in the system – but protectionism offered no sustainable solution.

    In fact, if current account positions narrowed at all, it was only because of the fall-off in world trade and output. The volume of global trade fell by around one-quarter between 1929 and 1933[6], with one study attributing nearly half of this fall to higher trade barriers.[7] World output declined by almost 30% in this period.[8]

    During the Second World War, leaders took the lessons to heart. They laid the groundwork for what became the Bretton Woods system in the early post-war era: a framework of fixed exchange rates and capital controls.

    This marked the beginning of the second period.

    The new regime was anchored by the US dollar’s convertibility into gold, with the International Monetary Fund acting as a referee. Trade flourished during this era. Between 1950 and 1973[9], world trade expanded at an average rate of over 8% per year.[10]

    But again, frictions emerged.

    In particular, the United States had shifted from initially running balance of payments surpluses to persistent deficits. At the heart of this shift was the role of the US dollar as the world’s reserve currency and source of liquidity for global trade.

    While US deficits provided the world with vital dollar liquidity, those very same deficits strained the dollar’s gold convertibility at USD 35 per ounce, threatening confidence in the system.

    By the late 1960s, foreign holdings of US dollars – amounting to almost USD 50 billion – were roughly five times the size of US gold reserves.[11]

    Ultimately, these tensions proved unsustainable as the United States was unwilling to sacrifice domestic policy goals – which generated fiscal deficits – for its external commitments.

    The Bretton Woods system ended abruptly in 1971, when President Nixon unilaterally suspended the US dollar’s convertibility into gold and imposed a 10% surcharge on imports.

    The goal behind the surcharge was to force US trading partners to revalue their currencies against the dollar, which was perceived as being overvalued.[12] As in earlier periods, this was a one-sided adjustment – though now aimed at shifting the burden onto surplus countries.

    Crucially, however, the downfall of Bretton Woods unfolded within the context of the Cold War. Countries operating under the system were not just trading partners – they were allies.

    And so, everyone had a strong geopolitical incentive to pick up the pieces and forge new cooperative agreements that could facilitate trade relationships, even in moments of pronounced volatility.

    We saw this several months after the “Nixon Shock”, when Western countries negotiated the Smithsonian Agreement.

    This agreement was a temporary fix to maintain an international system of fixed exchange rates. It devalued the US dollar by over 12% against the currencies of its major trading partners and removed President Nixon’s surcharge.[13]

    And we saw a strong geopolitical incentive at work again with the Plaza Accord in the 1980s – an era of floating exchange rates and free capital flows – when deficit and surplus countries in the Group of Five[14] sat down to try and resolve tensions.

    Of course, neither agreement ultimately succeeded in addressing the root causes of tensions. But critically, the risk of a broader turn toward protectionism – which was rising at several points[15] – never materialised.

    The contrast is telling.

    Both the inter-war and post-war eras revealed that one-sided adjustments cannot sustainably resolve economic frictions – whether on the deficit or surplus side.

    Yet the post-war system proved far more resilient, because the countries within it had deeper strategic reasons to cooperate.

    Frictions threatening global trade today

    In recent decades, we have been moving into a third period.

    Since the end of the Cold War, we have seen the rapid expansion of truly global trade.

    Trade in goods and services has risen roughly fivefold to over USD 30 trillion.[16] Trade as a share of global GDP has increased from around 38% to nearly 60%.[17] And countries have become much more integrated through global supply chains. At the end of the Cold War, these chains accounted for around two-fifths of global trade.[18] Today, they account for over two-thirds.[19]

    Yet this globalisation has unfolded in a world where – increasingly – not all nations are bound by the same security guarantees or strategic alliances. In 1985 just 90 countries were party to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Today, its successor – the WTO – counts 166 members, representing 98% of global trade.[20]

    There is no doubt that this new era has amplified the benefits of trade.

    Some originally lower-income countries have experienced remarkable gains – none more so than China.

    Since joining the WTO, China’s GDP per capita has increased roughly twelvefold.[21] The welfare impact has been equally profound: almost 800 million people in China have been lifted out of poverty, accounting for nearly three-quarters of global poverty reduction in recent decades.[22]

    Advanced economies, too, have benefited, albeit unevenly. While some industries and jobs have faced pressure from heightened import competition[23], consumers have enjoyed lower prices and greater choice. And for firms able to climb the value chain, the rewards have been substantial – especially in Europe.

    Today, EU exports to the rest of the world generate more than €2.5 trillion in value added – nearly one-fifth of the EU’s total – and support over 31 million jobs.[24]

    But the weakening alignment between trade relationships and security alliances has left the global system more exposed – a vulnerability now playing out in real time.

    According to the International Monetary Fund, trade restrictions across goods, services and investments have tripled since 2019 alone.[25] And in recent months, we have seen tariff levels imposed that would have been unimaginable just a few years ago.

    This fragmentation is being driven by two forces.

    The first is geopolitical realignment. As I have outlined in recent years, geopolitical tensions are playing an increasingly decisive role in reshaping the global economy.[26] Countries are reconfiguring trade relationships and supply chains to reflect national security priorities, rather than economic efficiency alone.

    The second force is the growing perception of unfair trade – often linked to widening current account positions.

    Current account surpluses and deficits are not inherently problematic, particularly when they reflect structural factors such as comparative advantage or demographic trends.

    But these imbalances become more contentious when they do not resolve over time and create the perception that they are being sustained by policy choices – whether through the blocking of macroeconomic adjustment mechanisms or a lack of respect for global rules.

    Indeed, while in recent decades the persistence of current account positions has remained fairly constant, the dispersion of those positions – that is, how widely surpluses and deficits are spread across countries – has shifted significantly.

    In the mid-1990s current account deficits and surpluses were similarly dispersed within their respective groups: both were relatively evenly distributed among several countries.[27]

    Today, that balance has changed. Deficits have become far more concentrated, with just a few countries accounting for the bulk of global deficits. In contrast, surpluses have become somewhat more dispersed, spread across a wider range of countries.

    These developments have recently led to coercive trade policies and risk fragmenting global supply chains.

    Making global trade sustainable

    Given national security considerations and the experience during the pandemic, a certain degree of de-risking is here to stay. Few countries are willing to remain dependent on others for strategic industries.

    But it does not follow that we must forfeit the broader benefits of trade – so long as we are willing to absorb the lessons of history. Let me draw two conclusions for the current situation.

    First, coercive trade policies are not a sustainable solution to today’s trade tensions.

    To the extent that protectionism addresses imbalances, it is not by resolving their root causes, but by eroding the foundations of global prosperity.

    And with countries now deeply integrated through global supply chains – yet no longer as geopolitically aligned as in the past – this risk is greater than ever. Coercive trade policies are far more likely to provoke retaliation and lead to outcomes that are mutually damaging.

    The shared risks we face are underscored by ECB analysis. Our staff find that if global trade were to fragment into competing blocs, world trade would contract significantly, with every major economy worse off.[28]

    This leads me to the second conclusion: if we are serious about preserving our prosperity, we must pursue cooperative solutions – even in the face of geopolitical differences. And that means both surplus and deficit countries must take responsibility and play their part.

    All countries should examine how their structural and fiscal policies can be adjusted to reduce their own role in fuelling trade tensions.

    Indeed, both supply-side and demand-side dynamics have contributed to dispersion of current accounts positions we see today.

    On the supply side, we have witnessed a sharp rise in the use of industrial policies aimed at boosting domestic capacity. Since 2014, subsidy-related interventions that distort global trade have more than tripled globally. [29]

    Notably, this trend is now being driven as much by emerging markets as by advanced economies. In 2021, domestic subsidies accounted for two-thirds of all trade-related policies in the average G20 emerging market, consistently outpacing the share seen in advanced G20 economies.[30]

    On the demand side, global demand generation has become more concentrated, especially in the United States. A decade ago, the United States accounted for less than 30% of demand generated by G20 countries. Today, that share has risen to nearly 35%.

    This increasing imbalance in demand reflects not only excess saving in some parts of the world, but also excess dissaving in others, especially by the public sector.

    Of course, none of us can determine the actions of others. But we can control our own contribution.

    Doing so would not only serve the collective interest – by helping to ease pressure on the global system – but also the domestic interest, by setting our own economies on a more sustainable path.

    We can also lead by example by continuing to respect global rules – or even improving on them. This helps build trust and creates the foundation for reciprocal actions.

    That means upholding the multilateral framework which has so greatly benefited our economies. And it means working with like-minded partners to forge bilateral and regional agreements rooted in mutual benefit and full WTO compatibility.[31]

    Central banks, in line with their respective mandates, can also play a role.

    We can stand firm as pillars of international cooperation in an era when such cooperation is hard to come by. And we can continue to deliver stability-oriented policies in a world marked by rising volatility and instability.

    Conclusion

    Let me conclude.

    In a fragmenting world, regions need to work together to sustain global trade – which has delivered prosperity in recent decades.

    Of course, given the geopolitical landscape, that will be a harder challenge today than it has been in the past. But as Confucius once observed, “Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practices it will have neighbours”.

    Today, to make history, we must learn from history. We must absorb the lessons of the past – and act on them – to prevent a mutually damaging escalation of tensions.

    In doing so, we all can draw a new map for global cooperation.

    We have done it before. And we can do it again.

    Thank you.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Human Rights Council to Hold its Fifty-Ninth Regular Session from 16 June to 9 July 2025

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The United Nations Human Rights Council will hold its fifty-ninth regular session from 16 June to 9 July 2025 at the Palais des Nations in Geneva. 

    The session will open at 10 a.m. on Monday, 16 June under the presidency of Ambassador Jürg Lauber of Switzerland.  The opening will be addressed by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, who will present his annual report.  The Council will be meeting in room XX of the Palais des Nations.

    Over almost four weeks, the Council will consider more than 60 reports presented by the Secretariat of the United Nations and the High Commissioner for Human Rights, human rights experts and other investigative bodies on numerous topics and relevant to the situation of human rights in more than 40 countries.  In total, the Council will hold 32 interactive dialogues. 

    During the session, the Council will hold interactive dialogues with the High Commissioner on his annual report under agenda item two; on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela under agenda item four; and on Ukraine and Colombia under agenda item 10. 

    The Council will hold enhanced interactive dialogues under agenda item two with  the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan and on the oral update of the Fact-Finding Mission on the human rights situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.  Under agenda item four, the Council will hold an enhanced interactive dialogue with the High Commissioner on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, with the participation of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.

    On climate change, the Council will hold its annual panel on the adverse impacts of climate change on human rights, followed by an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on climate change. The Council will also hold its annual panel on technical cooperation and capacity-building. 

    Under agenda item three, the Council will hold its annual panel discussion on women’s rights, and a panel on safe drinking water and sanitation.  It will also hold interactive dialogues on summary executions, freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, transnational corporations, education, health, leprosy (Hansen’s disease), sexual orientation and gender identity, migrants, internally displaced persons, prevention of genocide, trafficking, extreme poverty, discrimination against women and girls, violence against women and girls, judges and lawyers, and international solidarity.   

    The Council will also hear the presentation of the Secretary-General’s interim report on the temporarily occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine, under agenda item 10. Further, it will hold interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea and the Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem and in Israel, under agenda item two; and with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi under agenda item four. The Council will also hear oral updates from the Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan under agenda item two and from the Commission of Inquiry on Syria under agenda item four. 

    Additionally, the Council will hold interactive dialogues under agenda item seven with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, and under agenda item nine with the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.  Under agenda item 10, it will hold an interactive dialogue with the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic. 

    The final outcomes of the Universal Periodic Review of 14 States will also be considered, namely those of Italy, El Salvador, Gambia, the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Fiji, San Marino, Kazakhstan, Angola, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Madagascar, Iraq, Slovenia, Egypt, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    A detailed agenda and further information on the fifty-ninth session can be found on the session’s web page.  Reports to be presented are available here. All meetings of this session are broadcast on UN Web TV

    First Week of the Session

    The fifty-ninth regular session will open on Monday, 16 June under the presidency of Ambassador Jürg Lauber. After the opening, the Council will begin considerations under agenda item two, and the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, will present his annual report.  Subsequently, the Council will hold an enhanced interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, and an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea. This will be followed by an enhanced interactive dialogue on the oral update of the Fact-Finding Mission on the human rights situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. 

    On Tuesday, 17 June, the Council will hold an interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner’s annual report, followed by an interactive dialogue with the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem and in Israel.  At the end of the day, it will hear the presentation of an oral update by the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for Sudan. 

    On Wednesday, 18 June, the Council will commence discussions under agenda item three on the promotion and protection of all human rights, holding interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and the Special Rapporteur on freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, which will conclude on Thursday, 19 June. This will be followed by interactive dialogues with the Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, the Special Rapporteur on the right to education, and the Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health. 

    On Friday, 20 June, the Council will hold interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on the elimination of discrimination against persons affected by leprosy (Hansen’s disease) and their family members, the Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, and the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons. 

    Second Week of the Session

    In its second week, the Council will conclude its interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons on Monday, 23 June.  It will then hold interactive dialogues with the Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide, the Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children, and the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights.

    The Council will start Tuesday, 24 June, with the first part of its annual discussion on women’s rights, focusing on gender-based violence against women and girls in conflict, post-conflict and humanitarian settings.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue with the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls.  In the afternoon, the second part of the annual discussion on women’s rights will be held, focusing on the commemoration of the International Day of Women in Diplomacy and on overcoming barriers to women’s leadership in peace processes.

    On Wednesday, 25 June, the Council will hold interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on violence against women and girls, its causes and consequences, the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, and the Independent Expert on human rights and international solidarity. 

    The Council will start Thursday, 26 June, with a panel discussion on the realisation of the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation, followed by the presentation of reports under agenda item three.  In the afternoon, it will start its consideration of reports under agenda item four on human rights situations that require the Council’s attention, hearing the presentation of an oral update by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, followed by interactive dialogues with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus, and on the oral update of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burundi. 

    On Friday, 27 June, the Council will hold an enhanced interactive dialogue on the report of the High Commissioner on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, and the oral update of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner’s report on the situation of human rights in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and the presentation of the High Commissioner’s oral update on the situation of human rights in Nicaragua.

    Third Week of the Session

    The Council will begin its third week on Monday, 30 June, with its annual panel discussion on the adverse impacts of climate change on human rights, focusing on facilitating just transitions in the context of addressing the impacts of climate change on human rights.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights in the context of climate change.  It will then hear the presentation of the report of the Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises on the thirteenth session of the Forum on Business and Human Rights under agenda item five on human rights bodies and mechanisms.

    The Council will next start its consideration under item six of the outcomes of the Universal Periodic Review of Italy, El Salvador, Gambia, the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Fiji, San Marino, Kazakhstan, Angola, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Madagascar, Iraq, Slovenia, Egypt, Bosnia and Herzegovina, which will conclude at the end of the day on Wednesday, 2 July. 

    On Thursday, 3 July, the Council will hold an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, under agenda item seven on the human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, under agenda item nine on racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related forms of intolerance. 

    In the afternoon, the Council will begin discussions under item 10 on technical assistance and capacity-building, with interactive dialogues on the oral presentation of the High Commissioner regarding his Office’s periodic report on the situation of human rights in Ukraine, and on the interim report of the Secretary-General on the situation of human rights in the temporarily occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, Ukraine.  This will be followed by an interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner’s report on the enhancement of technical assistance and capacity-building to assist Colombia in the implementation of the recommendations made by the Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition. 

    On Friday, 4 July, the Council will hold its annual panel discussion on technical cooperation and capacity-building, focusing on the role of technical cooperation and capacity-building in strengthening national structures which play a role in promoting and safeguarding human rights, particularly national human rights institutions and national mechanisms for implementation, reporting and follow-up. 

    This will be followed by an interactive dialogue on the oral update of the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic.

    In the afternoon, the Council will hear the presentation of the report of the High Commissioner relating to cooperation with Georgia.  It will then start taking action on draft resolutions and decisions. 

    Fourth Week of the Session

    The final week of the Council will be devoted to taking action on draft resolutions and decisions and the appointment of a member of the Expert Mechanism on the Right to Development and a member of the Working Group on arbitrary detention.  The session will conclude on Wednesday, 9 July.

    The Human Rights Council

    The Human Rights Council is an inter-governmental body within the United Nations system, made up of 47 States, which is responsible for strengthening the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe.  The Council was created by the United Nations General Assembly on 15 March 2006 with the main purpose of addressing situations of human rights violations and making recommendations on them.

    The composition of the Human Rights Council at its fifty-ninth session is as follows: Albania (2026); Algeria (2025); Bangladesh (2025); Belgium (2025); Benin (2027); Bolivia (2027); Brazil (2026); Bulgaria (2026); Burundi (2026); Chile (2025); China (2026); Colombia (2027); Costa Rica (2025); Côte d’Ivoire (2026); Cuba (2026); Cyprus (2027); Czechia (2027); Democratic Republic of the Congo (2027); Dominican Republic (2026); Ethiopia (2027); France (2026); Gambia (2027); Georgia (2025); Germany (2025); Ghana (2026); Iceland (2027); Indonesia (2026); Japan (2026); Kenya (2027); Kuwait (2026); Kyrgyzstan (2025); Malawi (2026); Maldives (2025); Marshall Islands (2027); Mexico (2027); Morocco (2025); Netherlands (2026); North Macedonia (2027); Qatar (2027); Republic of Korea (2027); Romania (2025); South Africa (2025); Spain (2027); Sudan (2025); Switzerland (2027); Thailand (2027); and Viet Nam (2025).

    The term of membership of each State expires in the year indicated in parentheses.

    The President of the Human Rights Council in 2025 is Jürg Lauber (Switzerland).  The four Vice-Presidents are Tareq Md Ariful Islam (Bangladesh), Razvan Rusu (Romania), Claudia Puentes Julio (Chile), and Paul Empole Losoko Efambe (Democratic Republic of the Congo).  Mr. Efambe also serves as Rapporteur of the Geneva-based body. 

    The dates and venue of the fifty-ninth session are subject to change.

