Category: Child Poverty

  • MIL-OSI USA: Remarks by Vice President Harris in Press Gaggle | Royal Oak,  MI

    US Senate News:

    Source: The White House
    Royal Oak Music TheatreRoyal Oak, Michigan
    3:59 P.M. EDT
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon, everyone.  Well, we are here in Michigan, just left Pennsylvania.  And then after Michigan, we’ll be on our way to Wisconsin. 
    And I will mention a couple of things that have just recently come up — for example, that my opponent, Donald Trump, does not believe we should raise minimum wage.  And I think everyone knows that the current federal minimum wage is $7.25 an hour, which means that the person who is working a full day and working full weeks will make $15,000 a year, which is essentially poverty wages. 
    So, there is a big difference between Donald Trump and me on a number of issues, including this, where I absolutely believe we must raise minimum wage and that hardworking Americans, whether they’re working at McDonald’s or anywhere else, should have at least the ability to be able to take care of their family and take care of themselves in a way that allows them to actually be able to sustain their needs.
    The other issue that has come up recently has been the issue of what we are seeing, again, about Donald Trump just being, frankly, hostile to the whole notion and importance of Social Security.  There are many seniors in our country that Social Security is their only form of income.  And now an independent agency has reviewed Donald Trump’s theory about Social Security and his policies and has indicated that his policy would actually render the Social Security fund empty, essentially, in six years.
    Again, if you look at it from minim- — minimum wage to Social Security, Donald Trump clearly does not understand the needs of working people.  With Social Security be- — being rendered insolvent in six years, what that would mean for the seniors of America is catastrophic. 
    And then, lastly, on the issue of contraception, I’m very pleased that our administration today announced a rule that would essentially allow folks to get contraception over the counter.  And as we know, my policy is about making sure that Americans have what they need in terms of their reproductive health.  And Donald Trump, you just look at his plan 20- — his Project 2025 would actually restrict access to contraception, which would just contribute to the public health crisis he’s already created.
    I’ll take any questions.
    AIDE:  We’re going to start with Erica Green at the New York Times.
         Q    Madam President — Vice President, sorry.  Keeps happening.  Could you please speak to your — your messaging today —
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Sure.
         Q    — particularly as you go through the suburbs?
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yeah.
         Q    You’re trying to reach swing voters.  Among them are women —
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Yep.
         Q    — white women who voted for Donald Trump in the last two elections.  Can you talk about your messaging to them and what you’re hoping will break through to them?
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, today, I am spending the day with former Congresswoman Liz Cheney.  We are traveling to three states to talk with all Americans about what is at stake in this election, but doing it through the lens of a very important point, that what is at stake in this election is so fundamental that it really does cross partisan lines.
    We are talking about whether you will have a president of the United States who takes seriously their duty and their oath to uphold the Constitution of the United States.  And there is a clear distinction here, which is that I will and he will not, as evidenced by many statements he has made, including his intention to be a dictator on day one, his intention to weaponize the Department of Justice against his political enemies. 
    And then you just look at what the people who know him best and worked with him in the Oval Office and the White House have said about him, which is he is unfit to serve and would be dangerous if he were president again.  And he, even by the former chairman of the Joints Chiefs of Staff, has been called a “fascist to his core.”  I am quoting.
    So, what we are talking with folks about today is what I’ve been talking with folks about since I’ve been on the campaign trail these last 70-odd days, which is this is a choice for the American people, and it is a choice between whether we’re going to chart a new way forward that turns the page on the division, the hate, the chaos of Donald Trump. 
    But also, and maybe even more fundamentally, do we have a president of the United States who stands behind the seal of the president of the United States taking seriously their oath and their duty to uphold the Constitution of the United States and abide by the rule of law?
    And so, I’m out here talking with folks to remind them of what’s at stake.  And I’m very pleased and honored that so many people are showing up to these events to have this conversation, because I think they know, regardless of who they voted for in the last election and the party with which they’re registered to vote, on some issues, we just have to all be Americans and put party aside.
    AIDE:  We’re going to go to Colleen at the AP.
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Hi. 
    Q    Hi, Madam Vice President.  Do you think that Republican voters — in specific, women voters — will be more likely to vote for you because of the fall of Roe?  And are the Republican votes key to winning the (inaudible) states?
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  So, I look at what happened in the midterms and in special elections to guide my thinking about this issue.  And what we saw is, in so-called “red” states and so-called “blue” states, when the issue of the freedom of a woman to make decisions about her own body is on the ballot, the American people vote for freedom regardless of the party with which they’re registered to vote.
    And I do believe it is such a fundamental issue, which is understanding you don’t have to abandon your faith or deeply held beliefs to agree the government should not be telling women what to do with their body.  So, I do believe it is a compelling issue, especially when we consider the fact that, for so many of us, our daughter is going to have fewer rights than their grandmother. 
    And America’s strength — one of the attributes of our progress has been the expansion of rights, not the restriction of rights.  And that’s what we’re seeing happen, and it has happened because Donald Trump created this situation when he hand-selected three members of the United States Supreme Court with the intention they would undo the protections of Roe v. Wade, and they did as he intended.
    AIDE:  We have time for one more.  Andrea at Reuters, are you here?
         Q    Yeah.  Hi.  So, Elon Musk is giving away a million dollars a day to voters who sign a petition.  Do you have concerns about that in ter- — in the context of law, you know, the sort of legal framework around elections? 
    And secondly, a Reuters investigation has shown something like 300 cases of political violence already in the run-up to the election.  Can you just address what can be done and what the federal government can do to push back against that?
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Well, on the first point, I think people are looking into that.
    On the second point —
         Q    When you say “people,” do you mean the U.S. government?
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  I mean I hear that folks are looking into it, just based on the stuff you all are reporting.  (Laughs.)
    On the second point, there should be no place in America where we are seeing political violence.  And, sadly, we have seen, if we just look back to January 6th, when that occurred in a way that was most shocking and brought on because, of course, of Donald Trump, who incited a mob — a violent mob that attacked the United States Capitol, wherein over 140 uniformed law enforcement officers were injured and some were killed and where Donald Trump has still yet to acknowledge the travesty of that day and the political violence that occurred that day.
    So, I will say and repeat what I think most people understand: In America, in a democracy, we should have no room for nor should we ever condone any form of political violence.  In a democracy, people will debate, people will disagree, but not resort to violence.  And everyone should speak out about that, including and especially anybody who’s running for president of the United States.
    AIDE:  Thank you, Madam Vice President.
         Q    Thank you.
    THE VICE PRESIDENT:  All right.  Thank you all.
                            END                     4:07 P.M. EDT

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Intergovernmental Group of Twenty-Four on International Monetary Affairs and Development

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 22, 2024

    1. The G-24 expresses its deep concern over the humanitarian crises and conflicts afflicting numerous regions across the globe, resulting in loss of lives, immense suffering, forced displacement and migration for countless individuals. We call for a strong, united, multilateral approach to restore peace, stability, and livelihoods. To this end, we urge all parties to prioritize diplomacy, de-escalation, and cooperation. Furthermore, we call for robust multilateral support for recovery, reconstruction, and long-term development efforts in affected areas.

    2. Global economic growth is forecast to remain relatively stable in the coming year, but risks and uncertainties persist, especially for some Emerging Markets and Developing Economies (EMDEs). Despite a projected stabilization of global growth in 2024 and 2025, the relatively optimistic forecast masks the tepid economicprospects in the most vulnerable countries. Furthermore, geopolitical tensions, trade fragmentation, increasingly frequent extreme weather conditions, and a more pronounced slowdown could pose significant headwinds to global growth and worsen some EMDEs’ prospects of as they deal with the spillover effect of Advanced Economies’ policies.

    3. Although inflationary pressures are gradually easing, the outlook remains uncertain due to elevated risks. Food price inflation is declining or stabilizing, and energy prices have remained low, in part reflecting the role of the OPEC Declaration of Cooperation in safeguarding oil market stability. Though many advanced economies have successfully brought inflation back to target levels, some EMDEs are still grappling with high inflation rates. Looking ahead, trade tensions and increased policy uncertainty would contribute to heightened upside risks to inflation. Furthermore, escalating geopolitical tensions could lead to heightened volatility in food and energy prices. Given the uncertainty, central banks may likely maintain a cautious approach to monetary easing, potentially keeping interest rates high for an extended period.

    4. Against this background, some EMDEs are confronted with significant challenges, as a prolonged period of elevated or slower reduction of policy rates increases external, fiscal, and financial risks. Furthermore, depreciation of some EMDE’s currencies, together with high debt and rising debt-servicing costs, is constraining fiscal space, impacting capital flows and growth, while straining financial stability. As EMDE policymakers struggle to balance sizable investment needs with fiscal sustainability, real growth could suffer.

    5. Given the uncertain economic environment, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) should stand ready to fulfill its role as the center of the Global Financial Safety Net. Strengthening the international monetary system by enhancing crisis prevention and adjustment mechanisms; coordinating global stability; and providing timely, predictable, and adequate liquidity support to members facing balance of payments difficulties will contribute to a more resilient and interconnected global economy.

    6. We welcome the ongoing reviews and updates of IMF procedures and policies, as this will support members. The incorporation of emerging challenges such as climate-related risks, domestic public debt, and complex debt restructuring scenarios in the review of the Low-Income Countries Debt Sustainability Framework (LIC-DSF) is welcome. However, we look forward to the comprehensive review which we hope will address the fundamental concerns about the methodology. Furthermore, the recent approval of the use of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) for the acquisition of hybrid capital instruments by prescribed holders is a significant step forward. The approved limit of SDR15 billion could increase lending by four-fold, including through supporting the goals of G20 Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty, the sustainable development and climate goals. We call on countries with strong external positions to voluntarily explore rechanneling SDRs, including through Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), where legally possible, while respecting the reserve asset quality of the SDR and ensuring their liquidity. 

    7. Ongoing refinements to the IMF’s lending toolkit provide another opportunity to address the challenges confronting members while strengthening IMF’s financial resilience. We welcome the refinements to the Resilience and Sustainability Trust (RST), including adjustments to its design to facilitate early disbursements, eliminate dual-purpose reforms, and ensure program continuity. We look forward to further work to operationalize the RST mandate on pandemic preparedness. We also call for the comprehensive review planned for 2026 to address the remaining issues, especially with respect to the requirement of an upper credit tranche program and expansion of focus into other medium-term challenges facing EMDEs. Additionally, we welcome the completion of the review of charges and surcharges that resulted in a reduction of the cost of borrowing from the General Resource Account. The approved changes are in the right direction, but we call on the IMF to consider initiating, as soon as possible, further reforms to provide more significant reduction of surcharges, and additional cut in the margin for the rate of charge. Furthermore, we welcome the Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust (PRGT) reforms, including the increase in resources for concessional financing, and the additional boost to the subsidy resources.

    8. The approval of a Third chair for Sub-Saharan Africa at the IMF Executive Board would strengthen the region’s voice, improve its representation, and simultaneously, reduce the workload of the region’s officials. Additionally, we recommend further pursuit of governance reforms in MDBs and International Financial Institutions, (IFIs), to correct the regional and gender underrepresentation in their top management and senior staff positions. We call upon all countries to complete the internal approval procedures for the 16th General Review as soon as possible. We await the result of the ongoing efforts to develop possible approaches for a new quota formula and we hope that it will serve as a guide for quota realignment that reflects members’ relative economic weight and strengthen the voice of EMDEs under the 17th General Review of Quotas. As the review is crucial for the legitimacy of the IMF, we emphasize the importance of adhering to the June 2025 deadline.

    9. We welcome the progress in the implementation of the World Bank Group (WBG) Evolution Roadmap. The launch of the PortfolioGuarantee Platform, and stronger private capital mobilization efforts have the potential to help bring additional resources to support client countries in meeting their development needs. We hope that more contributions to the Livable Planet Fund would incentivize global challenge related projects across borders, and that the launch of the Grant Facility for Project Preparation Trust Fund would enhance clients’ institutional capacity in project preparations. Not only is it paramount to increase investment, but such investment must be at an affordable cost in order to ensure the debt sustainability of EMDEs as they pursue new growth strategies aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement. Therefore, we look forward to a timely and successful conclusion of the 2-stage International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) loan pricing adjustments to enhance affordability of IBRD loan.

    10. International Development Association, (IDA21), replenishment will be crucial for supporting vulnerable populations, breaking the cycle of poverty, and promoting global stability. We welcome the focus on key areas of People, Planet, Prosperity, Digitalization, and Infrastructure, which are at the core of the development challenges of the Global South. Given rising external financing needs amidst declining Overseas Development Assistance and Foreign Direct Investments, we hope that the ongoing IDA21 replenishment discussions will result in a robust and impactful outcome, increasing support for LICs in real terms, supported by an expanded donor base. We call on donors to be ambitious, and to align their contributions with the scale of the challenges. It is also important to thoroughly consider the different levels of fragility before applying any adjustment to loan terms that may impact debt sustainability. While we welcome the proposed Global and Regional Opportunities Window (GROW), which aims to address regional and global challenges, such as adaptation, we call for an expanded focus on other issues that impact the Global South such as biodiversity, desertification, carbon and methane gas emissions from agricultural production, and rising sea level.

    11. Considering the need for significant resources, and the misalignment of shareholding structure, the upcoming 2025 Shareholding Review for IBRD and the International Finance Corporation, (IFC), is crucial. We call on shareholders to build consensus for a speedy and successful review in line with the Lima Shareholding Principles, resulting in the increase of the voice and representation of EMDEs and ensuring a more equitable balance of voting power to improve legitimacy and effectiveness. In addition, the review should propose specific options to address misalignment.

    12. We look forward to the implementation of the G20 Brazil Presidency MDB Roadmap Towards Bigger, Better, and more Effective MDBs, building on the mandate from G20 New Delhi Leaders Declaration, and based on the recommendations of the G20 Independent Experts Group. To further increase scale and impact, we call for deepening of engagement and cooperation between WBG and the MDBs with a view to operating as a system to address countries’ development priorities and needs, as well as global and regional challenges. We call for regular reviews of the alignment of MDBs resources and strategies. These reviews would lay a solid basis for MDB Boards’ consideration on if and when additional capital may be needed. In addition, to enhance private capital mobilization, we advocate for providing support aimed at removing regulatory bottlenecks to private investment, developing innovative risk-sharing and hedging instruments, including through local currency lending and domestic capital market reforms. To further maximize the impact of public investment, and its ability to boost growth, improve productivity, and reduce poverty, EMDEs should be supported with comprehensive policy reform programs to improve public investment efficiency, governance and fiscal administration, subject to the country’s specific circumstance.

    13. We commend the recent progress under the G20 Common Framework and the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable (GSDR), including establishing a common understanding of processes and practices. We call for a step up of the implementation of the G20 Common Framework in a predictable, timely, orderly, and coordinated manner and more meaningful debt relief. Additionally, we welcome the joint efforts of all stakeholders to enhance debt management and transparency and encourage private creditors to follow suit. We draw attention to the need for further reforms, especially with respect to early engagement with creditors and interaction with credit rating agencies. Ultimately, we urge for a comprehensive reform of the sovereign debt framework that addresses debt vulnerabilities in low and middle-income countries in an effective, comprehensive and systematic manner. We call for consideration of options – including the support of the IMF and the World Bank – to help countries facing short-term liquidity challenges whose debt is sustainable.

    14. The global community is falling short of attaining climate and development goals, and in providing the commensurate financial support to developing countries towards achieving them. The frequency, intensity, and scale of extreme weather events, particularly in developing countries, are increasing, necessitating urgent action. Recognizing the varying national circumstances, we call for accelerating climate action based on equity and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Therefore, climate change strategies must incorporate the needs of EMDEs, and mitigation and adaptation actions should aim at ensuring accessibility to all types of energy, and energy security, bearing in mind sustainable development and efforts to eradicate poverty. Furthermore, MDBs and IFIs should support investment in the research and development of green technologies that reduce greenhouse gas emissions. We acknowledge the need to significantly scale up finance, and hence call for a concrete goal that is commensurate with the pressing challenges, and that is therefore greater than the $100 billion per year planned during the upcoming CoP29. We look forward to faster progress on the operationalization and capitalization of the Loss and Damage Fund. We reiterate our call for new and additional grant-based, highly concessional finance and non-debt instruments to support both middle- and low-income countries, especially as they transition in a just and equitable manner.

    15. Domestic Resource Mobilization is essential for sustainable development. We strongly support national efforts to prevent and combat illicit financial flows, corruption, money-laundering and tax evasion, as such efforts would increase domestic resources. We call for increased capacity building to support members, to improve their expertise in domestic resource mobilization. We acknowledge the work of the Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development on tax base erosion and profit shifting, and welcome the progress made on the Two-Pillar Solution under the OECD Inclusive Framework. Additionally, we look forward to the forthcoming negotiation of the United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation and its two early protocols. We call for a constructive engagement as well as multilateral consensus to achieve lasting progress on this initiative. Finally, we commend the work of the Brazil G20 Presidency on taxation and inequality.

    16. Challenges to multilateralism are not abating. It is concerning that policymakers in some of the world’s largest economies continue to pursue protectionist or nationalist policies that are not in line with global integration on trade and development. We reaffirm our support for a rules-based, non-discriminatory, fair, open, inclusive, equitable, sustainable, and transparent, multilateral trading system with the World Trade Organization at its We encourage countries to contribute to the strengthening of multilateralism through ongoing initiatives. These include the Bretton Woods Initiative, which seeks to develop a long-term perspective on the global economy and the roles of the IMF and World Bank, and the Fourth Conference on Financing for Development, a forum aimed at identifying obstacles and constraints to the achievement of the SDGs and supporting the reform of the international financial architecture. We call for enhanced collaboration and cooperation among multilateral institutions to ensure a coherent and collaborative approach towards multilateralism.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER:

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Transcript of World Economic Outlook October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers:
    Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, Director, Research Department, IMF
    Petya Koeva Brooks, Deputy Director, Research Department, IMF
    Jean‑Marc Natal, Division Chief, Research Department, IMF

    Moderator:
    Jose Luis De Haro, Communications Officer, IMF

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I think we can start. First of all, welcome, everyone. Good morning for those who are joining, as online. I am Jose Luis De Haro with the Communications Department here at the IMF. And once again, we are gathered here today for the release of our new World Economic Outlook, titled Policy Pivot Raising Threats. I hope that by this time, all of you have had access to a copy of the flagship. If not, I would encourage you to go to IMF.org. There, you’re going to find the document, but also, you’re going to find Pierre‑Olivier’s blog, the underlying data for the charts, videos, and other assets that I think are going to be very, very helpful for your reporting. And what’s best, that to discuss all the details of the World Economic Outlook that, to be joined here today by Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, the Economic Counsellor Chief Economist and the Director of the Research Department. Next to him are Petya Koeva Brooks. She is the Deputy Director of the Research Department. And also with us, Jean‑Marc Natal, the Division Chief at the Research Department. We are going to start with some opening remarks from Pierre‑Olivier, and then we will proceed to take your questions. I want to remind everyone that this press conference is on the record and that we will also be taking questions online.

    With no further ado, Pierre‑Olivier, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you, Jose, and good morning, everyone. Let me start with the good news. The battle against inflation is almost won. After peaking at 9.4 percent year on year in the third quarter of 2022, we now project headline inflation will fall to 3.5 percent by the end of next year, and in most countries, inflation is now hovering close to central bank targets.

    Now, inflation came down while the global economy remained resilient. Growth is projected to hold steady at 3.2 percent in 2024 and 2025. The United States is expected to cool down, while other advanced economies will rebound. Performance in emerging Asia remains robust, despite the slight downward revision for China to 4.8 percent in 2024. Low‑income countries have seen their growth revised downwards, some of it because of conflicts and climate shocks.

    Now, the decline in inflation without a global recession is a major achievement. Much of that disinflation can be attributed to the unwinding of the unique combination of supply and demand shocks that caused the inflation in the first place, together with improvements in labor supply due to immigration in many advanced countries. But monetary policy played a decisive role, keeping inflation expectations anchored.

    Now, despite the good news, on inflation, risks are now tilted to the downside. This downside risks include an escalation in regional conflicts, especially in the Middle East, which could cause serious risks for commodity markets. Policy shifts toward undesirable trade and industrial policies could also significantly lower output, a sharp reduction in migration into advanced economies, which can unwind some of the supply gains that helped ease inflation in recent quarters. This could trigger an abrupt tightening of global financial conditions that would further depress output. And together, these represent about a 1.6 percent of global output in 2026.

    Now, to mitigate these downside risks and to strengthen growth, policymakers now need to shift gears and implement a policy triple pivot.

    The first pivot on monetary policy is already underway. The decline in inflation paved the way for monetary easing across major central banks. This will support activity at a time when labor markets are showing signs of cooling, with rising unemployment rates. So far, however, this rise has been gradual and does not point to an imminent slowdown. Lower interest rates in major economies will also ease the pressure on emerging market economies. However, vigilance remains key. Inflation in services remains too elevated, almost double prepandemic levels, and a few emerging market economies are seeing rising price pressures, calling for higher policy rates. Furthermore, we have now entered a world dominated by supply shocks, from climate, health, and geopolitical tensions. And this makes the job of central banks harder.

    The second pivot is on fiscal policy. It is urgent to stabilize debt dynamics and rebuild much‑needed fiscal buffers. For the United States and China, current fiscal plans do not stabilize debt dynamics. For other countries, despite early improvements, there are increasing signs of slippage. The path is narrow. Delaying consolidation increases the risk of disorderly adjustments, while an excessively abrupt turn toward fiscal tightening could hurt economic activity. Success requires implementing, where necessary, and without delay, a sustained and credible multi‑year fiscal adjustment.

    The third pivot and the hardest is toward growth‑enhancing reform. This is the only way we can address many of the challenges we face. Many countries are implementing industrial and trade policy measures to protect domestic workers and industries. These measures can sometimes boost investment and activity in the short run, but they often lead to retaliation and ultimately fail to deliver sustained improvements in standards of living. They should be avoided when not carefully addressing well‑identified market failures or narrowly defined national security concerns.

    Economic growth must come, instead, from ambitious domestic reforms that boost innovation, increase human capital, improve competition and resource allocation. Growth‑enhancing reforms often face significant social resistance. Our report shows that information strategies can help improve support, but they only go so far. Building trust between governments and citizens and inclusion of proper compensation measures are essential features.

    Building trust is an important lesson that should also resonate when thinking about ways to further improve international cooperation to address common challenges in the year that we celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Bretton Woods Institutions. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Thank you, Pierre‑Olivier. Before we open the floor for your questions, let’s remind some ground rules. First of all, if you have any question that it is related to a country program or a country negotiation, I would recommend not to formulate that question here. Basically, those questions can be formulated in the different regional press briefings that are going to happen later this week.

    Also, if you want to ask a question, just raise your hand, wait until I call you. Identify yourself and the outlet that you represent. And let’s try to keep it to just one question. I know that there are going to be many, many questions. We might not be able to take all of you. So please be patient. There are going to be many other opportunities to ask questions throughout the week.

    Let me start—how I am going to start. I am going to start in the center. A couple of questions here. Then I am going to go to my right, and then I am going to go there. I am going to start in the first row, the lady with the white jacket, thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you, Jose, for taking my question. I am Moaling Xiong from Xinhua News Agency. I want to ask about the geopolitical tensions that was mentioned in the report. It says there are rising geopolitical tensions. So far, the impact has been limited. But further intensification of geopolitical rifts could weigh on trade, investment, and beyond. I wonder whether Pierre‑Olivier, could you talk a little bit about what are the economic impacts of growing geopolitical tensions? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. This is, of course, a very important question. This is something that we are very concerned about, the rising geoeconomic fragmentation, trade tensions between countries, measures that are disrupting trade, disrupting cross‑border investment. This is something that we have looked at in our World Economic Outlook report. In Chapter 1, we have a box that evaluates the impact of various adverse measures, measures that could be taken by policymakers or various of shocks that would impact output. And when we look at the impact that rising trade tensions could have, there are two dimensions of this. One is, of course, you are increasing tariffs, for instance, between different blocs. That would disrupt trade. That will misallocate resources. That will weigh down on economic activity. But there is also an associated layer that comes from the uncertainty that increases related to future trade policy. And that will also depress investment, depress economic activity and consumption. When we put these two together, what we find is, we find an impact on world output that is on the order of about 0.5 percent of output levels in 2026. So it’s a quite sizable effect of both an increase in tariffs between different countries and an increase in trade policy uncertainty.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to continue here in the center. We’re going to go to the gentleman on the third row. Yep. There. There, third row, there. Third row. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Hi. Thanks very much for taking my question. I just want to ask about the inflation side of the WEO. You mentioned just now inflation, you know, the battle is almost won. I am just wondering, there’s sort of a divergence between the advanced economies and emerging markets and developing economies. When do you expect inflation to sort of fall toward that 2 percent target in emerging markets and developing economies? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So inflation, the progress on inflation has been more pronounced for advanced economies, and now we expect advanced economies to be back to their target sometime in 2025 for most of them. For emerging markets and developing economies, there is more variation, and we see an increase in dispersion of inflation, so a lot of countries have made a lot of progress. You look, for instance, at emerging Asia. There are inflation levels very similar to advanced economies for a number of them. You look at other regions—in the Middle East, for instance, or sub‑Saharan Africa—and you have countries that still have double‑digital inflation rates and will maybe take more time to converge back. So we see an increased divergence that reflects some of the shocks that are specific to some of these regions. Of course, conflict or climate‑related shocks can have an impact on inflation, and that’s what we’re seeing in these two regions I mentioned.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I’m going to move to my right. The first row here, the lady with the red suit.

    QUESTION: Hello. This is Norah from Asharq Business with Bloomberg from Dubai.

    Pierre, you mentioned that the geopolitical tensions could account for 0.5 percent of output if things kind of get out of hand. To what extent is this a very optimistic number here? Because we’re talking about tensions not only in the Middle East. You have things going down in the Taiwan Strait. We have the Russian‑Ukraine war still ongoing. And there is a very big risk that shipping lines, straits might get disrupted. And this would affect very substantially the price of oil and other commodities. To what extent this would affect output—again, global output and inflation levels? Would inflation be a big risk again if major commodities prices increased substantially?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So you are absolutely right. The scenario I was referring to earlier is a scenario where we have increased trade disruptions, tariffs, and trade policy uncertainty. But one can think also about geopolitical tensions impacting commodity market or shipping. Now, this is not something that we looked at in this report. That’s something that we had looked at in our April report. And in April, when we looked at the potential for escalation in conflicts in the Middle East, the impact it could have on oil prices or on shipping costs, we found that this would very much be in the nature of adverse supply shock. It would negatively impact output, and it would increase inflation pressures. Now, the numbers we had when we did that exercise back in April, they’re still very relevant for the environment we’re in now. And that was one of the layers I showed today, is that it would reduce output by another about 0.4 percent by 2026 and would increase inflation by something on the order of 0.7 percent higher inflation in 2025. So this is something that is very much on top of the other tensions that I mentioned. This is why we are living in this world where there are multiple layers of risk that could be compounding each other.

    Mr. De Haro: I’m going to stay here. First row, here. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. My name is Simon Ateba. I am with Today News Africa Washington, D.C. I would like you to talk a little bit more about the situation in Africa. I know two years ago it was about COVID and then Ukraine. What do you see now? And what are some of the recommendations for sub‑Saharan Africa? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So sub‑Saharan African region is one that is seeing growth rates that are fairly steady this year, compared to last year, at about 3.6 percent, and then expected to increase to about 4.2 percent next year. So we’re seeing some pickup in growth from this year to next year. But now, this is certainly a region that’s been adversely impacted by weather shocks and, in some cases, conflict. So the growth remains subdued and somewhat uneven, and that’s certainly something that we are concerned about.

    Let me turn it over to my colleague Jean‑Marc Natal to add some color.

    Mr. Natal: I would be happy to. Do you hear me? OK.

    So yes, so there has been over the last year, year and a half, there has been some progress in the region. You saw, you know, inflation stabilizing in some countries going down even. And reaching close—level close to the target. But half of them is still at distance, large distance from the target. And a third of them are still having double‑digital inflation.

    In terms of growth, as Pierre‑Olivier mentioned, it’s quite uneven, but it remains too low. The other issue is debt in the region. Obviously, it is still high. It has not increased. It has stopped increasing, and in some countries already starting to consolidate. But it’s still too high. And the debt service is correspondingly still high in the region. So the challenges are still there. There has been some progress. So in terms of the recommendation, in countries where inflation is very high, you would recommend, you know, tight monetary policy and in some cases, when possible, helped by consolidation on the fiscal side.

    It’s complicated. In many countries, you know, there are trade‑offs, and, you know, consolidating fiscal is difficult when you also have to provide for relief, like in Nigeria, for example, due to the flooding. So targeting the support to the poor and the vulnerable is part of the package when you consolidate. I will stop here.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I am moving to my left. I am going to go to the gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. Joel Hills from ITV News. We know that the chancellor in the United Kingdom is planning on changing the fiscal rule on debt to allow for—to borrow more for investment. Pierre‑Olivier, do you support this idea? And what, in your view, are the risks? And should the U.K. government continue to target a fall in debt of some description or a rise in public sector net worth?

    Mr. De Haro: Pierre‑Olivier, before you answer, are there any other questions on the U.K. in the room? I am going to take just two more from this group of U.K. reporters on my right that they are very eager. Just two questions more. We do not want to overwhelm—

    QUESTION: Alex Brummer from the Daily Mail in London. Again, around the chancellor’s upcoming budget. In your opening remarks, you referred to the possibility of abrupt changes in fiscal policy, disrupting what might happen to economies. U.K., according to your forecast, is in a quite good place in terms of growth heading upward. Do you fear that too strong a change in direction in fiscal policy in the U.K. could affect future growth?

    Mr. De Haro: Just one more question.

    QUESTION: Mehreen Khan from The Times. You mentioned that there are some countries at risk of fiscal slippage because governments have promised to do their consolidation have struggled to execute. Is the U.K. in that group? Also, the IMF has previously recommended that countries are under fiscal strain should—can keep sort of investment flowing if they do shift to measures like public sector net worth. Is that still a recommendation that you stand by in particular relevance for the U.K.?

    Mr. De Haro: And to give Pierre‑Olivier a little bit of time, I just want to remind everyone that we will have regional press briefings later this week, and some of these questions can be brought to all heads of departments that are going to be talking later on in the week. Pierre‑Olivier?

    Mr. Gourinchas: First, I will make three quick remarks. We are going to wait and see at the end of this month, on October 30, the details of the budget that will be announced by the U.K. government. And at that point, we’ll be able to evaluate and see the detail of the measures and how they will impact the U.K. economy.

    The broader question, I think, is relevant for many countries, not just the U.K. And it goes to the second pivot I mentioned, this narrow path in terms of fiscal consolidation. I think when countries have elevated debt levels, when interest rates are high, when growth is OK but not great, there is a risk that things could escalate or get out of control quickly. And so there is a need to bring debt levels down, stabilize them when they are not stabilized and rebuild fiscal buffers. That is true for many countries around the world. And if you are not doing that—and that is getting to the question that was asked by the gentleman on the right here—if you’re not doing that, that’s when you find yourself potentially later on at the mercy of market pressures that will force an adjustment that is uncontrolled to a large extent. At which point you have very few degrees of freedom, so you do not want to get in that position. And I think the effort to stabilize public debt has to be seen in that context.

    Now, the other side of the narrow path is, of course, if you try to do too much too quickly, you might have an adverse impact on growth. And you have to be careful there because we do have important—most countries have important needs when it comes to spending, whether it’s about central services, what we think about healthcare, or if we think about public investment and climate transition. So we need to protect also the type of spending that can be good for growth. So finding ways—and this is something that our colleagues in the Fiscal Monitor report emphasize, finding ways to consolidate by reducing expenditures where it’s needed. Maybe raising revenues. Often, it’s a combination of both but doing so in a way that is least impactful on growth. It’s country by country. There is no general formula. But that’s kind of the nature of the exercise.

    That pivot, that second pivot is absolutely essential. At the point we’re at again precisely because we’re in a world in which there will be more shocks and countries need to be prepared and need to have some room on the fiscal side to be able to build that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Last question on this side. Then I will go online, and then I will go around the room again. The gentleman in the second row.

    QUESTION: Thanks, Jose. Pierre‑Olivier, a question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for the country for next year, improving GDP and inflation, 45 percent at the end of the year. Oh, yes. Sorry. Alam Md Hasanul from International.

    A question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for next year, but I wanted to see if you could give us a little bit more detail on, where do you see the economy going. And if it’s accurate to say at this point that the worst of the crisis is in the past? Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: We have received other questions regarding Argentina online from Lilliana Franco. Basically, she wants to know what’s behind our expectations for inflation for 2025. And I think that there are other Argentine reporters in the room. I see them in the back. Please, if somebody can get them the mic and we can get all the questions on Argentina and then move on to other regions. There. There. Those two, please. Try to keep it short.

    QUESTION: Hi. Patricia Valli from El Cronista. You mentioned the need to keep going with the reforms. And the government in Argentina is implementing a series of reforms. What’s the take of the IMF in terms of these? And if they are perhaps hurting the most vulnerable due to the increase of poverty numbers in Argentina in the past report?

    QUESTION: Hello. Juan Manuel Barca from Clarín Newspaper. I want to know if you raised your employment projection compared to the April—compared to the July forecast.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So let me first state at the outset that our projections for Argentina have not been updated since July, and the reason for this is because there are ongoing program discussions between the authorities and the Fund. And so while that process is going on, we did not update the projections for the October round.

    Now, to come to the question that was asked on the left. There are two things that are relevant for Argentina, two main things. One is what’s happening on the inflation side. Here, I think the progress has been very substantial. We are now seeing month‑on‑month inflation in Argentina close to 3.5 percent, and this is down from about 25 percent month on month back in December of last year. So very, very significant decline in the inflation rate. So that’s something to acknowledge. And the hope is, of course, that the measures in place will continue to improve the situation on that front.

    On the growth front, what we are saying is that activity has contracted substantially in the first half of the year, but there are signs that it’s starting to gradually recover. Now how much again, I cannot give you an update because we do not have it as of now. But there are signs that there is a recovery in real wages and in private credit and activity.

    Now, of course, this has been difficult for the Argentine economy, the decline in growth of that nature. And that’s something that, again, we are engaged in discussions with the authorities on the best way forward. I cannot comment more than that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I am going to get a question from our colleagues on WebEx. I think that Weier is there.

    QUESTION: I have a question on China. Given China’s recent implementation of various stimulus measures, such as support for the real estate—real sector and interest rate reductions and other economic incentives, we’ve already seen a major boost in its capital market. So how do you assess the potential impact of these developments on China’s economic recovery and growth perspective?

    Also, how the external effects, such as the Federal Reserve’s easing monetary path, will play a role here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Before you answer on the Federal Reserve, there’s other questions on China of a similar nature. Recent stimulus announced by the Governor and its effects.

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So China, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, we have a slight downward revision for its 2024 growth, compared to our July projections to 4.8 percent. And that’s a revision that’s coming largely due to a weaker second quarter of the year. And that weaker second quarter of the year is reflecting continued decline in confidence in the household and corporate sector and also the continued problems in the property sector in China.

    Now, this is something that, of course, is a top priority to address for the Chinese authorities. And we’ve seen a number of measures that have been announced since the end of last month. First measures, monetary and financial measures announced by the People’s Bank of China, and then some fiscal measures that were announced a few weeks ago.

    These measures in general go in the right direction, from our perspective. They are trying to improve the situation in the property sector. They’re trying to, for instance, lowering borrowing rates or trying to improve the balance sheet of the property developers.

    In our view, in our assessment, the measures announced at the end of last month by the PBOC, although they go in the right direction, are not sufficient to lift growth in a substantially material way. And that’s why our forecast is still at about 4.8 percent for 2024 and is unchanged for next year, at 4.5 percent.

    The new, more recent measures announced a few weeks ago by the Ministry of Finance are not incorporated in our forecast. We are waiting to see the details. I should mention, however, that since then, there has also been a release of the Q3 growth for China, and this has also been a little bit on the disappointing side. So I would say that what we’re seeing in terms of where the Chinese economy might be going is a little bit of a downward revision coming from the Q3 forecast and then potentially some measures that will help lift the economy going forward.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. So we have an additional question online. Basically, it comes from a reporter in Israel who wants to know how the current conflict is affecting the region and the global economy. Also, if there’s any other questions regarding the ongoing conflict, we can go here in the first row, please.

    QUESTION: Hi. Amir Goumma from Asharq with Bloomberg. With the GCC countries increasingly focusing and diversifying their economies away from oil now, how the IMF sees the progress and how you assess that with geopolitical tensions that may affect the attraction of the investment?

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So on the impact of the conflict in the Middle East on the countries in the region, and more broadly, let me ask my colleague Petya Koeva Brooks to come in.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Sure. Indeed, the conflict has inflicted a heavy toll on the region, and our hearts go to all who have been affected by it. We are monitoring the situation very closely. And what we could say at this stage is apart from the enormous uncertainty that we see is that the fallout has been the hardest in the countries in the region, at the epicenter of the conflict. We’ve seen significant declines in output in West Bank, in Gaza. Lebanon has also been hard hit. Now, we’ve also seen impact in the—on the economy in Israel, although there, I think the—so far at least, the impact has been smaller.

    Now, beyond that, there has also been an impact on commodity prices, on oil prices. We’ve seen quite a lot of volatility, though, as other factors have also come in, such as the concerns about global demand kind of have pushed prices in the opposite direction.

    Now, beyond that, when it comes to specific countries in the GCC region, when it comes to, for instance, Saudi Arabia, we’ve seen there, actually the non‑oil output has done very well, and we do have a small downward revision in the overall growth rate, but that is pretty much because of the voluntary oil cuts that have now been extended through November. Let me stop here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We are coming here to the center of the room. I’m going to go way back. The gentleman in the blue shirt that I think is the third row from the back. Yep. There. He has—there, there, there. A little bit. Can you stand up? Yep. Perfect. And then I will go with you, with the lady.

    QUESTION: Thank you for doing this. Your alternative scenario about the trade war does not seem so far from reality. Indeed, especially if Trump wins the elections. So could you augment about that? Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: We have a couple of questions similar to that nature.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, of course, I will first preface by saying we are not commenting on elections or potential platforms here at the IMF. What we are seeing and when we’re looking at the world economy goes beyond what might be happening in a single country. This is why the scenario that we are looking at in Box 1.2 of our World Economic Outlook is one that focuses on, if you want, an escalation of trade tensions between different regions—whether the U.S., the European Union, or China. And the numbers I quoted earlier are reflecting our model estimates of the cumulative impact of this increase in tensions. So I think that this is something that we are very concerned about. We’ve seen a very sharp increase in a number of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries since 2019, roughly. They’ve gone from 1,000 to 3,000, so tripling of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries, and 2019 was not a low point. That was already something that was above what we were seeing in the 2010s. So there is definitely, you know, a direction of travel here that we are very concerned about because a lot of these trade‑distorting measures could reflect decisions by countries that are self‑centered but could be ultimately harmful not just to the global economy, but this is the benefits of doing a scenario analysis like the one we did. They are also hurtful for the countries that want to implement them, as well, because the impact on global trade also makes the residents of a country poorer.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to take a question from WebEx and then I’m going to go to you. I think that we have a question on the U.S. Please go ahead.

    QUESTION: My question would be regarding the U.S. resilience toward inflation shock. I remember talks about this during the April meetings and the April report. And I wanted to ask you whether you’re still committed to this forecast of the U.S. resiliency, and whether we can still see the risk of recession in the U.S. since recent talks about the unemployment data, it has not always come to the expectations of what the bond market or the stock exchange thinks.

    So is the U.S. still as resilient as you saw it in April this year?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, the news on the U.S. is good in a sense. We have had an upgrade in growth forecasts for 2024 and 2025. The historical numbers have also been revised, so even upgraded 2023, that is already sort of behind us. But the numbers came in, and they were stronger than what was realized. And that strong growth performance has been happening in a context of a continued disinflation. There have been some bumps in the road. The disinflation may not have been proceeding, especially earlier in the year, as quickly as was projected, but lately it has been quite substantial.

    So what accounts for this is two things that are really important there. One is, there is strong productivity growth that we see when we look at the U.S. That’s somewhat unlike other advanced economies, in fact. When we look around the world. And the second is also a very significant role that immigration has played, the increase in foreign‑born workers in the U.S. that have been integrated fairly quickly into the labor force. Now, the increase in unemployment that we’ve seen recently—I just showed it in my opening remarks—reflects to a large extent the fact that you have this increase in foreign‑born workers. And it takes—they have been integrated quickly in the labor force, but still there was an influx of them or there was an influx of them, and it’s taken a little bit of time to absorb them. And that’s what is reflected in the increased unemployment rate. So the labor market picture remains one that is fairly, fairly robust, even though it has cooled off but from very, very tight levels. Growth is solid. So I think the answer to the question that was posed, I think a risk of a recession in the U.S. in the absence of a very sharp shock would be somewhat diminished.

    Now, that is really what paved the way when you think about what the Federal Reserve is doing, seeing this inflation coming down a lot but noticing the increase in unemployment, pivoting away from just fighting inflation, that fight is almost done, and now being more concerned about, maybe what might be happening going forward with the labor market and wanting to make sure that that cooling off of the labor market does not turn into something that is more negative.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. The clock here says that I have seven minutes that I can push a little bit, but we go there. Then we will go to this side. And come back here and maybe end around here.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. My name is Hope Moses‑Ashike from Business Day Nigeria. So I am right here in this room, in April, you projected the Nigeria economy to grow by 3.3 percent, and you cited improved oil sector, security, and then agriculture. So I want to understand, what has changed since then in terms of Nigeria’s growth and the factors you mentioned? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. Jean‑Marc, do you want to comment on Nigeria?

    Mr. Natal: Yes. Rightly so. We revised growth for Nigeria in 2024 by .2 down. And, you know, things are volatile, I suppose, because the reason for the revision is precisely issues in agriculture related to flooding. And also issues in the production of oil related to security issues, and also maintenance issues that have pushed down the production of oil. So these two factors have played a role.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We go to this side. I’m going to go to the front row, the lady with the white jacket. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. So this is still a follow‑up question since you just answered on Nigeria. What’s the IMF’s projection for the social impacts on full subsidy removal, especially when you—full subsidy removal and forex unification in terms of poverty, inequality, and food insecurity? And also, can give us your medium‑term projections for Nigeria’s growth? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So I am afraid on this one I will have to go back and check because I do not have the number ready on the impact of the removal of the fuel subsidies specifically that you asked about. I do not know if my colleagues—

    Mr. De Haro: And I would encourage you to formulate this question in the press briefing for the regional outlook for the African Department. Probably there, you will get your answer, but reach out to us bilaterally and then we will get you the question.

    We are going to stay—we’re going to go to the gentleman in the back. Yep.

    QUESTION: Thanks very much. Andy Robinson of La Vanguardia, Barcelona, Spain. There seems to be a strange sort of divergence in the euro zone economy in which Spain—you have revised upwards Spain’s GDP growth forecast a whole point, percentage point, whilst Germany is languishing. Could I ask you, is Spain’s performance sustainable? And Germany’s in a recession?

    Also, one other question. You seem in your box on inflation and wage share and profit share, wage share you seem to be suggesting if there’s any danger of increasing inflation in the future, it’s more an excessive profit share than exactly wage? Could you tell me if that’s a correct interpretation? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So just a few words on the euro area in general. And then I will let my colleague Petya come in on Spain. We do see some divergence across the different countries of the euro area. And one of the drivers is how reliant they are on manufacturing, as one of the key sectors in domestic production. And what you are seeing is, there is a general weakness in manufacturing and that’s heating countries like Germany. While countries that are maybe a bit more reliant on services, including tourism—and Spain is one of them—are seeing a better performance.

    Now, on the second part of your question, and I will turn it over to Petya, on the profit share and wages. We’re seeing now wage growth that is in excess of inflation. And sometimes people say, well, that’s a problem because that means, you know, maybe that cannot be sustained and therefore there will be more inflation. Well, not quite. That’s not the view we have here at the Fund. A lot of the increase in wages in excess of inflation right now—so that’s an improvement in real wages in standards of living—is reflecting a catchup phenomenon. It’s after years during which inflation was higher than wage inflation, wage increase. So real wages are catching up. They are covering lost ground.