    Information on the fifty-ninth session can be found here, including the annotated agenda and the reports to be presented.

    For further information, please contact Pascal Sim (simp@un.org), Matthew Brown (matthew.brown@un.org) and David Díaz Martín (david.diazmartin@un.org)

    ___________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    HRC25.006E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: South Korea is finally reckoning with its decades-long foreign adoption scandal

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Youngeun Koo, Assistant Professor, Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University

    Kim Tak-un was four years old when he was adopted by a Swedish family in 1974. Originally from South Korea, Tak-un had lived with his single father, a labourer who moved frequently for work. One day in the summer of 1974, while staying with his aunt, Tak-un wandered outside and disappeared.

    Local police considered him abandoned and referred him to an adoption agency, which arranged his adoption to Sweden within five months. When his father realised his son was missing, he searched everywhere, only to discover – too late – that Tak-un had already been sent overseas. Devastated, he demanded Tak-un’s return. When the adoption agency failed to respond, he went public with the story.

    In March 2025, South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission released initial findings from its investigation into the country’s 72-year-old international adoption programme. The full report is expected in the next few weeks as the investigation is now completed.

    Based on more than 360 cases submitted by Korean adoptees from 11 countries, the commission uncovered widespread human rights violations, including falsified documents, lack of parental consent, and cases of child switching – shaking up adoptees and their families.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    Since the end of the Korean War (1950–1953), South Korea has sent over 200,000 children abroad, becoming the world’s largest country for adoption, even as it grew into an advanced economy.

    Existing studies have shown that international adoption from South Korea began as a response to the large number of mixed-heritage children born to Korean mothers and US soldiers during the war.

    It is estimated that thousands of such children were born, and South Korea’s first president, Syngman Rhee, ordered their overseas placement on the grounds that they were “unfit” for a nation imagined as ethnically homogeneous.

    However, international adoption did not end once this perceived “emergency” was over. From the mid-1960s onward, it expanded to include children from other vulnerable backgrounds, including those affected by poverty, family breakdown, and out-of-wedlock births. This, and the role of international adoption, is explored in my upcoming book.

    This was closely tied to the policies pursued by South Korea’s military regimes. The most important figure was Park Chung Hee, a military general who came to power through a 1961 coup and ruled until his assassination in 1979.

    His regime prioritised rapid economic growth, relegating social welfare to the lowest priority. Childcare was treated as an individual, not a state, responsibility. As I point out in my earlier research, public systems to categorise and care for children – whether abandoned, lost, or runaway – were extremely limited, and authorities largely placed the burden on parents to retrieve their separated children. This is probably why, after only cursory checks, authorities referred Tak-un to an adoption agency.

    Tak-un’s case attracted media attention in Sweden as well. However, in an interview with Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter, the Swedish national board of health and welfare – which oversaw the Korean adoption programme – dismissed the claims, stating they were “99 percent certain” the story was false and insisting that Korean social workers had followed proper procedures.

    The trust that Swedish authorities placed in South Korean adoption procedures may have been because of the way the Korean social workers presented their work. As the first generation of Koreans trained in US-style professional social work, they framed international adoption as being about the child, the importance of a family, and emotional wellbeing.

    The research for my upcoming book shows that while they may have genuinely believed in international adoption as a valid form of child welfare, there were also practical reasons why this happened. With virtually no public funding for child welfare, many saw international adoption – where adoptive parents covered the costs of care – as an ideal way to apply their training.

    In interviews with me, now-retired social workers acknowledged flaws in South Korea’s broader child welfare system, such as the inability to verify a child’s true status. Yet, without public resources to build a reliable system or prioritise family reunification, they often treated international adoption as a first, rather than a last, resort.

    Moreover, the prevailing belief at the time that “normal” middle-class families offered the most stable environment for a child’s development provided further moral justification for sending children abroad.

    Western authorities often interpreted Korean social workers’ professionalism as evidence of shared liberal child welfare values and placed strong trust in their procedures. When serious flaws surfaced – as in Tak-un’s case – they were frequently dismissed as exceptions rather than signs of deeper systemic problems.

    Even when the facts were confirmed in 1975, Swedish authorities still refused to return the child. The Swedish consul-general in Seoul at the time, Lars Berg, argued that it was in Tak-un’s “best interest” to remain in Sweden, rather than be sent back to “an uncertain fate of the father without work and residence”.

    This reflected, in part, Sweden’s domestic realities: like many western societies at the time, Sweden faced a shortage of adoptable children, and international adoption had become an important way to meet the wishes of prospective parents.

    In the early 1970s, nearly half of all internationally adopted children arriving in Sweden came from South Korea. Which meant that when issues like Tak-un’s emerged, Swedish authorities prioritised the rights of adoptive parents, framing their defence in the language of child welfare.

    Sweden’s Adoption Commission has just released its own report on June 2, examining the country’s international adoption practices, including those involving South Korea. Echoing my research findings, it recommended an end to allowing Swedes to adopt children from abroad.

    So, what became of Tak-un? Ultimately, South Korean officials acquiesced to the Swedish authorities, and the Korean adoption agency was cleared of any wrongdoing. Tak-un never returned. The last trace in the archives is his birth father’s plea to hear from him.

    I located Tak-un, who now goes by his Swedish name and lives in a small town in Sweden. Despite attempts to reach him, he didn’t respond. It remains uncertain whether his father’s message ever reached him or if he knows anything about his early life in Korea.

    This silence is not merely personal. A system that claimed to act for the child’s welfare instead routinely erased adopted children’s pasts, ignored their birth families and decided their futures for them. Tak-un’s story isn’t just a painful exception – it is a haunting reminder of what was lost in the name of care.

    This project has been supported by funding from the DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service), the Korea Foundation, the Academy of Korean Studies, the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University, the Clarke Chambers Travel Fellowship at the University of Minnesota, and the Presbyterian Historical Society Research Fellowship.

    ref. South Korea is finally reckoning with its decades-long foreign adoption scandal – https://theconversation.com/south-korea-is-finally-reckoning-with-its-decades-long-foreign-adoption-scandal-255135

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Housing placed at the heart of Cabinet

    Source: Scottish Government

    First Minister announces changes to Ministerial team.

    Tackling the housing emergency will be at the heart of the Scottish Cabinet, First Minister John Swinney has announced.

    Màiri McAllan has been appointed as Cabinet Secretary for Housing upon her return to government from maternity leave. Ms McAllan has responsibility for all aspects of housing policy, including heat in buildings.

    This appointment will ensure government action is focused on tackling the housing emergency and providing energy efficient homes for the future – helping stimulate economic growth, deliver Net Zero commitments and tackle child poverty.  

    Gillian Martin has been appointed as Cabinet Secretary for Climate Action and Energy, having held the portfolio during Ms McAllan’s maternity leave.

    Following the death of Christina McKelvie in March, Maree Todd will become Minister for Drugs and Alcohol Policy, while retaining her existing responsibility for Sport. Tom Arthur has been appointed as Minister for Social Care and Mental Wellbeing.

    Housing Minister Paul McLennan has requested to leave the Scottish Government and he does so today. Acting Minister for Climate Action Alasdair Allan will leave Government at the end of this week, having indicated that he only wished to serve on an interim basis.

    Excluding the Law Officers, the overall size of government reduces to 23, down from 27 in May 2024.

    First Minister John Swinney said:

    “Scotland’s strengths lie in our people, our communities and our resolve to leave a better future, and better country for the next generation. As First Minister, I am firmly focused on leading a government that unlocks the potential for every person in Scotland to thrive.

    “I have made changes to the Cabinet which will further enable us to realise that potential. Màiri McAllan has been tasked with tackling the housing emergency, including ensuring we have energy efficient homes to help bring down bills and tackle the climate emergency. These are two of the biggest challenges facing people across the country and I want them to know they have a government firmly on their side and focused on delivering real change.

    “Following the sad passing of Christina McKelvie, I have asked Maree Todd to take on responsibility for Drugs and Alcohol Policy. This government has shown it is not afraid to take bold measures to prevent harm and death, and we must redouble our efforts.

    “I want to thank Paul McLennan and Alasdair Allan for the service they have provided to me, the government and to the people of Scotland. They both held two very important Ministerial appointments in housing and climate action and have helped to drive forward progress in tackling two issues which are central to Scotland’s long-term success as a nation.” 

    Background

    The changes mean the Scottish Cabinet now consists of twelve, the majority of whom are women. Further changes mean the Ministerial team reduces to eleven, from fourteen.

    The Scottish Cabinet is as follows:

    • First Minister John Swinney
    • Deputy First Minister, with responsibility for Economy and Gaelic, Kate Forbes
    • Cabinet Secretary for Finance and Local Government Shona Robison
    • Cabinet Secretary for Education and Skills Jenny Gilruth
    • Cabinet Secretary for Justice and Home Affairs Angela Constance
    • Cabinet Secretary for Social Justice Shirley-Anne Somerville
    • Cabinet Secretary for Transport Fiona Hyslop
    • Cabinet Secretary for Housing Màiri McAllan
    • Cabinet Secretary for Climate Action and Energy Gillian Martin
    • Cabinet Secretary for Rural Affairs, Land Reform and Islands Mairi Gougeon 
    • Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care Neil Gray
    • Cabinet Secretary for Constitution External Affairs and Culture Angus Robertson

    Màiri McAllan has been on maternity since 1 July 2024. Gillian Martin was acting Cabinet Secretary Net Zero and Energy, with Alasdair Allan temporarily assuming responsibility for Climate Action. Màiri McAllan maternity cover – gov.scot

    Christina McKelvie, Minister for Drugs and Alcohol Policy, passed away in March 2025.  First Minister pays tribute to Christina McKelvie MSP – gov.scot

    Tom Arthur was previously Minister for Employment and Investment. His investment responsibilities will be assumed by Deputy First Minister Kate Forbes, while Richard Lochhead’s extended responsibilities see him become Minister for Business and Employment.

    Paul McLennan has left government today. Alasdair Allan will leave his post at end of this week.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Kit Out Sunderland helping the planet and local participants

    Source: City of Sunderland

    From 6-29 June, 12 locations across Sunderland and Tyne and Wear will be open to receive donations of unwanted sports kit and active wear that will be gifted to local children, young people and families.

    Kit Out Sunderland will help the planet by providing individuals and community youth and sports organisations across the area with the opportunity to see their new or unwanted sports kit and active wear given a new life, rather than stay in the bottom of a wardrobe or end up in landfill.

    The donations will then be sorted in early July and distributed to children, young people and families through local groups, supporting local people be more active this summer and beyond.

    Kit Out Sunderland is a collective partnership between Active Sunderland, RISE, Sported, StreetGames and Youth Sport Trust, with sponsorship from the North East Combined Authority.

    The partners are working together to reduce barriers to participation in sport and physical activity locally, whilst reducing the environmental impact of sports kit and active wear. Striving to have healthier, safer, and more active communities.

    Donation points will be open at various locations from 6-29 June, with special requests for sports and active leisure tops, hoodies and tracksuits, leggings and joggers, waterproofs, trainers and football boots which are new or in a clean and useable condition.

    Special donation stations will also be open at the Nissan manufacturing plant for Nissan employees to donate their sports kit and active wear.

    Donations will be sorted by young volunteers from Sunderland College and the Foundation of Light once the collection window closes on 29 June, before local youth and sports organisations distribute the donations to local children, young people and families accessing their services.

    A full list of public donation stations is available below:

    ·       Sunderland Aquatic Centre

    ·       Ford Football Hub

    ·       Downhill Football Hub

    ·       Washington Football Hub

    ·       Raich Carter Sport Centre

    ·       Silksworth Community Pool, Tennis and Wellness Centre

    ·       Houghton Sports Centre

    ·       Hetton Community Pool and Wellness Centre

    ·       Washington Leisure Centre

    ·       Beacon of Light

    ·       Sunderland City Hall

    ·       Sunderland College

    Cabinet Member for Communities, Culture and Tourism at Sunderland City Council, Councillor Beth Jones, said: “This is a fantastic way of giving a new lease of life to unwanted sports kit.

    “It helps both those who want to get active but don’t have the kit and those who have it but no longer need it.

    “We’re delighted it’s happening in Sunderland and our thanks go all the partners who are hosting donation boxes.”

    Director of Skills, Inclusion & Public Service Reform, Charlotte Carpenter, said: “Sport and physical activity has so much to offer from a mental, physical and social health perspective, so to see organisations in the region working together to reduce barriers to participation is something we are delighted to support and fund as part of our mission to reduce child poverty. 

    “We encourage everyone who lives, works and visits the Sunderland area to consider donating where they can and help us to create a better community for all.”

    Strategic Lead for Children and Young People’s Health and Wellbeing at Rise North East, Louise Laws, said: “There’s an amazing buzz in Sunderland right now and this is a great chance to boost that even more.  

    “Donating new or recycled sports kit and active clothing/footwear that you don’t need helps local children, young people and families in your community and also helps the environment, because it doesn’t go to waste or end up in landfills. 

    “Once we sort the kit, it’ll go to local people so that they can get more active and really improve their health and wellbeing, because every child and young person has the right to play and be active. We look forward to continuing to build relationships to empower the community to sustain and upscale this offer, wider.”

    Sported Regional Manager for the North East, Kathryn Foley, said: “Sported’s network of clubs and groups across the North East support local participants to be active and take part in sport every week.

    “It’s exciting that we can take this opportunity through Kit Out Sunderland to benefit local people and the environment through distributing unwanted kit, and I look forward to seeing the items donated and distributed through our Sported network members.”

    StreetGames North East Network Lead, Anna Coulson, said: “Working with Locally Trusted Organisations on a daily basis we know there is so much amazing work happening around the city to provide a year-round, multi-sport offer to young people but despite this some young people still cannot access it due to not having the appropriate sports kit.

    “We have worked with some of these organisations to really understand what is needed within their communities and we hope this initiative will help young people to become physically active into the future! We also wanted to ensure that sports kit gets a full life and doesn’t end up in landfill!”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Child poverty figures show positive change for families in Perth and Kinross

    Source: Scotland – City of Perth

    The estimates for the year 2023-2024 show that just under one in five children (19.2%) is living in relative poverty after housing costs, compared to 21.7% in the previous year. There has also been a reduction for those living in relative poverty before housing costs from 14.5% to 13.3%, or one in eight children. In a national comparison, child poverty is reducing in Perth and Kinross at a faster rate compared to Scotland as a whole. 

    Rising housing costs remain the biggest issue for many families and as the statistics show, progress on reducing child poverty is being impacted, with just under 2000 children experiencing poverty as a direct result of these costs. 

    The figures are linked in with details of the actions taken to tackle and mitigate the effects of poverty from early learning and childcare provision and support enabling parents to return to employment, to a range of measures to mitigate housing costs, including the building of new affordable housing together with local housing associations, energy saving advice and support, physical improvements to properties. and financial and benefits advice. 

    Perth and Kinross Council Leader Councillor Grant Laing said: “These figures show an important improvement in poverty levels in Perth and Kinross, which I very much welcome, but 5,155 children in poverty is still too many by any standards. Through the support and services the Council delivers, and partnership working overseen via the Anti-Poverty Task Force, the steps being taken are making positive changes for the children and families most in need in Perth and Kinross.  

    “As a Council our decisions to prioritise tackling poverty are a key contributor to improving our residents’ circumstances, and we remain committed to this approach. Alongside this, it should be recognised that there are also factors outwith the Council’s control that continue to impact households in and at risk of poverty.” 

    Chair of the Perth and Kinross Anti-Poverty Task Force, and Chief Executive of PKAVS, Shaheena Din commented: “It’s encouraging to see a reduction in child poverty across Perth and Kinross. This progress is a success. But we can’t be complacent. Every statistic represents a child’s life, and we know that too many families are still struggling. As a taskforce, we remain focused on listening, learning, and acting together to ensure that every child has the opportunity to thrive.” 

    Further details of the 2023-2024 data is available on our website at Elected Member Briefing – Child Poverty Estimates 2023-2024.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Christine Lagarde: Drawing a common map: sustaining global cooperation in a fragmenting world

    Source: European Central Bank

    Speech by Christine Lagarde, President of the ECB, at the People’s Bank of China in Beijing

    Beijing, 11 June 2025

    It is a pleasure to be back here in Beijing.

    Some years ago, I spoke about how a changing world was creating a new global map of economic relations.[1]

    Maps have always reflected the society in which they are produced. But in rare instances, they can also capture historical moments when two societies meet at the crossroads.

    This was evident in the late 1500s during the Ming Dynasty, when Matteo Ricci, a European Jesuit, travelled to China. There Ricci went on to work with Chinese scholars to create a hybrid map that integrated European geographical knowledge with Chinese cartographic tradition.[2]

    The result of this cooperation – called the Kunyu Wanguo Quantu, or “Map of Ten Thousand Countries” – was historically unprecedented. And the encounter came to symbolise China’s openness to the world.

    In the modern era, we saw a similar moment when China entered the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. The country’s accession to the WTO signified its integration into the international economy and its openness to global trade.

    China’s entry into the WTO went on to reshape the global map of economic relations at a time of rapid trade growth, bringing significant benefits to countries across the world – particularly here in China.

    Since that time, the global economy has changed dramatically. In recent years, trade tensions have emerged and a geopolitically charged landscape is making international cooperation increasingly difficult.

    Yet the emergence of tensions in the international economic system is a recurring pattern across modern economic history.

    Over the last century, frictions have surfaced under a range of international configurations – from the inter-war gold exchange standard, to the post-war Bretton Woods system, to the subsequent era of floating exchange rates and free capital flows.

    While each system was unique, two common lessons cut across this history.

    First, one-sided adjustments to resolve global frictions have often fallen short, regardless of whether deficit or surplus countries carry the burden. In fact, they can bring with them either unpredictable or costly consequences.

    Such adjustments can be especially problematic when trade policies are used as a substitute for macroeconomic policies in addressing the root causes.

    And second, in the event that tensions do emerge, durable strategic and economic alliances have proven critical in preventing tail risks from materialising.