    Now, during those years when inflation was higher than wages, profit margins somewhere were higher in the economy. And that is the profit margin that is being eroded back. So it’s not that we’re squeezing profits inordinately right now. It’s just they’re coming back more toward their historical level as real wages are catching up, and that’s not necessarily a concern in terms of inflation dynamics going forward. With this, let me turn it over to Petya.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Thank you. Indeed Spain does stand out as one of the countries with a substantial upward revision for this year. We’re now projecting growth to be 2.9, after last year, when it was 2.7. So what’s behind this revision is the positive surprises that we’ve already seen, especially in the second quarter, as well as some of the revisions to the back data.

    And then when we look at the composition of these surprises, again, it was net exports and the receipts from tourism that were a substantial contributor. But also, private consumption and investment also played a role, which may imply that some of the impact of the national recovery plan and the EU funds that are being used could—we could already be seeing the impact of that. And then when we move forward, we are expecting a slowdown in growth next year, but, again, if these—if this investment continues, of course, that would be a very positive factor behind the recovery. Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I have time for just one question because literally, we have 15 seconds. So I’m going to go with the gentleman here.

    QUESTION: Thank you. Barry Wood, Hong Kong Radio. Mr. Gourinchas, in April you said likely we will see one rate cut in the United States. We’ve seen it. The data, as you just said, is very good. Would further rate cuts be counterproductive?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Well, in our projections, of course, we need to make some assumptions about what central banks, and this round of projection is no exception. So in our projections just released today, we’re assuming that there will be two more rate cuts by the Fed in 2024 and then four additional rate cuts in 2025. And that would bring the policy rate towards the terminal rate that is around 2.75, 3. Why do we see the additional rate cuts? Well, in part it’s the progress on inflation. And then as I mentioned earlier, as an answer to an earlier question, the fact that we’re seeing the labor markets cooling and therefore the concern for the Fed is now to make sure that that last part of the disinflation process is not one that is going to hit activity. In the Chapter 2 of our report, we describe how that last mile could be somewhat more costly because, as the supply constraints have eased and moved away, it becomes harder to bring down inflation in that last mile without hurting economic activity, so it’s important to also adjust the policy rate path in a direction of a little bit more easing, as the economy is smooth landing.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. As in life, all good things have to come to an end. But before that, I want to thank you all, on behalf of Pierre‑Olivier, Petya, and Jean‑Marc. Also, on behalf of the Communications Department and a couple of reminders for all of you, the Global Financial Stability Report press briefing is going to happen in this same room at around 10:15 a.m. Tomorrow morning, you have the press briefing for the Fiscal Monitor, and later on in the week, you will have the Managing Director’s press briefing and all the regional press briefings that we’ve been talking about. I want to encourage you to go to IMF.org, download the flagships, the World Economic Outlook, and if you have any questions, comments, feedback, everything to media at IMF.org. So have a great day.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER:

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/22/tr102224-weo-transcript

    MIL OSI

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Rebuilding homes after a disaster is an opportunity to build back better – why isn’t the insurance industry on board?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Antonia Settle, Lecturer, Monash University

    For many Australians, 2022 was a dark and devastating year. Major floods wreaked havoc on hundreds of communities in Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and Tasmania. But for some, the floods themselves were only half the disaster.

    As a recent report by Financial Counselling Victoria showed, many affected households had their insurance claims rejected or diminished, whether due to complicated exclusion clauses or because their “sum insured” had been whittled away by unexpected costs.

    A long parliamentary inquiry sought to examine the insurance industry’s response to this disaster. Its final report – released to little fanfare last Friday – revealed a sector in crisis.

    The report put forward 86 recommendations, which taken together could deliver real progress in pushing the insurance sector to deliver on its promises.

    Some standout areas of focus included abolishing a principle called “like-for-like reinstatement” and increasing accountability and oversight. Making sure households can rely on their own coverage is a vital step.

    But the report also highlighted just how vulnerable Australia’s housing stock is to climate change, which is no easy problem to solve.




    Read more:
    How extreme weather and costs of housing and insurance trap some households in a vicious cycle


    Forced to repeat the same mistakes

    To address the challenge of rising climate risk, we need to increase the resilience of Australian homes. Insurance will only be affordable if risk exposure can be brought down.

    Recommendation 26 of the inquiry’s final report deals with the principle of “like-for-like reinstatement”. Written into many policies, this protects insurers from having to pay for home improvements in an insurance claim – known as “betterment” in insurance jargon.

    ‘Like-for-like’ rules can prevent households from improving their disaster resilience when rebuilding.
    Anna Mente/Shutterstock

    The underlying idea is to stop households sneaking an extra en-suite bathroom into their insurer-funded rebuild. The same dimensions and building materials have to be used.

    But this can mean a home that has been flooded ends up being rebuilt with exactly the same flood risk.

    This was the experience of Madeleine Serle, whose home was flooded in Melbourne in 2022. She told me she had asked her insurer to rebuild using polished concrete floors in the downstairs rooms of her home, instead of the plasterboard and wood that had soaked up the floodwaters. Serle reasoned that if it flooded again, it wouldn’t cause so much damage.

    Her insurer refused. Even when Serle offered to pay any extra costs herself that might arise from concrete flooring, her insurer insisted on a “like-for-like reinstatement”. This meant using the same low-resilience materials that will likely be destroyed if inundated again by floodwater.

    Bringing ‘betterment’ to the fore

    Serle was actively trying to reduce her future flood risk, but this was precluded by the terms of her insurance contract.

    By seeking an end to like-for-like reinstatement, recommendation 26 is pushing for “betterment” to be brought to the forefront of how we think about insurer rebuilds.

    It proposes allowing households to swap out size for quality in an insurer rebuild. That could allow them to use the money saved from reducing the footprint of their home on resilience measures, which are often much more expensive.

    This wouldn’t just reduce their exposure to climate risks – fire, flooding and so on. It could also improve the energy efficiency of our houses, which is another key part of the climate challenge in Australia.

    Standardised products

    Many of the report’s other recommendations centred on the better handling of claims and better outcomes for households.

    This includes by strengthening accountability through stronger regulatory oversight (recommendations 2, 4, 9, 41, 47, 49), tightening up some key loopholes (recommendations 3, 10, 13), and penalising insurers for delays in the resolution of claims (recommendations 19 and 57).

    It also laid out ways to improve communications between insurers and households (recommendations 6, 10, 24, 25, 28, 33), so people can better understand what they should expect from their insurer – and when their insurer might be falling short.

    These proposed reforms aim to create more standardised insurance products across the industry. But they could have gone further. The report didn’t go as far as recommending a fully standardised insurance product that all insurers would have to offer.

    Making insurance products more standardised could make them easier to compare.
    DC Studio/Shutterstock

    As the Financial Rights Legal Centre has argued, standardisation is vital to untangling the “confusopoly” that leaves households unable to make informed decisions about the merits of different policies on the market without reading reams of product disclosure statements.

    Reform alone isn’t enough

    The inquiry’s final report recommends the government buy back some of the riskiest homes (recommendation 81), alongside much stronger government support for households looking to mitigate their own risks.

    But insurance reform alone isn’t enough to solve the problem that Australian households face in securing their housing amid worsening climate risk.

    The bigger overarching problem faced by Australia is one of climate change mitigation and adaption. While our country is exposed to relatively high levels of climate risk, much of this risk is borne by individuals through home ownership.

    With nearly half of all renter retirees living in poverty, Australians know owning their own home is a powerful way to secure their economic future. That’s why home ownership is referred to as part of the “third pillar” of the retirement income system (voluntary private savings), along with superannuation and the public pension.

    Reforming our insurance system can make important strides in providing households with better tools to manage climate risk.

    Only with stronger safety nets, and by grappling with risks at the societal level, can we counteract the extreme individualisation of climate risk that we experience here in Australia.




    Read more:
    Some New Zealand homes are becoming uninsurable because of natural disasters – but all may not be lost


    Antonia Settle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Rebuilding homes after a disaster is an opportunity to build back better – why isn’t the insurance industry on board? – https://theconversation.com/rebuilding-homes-after-a-disaster-is-an-opportunity-to-build-back-better-why-isnt-the-insurance-industry-on-board-241576

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Russia: IMF Staff Concludes Visit to Honduras and Reaches Staff-Level Agreement

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    October 18, 2024

    End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for discussion and decision.

    • International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff and the Honduran authorities have reached staff level agreement on a set of comprehensive policies and reforms needed to complete the first and second reviews of Honduras’ program supported by the IMF.
    • The authorities have made important progress under their program. Fiscal policy remains prudent, public investment continues to expand, and the authorities have recently begun normalizing monetary and exchange rate policies.
    • Strengthened budget execution, energy sector reforms, including to reduce the public power company’s arrears, and further adjustments to monetary and exchange rate policies remain key to safeguard macroeconomic stability and promote inclusive and sustained growth.

    Tegucigalpa, Honduras: An International Monetary Fund (IMF) team led by Ricardo Llaudes visited Tegucigalpa during October 7-18, 2024. The mission was a continuation of presential and virtual discussions in recent months. At the conclusion of the visit, Mr. Llaudes issued the following statement:

    “The Honduran authorities and the IMF team have reached staff level agreement on the economic policies necessary to complete the first and second reviews of the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) and Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangements. The IMF’s Executive Board is expected to consider the case in the coming weeks.

    “The team and the authorities concurred that the Honduran economy remains broadly resilient despite a still-challenging global environment and the impact of the El Niño climate shock. Robust growth has continued this year—projected close to 4 percent—and inflation has stabilized between 4½ and 5 percent, within the tolerance range around the BCH’s inflation objective. On the external front, international reserves levels remain adequate but have continued to decline this year owing to a variety of factors, including the severe drought in the first half of the year—hindering agricultural exports and increasing energy imports—and lower-than-expected multilateral and bilateral financing support.

    “The authorities have reiterated their strong commitment to implement a prudent macroeconomic policy mix to strengthen economic stability and to take prompt actions on all critical aspects of their economic reform program supported by the IMF to ensure program objectives are met. Policy discussions and program reforms revolved around five key pillars.

    “First, continued budgetary discipline to preserve debt sustainability. As in 2023, fiscal performance this year is expected to overperform program objectives, supported by solid tax revenues and strengthened public financial management. The authorities are planning additional measures to further bolster the fiscal position, including enhancing transparency in budget execution, further strengthening the Treasury Single Account, and modernizing the public procurement framework. Timely adoption of the 2025 budget in line with program objectives is essential to support the authorities’ fiscal efforts and public investment program.

    “Second, strengthened social spending to protect the most vulnerable. The authorities have faced capacity constraints in disbursing social support. These constraints are now being lifted, and the authorities agreed on the need to roll out more decisively monetary transfers under the flagship program Red Solidaria, accelerate completion of the census of urban households in extreme poverty, and finalize the Single Social Sector Information System to facilitate the design, monitoring, and transparency of Honduras’ social programs.

    “Third, decisive implementation of monetary and exchange rate policies to keep inflation low and safeguard international reserves. Following the global shocks of 2020-2023—including the COVID-19 pandemic, global commodity shocks, and climate events—the authorities have recently begun normalizing monetary and exchange policies. Key recent measures include an increase in reserve requirements, adjustments to the monetary policy rate (TPM), and a higher rate of crawl of the Lempira, in line with the crawling band regime. There was agreement on the need for additional tightening of the TPM to support demand for Lempira assets and continued decisive implementation of the crawling band regime to achieve a healthy and sustainable external position. The authorities agreed to stand ready to further adjust these policies as needed to ensure achievement of program objectives. Strong communication with the public and markets on these measures will be key to strengthen their effectiveness.

    “Fourth, improved health of the energy sector. The team was encouraged by the recent downward trend in electricity losses by the public power company ENEE. That said, it was agreed that continued reforms will be vital to underpin ENEE’s financial health. In the short run, the authorities agreed that reducing ENEE’s payment arrears through domestic bond issuances and enhancing coordination across relevant official stakeholders to tackle ENEE’s challenges are a priority. These measures are also essential to attract needed investment to expand generation capacity and guarantee adequate provision of energy. In parallel, the authorities committed to continue other structural reforms, including integration of ENEE’s three distribution units and upgrading of its financial accounting to international standards.

    “Fifth, steadfast commitment to fight corruption. The recent establishment of an asset declaration system for public level officials and a National Observatory of Transparency and Anticorruption are welcome. Continuing efforts to strengthen the AML/CFT framework ahead of the evaluation by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) in 2026 are essential, including approval of the Beneficial Ownership Law and creation of a corresponding firm registry including beneficial ownership information. The authorities also committed to ensure the adoption of the Honduran National Transparency and Anti-Corruption Strategy (ENTAH) and continue to strengthen the public dialogue and participation of civil society.

    “The IMF team would like to thank the authorities, the private sector, and civil society for their kind hospitality and candid discussions.”

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Rosa A Hernandez

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/19/pr24384-imf-concludes-visit-to-honduras-and-reaches-staff-level-agreement

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Education and gender equality: focus on girls isn’t fair and isn’t enough – global study

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Kathryn Watt, Research Manager, The Asenze Project, University of KwaZulu-Natal

    For the past two decades, investing in girls’ schooling has been hailed as a cornerstone of promoting gender equality in sub-Saharan Africa. Between 2016 and 2018 the World Bank Group invested US$3.2 billion in education projects benefiting adolescent girls.

    The logic is straightforward. Girls face significant barriers to education, among them poverty, insufficient academic support, adolescent pregnancy, child marriage, and school related gender-based violence. Reducing these barriers can substantially improve their educational outcomes.

    But is this approach – investing in girls’ education – fair to boys, and enough to make a meaningful impact on girls’ lives in the long term? Having studied the relationship between interventions and the way people’s lives develop in adverse contexts, we argue that the answer is no on both counts.

    We explain this view in a recent paper. In it we compare the different effects of directing development assistance: improving girls’ school enrolment, prioritising schooling for both girls and boys, and addressing barriers to gender equality throughout life.

    We used publicly available data for 136 low- and middle-income countries, including those in sub-Saharan Africa. We calculated the female-to-male ratio for important education indicators in each country to show where girls are ahead, on par or behind boys.

    Our findings suggest that the current focus on girls’ schooling may both unintentionally disadvantage boys and be a relatively inefficient means of advancing gender equality.

    Girls’ and boys’ education in sub-Saharan Africa

    We focused on two indicators to assess the current state of girls’ and boys’ education in the region:

    Harmonised learning outcomes measure learning and progress based on the results from seven different types of tests combined and made comparable among children attending school. They reflect the environmental inputs into learning and achievement, such as school quality. Completing secondary school, meanwhile, has been shown to increase a person’s potential for future development, opportunities for employment and higher education.

    In most countries in sub-Saharan Africa, girls are behind boys on secondary school completion. The average completion rate for boys is 30%. For girls it is just 24%. In southern Africa specifically, girls have higher completion rates than boys. Figure 1 shows where girls are ahead or behind on this indicator.

    In sub-Saharan Africa, the average harmonised learning outcomes score for boys is 301; it is 303 for girls. Our results show that, for most countries in the region, girls are achieving roughly equal scores to their male peers.

    This suggests that gender gaps in education are not as pronounced as is often portrayed.

    Firstly, although school completion rates are higher for boys, this gap is small, and overall completion rates remain low for both genders.

    Secondly, where boys are averaging higher levels of completed schooling, it is not due to better academic performance. Once enrolled, girls in the region tend to keep up with boys in school completion and academic performance.

    Rather than asking who is ahead, it’s more important to note that neither boys nor girls are doing well. Our results show that educational outcomes in sub-Saharan Africa – including school performance and completion – are alarmingly poor for both girls and boys.

    So, if all children in the region are clearly in need of support, why target education interventions at girls alone?

    Large disparities in later life

    The key to gender equality lies in ensuring girls and boys, and men and women, have the same opportunities to reach their potential from early life, through late childhood and adolescence, into adulthood.

    Research emphasises that human development does not hinge on any single factor such as schooling. Rather, it depends on capabilities built throughout life.

    In early childhood, proper nutrition, among other things, is crucial for developing a child’s basic physical and cognitive capabilities. These early investments protect the potential for human development.

    During childhood and adolescence, factors like quality schooling and social support allow young people to realise that potential.

    Finally, in adulthood, social norms and job opportunities determine how fully a person can use their realised potential.

    Our findings suggest that, on average, in low- and middle-income countries the development potential of girls and young women is protected and realised better than it is for boys and young men. But later in life, women don’t have as many opportunities as men to use that potential.

    This implies that initiatives focused on girls’ schooling are likely not the most effective means of promoting girls’ development or reducing gender gaps.

    Large disparities emerge later in girls’ lives. For example, our findings show that women earn less than men in almost every country in sub-Saharan Africa. These results reflect how patriarchal norms, particularly the unequal burden of housework and childcare, tend to push women into lower-paid informal or part-time work. Even when similarly qualified and in comparable positions, women typically earn less than men.

    These findings, when considered in the context of the current state of education in the region, challenge the idea that focusing solely on girls’ education is enough to promote their lifelong development or meaningfully reduce gender inequalities.

    The argument that boys should not receive the same support as girls is weak.

    How to promote greater gender equality in sub-Saharan Africa

    Targeted interventions are likely to have the greatest impact where girls and women face the greatest barriers: in using their potential. That means, for example:

    Social protection policies, including childcare and reproductive health services, can ease women’s caregiving burden and give them the time and agency to fully participate in politics, the economy and society.

    There are also opportunities beyond government, where support for trade unions, for instance, has been shown to help narrow gender wage gaps.

    Addressing gender inequality requires a life-course approach. It should involve quality education for both genders, and tackling the policies, practices and social norms that marginalise women and girls, especially in the later stages of their lives.

    Sara Naicker, Jere Behrman and Linda Richter contributed to the research this article is based on. Dhyan Saravanja contributed to this article.

    Chris Desmond receives funding from UK Research and Innovation Global Challenges Research Fund Accelerating Achievement for Africa’s Adolescents Hub,Grant/Award Number: ES/S008101/1

    Kathryn Watt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Education and gender equality: focus on girls isn’t fair and isn’t enough – global study – https://theconversation.com/education-and-gender-equality-focus-on-girls-isnt-fair-and-isnt-enough-global-study-240239

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Poverty in Lagos isn’t just about money – here’s why

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Oluwaseyi Omowunmi Popogbe, Lecturer II, Crawford University

    Lagos is Nigeria’s economic powerhouse, but it has some of the worst slums in the country.

    Lagos slums are characterised by high levels of poverty – the state of not having enough resources to meet basic needs for living, such as food, water, shelter, healthcare and education.

    Poverty is multidimensional. It is not only about money. Yet poverty in Lagos slums has often been studied using traditional methods that focus mostly on income thresholds. A person is considered poor if their income falls below a certain level. This approach captures financial hardship. But it misses other aspects of poverty, such as lack of access to education, healthcare, clean water and decent living conditions.

    Measuring poverty requires a multidimensional approach, not simply an income approach. Multidimensional poverty means looking at all the aspects of deprivation to get a fuller picture of what it means to live in poverty. It helps policymakers and researchers understand that even with some income, a person may still be struggling because they don’t have other essential services.

    In a study of poverty in the Lagos State slums, two other development economists and I used a mathematical framework to model multidimensional poverty. We used what is known as the fuzzy set approach. This was developed in the 1990s as an alternative to purely monetary measures of poverty.

    The traditional monetary approach often classifies people as either “poor” or “not poor” based on specific cut-off points. In reality, poverty exists on a spectrum, and people can experience different levels of deprivation across various aspects of their lives. The fuzzy set approach accounts for this by assigning degrees of membership to different poverty indicators.

    We found considerable disparities in poverty, based on a multidimensional index, across slums in Lagos State. Our insights will enable economists and policymakers to see the different ways people in slums are deprived. In turn this should help them understand how to make their lives better in a more targeted and effective way.

    Background and methodological approach

    Our study focused on five big slums that lie close to the coastal line in Lagos state. These are among the slums the World Bank has identified for upgrading as part of a US$200 million loan project to improve drainage and solid waste management.

    We chose 400 respondents from the five slums: Makoko, Iwaya, Ilaje, Ijora Badia and Amukoko.

    According to Avijit Hazra and Nithya J Gogtay, researchers in bio-statistics and research methodology, a minimum of 384 samples is appropriate for a large population size. Nevertheless, the selected sample for this study limits the ability to generalise the findings to other slums, especially those with different characteristics.

    Findings

    The multidimensional poverty index was highest in Makoko and Iwaya. These scores indicate severe poverty, as they are above the threshold of 0.50.

    In contrast, Amukoko had the lowest multidimensional poverty index, showing relatively less severe deprivation across indicators.

    Makoko and Iwaya are particularly deprived in areas like schooling, sanitation and nutrition. This explains their higher poverty levels compared to other communities.

    Makoko’s location along the coast, with its makeshift housing and poor infrastructure, adds to its vulnerability. Iwaya shares similar challenges in education and health services. These factors make both areas more deprived than other slums.

    Of the three broad poverty dimensions measured, education emerged with the highest deprivation across all communities. This highlighted the limited formal education among residents.

    Specifically, Makoko and Iwaya showed the highest deprivation in schooling. Despite some improvements, particularly in child enrolment, these communities are still marked by severe deprivation.

    The second dimension exhibiting severe deprivation was living standards. There were variations across different slums. Makoko and Iwaya had higher sanitation challenges.

    The third dimension in the severe deprivation category was health. Indicators included mortality and nutrition. They were high across many slums, contributing significantly to their multidimensional poverty indexes.

    Other communities, such as Amukoko (0.0312), showed better sanitation outcomes. On the other hand, electricity, flooring and cooking fuel indicators generally showed lower levels of deprivation, with most slums scoring around or below 0.03 in these categories.

    The prevalence of both serious and minor illnesses, coupled with insufficient medical care, contributed to high mortality rates.

    Poor sanitation could also be a factor in health issues. In Makoko and Iwaya, toilet facilities and waste management were poor, with waste often disposed of in waterways.

    Despite this, personal hygiene practices such as using clean water, soap and regular brushing were prevalent. This helped keep the sanitation index relatively low compared with other factors affecting health.

    Other slums had relatively better-organised waste collection systems and generally improved sanitation practices.

    What needs to be done

    Policymakers should prioritise education-focused initiatives. This should include improving access to quality schools, providing scholarships and setting up adult literacy programmes.

    The study also highlights challenges related to sanitation, especially in Makoko and Iwaya. There is a need for improved infrastructure in these areas, such as better sanitation facilities, waste management systems and access to clean water.

    Policies should focus on upgrading sanitation services to reduce health risks and improve living conditions.

    But the differences in poverty index across slums indicate varying levels of deprivation, suggesting that a one-size-fits-all approach will not be effective.

    Coastal slums like Makoko and Iwaya require more intensive interventions compared to slums not directly on coastal lines such as Amukoko.

    Policymakers should focus resources where they are most needed to have the greatest impact.

    Slums like Ilaje and Ijora Badia are close to the threshold of severe poverty. Policymakers need to take proactive measures to prevent these communities from falling into severe deprivation.

    Lastly, it is important to use data to identify priority areas and develop targeted interventions aimed at improving the quality of life for slum dwellers.

    Instead of relying on generalised approaches, the insights from this study can facilitate the design of specific policies that address the distinct needs of each community.

    Oluwaseyi Omowunmi Popogbe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Poverty in Lagos isn’t just about money – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/poverty-in-lagos-isnt-just-about-money-heres-why-240847

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Video message for the COP16 Opening Ceremony on Biodiversity

    Source: United Nations secretary general

    Download the video: 

    https://s3.amazonaws.com/downloads2.unmultimedia.org/public/video/evergreen/MSG+SG+/SG+8+Oct+24/3271890_MSG+SG+BIODIVERSITY+OPENING+CEREMONY+08+OCT+24.mp4

    Excellencies, friends,

    I thank the Government of Colombia for hosting this important COP:

    The COP to make peace with nature;

    And the first since countries adopted the historic Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework.
     
    That Framework is grounded in a clear truth: for humanity to thrive, nature must flourish.

    Destroying nature inflames conflict, hunger and disease;

    Fuels poverty, inequality, and the climate crisis;

    And damages sustainable development, green jobs, cultural heritage, and GDP.

    A collapse in nature’s services – such as pollination, and clean water – would see the global economy lose trillions of dollars a year – with the poorest hardest hit.

    The Global Biodiversity Framework promises to reset relations with Earth and its ecosystems.

    But we are not on track.

    Your task at this COP is to convert words into action.

    That means countries presenting clear plans that align national actions with all the Framework’s targets.

    It means agreeing a strengthened monitoring and transparency framework.

    And it means honouring promises on finance – and accelerating support to developing countries.

    We must leave Cali with significant investment in the Global Biodiversity Framework Fund, and commitments to mobilise other sources of public and private finance to deliver the Framework in full.

    And those profiting from nature must contribute to its protection and restoration.

    Developing countries are being plundered:

    Digitised DNA from biodiversity underpins scientific discoveries and economic growth. But developing countries don’t gain fairly from these advances – despite being home to extraordinary richness. 

    This COP must operationalise the mechanism that has been agreed – to ensure that when countries share genetic information, they share benefits – equitably. 

    It must engage all of society – as “La COP de la gente”

    And it must strengthen the role of Indigenous Peoples and local communities.

    Indigenous Peoples are the world’s great guardians of biodiversity; luminaries of sustainable use.

    Their knowledge and stewardship must be at the heart of biodiversity action at every level. 

    Excellencies,

    We have a plan to rescue humanity from a degraded Earth.

    I look forward to seeing you in person at the end of the COP to hear how you have delivered.

    Thank you.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Education and gender equality: focus on girls isn’t fair and isn’t enough – global study

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Kathryn Watt, Research Manager, The Asenze Project, University of KwaZulu-Natal

    For the past two decades, investing in girls’ schooling has been hailed as a cornerstone of promoting gender equality in sub-Saharan Africa. Between 2016 and 2018 the World Bank Group invested US$3.2 billion in education projects benefiting adolescent girls.

    The logic is straightforward. Girls face significant barriers to education, among them poverty, insufficient academic support, adolescent pregnancy, child marriage, and school related gender-based violence. Reducing these barriers can substantially improve their educational outcomes.

    But is this approach – investing in girls’ education – fair to boys, and enough to make a meaningful impact on girls’ lives in the long term? Having studied the relationship between interventions and the way people’s lives develop in adverse contexts, we argue that the answer is no on both counts.

    We explain this view in a recent paper. In it we compare the different effects of directing development assistance: improving girls’ school enrolment, prioritising schooling for both girls and boys, and addressing barriers to gender equality throughout life.

    We used publicly available data for 136 low- and middle-income countries, including those in sub-Saharan Africa. We calculated the female-to-male ratio for important education indicators in each country to show where girls are ahead, on par or behind boys.

    Our findings suggest that the current focus on girls’ schooling may both unintentionally disadvantage boys and be a relatively inefficient means of advancing gender equality.

    Girls’ and boys’ education in sub-Saharan Africa

    We focused on two indicators to assess the current state of girls’ and boys’ education in the region:

    Harmonised learning outcomes measure learning and progress based on the results from seven different types of tests combined and made comparable among children attending school. They reflect the environmental inputs into learning and achievement, such as school quality. Completing secondary school, meanwhile, has been shown to increase a person’s potential for future development, opportunities for employment and higher education.

    In most countries in sub-Saharan Africa, girls are behind boys on secondary school completion. The average completion rate for boys is 30%. For girls it is just 24%. In southern Africa specifically, girls have higher completion rates than boys. Figure 1 shows where girls are ahead or behind on this indicator.

    Figure 1: Secondary school completion. Author provided (no reuse)

    In sub-Saharan Africa, the average harmonised learning outcomes score for boys is 301; it is 303 for girls. Our results show that, for most countries in the region, girls are achieving roughly equal scores to their male peers.

    Figure 2: Harmonised learning outcomes. Author provided (no reuse)

    This suggests that gender gaps in education are not as pronounced as is often portrayed.

    Firstly, although school completion rates are higher for boys, this gap is small, and overall completion rates remain low for both genders.

    Secondly, where boys are averaging higher levels of completed schooling, it is not due to better academic performance. Once enrolled, girls in the region tend to keep up with boys in school completion and academic performance.

    Rather than asking who is ahead, it’s more important to note that neither boys nor girls are doing well. Our results show that educational outcomes in sub-Saharan Africa – including school performance and completion – are alarmingly poor for both girls and boys.

    So, if all children in the region are clearly in need of support, why target education interventions at girls alone?

    Large disparities in later life

    The key to gender equality lies in ensuring girls and boys, and men and women, have the same opportunities to reach their potential from early life, through late childhood and adolescence, into adulthood.

    Research emphasises that human development does not hinge on any single factor such as schooling. Rather, it depends on capabilities built throughout life.

    In early childhood, proper nutrition, among other things, is crucial for developing a child’s basic physical and cognitive capabilities. These early investments protect the potential for human development.

    During childhood and adolescence, factors like quality schooling and social support allow young people to realise that potential.

    Finally, in adulthood, social norms and job opportunities determine how fully a person can use their realised potential.

    Our findings suggest that, on average, in low- and middle-income countries the development potential of girls and young women is protected and realised better than it is for boys and young men. But later in life, women don’t have as many opportunities as men to use that potential.

    This implies that initiatives focused on girls’ schooling are likely not the most effective means of promoting girls’ development or reducing gender gaps.

    Large disparities emerge later in girls’ lives. For example, our findings show that women earn less than men in almost every country in sub-Saharan Africa. These results reflect how patriarchal norms, particularly the unequal burden of housework and childcare, tend to push women into lower-paid informal or part-time work. Even when similarly qualified and in comparable positions, women typically earn less than men.

    Figure 3: Adult earnings. Author provided (no reuse)

    These findings, when considered in the context of the current state of education in the region, challenge the idea that focusing solely on girls’ education is enough to promote their lifelong development or meaningfully reduce gender inequalities.

    The argument that boys should not receive the same support as girls is weak.

    How to promote greater gender equality in sub-Saharan Africa

    Targeted interventions are likely to have the greatest impact where girls and women face the greatest barriers: in using their potential. That means, for example:

    Social protection policies, including childcare and reproductive health services, can ease women’s caregiving burden and give them the time and agency to fully participate in politics, the economy and society.

    There are also opportunities beyond government, where support for trade unions, for instance, has been shown to help narrow gender wage gaps.

    Addressing gender inequality requires a life-course approach. It should involve quality education for both genders, and tackling the policies, practices and social norms that marginalise women and girls, especially in the later stages of their lives.

    Sara Naicker, Jere Behrman and Linda Richter contributed to the research this article is based on. Dhyan Saravanja contributed to this article.

    – Education and gender equality: focus on girls isn’t fair and isn’t enough – global study
    https://theconversation.com/education-and-gender-equality-focus-on-girls-isnt-fair-and-isnt-enough-global-study-240239

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI USA: First Lady Cathy Justice places 39th Friends With Paws therapy dog in Barbour County

    Source: US State of West Virginia

    CategoriesEnglish, MIL OSI, US State Governments, US State of West Virginia

    BELINGTON, WV — First Lady Cathy Justice visited Belington Middle School today for an assembly to celebrate the arrival of the state’s newest therapy dog through the Friends With Paws program. The dog introduced at today’s event is a female Golden Retriever, named Gia.

    “We are so excited to welcome Gia to Belington Elementary and Middle School,” said First Lady Cathy Justice. “As the 39th therapy dog through the Friends With Paws program, she will bring so much love and comfort to our students, helping them feel safe, supported, and ready to learn. Gia will be a wonderful addition to the school family, and we look forward to seeing all the positive impacts she’ll bring to the lives of students and staff.”

    Several Barbour County school officials were in attendance to help celebrate Gia’s arrival.

    “We are incredibly grateful to First Lady Cathy Justice for gifting us with Gia, our new therapy dog,” said Eddie Vincent, Superintendent of Barbour County Schools. “Gia will be a wonderful addition to our school community, providing comfort, support, and a sense of joy to our students and staff. This generous gift underscores the importance of nurturing not only the minds but also the hearts of our students, and we are excited to see the positive impact Gia will have on everyone she meets.”

    The Friends With Paws program places certified therapy dogs in several schools across the state, providing companionship and comfort for students in need of a boost. As of today, a total of 39 Friends With Paws therapy dogs, including Gia, have been placed throughout the state.

    Therapy dogs are specially trained to provide comfort and support to people in various tense environments. They can help people feel at ease, improve their mood, relieve anxiety, and remove social barriers. Friends With Paws therapy dogs are highly trained and certified to show their ability to work in stressful environments, ignore distractions, and provide therapy to people with diverse backgrounds and circumstances.

    Barbour County Communities In Schools County Contact, Chris Derico, has worked for weeks with the Office of First Lady Justice, ensuring that the school students and staff are prepared for Gia’s arrival, “We are thrilled to welcome our new therapy dog to the Communities In Schools program at Belington Elementary and Middle Schools. This addition will provide invaluable emotional support to our students, creating a more nurturing and calming environment. The presence of Gia will help us build stronger connections with students, reduce stress, and promote positive mental health, making a lasting impact on their educational journey and overall well-being.”

    Following today’s assembly, students and staff had the chance to greet Gia.

    “We are thrilled to have Gia join the Belington Elementary family,” said Principal of Belington Elementary, Cindy Sigley. “Gia will not only brighten our hallways but also help foster an environment where kids will want to come. We can’t wait for Gia to stroll the halls of Belington Elementary School.”

    “We are excited to welcome our new therapy dog to Belington Middle School,” said Ben Shew, Principal of Belington Middle School. “This addition of Gia to our school will enhance both the mental health and academic success of our students.”

    The Friends With Paws program is a partnership between the Governor’s Office, West Virginia Communities In Schools (CIS) Nonprofit, and the West Virginia Department of Education. Therapy dogs are placed in schools within CIS counties where students are disproportionately affected by poverty, substance misuse, or other at-risk situations, and are in the greatest need of a support animal. The dogs serve as a healthy and friendly outlet for these students to address trauma and other social-emotional issues.
     

    More information about Friends With Paws can be found in Communities In Schools: Friends With Paws, a documentary produced by West Virginia Public Broadcasting. Click HERE to view the documentary.
     
    A 2019 study published by the National Institute of Health found that a dog’s presence in the classroom promotes a positive mood and provides significant anti-stress effects on the body.

    In addition, research shows that the simple act of petting animals releases an automatic relaxation response. Therapy animals’ lower anxiety and help people relax, provide comfort, reduce loneliness, and increase mental stimulation. They are also shown to lower blood pressure and improve cardiovascular health, reduce the number of medications some people need, help control breathing in those with anxiety, and diminish overall physical pain, among other profound benefits.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Poverty in Lagos isn’t just about money – here’s why

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Oluwaseyi Omowunmi Popogbe, Lecturer II, Crawford University

    Lagos is Nigeria’s economic powerhouse, but it has some of the worst slums in the country.

    Lagos slums are characterised by high levels of poverty – the state of not having enough resources to meet basic needs for living, such as food, water, shelter, healthcare and education.

    Poverty is multidimensional. It is not only about money. Yet poverty in Lagos slums has often been studied using traditional methods that focus mostly on income thresholds. A person is considered poor if their income falls below a certain level. This approach captures financial hardship. But it misses other aspects of poverty, such as lack of access to education, healthcare, clean water and decent living conditions.

    Measuring poverty requires a multidimensional approach, not simply an income approach. Multidimensional poverty means looking at all the aspects of deprivation to get a fuller picture of what it means to live in poverty. It helps policymakers and researchers understand that even with some income, a person may still be struggling because they don’t have other essential services.

    In a study of poverty in the Lagos State slums, two other development economists and I used a mathematical framework to model multidimensional poverty. We used what is known as the fuzzy set approach. This was developed in the 1990s as an alternative to purely monetary measures of poverty.

    The traditional monetary approach often classifies people as either “poor” or “not poor” based on specific cut-off points. In reality, poverty exists on a spectrum, and people can experience different levels of deprivation across various aspects of their lives. The fuzzy set approach accounts for this by assigning degrees of membership to different poverty indicators.

    We found considerable disparities in poverty, based on a multidimensional index, across slums in Lagos State. Our insights will enable economists and policymakers to see the different ways people in slums are deprived. In turn this should help them understand how to make their lives better in a more targeted and effective way.

    Background and methodological approach

    Our study focused on five big slums that lie close to the coastal line in Lagos state. These are among the slums the World Bank has identified for upgrading as part of a US$200 million loan project to improve drainage and solid waste management.

    We chose 400 respondents from the five slums: Makoko, Iwaya, Ilaje, Ijora Badia and Amukoko.

    According to Avijit Hazra and Nithya J Gogtay, researchers in bio-statistics and research methodology, a minimum of 384 samples is appropriate for a large population size. Nevertheless, the selected sample for this study limits the ability to generalise the findings to other slums, especially those with different characteristics.

    Findings

    The multidimensional poverty index was highest in Makoko and Iwaya. These scores indicate severe poverty, as they are above the threshold of 0.50.

    In contrast, Amukoko had the lowest multidimensional poverty index, showing relatively less severe deprivation across indicators.

    Makoko and Iwaya are particularly deprived in areas like schooling, sanitation and nutrition. This explains their higher poverty levels compared to other communities.

    Makoko’s location along the coast, with its makeshift housing and poor infrastructure, adds to its vulnerability. Iwaya shares similar challenges in education and health services. These factors make both areas more deprived than other slums.

    Of the three broad poverty dimensions measured, education emerged with the highest deprivation across all communities. This highlighted the limited formal education among residents.

    Specifically, Makoko and Iwaya showed the highest deprivation in schooling. Despite some improvements, particularly in child enrolment, these communities are still marked by severe deprivation.

    The second dimension exhibiting severe deprivation was living standards. There were variations across different slums. Makoko and Iwaya had higher sanitation challenges.

    The third dimension in the severe deprivation category was health. Indicators included mortality and nutrition. They were high across many slums, contributing significantly to their multidimensional poverty indexes.

    Other communities, such as Amukoko (0.0312), showed better sanitation outcomes. On the other hand, electricity, flooring and cooking fuel indicators generally showed lower levels of deprivation, with most slums scoring around or below 0.03 in these categories.

    The prevalence of both serious and minor illnesses, coupled with insufficient medical care, contributed to high mortality rates.

    Poor sanitation could also be a factor in health issues. In Makoko and Iwaya, toilet facilities and waste management were poor, with waste often disposed of in waterways.

    Despite this, personal hygiene practices such as using clean water, soap and regular brushing were prevalent. This helped keep the sanitation index relatively low compared with other factors affecting health.

    Other slums had relatively better-organised waste collection systems and generally improved sanitation practices.

    What needs to be done

    Policymakers should prioritise education-focused initiatives. This should include improving access to quality schools, providing scholarships and setting up adult literacy programmes.

    The study also highlights challenges related to sanitation, especially in Makoko and Iwaya. There is a need for improved infrastructure in these areas, such as better sanitation facilities, waste management systems and access to clean water.

    Policies should focus on upgrading sanitation services to reduce health risks and improve living conditions.

    But the differences in poverty index across slums indicate varying levels of deprivation, suggesting that a one-size-fits-all approach will not be effective.

    Coastal slums like Makoko and Iwaya require more intensive interventions compared to slums not directly on coastal lines such as Amukoko.

    Policymakers should focus resources where they are most needed to have the greatest impact.

    Slums like Ilaje and Ijora Badia are close to the threshold of severe poverty. Policymakers need to take proactive measures to prevent these communities from falling into severe deprivation.

    Lastly, it is important to use data to identify priority areas and develop targeted interventions aimed at improving the quality of life for slum dwellers.

    Instead of relying on generalised approaches, the insights from this study can facilitate the design of specific policies that address the distinct needs of each community.

    – Poverty in Lagos isn’t just about money – here’s why
    https://theconversation.com/poverty-in-lagos-isnt-just-about-money-heres-why-240847

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Ambitious Mobile Strategy to be considered by councillors

    Source: Scotland – City of Perth

    This strategy, developed with feedback from the public, will be discussed when Climate Change and Sustainability Committee meets on 23 October 2024.

    The Mobility Strategy is one of three critical place-based strategies designed to shape the long-term development of Perth and Kinross, alongside the Local Housing Strategy and the Local Development Plan.

    Together, these strategies are instrumental in realising the Council’s vision of “a Perth and Kinross where everyone can live life well, free from poverty and inequality.”

    The Mobility Strategy outlines Perth and Kinross Council’s vision for managing and developing the transport and active travel network over the next 15 years.

    It considers all modes of transport for the movement of people and goods across both rural and urban areas, addressing the impacts of emerging technologies, digital services, housing, inclusion, poverty, health, climate adaptation, economic growth, air quality, and place making.

    Aligned with the priorities set out in the Scottish Government’s National Transport Strategy 2 (February 2020), the Mobility Strategy adopts four key priorities: Reducing Inequalities, Taking Climate Action, Delivering Inclusive Economic Growth, and Improving Health and Wellbeing.

    These priorities are fundamental to the development and delivery of the strategy, ensuring it meets both national targets and local goals.

    Councillors will also be asked to approve the next priorities for the Local Heat and Energy Efficiency Strategy (LHEES) and Local Area Energy Plan (LAEP) for the upcoming 12-18 months.

    The Perth and Kinross LAEP envisions the area as a leading example of affordable and equitable access to sustainable energy for all residents, businesses, and organisations.

    By 2045, the area aims to achieve an integrated, net-zero local energy system. Similarly, the Perth and Kinross LHEES aims to make homes and buildings more energy efficient and equipped with decarbonised heat sources, providing more affordable warmth and reduce climate impact, all contributing to achieving our goal of Net Zero by 2045.

    In line with these initiatives, committee members will be asked to approve the Council’s Public Body Climate Change Duty report. The report outlines the Council’s actions and progress in addressing climate change within its own operations, with a 31% reduction in its overall emissions. The decrease is primarily attributed to improvements in waste processing and the transition from waste to energy. Additionally, there were modest reductions in emissions from on-site energy production, business travel and employee commuting.

    Councillor Richard Watters, Convenor of Climate Change and Sustainability Committee said: “We are deeply grateful to the public for their active involvement and valuable feedback throughout the development of the Mobility Strategy. Their participation has been crucial in shaping a strategy that is robust, relevant, and adaptable to the diverse needs of our community.

    “We also want to recognise the outstanding work made through the Local Heat and Energy Efficiency Strategy (LHEES), the Local Area Energy Plan (LAEP) and the Council’s own initiatives in tackling climate change.  It is truly encouraging to see the Council’s substantial reduction in overall emissions, equivalent to 12.5 kilotonnes of C02, between 2022/23 and 2023/24.

    “Despite facing financial challenges, we are striving forward with new priorities for the next 12 to 18 months. Together, we are paving the way for a sustainable and prosperous future for Perth and Kinross.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By David E Kiwuwa, Associate Professor of International Studies, University of Nottingham

    Cameroon’s President Paul Biya is 91 years old. He is Africa’s oldest head of state and only one has served longer: President Teodoro Obiang Nguema of neighbouring Equatorial Guinea, who is 82 years old.

    Biya has been Cameroon’s president since 1982. Prior to that, he was prime minister from 1975.

    In recent weeks there has been growing speculation about the nonagenarian’s health. Some rumours even suggested that he had died. This led the Cameroonian government to issue a statement banning all reports about his health.

    These cycles of rumour have recurred whenever Biya has “gone missing” for extended periods of time. Before he arrived at Yaoundé’s international airport on 21 October, Biya was last seen in public on 8 September, when he attended a China-Africa forum in Beijing.

    Cameroon has known only two presidents since independence. For 60% of the country’s youth population, Biya is the only president they have known.


    Read more: Paul Biya has been Cameroon’s president for 40 years – and he might win office yet again


    The country finds itself in a precarious situation, uncertain about what will happen after Biya, who has ruled with an iron fist.

    Long term incumbencies don’t usually end well. Examples across the continent illustrate the high potential for political instability. The most vivid cases include Libya, Tunisia, Sudan, Gabon, Chad and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    For me as an associate professor of international studies and researcher of regime transformation in Africa, Cameroon holds specific interest because of its regime resilience over the decades, when many in the region haven’t fared as well.

    My view is that Cameroon will, sooner rather than later, hit an inflection point post-Biya. Cameroon lacks strong constitutional guard rails, so succession is bound to be a very messy affair.

    Second, due to years of nepotism and tribalism institutionalised by Biya, there will be heightened potential for regional and ethnic tensions or conflict – even a general breakdown of law and order.

    Lastly, the military establishment could well make a move in the name of safeguarding the republic in times of uncertainty.

    The legacy

    Cameroon is endowed with abundant resources, including oil, gas and timber. It is also strategically located at a crossroads between west and central Africa on the Atlantic coast, an entry point to landlocked inner regions.