    In contrast to eras when ties of cooperation were weak, alliances have ultimately helped to prevent a broader surge in protectionism or a systemic fragmentation of trade.

    These two lessons have implications for today. Frictions are increasingly emerging between regions whose geopolitical interests may not be fully aligned. At the same time, however, these regions are more deeply economically integrated than ever before.

    The upshot is that while the incentive to cooperate is reduced, the costs of not doing so are now amplified.

    So the stakes are high.

    If we are to avoid inferior outcomes, we all must work towards sustaining global cooperation in a fragmenting world.

    Tensions across history

    If we look at the history of the international economic system over the past century, we can broadly divide it into three periods.

    In the first period, the inter-war years, major economies were tied together by the gold exchange standard – a regime of fixed exchange rates, with currencies linked to gold either directly or indirectly.

    But unlike the pre-war era, when the United Kingdom played a dominant global role[3], there was no global hegemon. Nor were there impactful international organisations to enforce rules or coordinate policies.

    The system’s flaws quickly became apparent.[4] Exchange rate misalignments caused persistent tensions between surplus and deficit countries. Yet the burden of adjustment fell overwhelmingly on the deficit side.

    Facing outflows of gold, deficit countries were forced into harsh deflation. Meanwhile, surplus countries faced little pressure to reflate. By 1932, two surplus countries accounted for over 60% of the world share of gold reserves.[5]

    One-sided adjustments failed to resolve the underlying problems. And without strong alliances to contain tail risks, tensions escalated. Countries turned to trade measures in an attempt to reduce imbalances in the system – but protectionism offered no sustainable solution.

    In fact, if current account positions narrowed at all, it was only because of the fall-off in world trade and output. The volume of global trade fell by around one-quarter between 1929 and 1933[6], with one study attributing nearly half of this fall to higher trade barriers.[7] World output declined by almost 30% in this period.[8]

    During the Second World War, leaders took the lessons to heart. They laid the groundwork for what became the Bretton Woods system in the early post-war era: a framework of fixed exchange rates and capital controls.

    This marked the beginning of the second period.

    The new regime was anchored by the US dollar’s convertibility into gold, with the International Monetary Fund acting as a referee. Trade flourished during this era. Between 1950 and 1973[9], world trade expanded at an average rate of over 8% per year.[10]

    But again, frictions emerged.

    In particular, the United States had shifted from initially running balance of payments surpluses to persistent deficits. At the heart of this shift was the role of the US dollar as the world’s reserve currency and source of liquidity for global trade.

    While US deficits provided the world with vital dollar liquidity, those very same deficits strained the dollar’s gold convertibility at USD 35 per ounce, threatening confidence in the system.

    By the late 1960s, foreign holdings of US dollars – amounting to almost USD 50 billion – were roughly five times the size of US gold reserves.[11]

    Ultimately, these tensions proved unsustainable as the United States was unwilling to sacrifice domestic policy goals – which generated fiscal deficits – for its external commitments.

    The Bretton Woods system ended abruptly in 1971, when President Nixon unilaterally suspended the US dollar’s convertibility into gold and imposed a 10% surcharge on imports.

    The goal behind the surcharge was to force US trading partners to revalue their currencies against the dollar, which was perceived as being overvalued.[12] As in earlier periods, this was a one-sided adjustment – though now aimed at shifting the burden onto surplus countries.

    Crucially, however, the downfall of Bretton Woods unfolded within the context of the Cold War. Countries operating under the system were not just trading partners – they were allies.

    And so, everyone had a strong geopolitical incentive to pick up the pieces and forge new cooperative agreements that could facilitate trade relationships, even in moments of pronounced volatility.

    We saw this several months after the “Nixon Shock”, when Western countries negotiated the Smithsonian Agreement.

    This agreement was a temporary fix to maintain an international system of fixed exchange rates. It devalued the US dollar by over 12% against the currencies of its major trading partners and removed President Nixon’s surcharge.[13]

    And we saw a strong geopolitical incentive at work again with the Plaza Accord in the 1980s – an era of floating exchange rates and free capital flows – when deficit and surplus countries in the Group of Five[14] sat down to try and resolve tensions.

    Of course, neither agreement ultimately succeeded in addressing the root causes of tensions. But critically, the risk of a broader turn toward protectionism – which was rising at several points[15] – never materialised.

    The contrast is telling.

    Both the inter-war and post-war eras revealed that one-sided adjustments cannot sustainably resolve economic frictions – whether on the deficit or surplus side.

    Yet the post-war system proved far more resilient, because the countries within it had deeper strategic reasons to cooperate.

    Frictions threatening global trade today

    In recent decades, we have been moving into a third period.

    Since the end of the Cold War, we have seen the rapid expansion of truly global trade.

    Trade in goods and services has risen roughly fivefold to over USD 30 trillion.[16] Trade as a share of global GDP has increased from around 38% to nearly 60%.[17] And countries have become much more integrated through global supply chains. At the end of the Cold War, these chains accounted for around two-fifths of global trade.[18] Today, they account for over two-thirds.[19]

    Yet this globalisation has unfolded in a world where – increasingly – not all nations are bound by the same security guarantees or strategic alliances. In 1985 just 90 countries were party to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Today, its successor – the WTO – counts 166 members, representing 98% of global trade.[20]

    There is no doubt that this new era has amplified the benefits of trade.

    Some originally lower-income countries have experienced remarkable gains – none more so than China.

    Since joining the WTO, China’s GDP per capita has increased roughly twelvefold.[21] The welfare impact has been equally profound: almost 800 million people in China have been lifted out of poverty, accounting for nearly three-quarters of global poverty reduction in recent decades.[22]

    Advanced economies, too, have benefited, albeit unevenly. While some industries and jobs have faced pressure from heightened import competition[23], consumers have enjoyed lower prices and greater choice. And for firms able to climb the value chain, the rewards have been substantial – especially in Europe.

    Today, EU exports to the rest of the world generate more than €2.5 trillion in value added – nearly one-fifth of the EU’s total – and support over 31 million jobs.[24]

    But the weakening alignment between trade relationships and security alliances has left the global system more exposed – a vulnerability now playing out in real time.

    According to the International Monetary Fund, trade restrictions across goods, services and investments have tripled since 2019 alone.[25] And in recent months, we have seen tariff levels imposed that would have been unimaginable just a few years ago.

    This fragmentation is being driven by two forces.

    The first is geopolitical realignment. As I have outlined in recent years, geopolitical tensions are playing an increasingly decisive role in reshaping the global economy.[26] Countries are reconfiguring trade relationships and supply chains to reflect national security priorities, rather than economic efficiency alone.

    The second force is the growing perception of unfair trade – often linked to widening current account positions.

    Current account surpluses and deficits are not inherently problematic, particularly when they reflect structural factors such as comparative advantage or demographic trends.

    But these imbalances become more contentious when they do not resolve over time and create the perception that they are being sustained by policy choices – whether through the blocking of macroeconomic adjustment mechanisms or a lack of respect for global rules.

    Indeed, while in recent decades the persistence of current account positions has remained fairly constant, the dispersion of those positions – that is, how widely surpluses and deficits are spread across countries – has shifted significantly.

    In the mid-1990s current account deficits and surpluses were similarly dispersed within their respective groups: both were relatively evenly distributed among several countries.[27]

    Today, that balance has changed. Deficits have become far more concentrated, with just a few countries accounting for the bulk of global deficits. In contrast, surpluses have become somewhat more dispersed, spread across a wider range of countries.

    These developments have recently led to coercive trade policies and risk fragmenting global supply chains.

    Making global trade sustainable

    Given national security considerations and the experience during the pandemic, a certain degree of de-risking is here to stay. Few countries are willing to remain dependent on others for strategic industries.

    But it does not follow that we must forfeit the broader benefits of trade – so long as we are willing to absorb the lessons of history. Let me draw two conclusions for the current situation.

    First, coercive trade policies are not a sustainable solution to today’s trade tensions.

    To the extent that protectionism addresses imbalances, it is not by resolving their root causes, but by eroding the foundations of global prosperity.

    And with countries now deeply integrated through global supply chains – yet no longer as geopolitically aligned as in the past – this risk is greater than ever. Coercive trade policies are far more likely to provoke retaliation and lead to outcomes that are mutually damaging.

    The shared risks we face are underscored by ECB analysis. Our staff find that if global trade were to fragment into competing blocs, world trade would contract significantly, with every major economy worse off.[28]

    This leads me to the second conclusion: if we are serious about preserving our prosperity, we must pursue cooperative solutions – even in the face of geopolitical differences. And that means both surplus and deficit countries must take responsibility and play their part.

    All countries should examine how their structural and fiscal policies can be adjusted to reduce their own role in fuelling trade tensions.

    Indeed, both supply-side and demand-side dynamics have contributed to dispersion of current accounts positions we see today.

    On the supply side, we have witnessed a sharp rise in the use of industrial policies aimed at boosting domestic capacity. Since 2014, subsidy-related interventions that distort global trade have more than tripled globally. [29]

    Notably, this trend is now being driven as much by emerging markets as by advanced economies. In 2021, domestic subsidies accounted for two-thirds of all trade-related policies in the average G20 emerging market, consistently outpacing the share seen in advanced G20 economies.[30]

    On the demand side, global demand generation has become more concentrated, especially in the United States. A decade ago, the United States accounted for less than 30% of demand generated by G20 countries. Today, that share has risen to nearly 35%.

    This increasing imbalance in demand reflects not only excess saving in some parts of the world, but also excess dissaving in others, especially by the public sector.

    Of course, none of us can determine the actions of others. But we can control our own contribution.

    Doing so would not only serve the collective interest – by helping to ease pressure on the global system – but also the domestic interest, by setting our own economies on a more sustainable path.

    We can also lead by example by continuing to respect global rules – or even improving on them. This helps build trust and creates the foundation for reciprocal actions.

    That means upholding the multilateral framework which has so greatly benefited our economies. And it means working with like-minded partners to forge bilateral and regional agreements rooted in mutual benefit and full WTO compatibility.[31]

    Central banks, in line with their respective mandates, can also play a role.

    We can stand firm as pillars of international cooperation in an era when such cooperation is hard to come by. And we can continue to deliver stability-oriented policies in a world marked by rising volatility and instability.

    Conclusion

    Let me conclude.

    In a fragmenting world, regions need to work together to sustain global trade – which has delivered prosperity in recent decades.

    Of course, given the geopolitical landscape, that will be a harder challenge today than it has been in the past. But as Confucius once observed, “Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practices it will have neighbours”.

    Today, to make history, we must learn from history. We must absorb the lessons of the past – and act on them – to prevent a mutually damaging escalation of tensions.

    In doing so, we all can draw a new map for global cooperation.

    We have done it before. And we can do it again.

    Thank you.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI China: World Bank cuts global growth forecasts on trade barriers, policy uncertainty

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Customers shop at a Walmart store in Los Angeles County, California, the United States, May 20, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    The World Bank slashed global economic growth forecasts on Tuesday citing heightened trade tensions and policy uncertainty.

    The turmoil resulted in lower growth forecasts in nearly 70 percent of all economies across all regions and income groups, according to the latest bi-annual Global Economic Prospects report issued on Tuesday.

    The report cut the 2025 global economic growth forecast to 2.3 percent from 2.7 percent in January, 2025 with the 2026 growth forecast lowered to 2.4 percent from 2.7 percent.

    Advanced economies are expected to see an expansion of 1.2 percent in 2025, down from 1.7 percent in earlier forecasts while the growth forecast with emerging market and developing economies was lowered by 0.3 percentage points to 3.8 percent in 2025.

    In particular, the United States is expected to grow by 1.4 percent in 2025, 0.9 percentage points less than previous forecast and only half of the 2.8 percent growth in 2024.

    Both the Euro Area and Japan are expected to grow 0.7 percent this year, 0.3 percentage points and 0.5 percentage points lower from previous estimates, respectively, while China’s growth forecasts for both 2025 and 2026 remain unchanged.

    The world economy is once more running into turbulence while a “soft landing” appeared to be in sight only six months ago, said the report.

    “Without a swift course correction, the harm to living standards could be deep,” warned the report.

    “Outside of Asia, the developing world is becoming a development-free zone,” said Indermit Gill, the World Bank Group’s Chief Economist and Senior Vice President for Development Economics.

    Gill highlighted slower economic and investment growth in developing economies in comparison with recording-making debt levels.

    Progress by emerging market and developing economies in closing per capita income gaps with advanced economies and reducing extreme poverty is anticipated to remain insufficient and the outlook largely hinges on the evolution of trade policy globally, said the report.

    The global economy is expected to see a tepid recovery in 2026 and 2027 but world output would remain materially below projections made in January, 2025.

    However, growth could turn out to be lower if trade restrictions escalate or if policy uncertainty persists, which could also result in a build-up of financial stress, according to the report. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: The Caribbean Challenge: Fostering Growth and Resilience Amidst Global Uncertainty

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    June 10, 2025

    As prepared for delivery

    Introduction and Road Map

    Good evening, everyone.

    It is a great pleasure to join you here in Brasilia for the 55th Annual Meeting of the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB or the Bank).

    Thank you Valerie for your very kind introduction. I also take this opportunity to thank the Bank for giving me the honor of delivering this year’s lecture in memory of Dr. William Gilbert Demas.

    It is highly symbolic that this year’s meeting takes place in Brazil for the very first time. This symbolizes a new beginning and demonstrates the CDB’s broad and international coalition of shareholders all vested in CDB’s success.

    The CDB is an incredibly important institution that has a vital role to play in the Caribbean’s development. It must be cherished, and supported, even as it delivers value to its borrowing and non-borrowing membership in harmonious partnership with all its stakeholders.

    This is also the first CDB Annual General Meeting under the presidency of Mr. Daniel Best. It is therefore in order to, again, congratulate President Best and to wish him tremendous success.

    Dr. Demas’s contributions throughout his career—as a policymaker, as an academic, and as an economist—cannot be overstated. He left a legacy of far-sighted vision and Caribbean excellence. A legacy that the whole region can be proud of.

    We need to channel that vision and that excellence to meet two urgent priorities for the region. First, to lift growth prospects and living standards. And second, to build resilience against persistent economic shocks and natural disasters. These two objectives go hand in hand. We need the second to sustainably deliver on the first.

    At a moment of exceptional uncertainty in the global economy, these tasks become even harder—and our efforts become even more urgent.

    Today, I will address the growth and resilience challenge: both in the global context and in the context of the Caribbean region.

    I will then discuss how regional policymakers can respond—by implementing sound macroeconomic policies and by following through on necessary structural reforms.

    Finally, I will share how the IMF is supporting our members to boost growth prospects and build resilience in today’s uncertain global environment.

    The Global Growth Challenge

    Let me start with the global growth outlook.

    After a series of shocks over the past five years, the global economy seemed to have stabilized—at steady but underwhelming rates, as compared with recent experience.

    However, the landscape has now changed. Major policy shifts have signaled a resetting of the global trading system. In early April, the US effective tariff rate jumped to levels not seen in a century.

    And, while trade talks continue and there’s been a scaling back of some tariffs, trade policy uncertainty remains off the charts.

     

    As a result, we significantly downgraded our most recent global growth projections in the April World Economic Outlook—by 0.5 percentage point for this year, from 3.3 to 2.8 percent; and 0.3 percentage point in 2026, from 3.3 to 3.0 percent. This represents the lowest global growth in approximately two decades, outside of 2020, the year of the pandemic.

    A natural question is: if trade tensions and uncertainty persist, what could be the impact on global growth?

    To start, we know that uncertainty imposes huge costs. With complex modern supply chains and changing bilateral tariff rates, planning becomes very difficult. Businesses postpone shipping and investment decisions. We also know that the longer uncertainty persists, the larger the costs imposed.

    In addition, rising trade barriers hit growth upfront. Tariffs do raise fiscal revenues but come at the expense of reducing and shifting economic activity—and evidence from past episodes suggests higher tariff rates are not paid by trading partners alone. These costs are passed on to importers and, ultimately, to consumers who pay higher prices.

    Protectionism also erodes productivity over the long run, especially in smaller economies. Shielding industries from competition reduces incentives for efficient resource allocation. Past productivity and competitiveness gains from trade are given up, which hurts innovation.

    Tariffs will impact economic growth differently across countries, but no nation is immune. The IMF’s most significant downgrades to growth are concentrated in countries affected the most by recent trade measures. Low-income countries face the added challenge of falling aid flows, as donor countries reprioritize resources to deal with domestic concerns.

    And we have already seen an increase in global financial market volatility. Equity market valuations declined sharply in response to the April tariff announcements. Unusual movements in the US government bond and currency markets followed.

    Equity markets have since regained ground on the hopes of a swift resolution of trade tensions. But with continued uncertainty and tighter financial conditions, we assessed in our most recent Global Financial Stability Report that risks to global financial stability have increased significantly.

    These global realities result in three main vulnerabilities.

    First, valuations remain high in some key segments of global equity and corporate bond markets. If the economic outlook worsens, these assets are vulnerable to sharp adjustments. This could, in turn, affect emerging markets’ currencies, asset prices, and capital flows.

    Second, in more volatile markets, some financial institutions could come under strain, especially highly leveraged nonbank financial institutions, with implications for the interconnected financial system.

    Third, sovereign bond markets are vulnerable to further turbulence, especially where government debt levels are high. Emerging market economies—which already face the highest real financing costs in a decade—may now need to refinance their debt and finance fiscal spending at even higher costs.

     

    These vulnerabilities, and the potential for impact in emerging economies, should not be underestimated nor ignored.

    But let me step back from these most recent economic and financial developments. As I mentioned, global growth prospects were already underwhelming.

    And looking over the medium term, these global growth prospects, as I mentioned previously, remain at their lowest levels in decades.

    What is driving this? Our analysis shows that a significant and broad-based slowdown in productivity growth accounts for more than half of the decline in global growth.

    This is partly because global labor and capital have not been flowing to the most dynamic firms. Lower private investment after the Global Financial Crisis and slower working-age-population growth in major economies exacerbated the problem. Our studies show that, without a course correction, global growth rates by the end of this decade would be below the pre-pandemic average by about 1 percentage point.

    Simply put, new uncertainties on top of already weak economic prospects make for a very challenging global growth backdrop.

    The Caribbean Growth and Resilience Challenge

    It is not surprising, then, that most Caribbean countries also face a challenging outlook.

    In our latest World Economic Outlook, we already projected tepid growth in the Caribbean region overall—even before accounting for the US trade policy announcements. Stronger performance in some countries—such as Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago—was offset by slower growth in others.

    And in several countries, crime weighs on growth prospects. Particularly in Haiti, where the security situation hampers efforts to sustain economic activity, implement reforms, and attract aid and foreign direct investment.

    On top of that, we estimate that the April tariff announcement and its global spillovers would lower Caribbean regional growth by at least 0.2 percentage point on average.

    But the impact varies across countries.

    In tourism-dependent economies, where growth is closely tied to US economic activity, the impact will mainly depend on the size of the US tourist base (Figure).

    In oil-exporting countries, lower commodity prices and higher volatility are the main channels of transmission. Lower global growth means lower demand for these commodities which adversely impacts the economies of commodity exporting countries.

    Slower growth, while a relatively recent phenomena from a global perspective, is, unfortunately, not new to the Caribbean. Declining growth trends in the Caribbean region have loomed over the longer horizon as well. Recent IMF analysis finds that most Caribbean countries had significantly slower growth over the last decades: 2001–2023, as compared with the previous two decades: 1980–2000 (Figure).

    For tourism-dependent Caribbean economies, we estimate a decline in potential growth from 3.3 percent over the 1981 – 2000 period to 1.6 percent over the following two decades, 2001-2019.

    This presents the Caribbean with an aggravated challenge – to reverse the trend of slower growth at a time when global growth is also declining. That is, the challenge is to reverse the trend of slower growth when the wind in the proverbial sail is weaker and has changed direction.

    Let’s be clear about what is at stake.

    Slower growth in the Caribbean slows the improvement in living standards and stymies the aspirations of Caribbean people for better opportunities. Slowing growth, in the past, has also meant that convergence in income levels between the Caribbean and advanced economies has stalled. In other words, the gap between the economic fortunes of the Caribbean national and that of her counterpart in the advanced world is growing wider.

     

    Of course, there are exceptions to the regional trend. In particular, Guyana’s economy has grown rapidly over the past two decades, progressing from low-middle-income to high-income status. Growth accelerated to over 45 percent on average in the past three years, making Guyana the fastest growing economy in the world!

    But for the Caribbean more broadly, the questions on which we should focus is – what explains the pattern of declining growth? And, what is the appropriate menu of policy responses to this pattern?

    With respect to the first question, and as in the rest of the world, a key explanation for declining growth is weak productivity growth.

    The growth challenge is not a mystery. Growth potential can be decomposed into its constituent factors and we can compare how the Caribbean’s growth potential has declined over time. Such an analytical and data-driven approach reveals that the Caribbean’s growth potential is a half of what it was a few decades ago. Addressing the Caribbean growth challenge requires systematic and comprehensive policies to strategically improve the factors that contribute to growth potential. Zooming in on one of the important factors: the Caribbean’s productivity growth has declined to almost zero. This is at the root of the Caribbean’s growth challenge. In addition to productivity growth, physical and human capital development need to be accelerated. So, ladies and gentlemen, there is no magic solution to the Caribbean growth challenge. There is no quick fix either. In fact, great danger exists if we believe that the growth challenge can be addressed with quick fixes. Solving the growth question will require as much effort as the effort put into the macro stability reforms successfully undertaken in Jamaica, Barbados and Suriname.

    What Should Policymakers Do? – Maintain and Entrench Macro Stability

    The goal for policymakers is clear: to foster resilient and inclusive growth that sustainably raises living standards.

    How should this be achieved?

    1. Maintain and entrench macro-economic stability and
    2. Decisively and comprehensively address the factors that raise growth potential

    As a pre-requisite, countries should strive to pursue policies that restore, maintain and entrench macroeconomic stability – stable prices, sustainable fiscal trajectories, adequate foreign exchange reserves and financial sector stability.

    The collective Caribbean experience powerfully demonstrates the transformative potential of macroeconomic stability. Jamaica, for example, which was burdened with unemployment rates that averaged 20% between the early 1970’s and the end of the 1980’s and 15% between over the 1990’s to the mid 2000’s only achieved the previously unimaginable result of low single digit unemployment rates, in the region of 4% and lower, when stability became entrenched.

    Stability is also a friend to the poor as Jamaica’s experience also highlights.

    Jamaica achieved the lowest rate of poverty in its history in 2023, again on the back of entrenched macroeconomic stability in the context of an institutionalized social protection framework supplemented by temporary and targeted counter-cyclical measures at times of distress.

    Friends, our history and global economic history clearly demonstrate that economic stability is indispensable to national success, regardless of chosen social and political organization. Economic stability should therefore be guarded and protected as a national asset, allowing for focus on higher order challenges like structural reforms to unlock growth potential. Also, the requirements of stability should act as a constraint on policy. Any proposed policy action that has the prospect of jeopardizing any of the components of stability should not make it through the policy formation gauntlet. Securing economic stability into the future requires laws but laws are insufficient. Stability over the long term is best preserved by developing, empowering, and strengthening institutions.

    Build fiscal buffers, strengthen fiscal frameworks, and bolster resilience.

    The Caribbean region hosts different currency regimes. The key requirement is internal consistency within the chosen currency regime. Floating rate and fixed rate currency regimes impose their own constraints. These need to be observed for success.

    While there is always room for improvement in monetary frameworks, the areas within the macro stability complex, that require urgent attention in the Caribbean, are rebuilding fiscal buffers, strengthening fiscal frameworks and bolstering resilience.

    Let’s face it: on top of all the other challenges, government budgets in the region are strapped. Providing extraordinary support in response to extraordinary shocks has depleted buffers.

    Public debt ratios have come down since the pandemic—this is good news. However, in many countries—including Caribbean countries—debt and financing needs are still too high.

    In fact, for some Eastern Caribbean Currency Union (ECCU) members, achieving their regional debt target of 60 percent of GDP by 2035, a full decade from now, will require sizeable efforts.

    With timely fiscal consolidation, countries can bring down debt ratios and by so doing, they can protect themselves against future shocks. And they can make space to invest in crucial human and physical capital—an investment in their own future.

    In addition, some Caribbean countries have pegged exchange rates, which have been a long-standing anchor of stability—for example, in the Eastern Caribbean. The ECCU is one of only four currency unions in the entire world[1] and stands as a testimony to the capacity of Caribbean people to collaborate, cooperate and innovate.

    However, to safeguard the stability provided by this currency union long into the future, fiscal policies must be sustainable, resilient, and consistent with the exchange rate regime. Inconsistency only serves to compromise the currency union with the potential for destabilizing consequences.

    Our advice to policymakers on how to rebuild buffers and strengthen frameworks is straightforward: mobilize tax revenue, spend wisely, and plan ahead.

    Let’s start with mobilizing tax revenue. The tax revenue yield in Eastern Caribbean countries is falling short of peers. Inefficient tax exemptions and weak tax administrations are leading to large revenue losses.

    Broadening the tax base and removing distortions will not only increase revenues but also support investment and growth. The Fund has provided technical assistance to our members in the Caribbean to support their ongoing efforts in this area.

    Let me turn to spending wisely. Not all spending is productive spending. With limited fiscal space focus must be on spending that has the potential to deliver quantifiable social and economic returns within reasonable timeframes. Policymakers should keep the quality and composition of spending under review, including by containing unproductive spending, enhancing efficiency, and digitalizing government services.

    Finally, plan ahead. With conviction. Credibility is critical to allow fiscal consolidation to proceed gradually with lower financing costs and better growth results.

    Strong medium-term fiscal frameworks, with well-designed fiscal rules and specific plans for fiscal policies and reforms, can help bring debt down and investment up.

    Frameworks that combine debt and operational targets—and are backed by adequate capacity and institutions—can be particularly powerful.

    This approach worked well in Jamaica, where fiscal responsibility was written into law under the Financial Administration and Audit Act. The Act established a public debt goal of 60 percent of GDP and a rule that determines the annual target fiscal balance consistent with that objective. An Independent Fiscal Commission is the arbiter of Jamaica’s fiscal rules and provides an opinion on fiscal policy sustainability, strengthening credibility and accountability.

    Planning ahead also means being ready for the certainty of economic shocks. A golden rule in policymaking in a country is to design policies that fit the country’s circumstances. Shocks are a permanent feature of Caribbean small state reality. Caribbean economic policy ought, therefore, to make provisions for the inevitability of economic shocks. In Jamaica’s Act, there are clear escape clauses for large shocks and an automatic adjustment mechanism to secure a return to the debt target.

    Well-designed and transparent sovereign wealth funds can also help stabilize public finances when shocks hit. For example, Trinidad and Tobago’s sovereign wealth fund insulates fiscal policy from oil price fluctuations. Guyana’s fund helps manage its natural resource revenues, finance investment, and save for the future. And St. Kitts and Nevis is considering a fund to smooth volatile revenues from the Citizenship-by-Investment program.

    Planning for shocks is ever more important in regions like the Caribbean that face recurrent threats from natural disasters.

    Our countries need to be prepared before disasters hit.

    Recurring natural disasters impair productive infrastructure and hinder human development, constraining productivity growth even further.

    Major natural disasters cost an average of 2 percent of GDP per year in Caribbean countries and close to 4 percent of GDP in the Eastern Caribbean countries.

    There is a physical dimension to disaster preparedness, which involves investing in resilient infrastructure.

    There is also a financial dimension, which involves developing resilient risk transfer, contingent claim and insurance mechanisms.

    Unfortunately, rising global private re-insurance premiums are making the task even harder. Domestic insurance premiums have also been rising. The result is lower insurance coverage in the private sector, and thus potentially more burden on governments when a natural disaster strikes.

    Caribbean countries can secure a comprehensive insurance framework with multiple layers: self-insurance through their own fiscal buffers, participation in pooled risk transfer arrangements, contingent financing and catastrophe bonds.

    With respect to the first layer, in Jamaica, there is a legislated requirement to save annually in a natural disaster fund. I recognize, however, that for some countries individual buffers have declined since the pandemic and need to be restored.

    On the second layer, the Caribbean Catastrophe Risk Insurance Facility (CCRIF) helps fill an important gap. Coverage has steadily improved since its inception, and the CCRIF has made prompt payouts after various natural disasters. This included US$85 million across five countries, Grenada, St Vincent & the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago, the Cayman Islands and Jamaica, in a matter of days after Hurricane Beryl, underscoring the Facility’s regional importance. Further expanding coverage would pay off in the long term.

    On the third layer of contingent financing, the World Bank has approved catastrophe deferred drawdown options for Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Jamaica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, among other countries in the pipeline. Furthermore, Grenada and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have already drawn on these instruments following natural disasters.

    In addition, the IDB has credit contingent facilities with Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas, Barbados, Jamaica, St Vincent and the Grenadines among other countries.

    On the fourth layer, Jamaica has, with World Bank assistance, independently sponsored two catastrophe bonds.

    Now, to be clear, stability, resilience and risk transfer by themselves, do not automatically deliver the elevated growth needed. However, elevated levels of economic growth cannot be achieved without stability. Furthermore, stability and resilience set the stage for elongating the economic cycle by significantly lowering a country’s risk premium, lowering the cost of capital, expanding the frontier of project economic viability and providing the counter-cyclical capacity to respond to shocks, thereby limiting the duration and intensity of downturns, and providing for longer unbroken periods of consecutive economic growth. The Jamaican experience demonstrates these relationships.

    To achieve higher growth, in addition to stability, policymakers have to decisively address factors that elevate growth potential beginning with the productivity gap.

    Decisively address structural obstacles to lift firm level productivity

    Addressing the growth challenge requires reversing the decline in the Caribbean’s growth potential by 1) improving total factor productivity and 2) boosting investment in physical and human capital.

    Our analysis for the ECCU shows that the bulk of total factor productivity losses come from high costs of finance, cumbersome tax administration, inefficient business licensing and permits, and skills mismatches in the workforce. From my experience, this can also be applied to most of the Caribbean beyond the ECCU.

    Overcoming these obstacles could bring substantial productivity gains ranging from 34 to 65 percent— which would be an incredible result! This could close the gap in income per capita with the US by 9 to 27 percentage points.

    Simplify and Digitalize Regulation, Business Licensing, Permits and Tax Payment Procedures

    One practical step is to promote digitalization of Caribbean societies which can significantly boost productivity. This will require a multifaceted strategy including investment in digital infrastructure, digital transformation of government, reducing the cost and increasing the availability of data transmission, improving digital literacy, among other factors.

    Application of digital tools and digital technologies to improve access to government services, while reducing time, ought to be seen as a non-negotiable imperative. As an obvious example, further enhancing taxpayer access to digital government services—through e-payment, e-filing, and e-registration—would not only reduce the administrative burden but also encourage compliance, fostering a better environment for entrepreneurship.

    In much of the Caribbean, businesses have to navigate a complex labyrinth of licensing, permitting and regulatory regimes. This is a drag on productivity. While the largest enterprises have the scale to absorb the inefficiencies, smaller firms suffocate from overly burdensome processes. We know that the economic vitality of a country is linked to the level of hospitability of the business environment to its small and medium-sized firms.

    There is, therefore, tremendous scope in the region to greatly simplify regulatory processes and eliminate unnecessary steps. Furthermore, the digitalization of licensing, permitting and regulatory procedures promises to enhance the efficiency of firms, boosting productivity.

    Improving Access to Finance

    That leads me to another practical step: improving access to finance, which can encourage new businesses and support a transition into the more productive formal sector. Finance is the oxygen of business, and its affordable and widespread availability is essential for having a dynamic business environment.

    There could be an entire session on improving access to finance as it is so fundamental, yet so multifaceted and complex.

    Many factors hinder access to finance in the Caribbean. I will touch on a few.

    First, legacy weaknesses in banks’ balance sheets limit access to credit, investment, and growth across the region. So it is important to address vulnerabilities in the banking sector. This includes timely compliance with regulatory standards and easier ways to dispose of impaired assets. Progress is happening: banks are building buffers and reducing non-performing loan ratios. But more work is needed to ensure all banks meet regulatory minimums.

    Reducing the costs of non-performing loan resolutions, ultimately reduces the cost of loans. This can be achieved by modernizing insolvency regimes to encourage faster out-of-court debt workouts. Asset management companies—if they are properly funded—would facilitate asset disposals.

    Collateral infrastructure should also be strengthened through effective credit registries and partial credit guarantee schemes. For example, the recently created regional credit bureau in the Eastern Caribbean can help lower the cost and time of credit risk assessments and close information asymmetry gaps. This will help small and medium enterprises access credit while safeguarding credit quality.

    Stronger anti-money laundering and anti-terrorism financing frameworks can help protect the financial system from external threats and retain correspondent banking relationships, the absence of which impedes access to credit.

    The above financial sector measures are absolutely necessary but hardly revolutionary.

    Revolutionizing access to credit in the region could be achieved by enabling mobile real-time, instant, 24/7 payment system platforms as exist in India through their Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and right here in Brazil through Pix.

    In both India and Brazil, access to finance and to financial services have been transformed, and inclusiveness expanded, by these innovations. Transactions are free, or ultra-low cost, and these payment platforms are integrated into banking apps and into e-commerce platforms.

    Of course, these systems only exist within the context of national identification systems that provide the necessary identity verifications as required.

    Seize the Opportunities from the Renewable Energy Transition.

    The use of oil imports for electricity generation is costly and has led to very high electricity prices which undermines competitiveness—particularly for the tourism industry—at the expense of potential growth.

    As we explored last December in the Caribbean Forum in Barbados, a successful energy transition can foster inclusive, sustainable, and resilient growth.

    That transition will look different for energy-importing and energy-exporting countries.

    For energy importers, diversifying into renewable energy, with fast declining costs, can reduce reliance on expensive and volatile oil imports. It would also offer relief from some of the highest electricity costs in the world. Consider this key fact: electricity in many countries in the Caribbean costs, a minimum of, twice as much as in advanced economies. We have been discussing this in the region for a long time. Too long.

    The energy transition would enhance external sustainability for energy importers, while making them more competitive, more resilient to shocks, and more likely to grow faster and on a sustainable basis.

    But seizing these opportunities requires tackling key obstacles. For example, high upfront investment costs. Limited fiscal space. Regulatory hurdles for private investment. And small market sizes and isolated grids that hinder economies of scale.

    So, the transition to renewables will take time and investment. It will also take efforts coordinated on a regional scale.

    One immediate, cost-effective step is to implement energy efficiency measures. For example, both Barbados and Jamaica have retrofitted government buildings with energy-efficient equipment. This delivers quick savings, typically without large upfront costs.

    On the regional front, initiatives like the Resilient Renewable Energy Infrastructure Investment Facility—championed by the Eastern Caribbean Central Bank and supported by the World Bank—offer a promising step forward.

    Regional mechanisms to promote pooled procurement and to harmonize regulatory frameworks will also be key.

    Energy exporters in the Caribbean face a different set of challenges. Most notably, they have the difficult task of managing changes in fossil fuel demand and fiscal revenues while maximizing the value of existing reserves.

    But the energy transition is also an opportunity to diversify into the green energy sectors of the future, such as green petrochemicals and green hydrogen.

    Energy exporters will also need to watch out for spillovers from other regions’ climate policies, such as border carbon adjustment mechanisms. For example, Trinidad and Tobago faces exposure to the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, which could, potentially, affect over 5 percent of the country’s total exports. And a further 5 percent is at risk if the EU expands its Mechanism.

    But energy exporting countries can also turn this type of spillover into an advantage. By introducing their own carbon pricing systems, they can retain revenue in their economies rather than have it collected by their trading partners.

    Invest in Human Capital, Bridge the Skills Gap and Invest in Physical Infrastructure

    The most important investment Caribbean countries can make is in boosting the human capital of the region. Human capital development is multifaceted, but today I will focus on the central elements of education and skills.