    Yet, according to the World Food Programme, over 55% of Cameroonians live in poverty and 37.7% are severely impoverished.

    The country’s infrastructure is in poor shape. While the Douala port has been modernised and railway regional linkages such as the Douala-Yaoundé lines have been expanded, road and railway infrastructure are barely functional.

    According to Transparency International, corruption is endemic in Cameroon. The country ranks 140th out of 180. This is despite official efforts to do something about it.

    In 1982 Biya capitalised on the anti-corruption sentiment that had been directed at the Amadou Ahidjo regime. Biya promised an anti-corruption “new deal”. Despite initial progress, by the early 1990s Cameroon was topping the world’s corruption tables.

    Critics suggest that Biya has also used his anti-corruption drive to keep his potential competitors in check.

    Nepotism and tribalism continue as Biya has established a patron-client state system. For example, the Beti people, who are the president’s ethnic kin, are reported to take up a disproportionate slice of senior positions in government and the military. Yet they account for a small percentage of the population.

    This has bred a kleptocratic system matched only by widespread communal resentment.


    Read more: Cameroon: how language plunged a country into deadly conflict with no end in sight


    There are other deep fissures in Cameroonian society. Socially, the country became a federated entity at independence in 1960. Two language groups – French and English speaking – came together for a United Republic of Cameroon.

    For a while this unity held. But increasing disenchantment with Biya’s regime, especially the marginalisation of the Anglophone south-west, developed into a rebellion in 2016. Thousands of people have been killed and tens of thousands displaced. It has also resulted in an increased crackdown by the central authority.

    Today, Cameroon is a fractured society with the south-west calling for increased autonomy and language justice and even self-determination. The creation of the Commission of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism and designating special status to the rebellious regions has done little to quell the crisis.

    Regional role

    Regionally, Cameroon has been a key partner for the US and France through tackling Boko Haram in the region. The country has been directly affected by the attacks of this Islamist group, which originated in Nigeria and has extended its reign of terror across the region.

    The anti-terror campaign has seen a close US-France-Cameroon relationship with military and intelligence strategic cooperation.

    Equally Biya can be lauded for having peacefully settled the Bakassi peninsula crisis with Nigeria, a territorial border dispute, thereby averting regional instability.

    There are not yet obvious signs that, after Biya, the Franco-Cameroon relationship would come under strain similar to other scenarios in the region.

    France has built a steady political and economic relationship with Cameroon, investing heavily in the region, providing political cover to the regime and entering into a defence pact.

    This relationship has also benefited many a political and military elite. Barring any monumental development, it is bound to be sustained in the post-Biya era.


    Read more: Cameroon spends 90% of Chinese development loans on its French region: this could deepen the country’s divisions


    Fractured political landscape

    Biya’s longevity at the helm of Cameroon politics is testament to his ability to mobilise all state resources, power and constitutional levers for his lifetime presidency. He has outmanoeuvred all political competitors.

    This has enabled him to avoid the fate of neighbouring countries such as Central African Republic, Niger, Chad and Gabon, where governments have been overthrown by military coups.

    In 1992 Biya agreed to a multiparty dispensation. But since then, he has engineered removal of term limits and he is on his seventh term of office.

    But in the evening of his years, and in the absence of a designated successor or an elite pact, there is a real possibility that various factions of the Biya regime such as that of Frank Biya, Ngoh Ngoh, Laurent Esso or even the military will jostle and fight for power.

    Without a political culture of constitutional constraint, instability seems inevitable. And the south-west rebellion might escalate its military and political pressure for better leverage with whoever comes to power post-Biya.

    Whether the next political leadership will be able to set a transformative agenda for socio-political reconciliation and national renewal will be dictated by their ability to strike a grand compromise.

    – Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle
    https://theconversation.com/cameroon-after-paul-biya-poverty-uncertainty-and-a-precarious-succession-battle-241312

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By David E Kiwuwa, Associate Professor of International Studies, University of Nottingham

    Cameroon’s President Paul Biya is 91 years old. He is Africa’s oldest head of state and only one has served longer: President Teodoro Obiang Nguema of neighbouring Equatorial Guinea, who is 82 years old.

    Biya has been Cameroon’s president since 1982. Prior to that, he was prime minister from 1975.

    In recent weeks there has been growing speculation about the nonagenarian’s health. Some rumours even suggested that he had died. This led the Cameroonian government to issue a statement banning all reports about his health.

    These cycles of rumour have recurred whenever Biya has “gone missing” for extended periods of time. Before he arrived at Yaoundé’s international airport on 21 October, Biya was last seen in public on 8 September, when he attended a China-Africa forum in Beijing.

    Cameroon has known only two presidents since independence. For 60% of the country’s youth population, Biya is the only president they have known.




    Read more:
    Paul Biya has been Cameroon’s president for 40 years – and he might win office yet again


    The country finds itself in a precarious situation, uncertain about what will happen after Biya, who has ruled with an iron fist.

    Long term incumbencies don’t usually end well. Examples across the continent illustrate the high potential for political instability. The most vivid cases include Libya, Tunisia, Sudan, Gabon, Chad and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    For me as an associate professor of international studies and researcher of regime transformation in Africa, Cameroon holds specific interest because of its regime resilience over the decades, when many in the region haven’t fared as well.

    My view is that Cameroon will, sooner rather than later, hit an inflection point post-Biya. Cameroon lacks strong constitutional guard rails, so succession is bound to be a very messy affair.

    Second, due to years of nepotism and tribalism institutionalised by Biya, there will be heightened potential for regional and ethnic tensions or conflict – even a general breakdown of law and order.

    Lastly, the military establishment could well make a move in the name of safeguarding the republic in times of uncertainty.

    The legacy

    Cameroon is endowed with abundant resources, including oil, gas and timber. It is also strategically located at a crossroads between west and central Africa on the Atlantic coast, an entry point to landlocked inner regions.

    Yet, according to the World Food Programme, over 55% of Cameroonians live in poverty and 37.7% are severely impoverished.

    The country’s infrastructure is in poor shape. While the Douala port has been modernised and railway regional linkages such as the Douala-Yaoundé lines have been expanded, road and railway infrastructure are barely functional.

    According to Transparency International, corruption is endemic in Cameroon. The country ranks 140th out of 180. This is despite official efforts to do something about it.

    In 1982 Biya capitalised on the anti-corruption sentiment that had been directed at the Amadou Ahidjo regime. Biya promised an anti-corruption “new deal”. Despite initial progress, by the early 1990s Cameroon was topping the world’s corruption tables.

    Critics suggest that Biya has also used his anti-corruption drive to keep his potential competitors in check.

    Nepotism and tribalism continue as Biya has established a patron-client state system. For example, the Beti people, who are the president’s ethnic kin, are reported to take up a disproportionate slice of senior positions in government and the military. Yet they account for a small percentage of the population.

    This has bred a kleptocratic system matched only by widespread communal resentment.




    Read more:
    Cameroon: how language plunged a country into deadly conflict with no end in sight


    There are other deep fissures in Cameroonian society. Socially, the country became a federated entity at independence in 1960. Two language groups – French and English speaking – came together for a United Republic of Cameroon.

    For a while this unity held. But increasing disenchantment with Biya’s regime, especially the marginalisation of the Anglophone south-west, developed into a rebellion in 2016. Thousands of people have been killed and tens of thousands displaced. It has also resulted in an increased crackdown by the central authority.

    Today, Cameroon is a fractured society with the south-west calling for increased autonomy and language justice and even self-determination. The creation of the Commission of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism and designating special status to the rebellious regions has done little to quell the crisis.

    Regional role

    Regionally, Cameroon has been a key partner for the US and France through tackling Boko Haram in the region. The country has been directly affected by the attacks of this Islamist group, which originated in Nigeria and has extended its reign of terror across the region.

    The anti-terror campaign has seen a close US-France-Cameroon relationship with military and intelligence strategic cooperation.

    Equally Biya can be lauded for having peacefully settled the Bakassi peninsula crisis with Nigeria, a territorial border dispute, thereby averting regional instability.

    There are not yet obvious signs that, after Biya, the Franco-Cameroon relationship would come under strain similar to other scenarios in the region.

    France has built a steady political and economic relationship with Cameroon, investing heavily in the region, providing political cover to the regime and entering into a defence pact.

    This relationship has also benefited many a political and military elite. Barring any monumental development, it is bound to be sustained in the post-Biya era.




    Read more:
    Cameroon spends 90% of Chinese development loans on its French region: this could deepen the country’s divisions


    Fractured political landscape

    Biya’s longevity at the helm of Cameroon politics is testament to his ability to mobilise all state resources, power and constitutional levers for his lifetime presidency. He has outmanoeuvred all political competitors.

    This has enabled him to avoid the fate of neighbouring countries such as Central African Republic, Niger, Chad and Gabon, where governments have been overthrown by military coups.

    In 1992 Biya agreed to a multiparty dispensation. But since then, he has engineered removal of term limits and he is on his seventh term of office.

    But in the evening of his years, and in the absence of a designated successor or an elite pact, there is a real possibility that various factions of the Biya regime such as that of Frank Biya, Ngoh Ngoh, Laurent Esso or even the military will jostle and fight for power.

    Without a political culture of constitutional constraint, instability seems inevitable. And the south-west rebellion might escalate its military and political pressure for better leverage with whoever comes to power post-Biya.

    Whether the next political leadership will be able to set a transformative agenda for socio-political reconciliation and national renewal will be dictated by their ability to strike a grand compromise.

    David E Kiwuwa does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle – https://theconversation.com/cameroon-after-paul-biya-poverty-uncertainty-and-a-precarious-succession-battle-241312

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Beyond survival: Helping children and adults cope with the traumas of war in Lebanon

    Source: Médecins Sans Frontières –

    “My daughter is only 14, but with all the difficulties we’ve faced, she’s reacting like an adult to the bombings,” says Ezdihar, a displaced mother in Lebanon. “She’s had to grow up quickly.”

    On the night of 28 September, Ezdihar and her family were having dinner at home in the southern suburbs of Beirut when they received an alert about an imminent strike by Israeli forces. While her husband went to care for his mother, Ezdihar took her children and, with neighbours, sought refuge in central Beirut.

    After spending a night on the streets, they moved into the Azarieh shelter, a repurposed commercial building now housing around 3,500 displaced people. Today, they are among 1.2 million people displaced by the war between Hezbollah and Israel, according to Lebanese authorities.

    Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is attending to the medical and mental health needs of people living in collective shelters like Azarieh, including children like Ezdihar’s daughter. She is one of a generation navigating a landscape of fear and uncertainty, in which children are hit the hardest. 

    The mental health impacts of war and displacement

    In less than a month since the escalation of war, more than 2,300 people have been killed in Lebanon, with the majority of deaths occurring in the last 3 weeks. More than 11,100 have been injured, according to health authorities.

    The violence and destruction people are witnessing can have lasting impacts on psychological and emotional well-being, especially for children. Like Ezdihar’s daughter, countless children across Lebanon have had to grow up quickly under the harsh realities of war, including being uprooted from their homes, having their schooling disrupted, being separated from their friends, and losing access to basic necessities like food and shelter.

    Ezdihar, a displaced mother in Lebanon “My daughter is only 14, but with all the difficulties we’ve faced, she’s reacting like an adult to the bombings.”

    “Many parents are observing behavioural issues in their children—anger, aggression, and other troubling behaviors—which heightens concern for their well-being,” said Amani Al Mashaqba, MSF’s mental health activity manager in the Bekaa governorate.

    Children are not the only ones in need of mental health support, however. Many of MSF’s patients report feeling overwhelmed and traumatised by the constant threat of violence, expressing deep concerns about their future in an unstable environment.

    Grief over lost family members and the pain of separation due to displacement further compound their distress. Others worry about managing chronic health conditions or the possibility of missing a year of school. These experiences have had a significant impact on people’s mental health.

    “People are expressing a strong need for mental health services, particularly for trauma,” Al Mashaqba added. “It’s affecting their daily lives, from sleep disturbances to appetite loss.”

    MSF teams are responding by providing general and mental healthcare to displaced people, including psychological first aid and psychoeducation through our mobile medical units across the country. However, getting people to acknowledge their struggles and express vulnerability isn’t always easy.

    Many feel they should remain resilient in the face of hardship, as our mental health teams have observed. Convincing them that it is okay to experience emotions has been a challenge at times, particularly for young boys who are commonly taught to suppress their feelings.

    An MSF staff member organises activities for children in Azareh shelter. Beirut, Lebanon, 11 October 2024.
    Antoni Lallican/Hans Lucas

    To further extend this support, MSF has also launched a helpline through which people can receive remote assistance from clinical psychologists who help manage trauma-related symptoms such as anxiety and grief.

    A helpline for healing

    The MSF helpline allows us to reach people who are unable to access our services in person, particularly in the south of Lebanon, where heavy bombardments and mobility restrictions make travel difficult. This accessibility is crucial during such a volatile period, as many individuals are on the move and face barriers to accessing care including the high cost of transportation and cultural stigma surrounding mental health.

    Many of the helpline callers are parents facing difficulty trying to help their children cope during the war, often while noticing changes in their children’s behavior.

    Parents are struggling to explain the frightening sounds of bombs and gunfire to their kids, at times resorting to misleading explanations in an effort to reassure them. Gunfire, for example, may be described as “happy shooting,” such as shots fired in celebration during weddings. Our helpline psychologists equip parents with strategies to communicate honestly and create safe spaces for their children to express their feelings.

    “While we must be realistic about the situation, we also need to normalise their feelings,” explained Al Mashaqba. “It’s important for parents to listen to their children and understand how the sounds affect them. They can encourage kids to share their feelings through drawing or talking.”

    Facing increasing demand, the helpline has seen a dramatic rise in calls, from five calls a day in the beginning to as many as 80 in a single afternoon. Overall, the helpline has received nearly 300 mental health calls, the majority coming in the last two weeks alone.

    In addition, our mobile teams have facilitated psychological first aid group sessions for nearly 5,000 individuals as of 21 October, and more than 450 people have benefitted from individual mental health sessions.

    Our teams also provide psychological first aid, which includes active listening and techniques for stress relief, allowing patients to express their feelings and concerns. Along with critical medical and mental healthcare, our teams are also distributing essential items such as mattresses and hygiene kits to displaced people.

    A country in crisis

    This current war comes on the heels of a prolonged economic crisis that left over 80 per cent of the Lebanese population living below the poverty line and in urgent need of assistance. The healthcare sector has faced severe challenges, with public services deteriorating and private healthcare becoming increasingly unaffordable.

    “One of my psychologists shared that when a woman learned our services are free, she began to cry,” Al Mashaqba noted. “People are often unaccustomed to having access to these kinds of resources without the financial burden.”

    Moreover, Lebanon is home to a significant number of refugees, including 1.5 million Syrians and over 200,000 Palestinians, many of whom have faced repeated displacements. For these individuals, the fear of deportation and the struggle to find safety can be overwhelming.
     
    “Some have told me they would rather die than experience the trauma of being a refugee again,” Al Mashaqba said.

    MSF is conducting ongoing needs assessments for internally displaced people, and as the situation evolves, our teams are working closely with partners and hospital networks to provide comprehensive support wherever possible.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kim Jong-un sends North Korean troops to fight in Ukraine – here’s what this means for the war

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ra Mason, Lecturer in International Relations and Japanese Foreign Policy, University of East Anglia

    It is still unclear how many North Korean soldiers will find their way onto the killing fields of eastern Ukraine. What is clear is that the drive to recruit fighting forces from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is at least in part politically motivated. But is it also a tactical masterstroke that will boost the Russian war machine’s chances of a definitive victory?

    The political aspect appears straightforward. The use of foreign forces from an enemy of the United States demonstrates a clear show of opposition towards the Washington-led global order. It also deals a further blow to the myth that the Russian Federation is isolated, as an international pariah, in a world led by western powers.

    But despite boosting troop numbers, there are multiple problems with these would-be mercenaries from the far east joining Putin’s forces on the front line in Europe. North Korea is impoverished and authoritarian. This means its personnel are mostly poorly equipped, unmotivated and undernourished. Where and how they are deployed will, therefore, likely be critical.

    If sent into new theatres of war against state-of-the-art Nato-supplied weaponry, it could effectively mean waves of ill-prepared cannon fodder being thrown into the meat grinder of Donbas’ trenches. Most would surely be killed by FPV (first-person view) drones or western tank fire.

    Defections could well pose an additional risk. If commanded outside the immediate control of Korean officers in the field, some will doubtless view this as a chance to escape oppression and poverty in their homeland. Desertions en masse to the Ukrainian side might become a possibility. Even more so if identified and directed how to surrender by Ukrainian, or other, special forces on the ground.

    Considering these seemingly obvious flaws, it would be easy to assume the deliberate showcasing of training camps in eastern Russia for North Korean soldiers is little more than a political gimmick. One that is designed to strike fear into an already struggling Ukrainian army and poke its western backers in the eye. At the same time, there may be cause to think there is more to this move than pure politics.

    Rules of engagement

    The difference between supplying artillery shells for Russian guns and putting bodies on the line is stark.

    But this fundamental difference does not necessarily mean that there is no tactical value to the deployment of Korean forces on the battlefield. The key likely lies in where and how they are deployed.

    There is the immediate question of international law. Or, perhaps more importantly, how Nato countries might respond to further breaches of the established rules of engagement by Russian directed foreign forces. For sure, use of Korean mercenaries to fight in the Donbas region, which is recognised by western allies as Ukrainian territory, would constitute a gross violation.

    The response from Nato could be rapid and definitive, as it would effectively justify proportionate use of force, including foreign personnel, to counter any subsequent Russian advances. This would likely result in an own goal for Putin. Any initial advantage gained would quickly be lost as friends of Ukraine justifiably enter the fray to push back an illegal Moscow-Pyongyang alliance of aggression. Escalation thereafter would also be a serious and grave concern.

    Conversely, if deployed in a combination of technical and logistical roles, or primarily to defend Russian territory, the utility of additional manpower becomes more credible. Not least, it would seem legitimate from an international legal perspective for Russia to seek assistance from alliance partners in repelling Ukraine’s incursion into the Kursk region of southwestern Russia.

    This could deal a double blow to Kyiv. On the one hand it would likely supply sufficient personnel to rapidly finish off the already threadbare Ukrainian forces holding on to captured sovereign Russian territory. At the same time, Moscow’s own military machine would be able to focus its entire attention on the already growing advances being made along the Donbas front.

    Distraction from the end game

    North Korea’s influence on the international stage has grown since the start of the war in Ukraine as its massive stockpiles of ammunition proved significant in Russia’s attritional tactics. In that respect, the addition of foreign fighters may add a further factor in Moscow’s favour if skilfully deployed and directed.

    Ultimately, however, the limited dispatch of inexperienced Korean troops to a war zone in which they have no legal or moral basis to be sent is unlikely to prove decisive. As it stands, with or without the help of forces supplied by North Korea’s despotic leader, Kim Jong-Un, Russia’s brutal military advance looks set to grind on.

    In these regards, the arrival of North Koreans to Europe’s worst war for a generation is probably little more than another bizarre episode in this cruel conflict. The real concern is how authoritarian states such as Russia and North Korea can be transformed into something resembling civilised societies that might pursue more positive foreign policy pathways.

    Ra Mason does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Kim Jong-un sends North Korean troops to fight in Ukraine – here’s what this means for the war – https://theconversation.com/kim-jong-un-sends-north-korean-troops-to-fight-in-ukraine-heres-what-this-means-for-the-war-241876

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: US election 2024: getting out the youth vote will be crucial in a knife-edge contest

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By James Sloam, Professor of Politics, Royal Holloway University of London

    The US presidential election is on a knife edge. The polls are predicting 50/50 races in several states, including Pennsylvania, Georgia, North Carolina and Nevada.

    The results in these states are likely to be crucial in deciding whether it is the Democratic nominee, Kamala Harris, or her Republican rival, Donald Trump, who will be sitting in the White House come January 2025. The youth vote will play a key role in determining victory in such a tight race.

    Younger voters in the US have leaned heavily towards the Democratic party in recent presidential elections. But this is a relatively new phenomenon. In 2000, young Americans aged 18 to 30 voted for George Bush and Al Gore at an almost identical rate to the general population, favouring Democrat Gore by 48% to 47%.

    The swell in youth support for the Democrats only began with Barack Obama in 2008, when he defeated John McCain by two to one in this demographic (66% to 32%). This was followed by a slightly smaller – albeit still substantial – margin of victory for Obama over Mitt Romney (60% to 37%) in 2012. The current US president, Joe Biden, enjoyed a similar advantage over Trump among young voters in 2020 (61% to 36%).

    Youth support for the Democrats has proved to be particularly strong among young women, and Latino and black voters who are opposed to the illiberalism of Trump’s Republican party. Polls suggest that Biden secured an estimated 67%, 69% and 89% of the vote respectively from these groups four years ago.

    Young women also drove a surge in youth participation in the 2022 midterms in reaction to a Supreme Court ruling that now allows states to deny women the right to abortion. This contributed to results that were much better than expected for the Democrats in Congress.

    Younger voters in the US have leaned heavily towards Democratic party candidates in recent presidential elections.
    James Sloam, CC BY-NC-ND

    Youth turnout in the US is low by international standards. But in the 2020 presidential election – a highly polarised race between Biden and Trump – a record half of young Americans turned out to vote. This compared to around two-thirds of the registered electorate, which was itself the highest rate of turnout for over a century.

    On the surface, Harris’s presidential bid might have been expected to boost youth support and participation further. She is a woman of mixed heritage with socially progressive views, who is generally seen as likeable and is the antithesis of Trump.

    And younger voters do, indeed, prefer Harris to Trump, but by an unconvincing margin, compared with support for previous Democratic candidates. In a recent opinion poll conducted by YouGov and the Economist, 55% of young people stated that they would vote for Harris compared to 39% for Trump.

    This speaks of a broader disillusionment with electoral politics among young Americans. There is some disaffection over the Biden administration’s lack of action over issues such as climate change, gun control and the war in Gaza.

    But, most importantly in this election, there is a sense that neither party has attended to the economic hardships that have left young Americans feeling that they are unlikely to be better off than their parents’ generation.

    After being buffeted by high inflation, today’s young people (gen Z) are spending over 30% more on housing, almost 50% more on health insurance, and twice as much on car insurance than millennials.

    The 2016 presidential race showed that young people in the US are much more supportive of Bernie Sanders’ more radical version of the Democratic party than has been offered by Clinton, Biden and Harris – the more centrists candidates who have made it through to become the Democratic candidate in the past three elections. In the 2016 primaries, more young Americans voted for Sanders than for Clinton and Trump put together.

    Increasing youth turnout

    The lack of enthusiasm for establishment Democratic party candidates means that efforts to bring out the youth vote are of central importance. This is particularly true in the key states Harris needs to win to become president.

    In the 2020 election, voter registration drives among young people played a key role in Democratic wins in incredibly tight state races. In Georgia, for example, it is widely accepted that the large increase in youth turnout flipped the state for Biden in a race that came down to just 12,000 votes.

    Last month, I spent time in Philadelphia, a city at the heart of Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania is the most important swing state in the US, with 19 of the country’s 538 electoral college votes. When I was there, I spoke to young people and a leader of PA Youth Vote, a bipartisan initiative set up to improve youth voter registration and turnout in the state.

    PA Youth Vote had a clear understanding that, to increase youth turnout, they need to focus on making young people aware of how politics and voting matters for their everyday lives, and how they can have an impact on the issues they care about in their local areas by engaging with local officials and the democratic process.

    The aim of the initiative is to meet “the youth where they are, going to their schools, their neighbourhoods and their spaces” to give young people a positive reason to go out and vote.

    The Harris campaign – and US politics in general – can learn a lot from these grassroots movements. Their efforts to make politics matter for young Americans have the potential to increase youth participation.

    The success of these bipartisan efforts to bring out the youth vote will undoubtedly be critical to the presidential race, given the preference of young people for Harris over Trump. But it is critical for American democracy that politicians engage with young people on the issues they care about, such as education, crime, policing and poverty, all the time – and not just when asking for votes.

    On returning to the airport on the way back from Pennsylvania, I was speaking to the young African-American man who was driving my taxi. He believed that Trump was a racist, but also that neither party would do anything for him and his community. In his view, there was no point in voting, even in a key marginal state.

    This highlights the lack of proper discussion in the presidential race about how persistent economic inequalities are undermining American democracy in a very material sense for individual young people.

    James Sloam does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. US election 2024: getting out the youth vote will be crucial in a knife-edge contest – https://theconversation.com/us-election-2024-getting-out-the-youth-vote-will-be-crucial-in-a-knife-edge-contest-240500

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Edinburgh’s ‘Smart City’ strategy to boost digital inclusion and sustainability

    Source: Scotland – City of Edinburgh

    Skyline of Edinburgh – image credit Getty

    A new digital strategy will push forward Edinburgh’s ambitions for becoming a sustainable and inclusive Smart City.

    The Digital and Smart City strategy 2024 – 2027 – aimed at accelerating the city’s technological transformation – was approved by members of the Policy and Sustainability Committee today (Tuesday 22 October). 

    Since the launch of Edinburgh’s previous Smart City strategy in 2020, the council has made significant progress in using digital tools to improve the city’s infrastructure and services. Achievements include:

    • Better website accessibility standards and translation tools to improve online access to Council services for all
    • Greater citywide connectivity through better digital infrastructure, including citywide fibre networks and public Wi-Fi, making internet access inclusive
    • Introduction of integrated real-time public transport information and 24/7 monitoring of busy areas, helping to keep the city moving and safe
    • A focus on improving digital literacy, equipping people with skills to participate in online activities and gain employment
    • Providing 1 to 1 electronic devices for all P6-S6 and staff, plus 1 to 5 shared devices for all other learners in P1-P5, to combat a digital learning divide
    • Installing 11,000 bin sensors around the city to help waste crews identify hot-spot areas for bin collections and plan routes efficiently, keeping the city clean and green
    • The installation of damp sensors into 500 homes to help detect early repairs and to promote health and wellbeing 
    • Mandatory cyber training for all council workers to build resilience and digital safety at a time of increased attacks on largescale organisations
    • Edinburgh cited as one of the UK’s fastest-growing tech hubs, with over 15,000 people working in software development alone.

    Council Leader Cammy Day said:

    Our biggest priorities for Edinburgh are to create good places to live and work, tackle poverty and inequality and become a net zero city. Our Smart City approach is central to all three of those aims.

    We’ve achieved a lot in the last three years to make Council services more efficient and accessible and to improve connectivity – but we have a big ambition to make sure every resident, regardless of background or ability, has access to affordable digital services and the skills they need.

    We plan to build on our use of smart technology to improve day to day council services, and we’re looking at using data monitoring to better understand how people get around and use the city. Edinburgh is a growing magnet for tech and we plan to partner with universities, companies and start-ups to further grow and attract global investment.

    By embracing innovation, we can improve the quality of life for everyone who lives and works here.

    A further report on the Council’s implementation of the Smart Cities Strategy will be brought to a future meeting of the Policy and Sustainability Committee.

    Published: October 22nd 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: Maryland Delegation Announces $48.7 Million for Maryland-Based Non-Profits to Expand Workforce Development Opportunities

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman C.A. Dutch Ruppersberger (2nd District of Maryland)

    WASHINGTON – U.S. Senators Ben Cardin and Chris Van Hollen and Congressmen Dutch Ruppersberger, John Sarbanes, Jamie Raskin and David Trone (all D-Md.) today announced $48,722,721 in Department of Labor (DOL) funding to bolster workforce development opportunities for underrepresented groups in Maryland and across the country including older adults, young adults with disabilities and women.

    The funding is administered through three DOL grant programs.

    • Senior Community Service Employment Program (SCSEP) grants provide training and career services to low-income older individuals who are seeking to enter or re-enter the workforce.
    • Workforce Pathways for Youth(WPY) grants help out-of-school time organizations partner with state and local organizations that serve historically marginalized and underserved youth to provide workforce readiness programming.
    • Womenin Apprenticeship and Nontraditional Occupations(WANTO) grants provide technical assistance to support women’s participation in fields where they are traditionally underrepresented, such as construction, advanced manufacturing, energy, technology and transportation.

    “Supporting pathways to competitive, good-paying jobs through opportunities like apprenticeships and other training initiatives helps ensure everyone can contribute to a thriving economy,” said the lawmakers. “These workforce development programs provide inclusive training options that can serve as a bridge between skilled workers and career opportunities. We’re investing in these efforts led by Maryland-based organizations so that workers here and across the country can reach their full potential and employers can tap into a diverse pipeline of talent.”

    The following projects received awards: 

    • $30,071,551 for the Center for Workforce Inclusion, Inc., Silver Spring, MD: Toprovide training for low-income, unemployed people aged 55 and older in a variety of community service activities at non-profit and public agencies, including schools, hospitals, day-care centers, senior centers in Maryland and service areas across 11 other states: Alabama, Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Wisconsin.
    • $14,640,900 for Goodwill Industries International, Inc., Rockville, MD: To provide training and employment services for older workers in service areas across 10 states: Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Missouri, Montana, New Mexico, Ohio, South Carolina, Virginia and Washington.
    • $3,294,240 for Bridges from School to Work, Inc., Bethesda, MD: Toexpand workforce development services for youth with disabilities aged 16 to 21 across 10 Bridge cities: Los Angeles, CA; Oakland, CA; San Francisco, CA; Atlanta, GA; Chicago, IL; Boston, MA; New York City, NY; Philadelphia, PA; Dallas, TX; and Fort Worth, TX.
    • $716,030 for the Maryland Center for Construction Education and Innovation, Parkton, MD: To use the state’s existing infrastructure to expand women’s participation in quality registered apprenticeship programs through equity-focused, pre-apprenticeship programs with a focus on the two regions with the highest rates of child poverty: Baltimore City and Somerset County. 

    “The funding we’re announcing today advances the Biden-Harris administration’s goal of promoting worker-focused training programs that incorporate industry and worker voices,” said Acting Labor Secretary Julie Su. “The grants will help enhance access to quality jobs for care workers and people in critical sectors, broaden job training and career opportunities for youth and strengthen public-private partnerships that prepare workers for high-quality infrastructure jobs.”

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Five Country Ministerial 2024 – Joint statement on Irregular Migration

    Source: US Department of Homeland Security

    The Five Countries have a long and proud tradition of welcoming migrants and providing protection to the most vulnerable people across the world. We remain committed to promoting and protecting the human rights of all migrants, including refugees, and will continue to offer protection in line with our international obligations. We will strive to ensure the successful integration into our respective countries and communities of migrants and refugees who have a lawful right to remain. It is our responsibility to ensure that we have the necessary national, regional and international architecture in place to maximise the positive aspects of safe, orderly and regular migration, whilst also addressing global irregular migration. 

    Globally, irregular migration and forced displacement have increased in scale. This presents complex challenges that need to be addressed through a well-managed, coordinated, flexible and whole-of-route strategy. We recognise the value of a comprehensive approach which takes into account the diverse and multi-dimensional drivers of irregular movement and forced displacement. These drivers can include conflict and violence, poverty, political instability, crime and corruption, environmental degradation and climate change, or the seeking of family reunification or economic opportunities. 

    The Five Countries aim to work together to identify and implement consistent, equitable, and mutually beneficial partnerships that develop and stabilise source countries, improve the capacity of transit countries, and deter individuals from embarking on dangerous or irregular journeys or attempting to misuse our migration systems. 

    Further, the Five Countries remain committed to disrupting the activities of bad actors, and taking swift action against those who exploit the vulnerable and who violate, or facilitate the violation of, our respective immigration laws. This includes working to combat attempts to misuse our migration systems, including through visa fraud. We will endeavour to prevent and disrupt people smuggling activities and prosecute the people smuggling groups and facilitators responsible. We will also seek to return, in a fair, safe and orderly manner, those individuals who have no legal basis to remain in our countries, consistent with our domestic and international obligations. 

    As partners, the Five Countries acknowledge the existing international migration and protection frameworks and value the activities and partnerships with international organisations across the migration space, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the International Criminal Police Organisation (INTERPOL). We will continue to collaborate with these institutions and leverage existing national, regional and international frameworks to bolster our responses through strengthened institutions, systems and processes. 

    The Five Countries encourage pragmatic approaches to establishing migration policies and managing their sovereign borders in defence of national security, and in accordance with our obligations under national and international law. To this end, we affirm our collective responsibility to identify and better understand the evolving challenges of irregular migration. We commit to working together, learning from best practice based on robust evidence and analysis to identify and implement effective and sustainable solutions. Our efforts will include taking bold, flexible approaches and action, where needed. 

    The Five Countries agree that it is through committed and focused partnerships that we will deliver results on providing protection to the most vulnerable whilst protecting our borders and maintaining public confidence in our migration and protection systems, in line with our international obligations and commitments. 

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Five Country Ministerial 2024 – Joint statement on Irregular Migration

    Source: US Federal Emergency Management Agency

    Headline: Five Country Ministerial 2024 – Joint statement on Irregular Migration

    Globally, irregular migration and forced displacement have increased in scale. This presents complex challenges that need to be addressed through a well-managed, coordinated, flexible and whole-of-route strategy. We recognise the value of a comprehensive approach which takes into account the diverse and multi-dimensional drivers of irregular movement and forced displacement. These drivers can include conflict and violence, poverty, political instability, crime and corruption, environmental degradation and climate change, or the seeking of family reunification or economic opportunities. 

    The Five Countries aim to work together to identify and implement consistent, equitable, and mutually beneficial partnerships that develop and stabilise source countries, improve the capacity of transit countries, and deter individuals from embarking on dangerous or irregular journeys or attempting to misuse our migration systems. 

    Further, the Five Countries remain committed to disrupting the activities of bad actors, and taking swift action against those who exploit the vulnerable and who violate, or facilitate the violation of, our respective immigration laws. This includes working to combat attempts to misuse our migration systems, including through visa fraud. We will endeavour to prevent and disrupt people smuggling activities and prosecute the people smuggling groups and facilitators responsible. We will also seek to return, in a fair, safe and orderly manner, those individuals who have no legal basis to remain in our countries, consistent with our domestic and international obligations. 

    As partners, the Five Countries acknowledge the existing international migration and protection frameworks and value the activities and partnerships with international organisations across the migration space, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the International Criminal Police Organisation (INTERPOL). We will continue to collaborate with these institutions and leverage existing national, regional and international frameworks to bolster our responses through strengthened institutions, systems and processes. 

    The Five Countries encourage pragmatic approaches to establishing migration policies and managing their sovereign borders in defence of national security, and in accordance with our obligations under national and international law. To this end, we affirm our collective responsibility to identify and better understand the evolving challenges of irregular migration. We commit to working together, learning from best practice based on robust evidence and analysis to identify and implement effective and sustainable solutions. Our efforts will include taking bold, flexible approaches and action, where needed. 

    The Five Countries agree that it is through committed and focused partnerships that we will deliver results on providing protection to the most vulnerable whilst protecting our borders and maintaining public confidence in our migration and protection systems, in line with our international obligations and commitments. 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Governments of Canada and Manitoba Announce Healthy Meals for Kids in Manitoba

    Source: Government of Canada regional news

    Governments of Canada and Manitoba Announce Healthy Meals for Kids in Manitoba


    Today, Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland and Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew, alongside Families, Children and Social Development Minister Jenna Sudds and Northern Affairs Minister Dan Vandal, announced the governments of Canada and Manitoba have reached an agreement to expand school food programs in Manitoba.

    This agreement, made possible by the federal government’s $1-billion National School Food Program, will enhance and expand Manitoba’s existing school food programs to provide meals to about 19,080 more kids every year, starting this school year. 

    When children have access to healthy food, they do better in school and are set up to succeed, noted Freeland. The federal government’s generational investments like the Canada Child Benefit, which provides families with up to nearly $8,000 per child, per year, help cover the costs of essentials children need. The federal government is building on this support by providing healthy meals at school, so children have what they need to learn, grow and succeed – regardless of their family’s circumstances. 

    Manitoba is the second province, after Newfoundland and Labrador, to sign an agreement with the federal government for the new National School Food Program. Today’s agreement includes an initial federal investment of approximately $17.2 million over the next three years to ensure more kids get the nutritious food they need to thrive.  

    The federal government invites all provinces and territories to help more kids get access to school food by reaching these agreements. It is one of the best investments governments can make to lower costs, support families and care for the next generation, noted Freeland. 

    With an investment of $1 billion over five years, the National School Food Program will feed up to 400,000 more kids across Canada every year. This is a generational investment, especially in the most vulnerable children, who are most impacted by a lack of access to food. Through today’s agreement, the federal government is helping children across Manitoba reach their full potential. 

    Quotes

    “Giving our children the best start in life is an essential part of fairness for every generation. Today’s agreement with Manitoba will ensure that over 19,000 more children get the food they need at school, starting this year, while saving a family with two kids up to $800 on groceries annually. Our National School Food Program will cut costs for families and help build a Canada where every child is set up to succeed.” Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland 

    “Kids can’t learn on an empty stomach. We made a commitment to Manitoba families that we’d make sure kids across our province had access to food when they go to school, and we’ve delivered on that promise. Kids across Manitoba can now get a meal or a snack when they need one, so they can concentrate, learn and reach their full potential.” Premier Wab Kinew 

    “It’s wonderful to see another province partner with us to deliver our National School Food Program. This agreement with the Government of Manitoba means that more of the top-quality, local food that our hardworking farmers produce will reach kids who need it and help set them up for success in the classroom and beyond.”   Agriculture and Agri-Food Minister Lawrence MacAulay 

    “Today, we’re delivering a promise to the kids and parents of Manitoba—a promise that every child will have access to the healthy meals they need to succeed. It’s simple: when kids eat well, they learn better, play harder, and feel good. And for parents, it gives them peace of mind, knowing that their kids are getting the fuel they need to focus on just being kids. We will keep working to make sure that every family across Canada benefits from this program.” Families, Children and Social Development Minister Jenna Sudds 

    “Every child deserves the best start in life. And that begins with ensuring that no one goes to school on an empty stomach. I’m incredibly proud that Manitoba is the second province to sign onto our National School Food Program, so we can fill the gap and make sure every child has the chance to thrive.” Northern Affairs Minister Dan Vandal 

    Quick Facts

    • $15 million directly to Manitoba’s 37 school divisions;
    • $6 million to 50 schools in communities with high socioeconomic need; and,
    • $9 million in grants to community partners.
    • To give every child the best start in life, the federal government is also:
    • Giving families more money through the Canada Child Benefit http://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/child-family-benefits/canada-child-benefit-overview.html to help with the costs of raising children and make a real difference in the lives of kids in Canada. The Canada Child Benefit, which is providing up to nearly $8,000 per child in 2024-25, is indexed annually to keep up with the cost of living and has helped lift hundreds of thousands of children out of poverty since its launch in 2016.
    • Building a Canada-wide system for $10-a-day child care, which has already cut fees for regulated child care to an average of $10-a-day or less in over half of all provinces and territories, and by 50 per cent or more in all others.
    • Rolling out the Canadian Dental Care Plan, which is already available for children under 18, with family incomes under $90,000, because no one should have to choose between taking care of their kids’ teeth and putting food on the table. Families are encouraged to apply online at http://www.Canada.ca/dental. 

    – 30 –

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Gillibrand Announces $27 Million In Federal Funding For Delaware County Electric Cooperative As Part Of The Department Of Energy’s Grid Resilience and Innovation Partnerships (GRIP) Program

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New York Kirsten Gillibrand

    Funding Will Improve Grid Resiliency Against Strong Storms And Invasive Species In Rural Areas Of New York

    Today, Senator Gillibrand announced $27,681,725 in federal funding for the Delaware County Electric Cooperative, Inc. (DCEC). DCEC provides electricity to over 5,000 families, farms, and local businesses in four New York counties – Chenango, Delaware, Otsego, and Schoharie. With this funding, awarded through the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law’s Grid Resilience and Innovation Partnerships (GRIP) program, DCEC will lead a partnership composed of six small electric cooperatives to increase grid resilience against outages caused by weather events and tree damage caused by invasive species. This partnership will also serve the counties of Cattaraugus, Chautauqua, Herkimer, Madison, Oneida, Orange, Schuyler, and Steuben, in addition to rural areas of New Jersey and Pennsylvania.

    “Strong energy infrastructure is critical to the stability of our rural communities, especially given the threats that extreme weather and invasive species pose,” said Senator Gillibrand. “This funding will create good-paying union jobs and deploy advanced technology to support rural communities. I am proud to have voted to pass the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and fought to secure this funding. I will continue working to make sure that New Yorkers have reliable access to strong energy infrastructure.”

    As DCEC works to improve New York’s grids, it will deploy advanced software to enable proactive grid management, as well as hardware such as grid sensors and drones to provide real-time data and monitoring capabilities. The new technology is anticipated to improve grid reliability and resilience, reducing major outage events by 50%, and help save the local economy millions of dollars per year in outage costs. DCEC will work with five other small electric cooperatives, including Oneida-Madison Electric Cooperative, Otsego Electric Cooperative, Inc., Steuben Rural Electric Cooperative, Inc., Sussex Rural Electric Cooperative, Inc., and Claverack Rural Electric Cooperative, Inc.

    This project will also create an estimated 20 jobs, many of which will be high-quality union positions, and will leverage a workforce career training center that is under development in collaboration with the State University of New York–Delhi.

    “The rural electric cooperatives of New York are not-for-profit distribution companies and serve some of the areas hardest hit by the impacts of extreme weather and invasive species,” said John Gasstrom, CEO of DCEC. “This grant will enable the co-ops to make resiliency improvements to ensure that we continue to deliver safe and sustainable electricity to our members who rely on it. We also appreciate the support and encouragement we have received from Senator Gillibrand in bringing this funding to the electric cooperatives as we find solutions together to meet our energy challenges and goals.”

    “At Otsego Electric Cooperative, we believe in forward-thinking solutions that safeguard our grid and enhance reliability for rural communities,” said Tim Johnson, CEO of Otsego Electric Cooperative. “This project represents a vital step toward building a resilient electric network that can withstand future challenges while supporting sustainable growth. We are especially grateful for the Beneficial Electrification League’s detailed support and expertise throughout the application process.”

    This project is part of a $2 billion U.S. Department of Energy investment in 38 projects across 42 states and the District of Columbia to protect the U.S. power grid against growing threats of extreme weather, all funded through the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law’s GRIP program. The selected projects will lower costs for communities and enable additional grid capacity to meet load growth stemming from an increase in manufacturing and other strains on the electric grid. The selected projects will deploy new, innovative transmission and distribution infrastructure and technology upgrades to enable over 7.5 gigawatts (GW) of grid capacity.

    Earlier this year, Senator Gillibrand wrote to Secretary Granholm in support of DCEC’s funding application. Senator Gillibrand’s letter can be read below:

    Dear Secretary Granholm,

    I write in support of the application submitted by the Delaware County Electric Cooperative (DCEC) for funding from the Grid Resilience and Innovation Partnerships (GRIP) Grant Program administered by the U.S. Department of Energy. This funding will be used to improve grid resiliency against strong storms and invasive species in rural areas of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey.

    Established in 1942, DCEC provides electricity to more than 5,200 families, farms, and local businesses across Chenango, Delaware, Otsego, and Schoharie Counties. For a larger project that will enhance the protection of local electric grids, DCEC plans to partner with the Oneida-Madison Electric Cooperative, Otsego Electric Cooperative, Inc., Steuben Rural Electric Cooperative, Inc., Sussex Rural Electric Cooperative, Inc., and Claverack Rural Electric Cooperative, Inc. These five other non-profit electric cooperatives collectively serve tens of thousands of members across Cattaraugus, Chautauqua, Chenango, Herkimer, Madison, Oneida, Orange, Otsego, Schuyler, and Steuben Counties in New York. 

    The requested funding will be used to safeguard rural electric grids from invasive species and intense storms that are causing long-lasting power outages and hurting rural economies. For instance, DCEC has experienced four multi-day power outages since December 2023 due to the proliferation of emerald ash borer–infested trees, which have toppled powerlines, coupled with the increasing threat of extreme weather conditions and other natural hazards. The six electric cooperatives’ proposed project will deliver much-needed upgrades to rural electric grids in three states and enable load growth that the region’s aging electric infrastructure has otherwise constrained. In addition, the project promises to benefit more than 43,000 customers, stimulate regional economic growth, and bring approximately 20 high-quality, clean-energy jobs to areas where the loss of coal power plant and rail jobs, along with a decline in employment opportunities for supporting industries and services, has led to the displacement of the working-age population and high levels of poverty.