    Invest in Human Capital; Address the Skills Gap

    Given the small size of Caribbean economies, and the absence of economies of scale, economic success will be determined by the level and quality of human capital in the region.

    Elevated levels of economic growth will require substantial improvements in education and skills outcomes across the region, and in some countries more than others. This is deserving of the region’s energy and focus.

    A recent survey for the ECCU highlights a shortage of skilled labor as a key constraint for businesses. I know this skills gap is also a reality in Jamaica and can be generalized across much of the Caribbean.

    What can be done? The answer is twofold: enhance the skills of those employed and provide opportunities to those who have skills but are not in the labor market.

    Expanding vocational training and modernizing education systems, coupled with active labor market policies, can help mitigate the skills gap. And digital tools can connect employers with potential employees.

    Emerging technologies—such as artificial intelligence—make closing the skills gap all the more important. The opportunity is that rapidly evolving technologies could bring high productivity gains, with the threat that failure to upgrade skills could expose industries important to the region such as business process outsourcing.

    Harnessing that potential in Caribbean countries includes, for instance, integrating AI and data science into all levels of education.

    The good news is that many countries in the region are facing the skills challenge head on.

    For example, my home country of Jamaica launched a national initiative—supported by the World Bank—for secondary school students in the areas of Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts, and Mathematics, also known as the STEAM initiative.

    In Barbados, the 2022 Economic Recovery and Transformation Plan aims to enhance the business environment by advancing digitalization and skills training.

    In St. Vincent and the Grenadines, an ongoing education reform is focused on modernizing and expanding post-secondary technical and vocational education to better align skills with labor market needs.

    And in Antigua and Barbuda, the planned expansion of the University of the West Indies Five Islands Campus will provide new opportunities for higher education and regional talent development.

    However more can be done, and should be done, in each of these countries. The goal of policy should be to have Caribbean schools rank in the upper quartile of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) benchmarks.

    On creating more opportunities, bringing more women into the labor market can contribute to economic growth.

    We estimate that eliminating the gender gap in the ECCU—which is over 11 percentage points, on average—could boost regional GDP by roughly 10 percent. That is a powerful economic case for inclusive labor policies, such as enhanced access to childcare and elderly care.

    It is also imperative to foster opportunities for youth. Caribbean countries have some of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world, ranging from 10 to 40 percent. Empowering future generations is at the core of addressing the growth and resilience challenge in the region.

    I want to acknowledge the important efforts led by the Caribbean Community, CARICOM, to work towards deeper social and economic integration.

    Earlier this year, we saw tangible progress. CARICOM members are working to enable free movement of CARICOM nationals for willing countries. Importantly, this initiative also includes access to primary and secondary education, emergency healthcare, and primary healthcare for migrating individuals.

    Boost Investment in Infrastructure

    Improved infrastructure enhances the productivity of capital as well as the productivity of labor. The Caribbean will need much higher levels of investment to restore and boost its growth potential.

    Workers depend on public transportation to get from home to work and back home again. If this, for example, routinely takes an hour and a half each way, on average, and costs a third of weekly wages, then labor productivity will suffer. Efficient, affordable, accessible mass transportation enhances productivity. While taxis complement bus transportation, they cannot be an effective substitute. This is more of a problem in larger Caribbean territories and I know that Jamaica is tackling this problem head-on.

    Similarly, road and highway connectivity that opens new investment opportunities and reduces the cost of transportation of people and goods enhances productivity of capital as well as the productivity of labor and enhances growth potential.

    Modern commerce relies on communication and, importantly, on data. I mentioned this earlier. There is scope for telecommunications and broadband infrastructure to be improved, for data costs to be lowered, and for data access to be expanded. This will require investment. Hopefully, private investment, but investment that will need to be facilitated by government policy.

    Water is the source of life. Without water, communities are less productive, and businesses cannot function. Across the region, significant investment in water treatment, storage, and distribution infrastructure will be required to support economic growth and improve standards of living over the medium term.

    All of these elements of infrastructure – transportation, broadband, roads, water, and energy, dealt with earlier, – need considerable investment to keep Caribbean societies competitive and to raise the growth potential.

    However, Caribbean governments will not have the required resources to finance these investments from tax revenues, and at the same time fund education, health, security and other essential services.

    As such, governments will need to consider attracting local, regional, and international private capital in well-structured transactions to finance the productivity enhancing infrastructure needs of the region.

    This can be accomplished through the variety of Public Private Partnerships (PPP) modalities that exist and with the advice of multilateral partners, such as the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) who are very experienced in structuring these kinds of transactions, and who know what is required to generate investor interest.

    I can speak from experience – the IFC has been instrumental in assisting Jamaica to develop its pipeline of PPP’s.

    My advice however is to not develop PPP’s sequentially, one at a time, starting one as the other concludes. Given the preparation period required for each, sequential PPP development will take too long. Instead, pursue PPP’s using a programmatic approach. That is, develop a pipeline of infrastructure PPP’s in parallel so you can bring these to market in rapid succession. The time and resources required for investors to familiarize themselves with the macro-environment, the legislative framework, the regulatory architecture, the country risks etc., with uncertainty around bid success, needs to be amortized over a number of transactions – in order to attract deep pocketed and experienced investors prepared to provide competitive bids.

    Open, transparent and competitive PPP’s, that are well structured, can help bridge the infrastructure gap and boost productivity.

    The Role of the IMF

    These are not easy times, and these are not easy steps to take. They require clarity of vision, coordination, partnerships, technical expertise and lots of energy.

    But these steps can put Caribbean countries on a path toward greater growth and resilience.

    Rest assured that the IMF remains fully committed to supporting our members across the region.

    Our near-universal membership provides us with a unique global perspective and we are informed by a large range of cross-country experiences over the last 80 years.

    With 191 member countries the IMF, as compared to the United Nations with 192 member countries, is as global as it gets. We engage with each of our members on a country-by-country basis, as well as on a regional basis with currency unions, including the Eastern Caribbean Currency Union.

    Our member countries, including Caribbean states, are shareholders and owners of the IMF. We work for you. And we do so through three primary modalities – (i) surveillance, where we provide a review and analysis of our member countries’ economy on an annual or biennial basis. This review, called the Article IV Consultation report, named after the clause in our articles that mandates this exercise, is a principal obligation of IMF membership. This review, which contains country specific policy advice, is published, and freely available, online. I encourage media practitioners, economists, financial analysts, public policy advocates, and citizens interested in their country and region to access these Article IV reports for your country and make good use of the information and analysis contained therein.

    The second modality through which the IMF provides a service to its member countries is capacity development. Here we provide technical analysis and tailor-made policy advice on specific issues that countries may be grappling with. For example, designing of tax policy measures, improving efficiency in public spending, optimizing public debt management, bolstering the capacity of statistics agencies and the development of monetary policy tools to name a few. Under this modality we also provide training courses for public officials through regional institutions such as CARTAC and also in courses at the IMF’s headquarters in Washington, DC.

    Our third modality is the one that most are familiar with – the IMF provides financing designed to address balance of payments challenges. Our long-established lending toolkit helps countries restore macroeconomic stability. In this goal of restoring macroeconomic stability many countries have had successful engagements with the IMF. In the region, Jamaica, Barbados, and Suriname come immediately to mind.

    At the recent IMF Spring Meetings I moderated a panel where the Greek Finance Minister made the point that at this juncture of very challenging fiscal circumstances in the Eurozone, only six countries within the 27 member EU have fiscal surpluses, and it so happens that four of these had IMF programs during the Global Financial Crisis.

    And the IMF continues to evolve to meet the needs of our member countries. Our rapid facilities provide emergency financing when shocks hit. And our newer Resilience and Sustainability Facility provides affordable long-term financing to support resilience-building efforts.

    In the Caribbean, Barbados and Suriname have made great strides in positioning their economies for growth while reducing vulnerabilities under their economic programs supported by the Extended Fund Facility. These countries’ ownership of the reforms has been critical to their success.

    Jamaica had access to—but did not draw on—the Fund’s Precautionary and Liquidity Line, which provided an insurance buffer against external shocks. It supported efforts to keep the economy growing, reduce public debt, enhance financial frameworks, and upgrade macroeconomic data.

    The Fund also provided rapid financing to seven Caribbean member countries during the pandemic.

    And Barbados and Jamaica have benefitted from the Resilience and Sustainability Facility. Reforms have helped integrate climate-related risks in macroeconomic frameworks, provide incentives for renewable energy to support growth, and catalyze financing for investment in resilience.

    We are also engaging closely with Haiti through a Staff-Monitored Program. This Program is designed to support the authorities’ economic policy objectives and build a track record of reform implementation, which could pave the way for financial assistance from the Fund.

    Of course, the effectiveness of our advice and financial support is enhanced by our continued efforts in capacity development. In particular, I would like to highlight the work of CARTAC, which has been operating since 2001.

    CARTAC offers capacity building and policy advice to our Caribbean members across several areas: from public finance management, to tax and customs administration, to financial sector supervision and financial stability, and beyond.

    We greatly appreciate the generous support received so far for CARTAC. But more is needed to close the financing gap. I hope we can count on your advocacy with development partners to sustain CARTAC’s essential work.

    In my time at the Fund thus far, I have seen how much advanced countries rely on, and use, the IMF’s intellectual output to the benefit of their countries and how this output features in, and informs, public discourse in many member countries. The IMF is an incredibly powerful resource that works for you and I strongly encourage Caribbean countries to strategically maximize their use of the IMF and what it has to offer.

    A Call to Action

    Let me conclude.

    Policymakers in the Caribbean are facing a complex set of old and new challenges.

    But challenging times can also be times of opportunity, action, and resolve.

    The Caribbean is a region of immense promise, with rich cultural heritage, natural beauty, and vibrant population.

    The world is undergoing profound change. This change introduces global vulnerabilities to which the Caribbean is not immune. The resilience of small open economies like those in the Caribbean is likely to be tested.

    It is imperative, therefore, that Caribbean countries work to put their macro-fiscal houses in order while engaging in deep and meaningful structural reforms to increase the growth potential of Caribbean economies.

    You hold the keys to the future of the region. You have the tools, the talent, and the tenacity to chart a new path for growth and resilience. Your actions can make a difference to the Caribbean’s prospects.

    We have seen many steps in the right direction to address bottlenecks and boost productivity. And we encourage you to keep going.

    Implement those reforms that are under your control.

    Continue to work together across the region.

    Capitalize on CARICOM to achieve a larger market for the movement of people, investment, and trade.

    Stay focused on the goal: delivering more economic resilience, higher growth prospects, and better living standards for people across the Caribbean.

    And, you can count on the Fund along the way.

    Thank you.


    [1] The other currency unions are: Economic Community of Central African States (CEMAC); West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU); and the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU).

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Julie Ziegler

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/06/10/dmd-clarke-cdb-speech-june-10

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – The need to strengthen the role of the new cohesion policy in deep renovations, energy upgrading of housing and affordable housing – E-002173/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002173/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Elena Kountoura (The Left)

    Buildings account for approximately 40 % of total energy consumption in the EU and 36 % of CO₂ emissions, making them a key driver of climate change.[1] Decarbonising the building stock through deep renovations is essential to achieving the EU’s climate goals.[2] However, despite the establishment of European policies,[3] the social dimension of environmental policy has not yet been sufficiently integrated.[4] The lack of binding social clauses in European cohesion policy funding programmes increases the risk of phenomena such as ‘green gentrification’ or ‘state-subsidised eviction by renovation’ (‘renoviction’), where renovations lead to rent increases and the displacement of vulnerable groups.[5]

    Considering that an estimated 800 000 social housing units require renovation each year, while around 1.5 million new homes are needed annually:[6]

    • 1.How will the Commission ensure that the ‘renovation wave’ is incorporated into cohesion policy through stable and adequately funded programmes after 2027 for the deep renovation of social housing, tackling energy poverty and prioritising the renovation of empty buildings for sustainable social and affordable housing?
    • 2.Will the Commission consider establishing a European Renovation Loan[7] to cover capital needs towards a net-zero emissions building stock by 2050?
    • 3.Does the Commission intend to propose the inclusion of social clauses for green public renovation investments from cohesion funds, in order to prevent rent increases and social exclusion following renovations?

    Submitted: 30.5.2025

    • [1] See https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:52021PC0802
    • [2] Energy retrofitting of housing reduces carbon emissions, improves people’s quality of life, reduces energy poverty and makes housing more affordable and resilient to energy price fluctuations.
    • [3] For information on the financial instruments provided by the European Union and the EIB, see https://energy.ec.europa.eu/topics/energy-efficiency/financing/financing-building-renovations_en
    • [4] See the report by Enrico Letta, ‘Much More than a Market’, April 2024.
    • [5] Increasing housing costs exacerbate energy poverty and social exclusion, especially in Southern Europe, where the existing housing stock is old.
    • [6] The EIB calculates that EUR 270 billion in investment is needed annually to meet these needs.
    • [7] See https://www.climatestrategy.com/en/informe_23.php and https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-9-2023-0068_EN.pdf.
    Last updated: 10 June 2025

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  • MIL-OSI USA: Duckworth, Durbin Join Van Hollen, Klobuchar and Colleagues in Pressing Administration for Answers on Cancelled Protected Status for Afghans Living in U.S.