    I ask that you please give this application your full consideration. If you have any questions or desire further information, please do not hesitate to contact my staff at (202) 224-4451.

    Sincerely,

    Kirsten Gillibrand

    United States Senator

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: First Nations leadership vote on the Final Agreement to reform Child and Family Services

    Source: Government of Canada News

    News release

    October 18, 2024 — Calgary, Alberta — Indigenous Services Canada

    Yesterday, at a Special Chiefs Assembly hosted by the Assembly of First Nations, First Nations leaders adopted a resolution rejecting the $47.8 billion Final Agreement on the Long-Term Reform of the First Nations Child and Family Services Program, instructing the Assembly to take a new approach to negotiate a different final agreement. 

    Despite the support for the Final Agreement from the Nishnawbe-Aski Nation and the Chiefs of Ontario on October 9th and 10th respectively, the Chiefs-in-Assembly have rejected this historic Agreement that was created through extensive negotiations between Canada and the Assembly of First Nations, the Chiefs of Ontario and Nishnawbe-Aski Nation. This Agreement would have legally bound Canada to provide $47.8 billion in stable and predictable funding over 10 years for a fully reformed Program that would reduce the number of First Nations children in care and keep children connected to their families, communities, and cultures. 

    Canada has made every effort to reach a fair, equitable and comprehensive resolution outside of litigation, including securing unprecedented levels of funding. 

    In response to the 2016 Canadian Human Rights Tribunal Decision, Canada has made significant investments toward reforming the First Nations Child and Family Services Program, including implementing key provisions of the Agreement-in-Principle that were supported by previous AFN resolutions. This includes increasing program funding from $680 million in 2015-16 to over $3.8 billion in 2023-24, and has committed $8.1 billion to date towards meeting the needs of First Nations children through Jordan’s Principle. 

    The shared goal of reform work is to address the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal’s orders and improve the lives and outcomes of First Nations children and families living on-reserve and in the Yukon by reducing the number of First Nations children in care and ensuring that children can remain connected to their families, communities and cultures. Canada will review the resolutions and determine next steps.

    Quotes

    “For decades, governments separated First Nations children from their families and communities, causing grief, trauma, and endless sorrow. The federal government has taken action, including through legislation, to restore control to First Nations communities so that these practices finally come to an end. We are disappointed by this outcome but remain committed to the reform of the First Nations Child and Family Services Program. We are committed to building a system together where all First Nations children grow up surrounded by their culture, love, and their language.”

    The Honourable Patty Hajdu
    Minister of Indigenous Services

    Quick facts

    • Many of the reform elements that were included in the Final Agreement built on the commitments made in the 2021 Agreement-in-Principle, and are already in place, including: 

      • funding for prevention at a per capita rate of $2,500 per First Nations person residing on-reserve or in the Yukon, adjusted annually for inflation;
      • funding for post-majority support services up to the age of 26; and
      • funding for First Nation Representative Services across the country.
    • In early 2024, $810 million was provided to First Nations and First Nations child and family services agencies to support several new components of the Program, such as information technology, results, poverty, emergencies, and remoteness.

    Associated links

    Contacts

    For more information, media may contact:

    Jennifer Kozelj
    Press Secretary
    Office of the Honourable Patty Hajdu
    Minister of Indigenous Services and Minister responsible for FedNor
    Jennifer.Kozelj@sac-isc.gc.ca

    Media Relations
    Indigenous Services Canada
    819-953-1160
    media@sac-isc.gc.ca

    Stay connected 

    Join the conversation about Indigenous Peoples in Canada:

    X: @GCIndigenous
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    Facebook: @GCIndigenousHealth

    You can subscribe to receive our news releases and speeches via RSS feeds. For more information or to subscribe, visit http://www.isc.gc.ca/RSS.

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Healthy meals for kids in Manitoba

    Source: Government of Canada News

    News release

    October 18, 2024 – Winnipeg, Manitoba – Department of Finance Canada

    When children have access to healthy food, they do better in school and are set up to succeed.

    The federal government’s generational investments like the Canada Child Benefit, which provides families with up to nearly $8,000 per child, per year, help cover the costs of essentials children need. We’re building on this support by providing healthy meals at school, so children have what they need to learn, grow, and succeed—regardless of their family’s circumstances.

    Today, the Honourable Chrystia Freeland, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, and the Honourable Wab Kinew, Premier of Manitoba, alongside the Honourable Jenna Sudds, Minister of Families, Children and Social Development and the Honourable Dan Vandal, Minister of Northern Affairs, announced that the governments of Canada and Manitoba have reached an agreement to expand school food programs in Manitoba. This agreement, made possible by the federal government’s $1 billion National School Food Program, will enhance and expand Manitoba’s existing school food programs to provide meals to about 19,080 more kids every year, starting this school year.

    Manitoba is the second province, after Newfoundland and Labrador, to sign an agreement with the federal government for the new National School Food Program. Today’s agreement includes an initial federal investment of approximately $17.2 million over the next three years to ensure more kids get the nutritious food they need to thrive. 

    The federal government invites all provinces and territories to help more kids get access to school food by reaching these agreements. It is one of the best investments we can make to lower costs, support families, and care for the next generation.

    With an investment of $1 billion over five years, the National School Food Program will feed up to 400,000 more kids across Canada every year. This is a generational investment, especially in the most vulnerable children, who are most impacted by a lack of access to food. Through today’s agreement, the federal government is helping children across Manitoba reach their full potential.

    Quotes

    “Giving our children the best start in life is an essential part of fairness for every generation. Today’s agreement with Manitoba will ensure that over 19,000 more children get the food they need at school, starting this year, while saving a family with two kids up to $800 on groceries annually. Our National School Food Program will cut costs for families and help build a Canada where every child is set up to succeed.”

    The Honourable Chrystia Freeland,
    Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance

    “Kids can’t learn on an empty stomach. We made a commitment to Manitoba families that we’d make sure kids across our province had access to food when they go to school, and we’ve delivered on that promise. Kids across Manitoba can now get a meal or a snack when they need one, so they can concentrate, learn and reach their full potential.”

    The Honourable Wab Kinew,
    Premier of Manitoba

    “It’s wonderful to see another province partner with us to deliver our National School Food Program. This agreement with the Government of Manitoba means that more of the top-quality, local food that our hardworking farmers produce will reach kids who need it and help set them up for success in the classroom and beyond.”

    The Honourable Lawrence MacAulay,
    Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food

    “Today, we’re delivering a promise to the kids and parents of Manitoba—a promise that every child will have access to the healthy meals they need to succeed. It’s simple: when kids eat well, they learn better, play harder, and feel good. And for parents, it gives them peace of mind, knowing that their kids are getting the fuel they need to focus on just being kids. We will keep working to make sure that every family across Canada benefits from this program.”

    The Honourable Jenna Sudds,
    Minister of Families, Children and Social Development

    “Every child deserves the best start in life. And that begins with ensuring that no one goes to school on an empty stomach. I’m incredibly proud that Manitoba is the second province to sign onto our National School Food Program, so we can fill the gap and make sure every child has the chance to thrive.”

    The Honourable Dan Vandal,
    Minister of Northern Affairs

    Quick facts

    • In Budget 2024, the federal government launched a new National School Food Program, providing $1 billion over five years, to provide meals for up to 400,000 more kids each year, ensuring all children have the food they need to have the best start in life, regardless of their family circumstances.

      • The Program is expected to save the average participating family with two children $800 per year in grocery costs, with lower-income families benefitting the most.
      • Budget 2024’s investment of $1 billion over five years includes distinctions-based funding for First Nations on-reserve, as well as Inuit, Métis, and Modern Treaty and Self-Government agreement holders. The federal government is working directly with Indigenous partners to rollout that funding, with more information to come.
    • On June 20, 2024, the federal government released the National School Food Policy, as the foundation for collaborative and complementary action by all orders of government to improve access to food at school. 

    • In addition to the National School Food Program, the federal government launched the new School Food Infrastructure Fund in September, which will deliver $20.2 million to help not-for-profit organizations invest in infrastructure and equipment to support school food programming across Canada. 

    • In addition to today’s $17.2 million federal investment, the Government of Manitoba is investing $30 million to create a Universally Accessible School Nutrition Program for 2024-2025, which will deliver funding through three streams:

      • $15 million directly to Manitoba’s 37 school divisions;
      • $6 million to 50 schools in communities with high socioeconomic need; and,
      • $9 million in grants to community partners.
    • To give every child the best start in life, the federal government is also:

      • Giving families more money through the Canada Child Benefit to help with the costs of raising children and make a real difference in the lives of kids in Canada. The Canada Child Benefit, which is providing up to nearly $8,000 per child in 2024-25, is indexed annually to keep up with the cost of living and has helped lift hundreds of thousands of children out of poverty since its launch in 2016.
      • Building a Canada-wide system for $10-a-day child care, which has already cut fees for regulated child care to an average of $10-a-day or less in over half of all provinces and territories, and by 50 per cent or more in all others.
      • Rolling out the Canadian Dental Care Plan, which is already available for children under 18, with family incomes under $90,000, because no one should have to choose between taking care of their kids’ teeth and putting food on the table. Families are encouraged to apply online at Canada.ca/dental.

    Associated links

    Contacts

    Media may contact:

    Katherine Cuplinskas
    Deputy Director of Communications
    Office of the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance
    Katherine.Cuplinskas@fin.gc.ca

    Media Relations
    Department of Finance Canada
    mediare@fin.gc.ca
    613-369-4000

    General enquiries

    Phone: 1-833-712-2292
    TTY: 613-369-3230
    E-mail: financepublic-financepublique@fin.gc.ca

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    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why America is buying up the Premier League – and what it means for the future of ‘soccer’

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kieran Maguire, Senior Teacher in Accountancy and member of Football Industries Group, University of Liverpool

    When the Premier League broke away from the rest of English football in 1992, its 22 clubs generated £205 million in its debut season, and the average player earned £2,050 a week. Thirty years later, despite having two fewer clubs, the league’s revenue had increased by 2,850% to £6.1 billion and the average player earned £93,000 a week.

    At the heart of this extraordinary growth is an American revolution. In the Premier League’s inaugural season, football was still in recovery from the horrors of the stadium disasters at Hillsborough and Heysel. Owners tended to be from the local area and with a business background. The only foreign owner was Sam Hamman at Wimbledon, a Lebanese millionaire who bought the club on a whim having reportedly been much more interested in tennis. The season ended with Manchester United (under Alex Ferguson) winning the English game’s top league for the first time in 26 years.

    Now, if the Texas-based Friedkin Group’s recent deal to buy Everton goes through, 11 of the 20 Premier League clubs will be controlled or part-owned by American investors. The US – long seen as football’s final frontier when it comes to the men’s game – suddenly can’t get enough of English “soccer”.

    Four of the Premier League’s “big six” are American-owned – Manchester United, Liverpool, Arsenal and Chelsea – while a fifth, Manchester City, has a significant US minority shareholding. Aston Villa, Fulham, Bournemouth, Crystal Palace, West Ham and Ipswich Town also have varying degrees of American ownership.

    And it’s not even just the glamour clubs at the top of the tree. American investment has also been significant lower down the football pyramid, led by the high-profile acquisition of then non-league Wrexham by Hollywood actors Ryan Reynolds and Rob McElhenny, and Birmingham City’s purchase by US investors including seven-time Super Bowl winner Tom Brady. American investment in football has reached places as geographically diverse as Carlisle and Crawley in England, and Aberdeen and Edinburgh in Scotland.



    The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.


    So why the American obsession with English football? And how real are concerns that these US owners could collude to “Americanise” the traditions of the Premier League – whether by reducing the risk of relegation, introducing some form of “draft pick” system, or moving matches and even clubs to other cities?

    The Premier League’s first US owner

    Manchester United was the first Premier League club to come under American ownership – after a row about a horse.

    In 2005, United was owned by a variety of investors including Irish businessmen and racehorse owners John Magnier and J.P. McManus. Their erstwhile friend Ferguson, the United manager, thought he co-owned the champion racehorse Rock of Gibraltar with them – a stallion worth millions in stud rights. They disagreed – and their bitter dispute was such that Magnier and McManus decided to sell their shares in the football club.

    The Miami-based Glazer family – already involved in sport as owners of NFL franchise the Tampa Bay Buccaneers – had already been buying up small tranches of shares in United, but the sudden availability of the Irish shares allowed Malcolm Glazer to acquire a controlling stake for £790 million (around £1.5 billion at today’s prices).

    The fact Glazer did not actually have sufficient funds to pay for these shares was a solvable problem. In the some-might-say commercially naive world of top-flight English football before the Premier League, Manchester United was a club without debt, paying its way without leveraging its position as one of the world’s most famous football clubs. Glazer saw the opportunity this presented and arranged a leveraged buy-out (LBO), whereby the football club borrowed more than £600 million secured on its own assets to, in effect, “buy itself” in 2005.

    Despite the need to meet the high interest costs to fund the LBO, United continued winning trophies under Ferguson – including three Premier League titles in a row in 2007, 2008 and 2009, as well as a Champions League victory in 2008. Amid this success, the club felt that ticket prices were too low and set about increasing them, with matchday revenue increasing from £66 million in 2004/05 to over £101 million by 2007/08.

    Commercial income was another area the Glazers were keen to increase. United set up offices in London and adopted a global approach to finding new official branding deals ranging from snacks to tractor and tyre suppliers – doubling revenues from this income source too.

    But in this new, more aggressive world of “sweating the asset”, the debts lingered – and most United fans remained deeply suspicious of their American owners. (Following their father’s death in 2014, the club was co-owned by his six children, with brothers Avram and Joel Glazer becoming co-chairmen.)

    Today, despite its partial listing on the New York Stock Exchange and the February 2024 sale of 27.7% of the club to British billionaire Sir Jim Ratcliffe for a reputed £1.25 billion, United still has borrowings of more than £546 million, having paid cumulative interest costs of £969 million since the takeover in 2005. But with the club now valued at US$6.55 billion (around £5bn), it represents a very smart investment for the Glazer family.

    Indeed, while the prices being paid for football clubs across Europe have reached record levels, they are still seen as cheap investments compared with US sports’ leading franchises. Forbes’s annual list of the world’s most valuable sports teams has American football (NFL), baseball (MLB) and basketball (NBA) teams occupying the top ten positions, with only three Premier League clubs – Manchester United, Liverpool and Manchester City – in the top 50.

    With NFL teams having an average franchise value of US$5.1 billion and NBA $3.9 billion, many English football clubs still look like a bargain from the other side of the pond.

    The risk of relegation

    The latest to join this US bandwagon, the Friedkin Group – a Texas-based portfolio of companies run by American businessman and film producer Dan Friedkin – is reported to have offered £400m to buy Everton, despite the club’s poor financial state.

    “The Toffees” have been hit by loss of sponsorships as well as two sets of points deductions for breaching the Premier League’s financial rules, leading to revenue losses from lower league positions. While the new stadium being built at Liverpool’s Bramley-Moore dock has been yet another financial constraint, it will at least increase matchday income from the start of next season.

    Everton’s new stadium at Bramley-Moore dock will open in time for the start of the 2025-26 season.
    Phil Silverman / Shutterstock

    A wider reason for the relative bargain in valuations of European football clubs is the risk of relegation – something that is not part of the closed leagues of most US sports. While the threat of relegation (and promise of promotion) has always been an integral part of English and European football, the jeopardy this brings for supporters – and a club’s finances – does not exist in the NFL, NBA, Major League Soccer and similar competitions.

    The Premier League, with its three relegation spots at the end of each season, has featured 51 different clubs since it launched in 1992. Only six clubs – Arsenal, Spurs, Chelsea, Manchester United, Liverpool and Everton – have been ever present, with Arsenal now approaching 100 years of consecutive top-flight football.

    Other Premier League clubs have experienced the dramatic cost-benefit of relegation and promotion. Oldham Athletic, who were in the Premier League for its first two seasons, now languish in the fifth tier of the game, outside the English Football League (EFL). In contrast, Luton Town, who were in the fifth tier as recently as 2014, were promoted to the Premier League in 2023 – only to be relegated at the end of last season.

    While it is difficult to compare football clubs with basketball and American football teams, the financial difference between having an open league, with relegation, and a closed league becomes apparent when you look at women’s football on both sides of the Atlantic.

    Angel City, a women’s soccer team based in Los Angeles, only entered the National Women’s Soccer League (NWSL) in 2022 and is yet to win an NWSL trophy. But last month, the club was sold for US$250 million (£188m) to Disney’s CEO Bob Iger and TV journalist Willow Bay – the most expensive takeover in the history of women’s professional sport.

    In comparison, Chelsea – seven-time winners of the English Women’s Super League and one of the most successful sides in Europe – valued its women’s team at £150 million ($US196m) earlier this summer. While there are a number of factors to this price differential, the confidence that Angel City will always be a member of the big league of US soccer clubs – and share very equally in its revenue – will have made its new owners very confident in the long-term soundness of their deal.

    The story of Angel City FC, the most expensive team in women’s sport.

    A further attraction for American investors is the potential to enter two markets – one mature (men’s football) and one effectively a start-up (the women’s game) – in a single purchase. In the US, the top men’s and women’s clubs are completely separate. But in Europe, most top-flight women’s teams are affiliated to men’s clubs – with the exception of eight-time Women’s Champions League winners Olympique Lyonnais Feminin, which split from the French men’s club when Korean-American businesswoman Michele Kang bought a majority stake in the women’s team in February 2024).

    While interest in, and hence value of, the WSL is now growing fast, the women’s game in England is dwarfed by viewer ratings for the Premier League – the most watched sporting league in the world, viewed by an estimated 1.87 billion people every week across 189 countries.

    These figures dwarf even the NFL which, while currently still the most valuable of all sporting leagues in terms of its broadcasting deals, must be looking at the growth of the Premier League with some jealousy. This may explain why some US franchise owners, such as Stan Kroenke, the Glazer family, Fenway Sports Group and Billy Foley, have subsequently purchased Premier League football clubs.

    Ironically, for many spectators around the world, it is the intensity and competitiveness of most Premier League matches – brought on in part by the threat of relegation and prize of European qualification – that makes it so captivating. However, billionaire investors like guaranteed numbers and dislike risk – especially the degree of financial risk that exists in the Premier League and English Football League.

    European not-so-Super League

    In April 2021, 12 leading European clubs (six from England plus three each from Spain and Italy) announced the creation of the European Super League (ESL). This new mid-week competition was to be a high-revenue generating, closed competition with (eventually) 15 permanent teams and five annual additions qualifying from Europe. According to one of the driving forces behind the plan, Manchester United co-chairman Joel Glazer:

    By bringing together the world’s greatest clubs and players to play each other throughout the season, the Super League will open a new chapter for European football, ensuring world-class competition and facilities, and increased financial support for the wider football pyramid.

    The problem facing the Premier League’s “big six” clubs – and their ambitious owners – is there are currently only four slots available to play in the Champions League. So, their thinking went, why not take away the risk of not qualifying? However, the proposal was swiftly condemned by fans around Europe, together with football’s governing bodies and leagues – all of whom saw the ESL proposal as a threat to the quality and integrity of their domestic leagues. Following some large fan protests, including at Chelsea’s Stamford Bridge, Manchester City was the first club to withdraw – followed, within a couple of days, by the rest of the English clubs.

    Under the terms of the ESL proposals, founding member clubs would have been guaranteed participation in the competition forever. Guaranteed participation means guaranteed revenues. The current financial gap between the “big six” and the other members of the Premier League, which in 2022/23 averaged £396 million, would have widened rapidly.

    For example, these clubs would have been able to sell the broadcast rights for some of their ESL home fixtures direct to fans, instead of via a broadcaster. All of a sudden, that database of fans who have downloaded the official club app, or are on a mailing list, becomes far more valuable. These are the people most willing to watch their favourite team on a pay-per-view basis, further increasing revenues.

    At the same time, a planned ESL wage cap would have stopped players taking all these increased revenues in the form of higher wages, allowing these clubs to become more profitable and their ownership even more lucrative.

    American-owned Manchester United and Liverpool had previously tried to enhance the value of their investments during the COVID lockdowns era via ProjectBig Picture – proposals to reduce the size of the Premier League and scrap one of the two domestic cup competitions, thus freeing up time for the bigger clubs to arrange more lucrative tours and European matches against high-profile opposition.

    Most importantly, Project Big Picture would have resulted in changing the governance of the domestic game. Under its proposals, the “big six” clubs would have enjoyed enhanced voting rights, and therefore been able to significantly influence how the domestic game was governed.

    Any attempt to increase the concentration of power raises concerns of lower competitive balance, whereby fewer teams are in the running to win the title and fewer games are meaningful. This is a problem facing some other major European football leagues including France’s Ligue 1, where interest among broadcasters has dwindled amid the perceived dominance of Paris St-Germain.

    So while to date, American-led attempts to change the structure of the Premier League have been foiled, it’s unlikely such ideas have gone away for good. The near-universal fear of fans – even those who welcome an injection of extra cash from a new billionaire owner – is that the spectacle of the league will only be diminished if such plans ever succeed.

    And there is evidence from the women’s game that the US closed league format is coming under more pressure from football’s global forces. The NWSL recently announced it is removing the draft system that is designed (as with the NFL and NBA) to build in jeopardy and competitive balance when there is no risk of relegation.

    Top US women’s football clubs are losing some of their leading players to other leagues, in part because European clubs are not bound by the same artificial rules of employment. In a truly global professional sport such as football, international competition will always tend to destabilise closed leagues.

    Why do they keep buying these clubs?

    Does this mean that American and other wealthy owners of Premier League clubs seeking to reduce their risks are ultimately fighting a losing battle? And if so, given the potential risks involved in owning a football club – both financial and even personal – why do they keep buying them?

    The motivations are part-financial, part technological and, as has always been the case with sports ownership, part-vanity.

    The American economy has grown far faster than that of the EU or UK in recent years. Consequently, there are many beneficiaries of this growth who have surplus cash, and here football becomes an attractive proposition. In fact, football clubs are more resilient to recessions than other industries, holding their value better as they are effectively monopoly suppliers for their fans who have brand loyalty that exists in few other industries.

    From 1993 to 2018, a period during which the UK economy more than doubled, the total value of Premier League clubs grew 30 times larger. And many fans are tied to supporting one club, helping to make the biggest clubs more resilient to economic changes than other industries. While football, like many parts of the entertainment industry, was hit by lockdown during Covid, no clubs went out of business, despite the challenges of matches being played in empty stadiums.