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Tammy Duckworth
    June 10, 2025
    Decision could endanger thousands of Afghans, including many who supported U.S. efforts during the war in Afghanistan
    [WASHINGTON, D.C.] – U.S. Senator Tammy Duckworth (D-IL) and U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL) joined U.S. Senators Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) and Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and U.S. Representative Glenn Ivey (D-MD-04) in leading 96 of their colleagues in pressing for answers from the Department of Homeland Security and Department of State around the decision to terminate Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Afghan nationals living in the United States. The lawmakers’ letter, sent to Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, notes the devastating impact of this decision, including on the many Afghans who supported the U.S. military during the war in Afghanistan and who face significant danger upon their return.
    “We write with deep concern about the Department of Homeland Security’s termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Afghanistan, which is scheduled to take effect on July 14, 2025. This decision is devastating for resettled Afghan nationals in the United States who have fled widespread violence, economic instability, challenging humanitarian conditions, and human rights abuses in their home country. Many of these Afghans fearlessly served as strong allies to the United States military during the war in Afghanistan, and we cannot blatantly disregard their service. We respectfully ask that you redesignate Afghanistan for TPS to ensure Afghan nationals in the U.S. are not forced to return to devastating humanitarian, civic, and economic conditions,” the lawmakers wrote.
    They go on to note, “The Secretary of Homeland Security ‘may designate a foreign country for TPS due to conditions in the country that temporarily prevent the country’s nationals from returning safely, or in certain circumstances, where the country is unable to handle the return of its nationals adequately.’  This is why, following the withdrawal of American troops and the return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan, in May 2022 the U.S. designated Afghanistan for TPS.”
    “The grave conditions that forced Afghan nationals to flee and seek refuge in the U.S. following the return of the Taliban to power remain. Because of this harsh reality, forcing Afghan nationals in the U.S. to return to Afghanistan would be reckless and inhumane, and would threaten the safety and well-being of thousands of individuals and families, especially women and girls,” they stress.
    The lawmakers close the letter urging the Administration to reverse course and seeking the following information:
    Any reports that credibly determine that conditions have improved in Afghanistan since 2023. 
    Details on how the Administration made the determination that “there are recipients who have been under investigation for fraud and threatening our public safety and national security” and how widespread these allegations of fraud and threats are.
    A description the collaboration with the Department of Homeland Security and Department of State to reach the determination that Afghanistan no longer meets the conditions for designation for TPS.
    Any reports that indicate the Taliban is no longer a threat to Afghan nationals that assisted the United States military during the war in Afghanistan.
    The steps being taken to ensure that Afghan nationals who previously had TPS will not be sent back to persecution or torture in Afghanistan
    Duckworth has been an outspoken leader in calling for the protection of our Afghan allies who’ve aided the United States during the war in Afghanistan. During July of 2021, after learning of and encountering problems with the efficiency of employment verification for applicants in the Afghan Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) program, Duckworth wrote to Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin asking them to take immediate action to fix the problem. By the fall, DoD responded to Duckworth’s request to confirm they have taken steps to in line with her suggestions to improve the process through Project Rabbit, a program designed to simplify the employment verification process for Afghan employees who have applied for a SIV.
    In addition to Duckworth and Durbin, U.S. Senators Van Hollen (D-MD), Klobuchar (D-MN) and U.S. Representative Ivey (D-MD-04), the letter was signed by U.S. Senators Alsobrooks (D-MD), Baldwin (D-WI), Blumenthal (D-CT), Booker (D-NJ), Coons (D-DE), Cortez Masto (D-NV), Fetterman (D-PA), Gillibrand (D-NY), Heinrich (D-NM), Hirono (D-HI), Kaine (D-VA), Kelly (D-AZ), Kim (D-NJ), King (I-ME), Markey (D-MA), Padilla (D-CA), Reed (D-RI), Rosen (D-NV), Sanders (I-VT), Schiff (D-CA), Smith (D-MN), Warner (D-VA), Warnock (D-GA), Welch (D-VT) and Wyden (D-OR) and U.S. Representatives Gabe Amo (D-RI-01), Ansari (D-AZ-03), Balint (D-VT-At-Large), Bell (D-MO-01), Beyer (D-VA-08), Budzinski (D-IL-13), Carbajal (D-CA-24), Carter (D-LA-07), Casten (D-IL-06), Castro (D-TX-20), Chu (D-CA-28), Clarke (D-NY-09), Cleaver (D-MO-05), Courtney (D-CT-02), Dean (D-PA-04), DeGette (D-CO-01), DelBene (D-WA-01), Elfreth (D-MD-03), Evans (D-PA-03), Fields (D-LA-06), Garcia (D-CA-42), García (D-IL-04), Garcia (D-TX-29), Goldman (D-NY-10), Gomez (D-CA-34), Gonzalez (D-TX-34), Gottheimer (D-NJ-05), Hayes (D-CT-05), Jackson (D-IL-01), Jayapal (D-WA-07), Johnson (D-GA-04), Johnson (D-TX-32), Kaptur (D-OH-09), Keating (D-MA-09, Kelly (D-IL-02), Kennedy (D-NY-26), Krishnamoorthi (D-IL-08), Landsman (D-OH-01), Larson (D-CT-01), Latimer (D-NY-16), Levin (D-CA-49), Lieu (D-CA-36), Lofgren (D-CA-18), Lynch (D-MA-08), McClain Delaney (D-MD-06), McClellan (D-VA-04), McCollum (D-MN-04), McGovern (D-MA-02), Meeks (D-NY-05), Mfume (D-MD-07), Moulton (D-MA-06), Norton (D-DC-At-Large), Olszewski (D-MD-02), Pallone (D-NJ-06), Panetta (D-CA-19), Peters (D-CA-50), Raskin (D-MD-08), Sánchez (D-CA-38), Scanlon (D-PA-05), Schakowsky (D-IL-09), Sherman (D-CA-32), Sorensen (D-IL-17), Subramanyam (D-VA-10), Swalwell (D-CA-14), Titus (D-NV-01), Tlaib (D-MI-12), Tokuda (D-HI-02), Tonko (D-NY-20), Vargas (D-CA-52), Veasey (D-TX-33) and Watson Coleman (D-NJ-12).
    The full text of the letter is available on Senator Duckworth’s website and below.
    Dear Secretary Noem and Secretary Rubio:
    We write with deep concern about the Department of Homeland Security’s termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Afghanistan, which is scheduled to take effect on July 14, 2025. This decision is devastating for resettled Afghan nationals in the United States who have fled widespread violence, economic instability, challenging humanitarian conditions, and human rights abuses in their home country. Many of these Afghans fearlessly served as strong allies to the United States military during the war in Afghanistan, and we cannot blatantly disregard their service. We respectfully ask that you redesignate Afghanistan for TPS to ensure Afghan nationals in the U.S. are not forced to return to devastating humanitarian, civic, and economic conditions.
    The Secretary of Homeland Security “may designate a foreign country for TPS due to conditions in the country that temporarily prevent the country’s nationals from returning safely, or in certain circumstances, where the country is unable to handle the return of its nationals adequately.” This is why, following the withdrawal of American troops and the return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan, in May 2022 the U.S. designated Afghanistan for TPS. In September 2023, the U.S. extended and redesignated TPS for Afghanistan. The Administration’s decision to terminate TPS for Afghanistan negatively impacts approximately 9,000 Afghan nationals.
    In your announcement, you state that “there are notable improvements in the security and economic situation such that requiring the return of Afghan nationals to Afghanistan does not pose a threat to their personal safety due to armed conflict or extraordinary and temporary conditions.” But you also concede that threats of violence and terrorism, as well as humanitarian concerns, remain. The Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), the Afghan affiliate of the Islamic State (ISIS), continues to launch attacks against ethnic and religious minorities and against the Taliban, leading to innocent civilian casualties. If Afghan nationals are forced to return to Afghanistan, they will be caught in the crossfire between the Taliban and ISKP. According to Human Rights Watch, in 2024, Taliban authorities intensified their crackdown on human rights, especially against women and girls. Women and girls are banned from attending secondary school or university and are unable to move freely. The Taliban also continues to detain and torture journalists, curtailing free speech and media. The 2023 U.S. State Department Human Rights Report covering Afghanistan found that women’s rights rapidly declined and restrictions on freedom of expression increased. The horrific human rights conditions in Afghanistan are unsafe for Afghan nationals to return to and returning would put their personal safety at immediate risk.
    We are also deeply concerned about the State Department Human Rights Report finding that widespread arbitrary and unlawful killings against officials associated with the pre-August 2021 government have occurred. Afghan nationals who assisted the U.S. military should not be put in harm’s way because they supported the U.S. in its fight against the Taliban. This would be a betrayal of those who bravely served alongside our servicemembers for nearly two decades.
    Afghan civilians still face devastating humanitarian and economic conditions. Over half of the population in Afghanistan needs urgent humanitarian assistance. Human Rights Watch reports that in 2024, 12.4 million people were facing food insecurity and 2.9 million were at emergency levels of hunger. The World Bank also found that in Afghanistan, as of May 2025, “per capita income has stagnated, while poverty and food insecurity remain pressing challenges, exacerbated by high unemployment and restrictions on women’s economic participation.” 
    The grave conditions that forced Afghan nationals to flee and seek refuge in the U.S. following the return of the Taliban to power remain. Because of this harsh reality, forcing Afghan nationals in the U.S. to return to Afghanistan would be reckless and inhumane, and would threaten the safety and well-being of thousands of individuals and families, especially women and girls.
    In August 2021, Americans welcomed Afghan nationals at Washington Dulles International Airport in Virginia with open arms, and we refuse to turn our backs on them now. We strongly urge you to reconsider your decision to terminate TPS for Afghanistan and ask that you respond to the following requests no later than two weeks of receipt of this letter:
    Please provide any reports that credibly determine that conditions have improved in Afghanistan since 2023.
    The TPS termination announcement stated that “there are recipients who have been under investigation for fraud and threatening our public safety and national security.” Please provide additional details on how the Administration made this determination and how widespread these allegations of fraud and threats are.
    Describe the collaboration with the Department of Homeland Security and Department of State to reach the determination that Afghanistan no longer meets the conditions for designation for TPS.
    Please provide any reports that indicate the Taliban is no longer a threat to Afghan nationals that assisted the United States military during the war in Afghanistan.
    What steps are you taking to ensure that Afghan nationals who previously had TPS will not be sent back to persecution or torture in Afghanistan?
    Thank you for your attention to this urgent matter and we hope to receive your responses soon.
    Sincerely,
    -30-

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Resisting Dependency: U.S. Hegemony, China’s Rise, and the Geopolitical Stakes in the Caribbean

    Source: Council on Hemispheric Affairs –

    By Tamanisha J. John

    Toronto, Canada

    Introduction

    The Caribbean region is an important geostrategic location for the United States, not only due to regional proximity, but also due to the continued importance of securing sea routes for trade and military purposes. It is the geostrategic location of the Caribbean that has historically made the region a target for domineering empires and states. As both geopolitical site and geostrategic location, U.S. foreign policy articulations of Caribbean people and the region have been effectively contradictory, but the contradiction has allowed the U.S. to maintain its hegemonic position: Caribbean peoples in U.S. foreign policy are rendered backwards, unstable, and dangerous or targets of xenophobic harassment; while the physical region is rendered as a place where U.S. foreign policy must maintain one-sided power relations, lest these sites come under the influence of other states that the U.S. views as impinging upon its sphere of influence. One can most readily look to Haiti to see these contradictory dynamics at play. Haiti has not had democratic elections for two decades and instead has been under United Nations (UN) sanctioned “tutelage” or occupation via the CORE group, of which the U.S. is a part.[i] Over the past two decades, Haiti has been subject to a massive influx of U.S. manufactured weapons that fuel gun violence and murder in the country.[ii] Meanwhile those Haitians fleeing this violence to the U.S. have been met with whips at the U.S.-Mexico border, deportation flights from the U.S., and dehumanizing mythological hysteria accusing Hatians of  “eating pets.”[iii]

    Given the domineering impact of the U.S. and its allies in Canada and Europe in the Caribbean region, states in the region remain deeply dependent on foreign investment and tourism from these powers. ‘Foreignization’ of Caribbean economies makes it hard for the peoples of the region to make a living. Many Caribbean governments, neoliberal in orientation, willingly support this dependent development scheme by promoting migration for remittances, service industries for tourism, and temporary foreign worker schemes abroad due to lack of worthwhile opportunities at home. A large part of what maintains this dependent relationship—that many would find to be demeaning in most circumstances—is the securitization of the Caribbean region by the U.S. and its allies, as well as the invocation of “shared cultures,” rooted in colonial histories which continue to impose multiple hierarchies of domination on Caribbean peoples.

    Washington’s aim of permanent hegemony in the region is being challenged by an increasingly multipolar world, and this accounts for the US attempt to limit China’s influence in the Caribbean. For example, U.S. tariff assaults on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) stems from U.S. insecurities about China’s economic growth alongside its manufacturing and technological developments.[iv] China’s extension of infrastructural, technological, and other tangible material developments to states lower down on the global value chain, and at smaller costs to them is referred to by the U.S. and other western policy makers as “China’s growing influence.” This includes states in the Caribbean, which have not only become consumers of products from China but have also increased their exports to China since the 2010s. Unsurprisingly, the U.S. fears that China is gaining too much influence in the Caribbean given its developmental hand there. Although the U.S. is not directly competing with China on development initiatives, Washington’s reluctance to support meaningful progress in the Caribbean—where U.S. corporations continue to profit from structural underdevelopment—has led it to pursue strong-arm diplomacy as a symbolic stand against China instead.

    China’s alternative to dependent development challenges Western Hegemony in the Caribbean

    Western capitalist modernity, as an ideological, political, and socioeconomic project, is threatened by improvements to the global value chain. The issue at hand is that the U.S. and the Western-led capitalist system have long relegated states of the ‘Global South’ to lower positions on the global value chain. This has rendered development elusive for many states, to the sole benefit of Western corporations and their allies. Lack of development in places like the Caribbean, Africa, Asia, and Latin America actually benefits capitalist enterprises headquartered in the ‘Global North’ which extract surplus value by exploiting cheap natural resources, labor, and land in these regions. China’s accelerated advancement within the global value chain—alongside the rise of other partner states positioned lower on that chain—has not depended on economic or political subordination to the west. This trajectory is actively interpreted as eroding Western hegemonic dominance—even as the improved developments of states like China within the global value chain, have expanded global capitalism. Since 2018, the U.S. tariff assault on China, which has intensified under the second Trump administration, is a direct response to China’s economic growth propelled by China’s added value to the global value chain. In essence, the fear is China’s rise, while not reliant on the west, has made the West more reliant on importing cheap products and manufactured goods from China.

    After the global 2007/8 financial crisis, China’s expressed strategy was to diversify its exports and import markets through helping other states improve their own conditions in the global trade value system. This of course, was due to the negative impacts felt by China in its export markets from the 2008 global financial crisis. Since then, China has increased the internal demand within China for Chinese goods, which also saw the purchasing power of Chinese citizens rise. This helped the growth of a middle class in China, and also allowed the Communist Party of China (CPC) to think more broadly about its continued growth strategy. By the early 2010s China sought to develop a wider external market that was not dependent on the U.S. and the other Western states. As China began formulating a broader development strategy, the growing purchasing power of Chinese citizens made the U.S. and other Western countries increase demands on China to have unfettered access to China’s internal market. The 2010s thus became rife with false accusations by Western commentators of China manipulating its currency to amass reserve wealth, and maintain competitive exports[v] – which helped to spark Trump’s trade assault on China in 2018, and again during the second Trump administration in 2025.

    While conversations in the West hinged on conspiracy, the CPC acknowledged that neither internal consumption nor reliance on the U.S. and Western markets would promote long-term sustainable development and growth of China’s economy. Greater emphasis was placed on increasing and improving relations with other developing states. In essence, helping the development of states lower down on the global value chain would be necessary—in order to make them consumers (thus importers)—of products from China. This became part of China’s long-term strategy to diversify its import and export markets. Thus, after the 2008 global financial crisis and especially after 2010, China’s investment in places like the Caribbean had a marked and noticeable increase. A decade later, this strategy has proven beneficial to China’s growth and development – as well as to growth and development of other developing countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean with more states engaging in, and pursuing trade and other relations with, China.

    The impact of U.S. tariffs and fees on the Caribbean

    Despite growing U.S. security concerns over China’s engagement in the Caribbean, the region remains largely dependent on the United States, and Caribbean states consistently run trade deficits in favor of the U.S. These trade deficits usually come at the expense of local Caribbean growers, producers, and artisans. According to Sir Ronald Sanders, Antigua and Barbuda’s Ambassador to the United States: “In 2024, the United States ran a $5.8 billion trade surplus with CARICOM as a whole. For a tangible illustration, Antigua and Barbuda’s imports from the U.S. exceeded $570 million, while its exports in return were a mere fraction of that total.”[vi] Given Caribbean regional economic dependence on the U.S., Canada and Europe, many Caribbean people seeking employment and/or asylum opportunities typically see the U.S. as a destination of choice, contributing to the large Caribbean diasporic communities in North America and Europe. These Caribbean diasporic communities not only send remittances and goods back to their home countries to support family, friends, and communities – but also facilitate Caribbean state’s exports into the U.S. It is important to underscore these dynamics, as the longstanding U.S.-Caribbean relationship—rooted in dependency—remains firmly entrenched, despite growing investments in the region from China.

    The U.S. tariff assault on China extended into a wider tariff assault by the U.S. against multiple countries, including states in the Caribbean. By April 3, 2025 the U.S. had imposed tariffs on 24 Caribbean countries: a 10% tariff on 23 of them,[vii] and a 38% tariff on Guyana[viii]—a Caribbean nation with extensive relations with China[ix]—excluding its exports of oil (dominated by U.S. and other foreign corporations), gold, and bauxite. The U.S. tariffs on Caribbean states—levied amid fragile post-pandemic recovery and lingering hurricane damage—underscores a troubling, though not surprising indifference to the region’s economic vulnerability and ongoing efforts toward stabilization and renewal.[x] During this time, the U.S. introduced a series of tariff increases on China, peaking at a 145% tariff after April 10, 2025, before settling on a 10% rate through an agreement reached on May 13, 2025.[xi] In addition to the tariffs that Washington placed on China, the U.S. also announced that it would issue port fees on Chinese built ships entering U.S. ports. In all, these tariffs and fees being imposed by the U.S. meant that there would likely be negative impacts borne by Caribbean states that import U.S. goods, and Caribbean states that export goods to China. The overall impact of the tariffs and fees would be two-fold: First, U.S. consumers of goods imported from the Caribbean would have to pay more to access those goods. Second, increased costs accrued to Caribbean state’s importing U.S. goods due to port fees, would make it more cost effective for those Caribbean states to import more goods directly from China. However, in the immediate term, Sino-Caribbean trade, lacking established relationships on a wide range of import products, has the potential to lead to import shortages – particularly of food and other essential imports from the U.S.—in the Caribbean. Given global backlash from the shipping industry, the U.S. revised and changed its decision regarding port fees a week later,[xii] and three weeks later, on April 28, it reduced the tariff on Guyana to 10%.

    Political commentators recognize, contrary to the denials by the Guyanese government, that the initially high tariffs placed on Guyana were motivated by U.S. tensions with China. According to former Guyanese diplomat, Dr. Shamir Ally,[xiii] and Guyanese political commentator, Francis Bailey, Guyana “is caught in a geopolitical battle between the US and China. Or more specifically – Washington objects to Beijing’s “very strong foothold” in Guyana.”[xiv] This was made clear, when prior to the Trump administration’s announcement of the tariff’s on Guyana, Guyanese President, Irfaan Ali, pledged that the U.S. would “have some different and preferential treatment” from Guyana[xv]— given a shared stance between the two countries in relation to Venezuela.[xvi] This pledge by Guyana’s president took place within the context of the U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s visit to the Caribbean, during which Rubio chastised the construction of infrastructure in Guyana that he deemed subpar, and alleged must have been built by China, even though it was not.[xvii] These kinds of geopolitical posturing by Washington stoke antagonisms, ignoring the negative impacts of Caribbean dependency, including that of Guyana. Caribbean economic dependency on the U.S. (Europe and Canada) will not be completely ameliorated by China, and neither will China be able to fill the role of the West for Caribbean exporters who, given histories of enslavement, indentureship, and colonialism, rely on diasporic taste and preferences for ‘niche’ exports (e.g., artisan goods, arts, entertainment). Given the high degree of U.S., Canadian, and European ownership in the Caribbean’s industrial and manufacturing sectors, the region’s capacity to produce “finished products” on an exportable scale remains limited. Despite the continued dependency relation of Caribbean states on U.S. markets, however, China can positively impact Caribbean economies by helping to diversify their trading partners, and by increasing local opportunities for people within Caribbean states, based on the kinds of new (or improved) infrastructure typically developed in partnerships with China.

    Though on the rise, the trade relationship between China and states in the Caribbean is still quite limited. Caribbean states that are a part of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) saw a notable increase in their exports to China, from less than 1% of their total exports in the 1990s and 2000s, to between 1% and 6 % of exports going to China after the 2010s.[xviii] The majority of exports from the Caribbean to China from the 2010s forward have been agricultural and mineral in nature. Alongside the growing export potential of CARICOM states to China since the 2010s, there has also been an increase in Caribbean states importing Chinese goods. States such as Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, Guyana, Jamaica, and Suriname import about 10% of their goods from China. On the other hand, states like the Bahamas, Barbados, Grenada, Trinidad and Tobago import less than 10% of their goods from China. The overall trend, then, is that CARICOM states have added some diversification to their trading partners since the 2010s but continue to remain firmly within the Western trading bloc. Given the structured dependency of Caribbean economies, they tend to import more from their trading partners than they export to them. However, as political analyst Daniel Morales Ruvalcaba points out, as a trading partner, China’s commitment to South-South partnerships has meant that trading disparities between itself and CARICOM states are “offset by investments flowing from China to the Caribbean […] broadly categorized into three key sectors: port infrastructure development, resource extraction, and the tourism industry.”[xix] This way of tending to the trade disparity has had beneficial impacts—that can also be seen very visibly by those who live and visit states in the Caribbean. Additionally, China’s investments have not been limited to CARICOM states, or to states that recognize China and not Taiwan. For instance, China invests in Belize, Haiti, St. Lucia, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines—these are Caribbean states that recognize Taiwan.[xx]

    While China does not play a dominant import-export role in the Caribbean, given the system of dependency into which the Caribbean is already integrated, it also does not pose a security threat to the Caribbean region, despite Washington’s portrayal of China as a “bad actor.” The PRCs commitment to non-interference makes it extremely unlikely that China would use the Caribbean as a springboard for a security confrontation with Washington and its NATO allies. China does, however, have a strategic partnership with Venezuela, largely limited to a defensive posture given its relations with other states in the region, including the Caribbean. Further, with the large security presence of the U.S. and its allies in the Caribbean, China would have nothing to gain from an offensive military posture in the region. Though self-evident, this explains why the U.S has chosen to frame China’s presence in the Caribbean not in economic terms, but as a technological and geopolitical “threat”—going so far, on multiple occasions, as to allege that China is constructing covert surveillance facilities in Cuba to conduct espionage on the U.S.[xxi]

    The China-Caribbean “threat” from the U.S. Perspective

    In 2018, Washington signaled its intent to limit Chinese investments in infrastructure, energy, and technology abroad; by 2023, U.S. Southern Command identified the Caribbean as a key region where China’s growing economic footprint should be restrained. In its effort to push China out of the Caribbean tech sector, the U.S. has allowed U.S. and other Western companies to develop 5G networks in Jamaica at virtually no cost in the short term—effectively subsidizing the infrastructure to block Chinese involvement and investments in the sector. This campaign has gone so far as to include veiled threats of sanctions toward Jamaica and other regional nations should they pursue connectivity projects with China.[xxii] Since the 1940s, the U.S. has viewed government-controlled economies as threats to the Western capitalist order—a label that readily applies to China. In 2025, the trade offensive against China is markedly more severe, driven by Washington’s explicit goal of curbing the spread and stalling the advancement of China’s high-tech industries—an effort aimed at preserving U.S. dominance in the sector, which is increasingly seen as under threat. The trade war, which began openly during Trump’s first term, has only intensified in his second—driven in part by the growing influence of high-tech capitalists closely aligned with his administration. China’s advances in artificial intelligence, seen with the public release of DeepSeek AI, has only accelerated the U.S. assault.