    Added to this, the exchange rates for US dollars have been very favourable until recently, making US investments in the UK and Europe cheaper for American investors.

    So, while Manchester United fans would argue that the Glazer family have not been good for the club, United has been good for the Glazers. And Fenway Sports Group (FSG), who bought Liverpool for £300 million in 2010, have recouped almost all of that money in smaller share sales while remaining majority owners of Liverpool.

    Despite this, the £2.5 billion price paid for Chelsea by the US Clearlake-Todd Boehly consortium in May 2022 took markets by surprise.

    The sale – which came after the UK government froze the assets of the club’s Russian oligarch owner, Roman Abramovich, following the invasion of Ukraine – went through less than a year after Newcastle United had been sold by Sports Direct founder Mike Ashley to the Saudi Arabian Public Investment Fund for £305 million – approximately twice that club’s annual revenues. Yet Clearlake-Boehly were willing to pay over five times Chelsea’s annual revenues to acquire the club, even though it was in a precarious financial position.

    Clearlake is a private equity group whose main aim is to make profits for their investors. But unlike most such investors, who tend to focus on cost-cutting, the Chelsea ownership came in with a high-spending strategy using new financial structuring ideas, such as offering longer player contracts to avoid falling foul of football’s profitability and sustainability rules (although this loophole has since been closed with Uefa, European football’s governing body, limiting contract lengths for financial regulation purposes to five years).

    Chelsea’s location in the one of the most expensive areas of London, combined with its on-field success under Abramovich, all added to the attraction, of course. But there are other reasons why Clearlake, along with billionaire businessman Boehly, were willing to stump up so much for the club.

    From Hollywood to the metaverse

    While some British football fans may have viewed the Ted Lasso TV show as an enjoyable if slightly twee fictional account of American involvement in English soccer, it has enhanced the attraction of the sport in the US. So too Welcome To Wrexham – the fly-on-the-wall series covering the (to date) two promotions of Wales’s oldest football club under the unlikely Hollywood stewardship of Reynolds and McElhenney.

    Welcome To Wrexham, season one trailer.

    The growth in US interest in English football is reflected in the record-breaking Premier League media rights deal in 2022, with NBC Sports reportedly paying $2.7 billion (£2.06bn) for its latest six-year deal.

    But as well as football offering one of increasingly few “live shared TV experiences” that carry lucrative advertising slots, there may also be more opportunity for more behind-the-scenes coverage of the Premier League – as has long been seen in US coverage of NBA games, for example, where players are interviewed in the locker room straight after games.

    According to Manchester United’s latest annual report, the club now has a “global community of 1.1 billion fans and followers”. Such numbers mean its owners, and many others, are bullish about the potential of the metaverse in terms of offering a matchday experience that could be similar to attending a match, without physically travelling to Manchester.

    Their neighbours Manchester City, part-owned by American private equity company Silverlake, broke new (virtual) ground by signing a metaverse deal with Sony in 2022. Virtual reality could give fans around the world the feeling of attending a live match, sitting next to their friends and singing along with the rest of the crowd (for a pay-per-view fee).

    Some investors are even confident that advancements in Abba-style avatar technology could one day allow fans to watch live 3D simulations of Premier League matches in stadiums all over the world. Having first-mover advantage by being in the elite club of owners who can make use of such technology could prove ever more rewarding.

    More immediately, there are some indications that competitive matches involving England’s top men’s football teams could soon take place in US or other venues. Boehly, Chelsea’s co-owner, has already suggested adopting some US sports staples such as an All-Star match to further boost revenues. Indeed, back in 2008, the Premier League tentatively discussed a “39th game” taking place overseas, but that idea was quickly shelved.

    The American owners of Birmingham City were keen to play this season’s EFL League One match against Wrexham in the US, but again this proposal did not get far. Liverpool’s chairman Tom Werner says he is determined to see matches take place overseas, and recent changes to world governing body Fifa’s rulebook could make it easier for this proposal to succeed.

    The potential benefits of hosting games overseas include higher matchday revenues, increased brand awareness, and enhanced broadcast rights. While there is likely to be significant opposition from local fans, at least American owners know they would not face the same hostility about rising matchday prices in the US as they have encountered in England.

    When the Argentinian legend Lionel Messi signed for new MLS franchise Inter Miami in 2023, season ticket prices nearly doubled on his account. And while there is vocal opposition to higher ticket prices in England, this is not borne out in terms of lower attendances for matches against high-calibre opposition – as evidenced by Aston Villa charging up to £97 for last week’s Champions League meeting with Bayern Munich.

    Villa’s director of operations, Chris Heck, defended the prices by saying that difficult decisions had to be made if the club was to be competitive.

    Manchester United’s matchday revenue per EPL season (£m)


    Kieran Maguire/Christina Philippou, CC BY

    For much of the 2010s, with broadcast revenues increasing rapidly, many Premier League owners made little effort to stoke hostilities with their loyal fan bases by putting up ticket prices. Indeed, Manchester United generated little more from matchday income in the 2021-22 season, as football emerged from the pandemic, than the club had in 2010-11 (see chart above).

    However, this uneasy truce between fans and owners has ceased. The relative flatlining of broadcast revenues since 2017, along with cost control rules that are starting to affect clubs’ ability to spend money on player signings and wages, has changed club appetites for dampened ticket prices. This has resulted in noticeable rises in individual ticket and season ticket prices by some clubs.

    However, season ticket and other local “legacy” fans generate little money compared with the more lucrative overseas and tourist fans. They may only watch their favourite team live once a season, but when they visit, they are far more likely not only to pay higher matchday prices, but to spend more on merchandise, catering and other offerings from the club.

    Today’s breed of commercially aware, profit-seeking US Premier League owners – pioneered by the Glazer family, who saw that “sweating the asset” meant more than watching football players sprinting hard – understand there is a lot more value to come from English football teams. The clubs’ loyal local supporters may not like it, but English football’s American-led revolution is not done yet.



    For you: more from our Insights series:

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    Kieran Maguire has taught courses and presented on football finance for the Professional Footballers Association, League Managers Association, FIFA and national football associations in Europe.

    Christina Philippou is affiliated with the RAF FA, and Premier League education programs.

    ref. Why America is buying up the Premier League – and what it means for the future of ‘soccer’ – https://theconversation.com/why-america-is-buying-up-the-premier-league-and-what-it-means-for-the-future-of-soccer-240695

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Remarks by President  Biden at a Memorial Service for Mrs. Robert F.  Kennedy

    US Senate News:

    Source: The White House
    3:53 P.M. EDT
    THE PRESIDENT:  Hello.  (Applause.)
    Joe, thank you.
    Thank you, thank you, thank you.  (Applause.) 
    I’m sure you’re clapping because I’m the last speaker. 
    Well, that was worth that partial comment — or concert.  You know what he said on the way out?  Can I tell them, pal?  He said, “If I get a Grammy, I’m going to give it to you,” the only guy in this whole darn church who can’t sing a note.  (Laughter.)
    My dad used to have a band and sang.  He said, “Joey, I don’t know where the hell you came from.  You can’t carry a tune.  You can’t sing.  You can’t dance.  I don’t know where you came from, but I love you anyway.”  (Laughter.)
    Father MacMillan, thank you for everything.  Thank you for — for being so good to us. 
    President Clinton, President Obama, distinguished guests; the Kennedy family, children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren, and extended family, it’s been an emotional journey listening to all of you.  When I knew I was going to be the last speaker, I thought, “How did that happen?”  Because, you know, it brings back so many memories. 
    Ethel was always there for so many people, and she played an essential role in my life as well — maybe a little different than with others.  She was there as soon as I entered political office in 1972 as a 29-year-old kid before I got sworn in. 
    I was in her brother-in-law’s office — Teddy’s office — hiring staff — I was only 29; you had to be 30 years old to be sworn in, and I wasn’t 30 yet — when I got a phone call from the fire department in my — by my house saying there had been an accident.  A tractor-trailer had broadsided my wife’s automobile, Christmas shopping with a Christmas tree on top, on December 18th, and killed my wife and killed my daughter, and my boys weren’t expected to live. 
    When I lost my family — and she was there.  Joe, your mom was there then — then.  
    As soon as I got elected president, I received a letter from your mom.  The letterhead was titled Mrs. Robert Kennedy, and in her very neat handwriting, she had written that she took great comfort in knowing the country was in good hands. 
    She had no idea, for a 29-year-old kid in that circumstance, how much it meant.  Because as some of you know — Bill knows — I didn’t plan on sticking around after that accident. 
    She said she was honored and proud there was a bust of her husband, Bobby Kennedy, in my office, the Oval Office. 
    I have only two political heroes in my life: Dr. King and Bobby Kennedy.  Not a joke.  So, I didn’t realize — my two colleagues from the — who were president know — you get to pick what you want in your office, and I wanted to be able to see both of them from my — from the Resolute Desk by the fireplace: Dr. King and Bobby Kennedy.
    And days later, I received another letter from her that I’ll always remember, and I know all of you look forward to each year: a valentine card — a valentine card.  Which, in our house, Valentine’s Day is known as “Jill’s holiday.”  (Laughter.)
    Like Ethel, Jill is a practical joker.  This was no surprise — it was no surprise that Jill loved Ethel’s card that year, which said — I’m not sure the hundred others who receive it felt the same way because, apparently, she sent that card — she sent it to everyone that year.  (Laughter.)  It was a picture of me and Ethel surrounded by hearts.  (Laughter.)  Oh, you think I’m kidding.  I — it meant a lot to me, I’m telling you.
    Printed — the language on the card, it said — in the printed language of the card, it said, “I’m not Biden my time waiting for you, Valentine.”  (Laughter.)  And then in her handwriting, she says, “‘Cause he’s no ordinary Joe.”  (Laughter.) 
    I don’t know how many of you got that damn valentine, but I tell you what, it meant a lot to me.  (Laughter.)  I’ve received a lot honors in my life, but that might be the best one I’ve ever received.  (Laughter and applause.)
    You know, yes, Ethel was Mrs. Robert Kennedy.  She was one of my politi- — he was my — as I said, one of my political heroes.  But I always knew her as Ethel Kennedy, a hero in her own right.  I loved Bobby Kennedy.  I’ve only met him once when I was in Syracuse law school and he was campaigning.  But I — I just — I admired him so damn much. 
    I’ve told John Kerry this, my buddy.  I — I could picture Bobby at my kitchen table with my dad and my mom.  I could picture him there.
    But, you know, Ethel was a hero in her own right, full of character, full of integrity and empathy — and genuine empathy. 
    She was full of laughter and joy and light.  She was a great athlete in her own right, for real.  She was a mother.  Literally, there was nothing, from my perspective and, I suspect, most of you, that she couldn’t do — nothing.
    Four years later, after I had gotten — after Bobby — she lost her beloved Bobby, she invited me and my boys to her home after the accident left my family broken, having lost my wife and daughter, my boys barely making it.  Along with Teddy, she got me through a time I didn’t want to stick around.  I wanted no part of being in the Congress or the Senate.  I mean it.
    I’d spoken to my governor, because we had elected a Democratic governor, to find a replacement for me.  But Teddy and Ethel Kennedy would hear nothi- — none of it. 
    You know, the fact is, like she did for the country, Ethel helped my family find a way forward with principle and purpose. 
    We saw how she picked up Bobby’s cause and stamped her own mark on the country.  Marching for civil rights, as you heard about today, and working to end poverty at home, attempting to secure peace abroad, and so much more.  She once said, “For anyone to achieve something, you have to show a little courage.  You’re only on this Earth once.  You must give it all you’ve got.”
    Reminded me of my mom.  My mom used to say, “Joey, courage lives in every heart, and one day you’ll be called upon.  Be ready to stand up.”  And that’s not — that’s from Catherine Eugenia Finnegan Biden, and she meant it.  She meant it.
    For over 50 years, with Ethel’s own iron will and moral courage, she gave it everything she had, and we’re a better nation and a better world because of Ethel Kennedy. 
    Let me close with this.  On a Sunday in May this year, I delivered a commencement speech at Morehouse College in Atlanta.  I noted that had we been in church that day, there’d be a reflection about the resurrection and redemption.  We remember Jesus was buried on Friday, and on Sunday, he rose again.  But we don’t talk nearly enough about that Saturday when his disciples felt all hope was lost — all hope was lost. 
    In our lives and in the life of the nation, we have those Saturdays — and thank God your mom, your grandmom, your great-grandmom was — was there for me — to bear witness to the day before glory, to see people’s pain and not look away.  But work is to be done on Saturday, is to move pain to purpose.  How can faith get a person, get a nation through what is coming? 
    Well, my message to all of us here today and to the entire the country is look to Ethel Kennedy’s faith. 
    To the Kennedy family — presumptuous of me to say this and maybe sound inappropriate, but to the Kennedy family, the Biden family is here for you, as you’ve always been for us.  You changed the life of my boys.  You really did.
    When I lost my son Beau, he was attorney general of the state of Delaware.  And he volunteered to join the National Guard as attorney general.  You either have to be state property or federal property.  And he temporarily gave up his office to go with his unit for a year in Iraq.  And unfortunately, I was in — in out — in and out of Iraq, as Barack knows, because — and Afghanistan 30-some times.  And I got to see him several times.
    But the bad news was he was about a quarter to a half mile away from a burn pit — 100 yards long, 10 feet deep, burning everything from waste to — everything, poisoning the air.  And he came home with Stage 4 glioblastoma and he died.  Your mom was there then too. 
    I apologize.
    So, from the Biden family to the Kennedy family, the hymn that’s very close to our heart based on the 91st psalm, it goes like this: “May he raise you up on eagle’s wings and bear you on the breath of dawn, and make you to shine like the sun, and hold you in the palm of his hand.” 
    May God bless Ethel Kennedy, and may we — she re- — may be — she be reunited with the blessed pieces of her soul in Heaven.
    God bless you all.  And thank you for letting me participate.  Thank you.  (Applause.)
    4:04 P.M. EDT

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: CAF is the first multilateral financial institution to join the Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty

    Source: CAF Development Bank of Latin America

    On the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty, CAF formally joined the Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty, an initiative proposed by Brazil during its G20 Presidency, aimed at establishing an international union to combat hunger and poverty worldwide. The announcement was made today by the Executive President of the Institution, Sergio Díaz-Granados, who participated virtually in the event “Reimagining Solutions for Poverty,” held in New York in collaboration with UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). The Minister of Development and Social Assistance, Family, and Fight Against Hunger, Wellington Dias, was also present.

    CAF is the first multilateral financial institution to join the Alliance and, in doing so, commits to making its best efforts to improve the allocation, assignment, and alignment of its resources, including through the coordination and cooperation facilitated by the Global Alliance, to support member countries in the implementation, improvement, or expansion of the execution of selected programs or policy instruments in the Alliance’s reference framework, with the aim of boosting the fight against hunger and poverty in accordance with sustainable financing and implementation strategies led by the countries.

    CAF is ready to act as a regional voice for the Global Alliance, advocating for Latin American and Caribbean solutions to the global challenges of hunger and poverty. We are committed to working closely with the governments of our member countries, including Brazil, to ensure that these initiatives are impactful and aligned with the strategic priorities of each government,” stated Díaz-Granados.

    In recent years, CAF has allocated approximately USD 1.6 billion to initiatives that directly contribute to the fight against hunger and poverty. Our actions have focused on critical areas such as reducing malnutrition, social protection systems, and sustainable rural development. We have also increased investments in sustainable infrastructure and climate-resilient agriculture, essential for promoting food security and economic opportunities for vulnerable communities.

    In the adhesion document, the institution acknowledges that hunger and poverty remain persistent challenges for humanity, which must be addressed through comprehensive and integrated approaches. Therefore, our bank remains committed to aligning its efforts with these specific needs in our region, offering our member countries customized solutions to address their development needs and challenges, including financial services, knowledge, and technical assistance.

    Global Alliance

    The mission of the Global Alliance will be, from its launch until 2030, to support and accelerate efforts to eradicate hunger and poverty, SDGs 1 and 2. Additionally, it will seek to reduce inequalities and contribute to revitalizing global partnerships for sustainable development and achieving other interconnected SDGs, advocating for sustainable, inclusive, and just transition pathways. The Alliance is open to governments, international organizations, knowledge institutions, funds and development banks, and philanthropic foundations.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Joint African Development Bank- Government of Japan Visit to Fund for African Private Sector Assistance (FAPA)-Funded Projects in Ghana

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    ACCRA, Ghana, October 17, 2024/APO Group/ —

    The African Development Bank (www.AfDB.org) and the Government of Japan recently concluded a joint visit to two projects funded by the Fund for African Private Sector Assistance (https://apo-opa.co/4dOF0oP) (FAPA) in Ghana to assess their impact on stimulating the growth of small businesses and boosting private sector development.

    The Japanese delegation led by Japan’s Deputy Vice Minister of Finance for International Affairs, Mr. Daiho Fujii, together with the African Development Bank’s Executive Director for Japan, Mr. Takaaki Nomoto, were received by the African Development Bank Country Manager for Ghana, Ms. Eyerusalem Fasika. The Delegation engaged with implementing agencies and beneficiaries of two FAPA funded projects – the Ghana SME Business Linkage Program, and Fashionomics Africa Online Platform and Mobile App.

    FAPA, a joint initiative between the Bank and the Japanese government, provides untied grants to support the implementation of the Bank’s Private Sector Development Strategy. Through capacity building and technical assistance, the Fund enhances the business environment, strengthens financial systems, promotes the development of micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), and facilitates trade across African countries.

    Focusing on the projects’ contribution to Ghana’s broader economic and social development goals, Deputy Vice Minister Fujii reaffirmed Japan’s support to FAPA and the Bank. “My thrill turned into confidence that the Japanese taxpayers’ money via FAPA contributes to motivating the beneficiaries by developing their businesses as micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), and improving their livelihood and well-being. I was also glad that FAPA projects in Ghana played the catalytic role in applying such models to other African countries and in attracting other donors.”

    Referencing the positive impact of the projects, Fasika emphasized FAPA’s pivotal role in driving inclusive private sector development and economic growth, creating job opportunities, and reducing poverty. She also expressed gratitude for Japan’s continued support and highlighted the importance of the partnership between the Bank and the Government of Japan. “The projects funded by FAPA are clear examples of how strategic partnerships can have a tangible impact on the ground. We are pleased with the progress made and the transformative effects these projects have on local communities (in Ghana),” she stated.

    The visit underscores the continued commitment of the African Development Bank and the Government of Japan to fostering economic growth and strengthening private sector development in Africa through sustainable and impactful investments.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Video: Syria/Lebanon, Chad, Women/Peacekeeping & other topics – Daily Press Briefing (17 Oct 2024)

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Noon briefing by Farhan Haq, Deputy Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    -Briefings tomorrow
    -IPC report
    -Occupied Palestinian Territory
    -Lebanon
    -Lebanon/Humanitarian
    -Syria/Lebanon
    -Chad
    -Women/Peacekeeping
    -Poverty Index
    -Eradication of poverty

    IPC REPORT
    The Secretary-General said that he is alarmed by today’s IPC report findings that high displacement and restrictions on humanitarian aid flows mean that the people of Gaza are facing catastrophic levels of hunger. One year into the conflict, famine looms. This is intolerable, the Secretary-General said.
    Mr. Guterres said that crossing points must open immediately, bureaucratic impediments must be removed, and law and order must be restored so that UN agencies can deliver lifesaving humanitarian assistance.
    Earlier today, the World Food Programme and the Food and Agriculture Organization said that the latest findings of the Integrated Phase Classification (IPC) report, collecting the work of 16 UN agencies and NGOs, make clear that the risk of famine persists across the whole Gaza Strip. Given the recent surge in hostilities, there are growing concerns that this worst-case scenario may materialize.
    Between September and October 2024, the whole territory is classified in IPC Phase 4 – Emergency. About 1.84 million people across the Gaza Strip are experiencing high levels of acute food insecurity, classified in IPC Phase 3 – Crisis – or above, including nearly 133,000 people facing catastrophic food insecurity, which is IPC Phase 5. Acute Malnutrition is ten times higher than before the escalation of the hostilities.
    The report adds that nearly the entire population has been displaced multiple times, risking injuries or death from shelling and aerial bombardments, while many vulnerable groups are unable to relocate or find safe shelter. The majority are living in temporary makeshift camps with an alarming density of almost 40,000 people per square kilometre.

    OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY
    Our colleagues from Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs warn that the ongoing Israeli military operations in northern Gaza are putting tens of thousands of civilians in grave danger. OCHA stresses once again that civilians in the north and across Gaza must be protected. Moreover, the military offensive in northern Gaza is also choking off people’s access to the essentials for their survival, including water.
    Intense hostilities, evacuation orders, and loss of access to numerous water, sanitation and hygiene facilities in northern Gaza have rendered a number of systems for water production and wastewater collection inoperable. In Jabalya and Beit Lahya, water production from municipal wells is currently at zero. That’s according to our partners, who are also doing everything possible to provide access to water for people throughout Gaza. As of a week ago, they reported that 638 cubic metres of water were being distributed in northern Gaza on a daily basis through water trucking. For your reference, daily water distribution throughout all of Gaza prior to October 2023 was 380,000 cubic metres.
    Meanwhile, in central Gaza, we and our humanitarian partners working to support water, sanitation and hygiene services there are preparing for winter and taking urgent steps to mitigate the risk of flooding. These include rehabilitating wastewater pumping stations in Deir al Balah and removing solid waste and cleaning stormwater channels in An Nuseirat refugee camp. Partners are also rehabilitating drainage systems and working to procure dewatering pumps.
    Also in central Gaza, the World Health Organization reports that the second round of the polio vaccination campaign there concluded yesterday, with more than 181,000 children receiving the vaccine and over 148,000 children getting vitamin A supplements. Eight health facilities in central Gaza will continue to provide polio vaccines for families who were unable to bring their children to be vaccinated over the past three days.
    The second round of the polio vaccination campaign is expected to start in southern Gaza tomorrow.
    Meanwhile, in the West Bank, OCHA warns that Israeli settler violence in the context of the ongoing olive harvest season is threatening people’s safety and livelihoods. Since the beginning of the month, OCHA has documented 32 attacks by Israeli settlers, during which 39 Palestinians harvesting olives were injured and about 600 trees and saplings were vandalized, sawn off, or stolen.

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=17%20October%202024

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2LMOp0V0ZLg

    MIL OSI Video