    According to  U.S. and other pro-Western security analysts who view China as a “threat” in the Caribbean, this threat manifests in three primary ways. First, they point to China’s development of internet-based infrastructure in Caribbean nations which they claim enables Chinese espionage operations that target the U.S. from within the region. Second, they highlight the fact that most Caribbean states recognize the People’s Republic of China, rather than Taiwan, under the One-China policy—a position they attribute to questionable dealings with Beijing, rather than to the exercise of Caribbean political agency in matters of state recognition. And lastly, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is portrayed as a nefarious development scheme that allows China to assert its influence globally. Notably, these accusations that form the “threat” narrative amongst U.S. and other pro-Western security advocates don’t hold up against the slightest scrutiny.

    First, there is no evidence that there are “Chinese spy bases” in Cuba or in any other country in the Caribbean—despite these accusations being levied by both Trump White Houses, and various U.S. Republican politicians in Florida.[xxiii] Second, the PRC does invest in, and maintain diplomatic relations with, Caribbean states that recognize Taiwan.[xxiv]  This suggests that the PRC does not force a One-China policy on states in the Caribbean with which it has cooperative relations. Commenting on Sino-Caribbean relations, Caribbean leaders themselves often note that the recognition of China and not Taiwan is due to support for China safeguarding its sovereignty and territorial integrity, of which they include national reunification.[xxv] Ultimately, the alleged “nefarious” nature of the Belt and Road Initiative stems from its core premise: that developing countries receive meaningful support from China to pursue their own development goals. Such efforts inevitably draw scrutiny from the U.S. and the Westbroadly, as genuine development in the ‘Global South’ is often perceived as a challenge to Western capital and hegemony. The BRI also encourages signatory states to build greater regional relationships with their Caribbean neighbors. It reflects a highly agentic approach, in stark contrast to the traditional way U.S. and other Western initiatives are typically implemented.

    Ultimately, the BRI is seen as a threat by Western policymakers because they would prefer China not pursue its own global initiatives. Given that the BRI also supports states in developing technological infrastructure and other advancements—with backing from China—these efforts are viewed by the U.S. as a strategic threat, ensuring the initiative will remain a target of sustained opposition. In the Caribbean, the U.S. push to end their tech relations with China comes off as brash, given that U.S. technology investments in the region have declined since the mid-1990s, while China technology investments have increased.[xxvi] In fact, the U.S. (and its Western allies) seem to only understand China’s investments, including the BRI, as lost market share. In essence, Washington and its Western allies seek to control economic development in the region. Two years ago for COHA, John (2023) argued that the U.S. and its allies were increasing their “diplomatic” presence in the Caribbean to maintain geostrategic influence, given China’s growing economic investments there.[xxvii] John maintained that the dismal track record of capitalism—led first by the Western European powers and later by the United States—has entrenched Caribbean states in a position of structural dependency within the global capitalist system. Key features of this dependency include persistently high levels of unemployment, underemployment, poverty, and a heavy reliance on labor exportation. This dependence made the region very receptive to Chinese investment.

    John (2023) concluded that influence is gained only where it aligns with local interests—and that investments from the PRC stood in stark contrast to Western strategies, which for decades have indebted Caribbean states, privatized their economies in ways that deepened foreign control, and consistently disregarded regional calls for reparations. This track record, it was argued, would only lead to increased militarization in the Caribbean by the U.S. and its Western allies, who have no tangible goal of helping Caribbean states to develop—but want confrontation with China. Two years later and the concluding remarks still stand.

    Concluding Remarks: Dependent Development is the price of Western Capitalism in the Caribbean

    In the Caribbean, the U.S. and its Western allies have long profited from—and perpetuated—the notion that foreignization is the norm. This extends beyond economic structures to encompass both domestic and foreign policies that effectively surrender the state, and its people, to massive  exploitation by foreigners. Some governments and local elites have been brought on as “shareholders” to maintain this backwards dependent status. That is because imperialism, especially in the Caribbean, has always been intent on establishing what Cheddi Jagan called “a reactionary axis in the Caribbean.”[xxviii] U.S. ‘influence in the Caribbean region has historically centered around controlling the “backwardness” and “unstableness” of its people, in order to keep U.S. geostrategic and geopolitical interests intact. This is done in conjunction with Caribbean political elites, who subject their own Caribbean populations in perpetual servitude to Western capital. Caribbean neoliberal states have a disregard for the rights of their citizens (and diaspora), favoring almost exclusively (and predominantly) Western foreign corporations and wealthy individuals. Cuba, however, stands out as an exception to this trend, and this is why it has been under relentless attack by Washington for more than 62 years.  It is important to point this out, given that some in the Caribbean political elite classes also share the same regressive rhetoric from the Westabout the “threat of China” to produce reactionary mindsets and views amongst large swaths of Caribbean people— so that their hand in maintaining Caribbean dependency is not critiqued.

    Caribbean people struggling to improve their societies for the better are continuously warned by the U.S. and its Western and Caribbean allies that they must maintain themselves in a dependent position. The truth is: So long as the majority of individual Caribbean states are importing finished products and agricultural goods from the U.S., Canada, and Europe—and to a smaller extent now China—the Caribbean will never have trade surpluses with these states. Lack of local businesses and the foreignization of Caribbean economies compound this contradiction that is perpetuated by the entrenched Western-led economic system. Political elites in the Caribbean frequently disregard local protests and locally developed alternatives that could threaten Western foreign corporations and investment. There is a real need for enhanced regional integration for Caribbean people, not only states, to improve their lot within the prevailing system. People will continuously be let down by formations like CARICOM, so long as these associations are dominated by Western development frameworks and have individual member states who care more about aligning their security interests with the West instead of their own region. While neoliberalism in the Caribbean is often attributed to structural constraints and the limited capacity of states to regulate foreign capital, such explanations fail to account for the extent to which Caribbean governments have themselves normalized and actively advanced neoliberal policy frameworks. The promotion of neoliberal policies both prolongs, and makes systemic, foreign dependence and domination.

    U.S. fear mongering about China in the Caribbean is propaganda. It only serves to prevent people from questioning why Caribbean states are dependent and why there is rampant foreignization of Caribbean economies. Who owns these corporate entities that make life hard in the Caribbean? The “threats” from the U.S. perspective boil down to the fact that China, in the Caribbean, is taking advantage of Western policies that make the Caribbean exploitable. It is often noted—and indeed observable—that China imports its own labor for development projects in the Caribbean. However, this practice is neither new nor unique; countries such as the United States, Canada, and various European powers have long employed similar strategies. Understandably, this reliance on imported labor has generated frustration among Caribbean populations, particularly given the region’s high levels of unemployment and underemployment. Many local workers are both willing and able to acquire the necessary skills and trades to work on infrastructure and development projects that come to the region. Local Caribbean firms and entrepreneurs would also seize the opportunity to participate in these projects—including local sourcing of materials. But this beneficial type of development is not presently feasible given how Western capitalists have integrated Caribbean states into the global capitalist system.

    The efforts of the Trump administration to cast China as a security threat in the Caribbean and to portray doing business with China as a security risk, have largely been unsuccessful. In the Caribbean, China simply takes advantage of Western policies that have made the region highly favorable and open to foreign investment, foreign entrepreneurs, and government dealings—in the form of Memorandums of Understanding (MOU) and Letters of Agreement (LOA)—with other states and corporations. The acceptance of these MOUs and LOAs receive minimal, to no input from Caribbean citizens. Debt traps have been normalized in the Caribbean by the Western capitalist system, making the Caribbean one of the most highly indebted regions in the world. Today, propagandists tend to invoke the myth of the  “Chinese debt-trap” to attribute to China this false label of being engaged in “debt trap diplomacy”—a term popularized in 2018 during the first trade assault against China.[xxix] In response to this myth, progressive commentators tend to highlight that China forgives a lot of debt, and has even helped Caribbean states to restructure debts owed to various financial institutions.[xxx] However, the biggest elephant in the room is that even if China ceased to exist in the Caribbean region, the region would still be one of the most indebted within the Western capitalist system. The debt-trap narrative not only deflects attention from the significant role Western powers have played in producing Caribbean indebtedness, but also unjustly shifts the burden onto China to forgive obligations for which Western capital is responsible.[xxxi] Lack of transparency in investment agreements and investor tax benefits, including profit repatriation, in the Caribbean has been normalized by laws first written by various European empires and later by Western capitalists that crafted structural adjustment policies. Yet, such arrangements, historically established by U.S. and Canadian capital interests, are often rebranded as evidence of corruption within the China–Caribbean relationship. Those concerned with the persistence of Caribbean dependency should critically engage with its structural causes and actively challenge Western propaganda regardless of the source from which it emanates.

    Endnotes

    [i] Pierre, Jemima. 2020. “Haiti: An Archive of Occupation, 2004-.” Transforming Anthropology 28(1): 3–23. doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/traa.12174.

    [ii] Kestler-D’Amours, Jillian. “‘A Criminal Economy’: How US Arms Fuel Deadly Gang Violence in Haiti.” Al Jazeera, March 25, 2024. web: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/longform/2024/3/25/a-criminal-economy-how-us-arms-fuel-deadly-gang-violence-in-haiti.

    [iii] Mack, Willie. Haitians at the Border: The Nativist State and Anti-Blackness. Carr-Ryan Commentary. Harvard Kennedy School, 2025. web: https://www.hks.harvard.edu/centers/carr-ryan/our-work/carr-ryan-commentary/haitians-border-nativist-state-and-anti-blackness.

    [iv] Ziye, Chen, and Bin Li. “Escaping Dependency and Trade War: China and the US.” China Economist 18, no. 1 (2023): 36–44.

    [v] Wiseman, Paul. “Fact Check: Does China Manipulate Its Currency?” PBS News, December 29, 2016. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/fact-check-china-manipulate-currency.

    [vi] Loop News. “More Caribbean Countries Respond to New US Tariffs,” April 4, 2025, sec. World News. https://www.loopnews.com/content/more-caribbean-countries-respond-to-new-us-tariffs/.

    [vii] TEMPO Networks. “Here Are All The Caribbean Countries Hit By Trump’s New Tariffs.” Tempo Networks, April 3, 2025, sec. News. https://www.temponetworks.com/2025/04/03/here-are-all-the-caribbean-countries-hit-by-trumps-new-tariffs/.

    [viii] Grannum, Milton. “Oil, Bauxite, Gold Exempt from US Tariff.” Stabroek News, April 4, 2025, sec. Guyana News. https://www.stabroeknews.com/2025/04/04/news/guyana/oil-bauxite-gold-exempt-from-us-tariff/.

    [ix] Handy, Gemma. “Was China the Reason Guyana Faced Higher Trump Tariff?” BBC, April 28, 2025. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cjeww5zq88no.

    [x] John, Tamanisha J. 2024. “Hurricane Unpreparedness in the Caribbean, Disaster by Imperial Design.” Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA). The Caribbean. https://coha.org/hurricane-unpreparedness-in-the-caribbean-disaster-by-imperial-design/.

    [xi] Grantham-Philips, Wyatte. “A Timeline of Trump’s Tariff Actions so Far.” PBS News, April 10, 2025, sec. Economy. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/economy/a-timeline-of-trumps-tariff-actions-so-far.

    [xii] Saul, Jonathan, Lisa Baertlein, David Lawder, and Andrea Shalal. “United States Eases Port Fees on China-Built Ships after Industry Backlash.” Reuters, April 17, 2025, sec. Markets. https://www.reuters.com/markets/global-shippers-await-word-us-plan-hit-china-linked-vessels-with-port-fees-2025-04-17/.

    [xiii] Credible Sources interview on February 26, 2025. Guyana in U.S.-China Crossfire? Ex-Diplomat Weighs In, 2025. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UtCNBiKdj-0

    [xiv] Handy, Gemma. “Was China the reason Guyana faced higher Trump tariff?” BBC, April 28, 2025. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cjeww5zq88no.

    [xv] Chabrol, Denis. “Guyana Pledges ‘Preferential’ Treatment to US.” Demerara Waves, March 27, 2025, sec. Business, Defence, Diplomacy. https://demerarawaves.com/2025/03/27/guyana-pledges-preferential-treatment-to-us/.

    [xvi] John, Tamanisha J. “Guyana, Beware the Western Proxy-State Trap.” Stabroek News, December 25, 2023, sec. In The Diaspora. https://www.stabroeknews.com/2023/12/25/features/in-the-diaspora/guyana-beware-the-Western-proxy-state-trap/.

    [xvii] Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Guo Jiakun’s Regular Press Conference on April 3, 2025. Beijing Says That Road in Guyana Criticised by Rubio Is Not Built by China, 2025. https://youtu.be/6gljwDyW1qk?si=2QXhDUythljBsIcJ.

    [xviii] Morales Ruvalcaba, Daniel. 2025. “National Power in Sino-Caribbean Relations: CARICOM in the Geopolitics of the Belt and Road Initiative.” Chinese Political Science Review 10: 28–48. doi: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s41111-024-00252-4.

    [xix] Ibid.

    [xx] Ibid. 

    [xxi] Qi, Wang. “Hyping Chinese ‘spy Bases’ in Cuba Slander; Shows US’ Hysteria: Expert.” Global Times, July 3, 2024. https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202407/1315376.shtml.

    [xxii] Pate, Durrant. “US Warns Jamaica against Chinese 5g.” Jamaica Observer, October 25, 2020. https://www.jamaicaobserver.com/2020/10/25/us-warns-jamaica-against-chinese-5g/.

    [xxiii] Belly of the Beast. Investigative Report. May 30, 2025. Big Headlines, No Proof: Inside the Hype Over “Chinese Spy Bases”  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CF87JJp8WIo

    [xxiv] Bayona Velásquez, Etna. “Chinese Economic Presence in the Greater Caribbean, 2000-2020.” In Chinese Presence in the Greater Caribbean: Yesterday and Today, 599–661. Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: Centro de Estudios Caribeños (PUCMM), 2022.

    [xxv] Loop news. “T&T, Caribbean countries pledge support for One China policy.” May 6, 2022. https://www.loopnews.com/content/tt-caribbean-countries-pledge-support-for-one-china-policy/

    [xxvi] Ricart Jorge, Raquel. “China’s Digital Silk Road in Latin America and the Caribbean.” Real Instituto Elcano, April 21, 2021, sec. Latin America. https://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/en/commentaries/chinas-digital-silk-road-in-latin-america-and-the-caribbean/.

    [xxvii] John, Tamanisha J. 2023. “US Moves to Curtail China’s Economic Investment in the Caribbean.” Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA). https://coha.org/us-moves-to-curtail-chinas-economic-investment-in-the-caribbean/.

    [xxviii] Jagan, Cheddi. “Alternative Models of Caribbean Economic Development and Industrialisation.” In Caribbean Economic Development and Industrialisation, 3 (1):1–23. Hungary: Development and Peace, 1980. https://jagan.org/CJ%20Articles/In%20Opposition/Images/3014.pdf.

    [xxix] Chandran, Rama. “The Chinese “Debt Trap” Is a Myth.” China Focus, August 26, 2022,  http://www.cnfocus.com/the-chinese-debt-trap-is-a-myth/

    [xxx] Hancock, Tom. “China renegotiated $50bn in loans to developing countries: Study challenges ‘debt-trap’ narrative surrounding Beijin’s lending.” Financial Times, April 29, 2019, https://www.ft.com/content/0b207552-6977-11e9-80c7-60ee53e6681d

    [xxxi] Kaiwei, Zhang and Xian Jiangnan. “So-called “debt trap” a Western rhetorical trap.” China International Communications Group (CN) , September 14, 2024, https://en.people.cn/n3/2024/0914/c90000-20219659.html

    Featured image: Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi (centre) poses for a group photograph with representatives from the Caribbean countries that share diplomatic relations with China, May 12, 2025, at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse, Beijing
    (Source: Chinese State Media)

    Tamanisha J. John is an assistant professor in the Department of Politics at York University and a member of the US/NATO out of Our Americas Network zoneofpeace.org/ 

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI USA: Congress’ Failure and Devastating, Cruel Bill Could Lead to Tens of Thousands of Coloradans Losing Health Coverage in 2026

    Source: US State of Colorado

    DENVER – This week, the Colorado Division of Insurance (DOI) informed health insurance companies that the agency was revising the expected impact of Colorado’s Reinsurance Program to reflect the Republican controlled Congress’s failure to extend enhanced tax credits for the Affordable Care Act (ACA) market. Governor Jared Polis wrote to Colorado’s Congressional delegation urging them and Congress to help keep thousands of Coloradans on their health care coverage by extending tax credits for those buying insurance off the health exchange. House Speaker Julie McCluskie and Senator Dylan Roberts also expressed concerns. 

    Since the inception of the bipartisan reinsurance initiative from 2020 through 2025, Coloradans will have saved over $2.1 billion dollars. Failing to extend these enhanced tax credits that are scheduled to expire at the end of the year, when combined with harmful provisions of the Reconciliation bill, will increase costs on Colorado families and individuals. 

    “On top of the destructive proposed cuts to Medicaid, which will throw hundreds of thousands of Coloradans off of their health care, failure of the Republican controlled Congress to extend these ACA tax credits, which have saved Colorado families hundreds of millions in premiums, will throw even more people off of health insurance who rely on reinsurance and marketplace coverage to save money. While Republicans fight with each other, hardworking Coloradans are focused on keeping health care that is accessible and affordable, and want to see costs go down, not up. The Senate should take action to extend these critical tax credits for hardworking families and start from scratch on the reconciliation bill,” said Governor Jared Polis. 

    The Republican controlled House passed Trump’s “big, beautiful bill” by a one-vote margin, 215 – 214. Representatives Pettersen, Neguse, DeGette, and Crow voted no, while Representatives Hurd, Evans, Crank and Boebert voted yes. 

    Governor Polis wrote to Colorado’s members of Congress today: “Amongst its many failures, the Reconciliation bill passed by the House fails to extend the enhanced tax credits that Coloradans rely on to make their health insurance affordable. If the Republican controlled Congress allows those cuts to go into effect, tens of thousands of Coloradans will no longer be able to afford their health care. 

    Coloradans who receive enhanced tax credits will see net premiums increase on average by 104%, simply due to the expiration of these credits. The end of enhanced tax credits will effectively be a tax increase for Coloradans and, moreover, will usher in the return of the “subsidy cliff” – where Coloradans making more than 400% of the federal poverty level (household income of $84,600 for a family of two) are left paying the full cost of their health insurance premiums without any assistance. The combined effect will disproportionately impact households with enrollees over age 55. 

    The end of the enhanced tax credits would significantly reduce the positive benefits of Colorado’s reinsurance initiative by materially reducing the federal support received to reduce individual market rates. Since the inception of the bipartisan reinsurance initiative in 2020 through 2025, Coloradans will have saved over $2.1 billion dollars. The reinsurance initiative operates under an ACA Section 1332 waiver, and is funded by the dollars that would otherwise flow through premium tax credits without increasing costs for the federal government. If the enhanced tax credits are not extended, state reinsurance initiative would have less funding available to lower premiums for all consumers in the market.” 

    The reconciliation bill would also increase red tape for Coloradans and create new barriers to enrollment. 

    “Between the cuts to Colorado’s Medicaid coverage and the cuts to Colorado’s ACA market, this bill will dramatically increase the uninsured rate in Colorado, rip away people’s access to health care, and lead to a substantially higher amount of uncompensated care that must be absorbed by Colorado’s hospitals and health care providers. That, in turn, will mean that employers will see their health insurance premiums rise as well. No corner of our health care system will be safe from the damage that this bill will inflict,” the Governor continued. “I urge you to take action, either through amendments to the reconciliation bill or through standalone legislation, to extend these enhanced premium tax credits and to scrap additional provisions in the reconciliation bill that will further raise health insurance costs and make health care unaffordable for many Coloradans.” 

    “If Congressional Republicans fail to extend the enhanced ACA tax credits, many Coloradans who buy their own health insurance will lose the coverage they rely on and many more will see their premiums go up, especially in the high country and rural parts of our state,” said Speaker Julie McCluskie, D-Dillon. “These premium increases and the loss of insurance coverage, on top of the proposed cuts to Medicaid, will be devastating for families and destabilize rural health care systems that cannot absorb the cost of more uninsured patients at their facilities. In Colorado, we’ve worked together to lower costs for families with the successful reinsurance program. Washington Republicans must extend these ACA credits, or Colorado families will be stuck with the bill.” 

    “It is hard to overstate the negative impact that losing health insurance affordability tax credits would have on Coloradans, especially those in our rural and mountain communities,” said State Senator Dylan Roberts (D-Frisco). “Colorado’s bipartisan leadership in using savings from the ACA to create the Reinsurance and Colorado Option programs has kept insurance rates from spiking and allowed tens of thousands of more Coloradans to have access to the financial security of health insurance coverage. Slashing these tax credits will undermine all of that, spike health insurance rates, and lead to more Coloradans being uninsured, particularly the rural residents our state’s Republican members of Congress represent. It’s truly baffling they’d harm their constituents like this.” 

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    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Trahan, Massachusetts Delegation Demand Reversal of Trump Administration’s Disastrous Job Corps Center Closures

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Lori Trahan (D-MA-03)

    WASHINGTON, DC – Today, Congresswoman Lori Trahan (MA-03) was joined by fellow members of the Massachusetts Congressional Delegation, including Senators Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Edward J. Markey (D-MA) as well as Representatives Richard E. Neal (MA-01), Jim McGovern (MA-02), Jake Auchincloss (MA-04), Katherine Clark (MA-05), Seth Moulton (MA-06), Ayanna Pressley (MA-07), Stephen F. Lynch (MA-08) and Bill Keating (MA-09) in demanding that the Trump administration reverse its decision to cancel federal Job Corps funding, threatening the abrupt closure of 99 contractor-operated Job Corps centers nationwide.
    The letter sent today to U.S. Secretary of Labor Lori Chavez DeRemer highlights the impact to Massachusetts’ three Job Corps centers: Shriver Job Corps Center in Devens, Grafton Job Corps Center in North Grafton, and Westover Job Corps Center in Chicopee.
    “We are writing to express our deep concerns regarding the Department of Labor’s recent decision to pause operations at Job Corps centers across the country. We urge you to consider the long-standing value and potential of the Job Corps program in offering young people a critical second chance at personal and professional success,” the lawmakers wrote.
    On May 29, 2025, the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) announced a pause in operations at contractor-run Job Corps centers across the U.S. With more than 120 centers nationwide, the Job Corps program provides opportunities for low-income and at-risk youth to gain the skills necessary to begin successful careers in a skilled trade or other profession.
    “With 92,000 Massachusetts residents aged 18 to 24 living in poverty, the Shriver, Grafton, and Westover Job Corps Centers stand as vital resources for economic mobility and career development. Combined, they contribute an estimated $80 million to the local economy annually and across the state, we have seen the impact. Graduates have become union carpenters, plumbers, bricklayers, police officers, cybersecurity professionals, and entrepreneurs. This is not just an investment in the local talent pipeline for employers but an investment in our communities as many of these graduates stay in the region to live, work, and raise their families. Pausing operations at these centers at the end of the month will directly detract from workforce training and discourage economic development in communities across the country like Devens, North Grafton, and Chicopee,” the lawmakers continued.
    The decision to close Job Corps centers was met with swift legal opposition. On June 3, 2025, the National Job Corps Association, a trade organization representing Job Corps centers nationwide, filed a lawsuit against the DOL, arguing that the closure of the country’s largest residential career training program was both unlawful and based on misleading data about its performance. The following evening, U.S. District Court Judge Andrew L. Carter Jr. issued a temporary restraining order and preliminary injunction, blocking the DOL from suspending program operations.
    “The Job Corps program is built on second chances, and we urge you to offer this program the same opportunity to adapt and grow that it has provided its students for the last 60 years,” the lawmakers concluded.
    A copy of the letter sent today can be accessed HERE.
    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Nepal: IMF Reaches Staff-level Agreement on Sixth Review Under the Extended Credit Facility

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    June 10, 2025

    End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for discussion and decision.

    • The Nepali authorities and the IMF team have reached staff-level agreement to conclude the sixth review of Nepal’s economic reform program supported by the IMF’s Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement. Once the review is approved by IMF Management and completed by the IMF Executive Board, Nepal will have access to about $42.7 million in financing.
    • The growth recovery is expected to gather pace in FY2025/26 underpinned by policy measures announced in the budget aimed at improving project execution and boosting private sector confidence, while lending rates remain accommodative. However, timely and full execution of budget spending is important to durably strengthen economic growth.
    • Completion of the sixth review by the IMF’s Executive Board will require completing a prior action relating to further progress with the loan portfolio review.

    Washington, DC: An International Monetary Fund (IMF) team led by Ms. Sarwat Jahan visited Kathmandu during May 26 to June 10, 2025. After constructive discussions, Ms. Jahan issued the following statement at the end of the mission: “The Nepali authorities and IMF staff reached staff-level agreement on the policies and reforms needed to complete the sixth review under the ECF (see Press Release No. 22/6)[1]. The agreement is subject to approval by the IMF’s Executive Board. Upon completion of the Executive Board Review Nepal would have access to SDR 31.4 million (about US$42.7 million), bringing the total IMF financial support disbursed under the ECF to SDR 251.1 million (about US$331.8 million), from a total of SDR 282.4 million.

    “Nepal continues to make progress with the implementation of the ECF-supported program. Program performance has been satisfactory, with all quantitative performance metrics for mid‑January 2025 met except for the indicative target on child welfare grants. The implementation of structural benchmarks has gained momentum while reforms in some areas are still ongoing. Key reforms that have been completed or are on-track to be completed soon as part of the sixth review include completion of a tax expenditure report, publication of revised National Project Bank guidelines, and finalization of a post-Loan Portfolio Review (LPR) roadmap. Significant progress was made on bringing key recommendations from the IMF’s 2021 Safeguard Assessment and 2023 Financial Sector Stability Report into draft Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) Act amendments in preparation for submission to Parliament. The NRB remains committed to completing the LPR and is finalizing the selection of the independent international consultant to assist with the LPR. The completion of the sixth review by the IMF’s Executive Board is contingent on NRB making further progress with the loan portfolio review.

    “Domestically, economic activity has continued to gradually recover, underpinned by a rebound in construction and manufacturing, continued expansion of hydropower capacity, and a good harvest that helped offset the impact of the September 2024 floods. Growth in FY2024/25 is estimated to exceed 4 percent, although still below potential. Inflation, which spiked temporarily following the floods, decelerated to 3.4 percent y/y in April 2025. The external position continued to strengthen, with robust growth in exports, remittances, and tourism receipts outpacing the recovery in imports.

    “Financial sector vulnerabilities have not yet eased, with non‑performing loans (NPLs) increasing to 5.2 percent in April 2025, impacting bank capital. The financial health of the savings and credit cooperatives (SACCOs) remains challenging.

    “Looking ahead, growth is projected to strengthen in FY2025/26, while inflation is expected to remain contained within the NRB’s tolerance level. However, the outlook is subject to important downside risks, including under-execution of capital projects, an increase in financial sector vulnerabilities, elevated global trade tensions and uncertainty, and potential disruptions to domestic policy continuity and reform implementation.

    “Against this background, policies and reforms envisaged under the ECF-supported program remain well-placed to help preserve macroeconomic stability and strengthen Nepal’s policymaking framework. The FY2025/26 budget is broadly consistent with the program objective to maintain fiscal and debt sustainability, while initiating reforms to increase capital spending, providing further incentives to encourage private sector investment, and expanding the public school midday meal program.

    “Monetary policy continues to follow a cautious data-driven approach, with maintaining focus on price and external stability a key to supporting growth. Amendments to the NRB Act would strengthen the central bank’s independence and governance and make the bank resolution regime more robust. Rising financial sector vulnerabilities warrant increased vigilance. In this context, it is essential to launch the LPR in a timely manner and prioritize measures to deal with problematic SACCOs. Creation of an Asset Management Company should be approached with extra caution given the risks involved and should be made conditional on improvements to the debt recovery framework, including the insolvency law, and a thorough review of the business case for such an entity. The authorities have continued to make tangible improvements to the anti-money laundering/countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) legal framework, and are now shifting their focus to effective implementation of Nepal’s AML/CFT Action Plan.

    “The IMF team held meetings with the Honorable Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Mr. Bishnu Prasad Paudel, the National Planning Commission Vice-Chairman Honorable Dr. Shiva Raj Adhikari, the Nepal Rastra Bank Governor Dr. Biswo Nath Poudel, and other senior government and central bank officials. The IMF team also met with representatives from the private sector, think tank and development partners.”

    “The IMF team is grateful to the Nepali authorities for their hospitality and for open and constructive discussions.”

    [1] The Extended Credit Facility (ECF) provides financial assistance to countries with protracted balance of payments problems. It supports countries’ economic programs aimed at moving toward a stable and sustainable macroeconomic position consistent with strong and durable poverty reduction and growth. The ECF is expected to help catalyze additional foreign aid.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Pemba Sherpa

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/06/10/pr-25191-nepal-imf-reaches-agreement-on-6th-review-under-the-ecf

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Rough sleeping to be decriminalised after 200 years 

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3

    Press release

    Rough sleeping to be decriminalised after 200 years 

    The Government has confirmed it will repeal the outdated Vagrancy Act 1824 by Spring next year, to ensure rough sleeping is no longer a criminal offence.

    • Government scraps 200-year-old law making rough sleeping a criminal offence in England and Wales.  

    • The outdated Vagrancy Act 1824 will be axed for good, reflecting modern attitudes, increased financial support for the homeless and the government’s mission to get to its root causes. 

    • New legislation will target real crimes instead such as organised begging by gangs and trespassing—protecting communities without penalising vulnerable people. 

    After 200 years, rough sleeping will no longer be a crime as the Government confirms it will formally scrap the Vagrancy Act by Spring next year. 

    The Act was introduced in 1824 – towards the end of the Georgian era – to deal with rising homelessness which increased after the Napoleonic Wars and Industrial Revolution.  

    While use of the Act against rough sleeping has significantly declined over the years in line with modern attitudes and greater understanding around the causes of homelessness, it remains enforceable in law. 

    The Government will be repealing the Act to ensure rough sleeping is no longer a criminal offence, as it concentrates its efforts on getting to the root causes of homelessness, backed by major funding. 

    The Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (MHCLG) has boosted funding for homelessness services by an extra £233 million this financial year, bringing total investment for 2025-26 to nearly £1 billion. This ambitious support will prevent more families from entering temporary accommodation and tackle rough sleeping head-on.    

    The Deputy Prime Minister is also developing a new homelessness strategy with other government departments and mayors and councils who all play an important role in prevention and frontline support. This strategy will be published later this year.

    The Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner said:     

    “We are drawing a line under nearly two centuries of injustice towards some of the most vulnerable in society, who deserve dignity and support. 

    “No one should ever be criminalised simply for sleeping rough and by scrapping this cruel and outdated law, we are making sure that can never happen again.”    

    The Minister for Homelessness Rushanara Ali said:    

    “Today marks a historic shift in how we’re responding to the rough sleeping crisis, by repealing an archaic Act that is neither just nor fit for purpose.

    “Scrapping the Vagrancy Act for good is another step forward in our mission to tackle homelessness in all its forms, by focusing our efforts on its root causes.”

    Government amendments to the Home Office’s Crime and Policing Bill will focus on real crime and not rough sleeping, with no replacement of previous legislation that criminalised people for simply sleeping rough. 

    New targeted measures will ensure police have the powers they need to keep communities safe – filling the gap left over by removing previous powers. 

    This will include a new offence of facilitating begging for gain and an offence of trespassing with the intention of committing a crime, both of which were previously included under the 1824 Act.   

    Organised begging, which is often facilitated by criminal gangs, exploits vulnerable individuals, and can undermine the public’s sense of safety. This offence makes it unlawful for anyone to organise others to beg, like driving people to places for them to beg. It will allow the police to crack down on the organised crime gangs that exploit vulnerable people to obtain cash for illicit activity. 

    Through our Plan for Change and commitment to the Safe Streets Mission, this announcement demonstrates we are taking decisive action to ensure communities are protected and our town centres are no longer exposed to such harm.

    ENDS 

    Chief Executive of Crisis Matt Downie said: 

    “This is a landmark moment that will change lives and prevent thousands of people from being pushed into the shadows, away from safety. 

    “For 200 years the Vagrancy Act has meant that people who are homeless are treated as criminals and second class citizens. It has punished people for trying to stay safe and done nothing to address why people become homeless in the first place.  

    “Ending the use of the Vagrancy Act recognises a shameful history of persecuting people for poverty and destitution, something that figures like William Wilberforce and Winston Churchill warned against in their opposition to the Act.  

    “It is of great credit to the UK Government that they have shown such principled leadership in scrapping this pernicious Act. We hope this signals a completely different approach to helping people forced onto the streets and clears the way for a positive agenda that is about supporting people who desperately want to move on in life and fulfil their potential. We look forward to assisting the UK Government with their forthcoming homelessness strategy to do exactly that.”

    St Mungo’s CEO Emma Haddad said:

    “The repeal of the Vagrancy Act, which criminalises rough sleeping, cannot come soon enough. 

    “Right now, we are supporting thousands of people who are rough sleeping; everyone facing this issue has their own heartbreaking story to tell of how they ended up on the streets – from complex mental and physical health issues to an increasingly unaffordable housing market. 

    “The answer is not to criminalise people for living on the streets but instead to focus on tackling the health, housing and wider societal issues that are causing homelessness in the first place.”

    Notes to editors:    

    • Repealing the Vagrancy Act was first announced in 2022 but it was not formally confirmed when it would be removed from law. This Government has now taken the decisive action to complete it within one year, by Spring 2026.    

    • Read more on MHCLG’s funding to tackle homelessness: Largest ever cash boost to turn the tide on homelessness – GOV.UK
    • Police forces across England and Wales use the powers in the Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014 to effectively tackle antisocial behaviour in the context of begging and rough sleeping, for example where an individual may be harassing members of the public. The Home Office will be updating the statutory guidance to ensure it is clear to agencies how antisocial behaviour powers could be used in this context if an individual’s behaviour reaches that threshold. Government amendments to the Home Office’s Crime and Policing Bill will also be published shortly.

    Updates to this page

    Published 10 June 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom