Category: Child Poverty

  • MIL-OSI Global: 9 million Mozambicans live below the poverty line – what’s wrong with the national budget and how to fix it

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Felix Mambo, Country Economist, London School of Economics and Political Science

    Mozambique ranks in the bottom 20 of the human development index. This measures a country’s progress based on key dimensions such as a long and healthy life and a decent standard of living. Nearly two-thirds of Mozambicans – 18.9 million people – live below the national poverty line of US$0.70-a-day.

    The country also struggles to finance public spending, consistently running state budget deficits . At the same time it also fails to spend all the money that’s been budgeted.

    Mozambique’s frequent budget deficits are no surprise. The country has a rapidly growing population, increasing needs of the poor populations, dilapidated infrastructure, and very limited revenue generation.

    In a recent study on budget credibility in Mozambique we explored how the government’s challenges in meeting its revenue and expenditure targets harm the overall economy. And we suggest solutions.

    Our study focused on public expenditures on the social sector. This included education, health, social protection and public works (which includes water and sanitation). All are vital for human capital generation and poverty reduction. The social sector accounts for 40% of budgeted expenditure. Education is the largest at about 20% of the overall pie.

    Our study introduces – and successfully tests – a simple method that can be easily applied by budget oversight entities. This includes the parliament budget oversight unit and the accounts court. It can also be applied by planning units within ministries, especially the ministry of finance. Finally, it can be used by civil society budget watchdogs, as it relies on public information.

    Adopting it will provide tools to improve budget management in turn leading to more credible budget execution.

    Assessing public financial management

    The Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability programme was initiated in 2001 by the European Commission, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and the governments of France, Norway, Switzerland and the UK. The aim was is to improve fiscal outcomes. It has conducted 533 assessments in 155 countries, including 47 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Ten assessments have been completed in Mozambique.

    The programme defines budget credibility as the extent to which the government’s budget is realistic and implemented as intended. A credible budget reassures a range of stakeholders on the predictability of public expenditure and services. This includes taxpayers, donors and lenders, the firms that supply the government, public workers and the recipients of public services.

    The credibility question

    To measure the credibility of the budget in Mozambique, we used publicly available state budget data. We looked at both planned spending and actual execution.

    In its previous assessments, the Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability programme had identified several weaknesses. These included deviations, sector-specific variability, revenue shortfalls and mid-year budget adjustments.

    However, these insights didn’t explore the origins of the underlying budget discrepancies. The assessments therefore didn’t allow for in-depth insights.

    In our study, we further analysed the credibility of the budget measured along expenditure types and the fiscal year.

    Our findings revealed consistent under-execution of budgeted expenditures. This was the case even in years with sufficient revenue. Significant disparities existed along sectors. For example, education and health showed relatively credible budgets compared to public works, social protection and overall non-social expenditures.

    A comparison between types of expenditure showed interesting patterns. An example is the investment expenditures in social sectors (such as schools, health facilities, water, and sanitation). These were primarily externally funded, showed higher volatility and lower credibility than current expenditures. Current expenditures include teachers’ payments and, more generally, overall salaries.

    We also found a strong indication of resource reallocation outside of regular budgetary rules. For example, we found a suggestion that resources initially allocated for investments were redirected to fund current expenditures.

    Finally, we found no strong evidence that mid-fiscal year budget adjustments improved reliability. This was in line with Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability reports.

    Causes and potential solutions

    The Government of Mozambique’s State Budget Account attributes budget inconsistencies to two main factors.

    On one hand, slower economic growth and inefficient tax collection lead to revenue shortfalls. On the other, there were expenditure overruns due to a range of developments. These included natural disasters, health shocks (such as COVID-19), inflation, exchange rate fluctuations and delays in donor disbursements. Administrative and logistical issues that delayed projects also played a role.

    The government has taken steps to mitigate these vulnerabilities. These include:

    • establishing a reserve fund under the new sovereign fund

    • increasing tax collection

    • it has initiated VAT reform. This was suggested by the IMF.

    These efforts are coupled with measures to address expenditure overruns. These include improving transparency and accountability in public budgets. They also include efforts to limit the overall public sector wage expenditure.

    Our study recommends additional strategies to boost budget credibility:

    Sectoral focus: enhance expenditure targeting in social sectors. This includes education, health, social protection and social work. And improve related budgeting processes

    Enhanced investment management: strengthen oversight mechanisms for externally financed projects. The aim would be to reduce fund diversion to unplanned purposes. And better alignment with long term development goals

    Budget adjustments reassessment: focus mid-fiscal-year budget adjustments on strategic reallocation rather than ad-hoc adjustments

    Improved monitoring: implement a system that enables the Ministry of Economy and Finance to identify areas for improvement, potential quick wins and best practices

    Budget credibility is crucial for Mozambique’s economic development and public trust. Effective budget management ensures transparency, predictability, and accountability. All are essential for sustainable growth.

    This is an modified version of a blog, Budget credibility in Mozambique – challenges and solutions, originally published by UNU-WIDER.

    An extended discussion of the topics covered in the blog, Understanding Mozambique’s budget credibility issues and solutions, was published by the International Growth Centre (IGC).

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. 9 million Mozambicans live below the poverty line – what’s wrong with the national budget and how to fix it – https://theconversation.com/9-million-mozambicans-live-below-the-poverty-line-whats-wrong-with-the-national-budget-and-how-to-fix-it-240027

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Africa: 9 million Mozambicans live below the poverty line – what’s wrong with the national budget and how to fix it

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Felix Mambo, Country Economist, London School of Economics and Political Science

    Mozambique ranks in the bottom 20 of the human development index. This measures a country’s progress based on key dimensions such as a long and healthy life and a decent standard of living. Nearly two-thirds of Mozambicans – 18.9 million people – live below the national poverty line of US$0.70-a-day.

    The country also struggles to finance public spending, consistently running state budget deficits . At the same time it also fails to spend all the money that’s been budgeted.

    Mozambique’s frequent budget deficits are no surprise. The country has a rapidly growing population, increasing needs of the poor populations, dilapidated infrastructure, and very limited revenue generation.

    In a recent study on budget credibility in Mozambique we explored how the government’s challenges in meeting its revenue and expenditure targets harm the overall economy. And we suggest solutions.

    Our study focused on public expenditures on the social sector. This included education, health, social protection and public works (which includes water and sanitation). All are vital for human capital generation and poverty reduction. The social sector accounts for 40% of budgeted expenditure. Education is the largest at about 20% of the overall pie.

    Our study introduces – and successfully tests – a simple method that can be easily applied by budget oversight entities. This includes the parliament budget oversight unit and the accounts court. It can also be applied by planning units within ministries, especially the ministry of finance. Finally, it can be used by civil society budget watchdogs, as it relies on public information.

    Adopting it will provide tools to improve budget management in turn leading to more credible budget execution.

    Assessing public financial management

    The Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability programme was initiated in 2001 by the European Commission, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and the governments of France, Norway, Switzerland and the UK. The aim was is to improve fiscal outcomes. It has conducted 533 assessments in 155 countries, including 47 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Ten assessments have been completed in Mozambique.

    The programme defines budget credibility as the extent to which the government’s budget is realistic and implemented as intended. A credible budget reassures a range of stakeholders on the predictability of public expenditure and services. This includes taxpayers, donors and lenders, the firms that supply the government, public workers and the recipients of public services.

    The credibility question

    To measure the credibility of the budget in Mozambique, we used publicly available state budget data. We looked at both planned spending and actual execution.

    In its previous assessments, the Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability programme had identified several weaknesses. These included deviations, sector-specific variability, revenue shortfalls and mid-year budget adjustments.

    However, these insights didn’t explore the origins of the underlying budget discrepancies. The assessments therefore didn’t allow for in-depth insights.

    In our study, we further analysed the credibility of the budget measured along expenditure types and the fiscal year.

    Our findings revealed consistent under-execution of budgeted expenditures. This was the case even in years with sufficient revenue. Significant disparities existed along sectors. For example, education and health showed relatively credible budgets compared to public works, social protection and overall non-social expenditures.

    A comparison between types of expenditure showed interesting patterns. An example is the investment expenditures in social sectors (such as schools, health facilities, water, and sanitation). These were primarily externally funded, showed higher volatility and lower credibility than current expenditures. Current expenditures include teachers’ payments and, more generally, overall salaries.

    We also found a strong indication of resource reallocation outside of regular budgetary rules. For example, we found a suggestion that resources initially allocated for investments were redirected to fund current expenditures.

    Finally, we found no strong evidence that mid-fiscal year budget adjustments improved reliability. This was in line with Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability reports.

    Causes and potential solutions

    The Government of Mozambique’s State Budget Account attributes budget inconsistencies to two main factors.

    On one hand, slower economic growth and inefficient tax collection lead to revenue shortfalls. On the other, there were expenditure overruns due to a range of developments. These included natural disasters, health shocks (such as COVID-19), inflation, exchange rate fluctuations and delays in donor disbursements. Administrative and logistical issues that delayed projects also played a role.

    The government has taken steps to mitigate these vulnerabilities. These include:

    • establishing a reserve fund under the new sovereign fund

    • increasing tax collection

    • it has initiated VAT reform. This was suggested by the IMF.

    These efforts are coupled with measures to address expenditure overruns. These include improving transparency and accountability in public budgets. They also include efforts to limit the overall public sector wage expenditure.

    Our study recommends additional strategies to boost budget credibility:

    Sectoral focus: enhance expenditure targeting in social sectors. This includes education, health, social protection and social work. And improve related budgeting processes

    Enhanced investment management: strengthen oversight mechanisms for externally financed projects. The aim would be to reduce fund diversion to unplanned purposes. And better alignment with long term development goals

    Budget adjustments reassessment: focus mid-fiscal-year budget adjustments on strategic reallocation rather than ad-hoc adjustments

    Improved monitoring: implement a system that enables the Ministry of Economy and Finance to identify areas for improvement, potential quick wins and best practices

    Budget credibility is crucial for Mozambique’s economic development and public trust. Effective budget management ensures transparency, predictability, and accountability. All are essential for sustainable growth.

    This is an modified version of a blog, Budget credibility in Mozambique – challenges and solutions, originally published by UNU-WIDER.

    An extended discussion of the topics covered in the blog, Understanding Mozambique’s budget credibility issues and solutions, was published by the International Growth Centre (IGC).

    – 9 million Mozambicans live below the poverty line – what’s wrong with the national budget and how to fix it
    https://theconversation.com/9-million-mozambicans-live-below-the-poverty-line-whats-wrong-with-the-national-budget-and-how-to-fix-it-240027

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Farms to fame: How China’s rural influencers are redefining country life

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Mitchell Gallagher, Ph.D Candidate in Political Science, Wayne State University

    In the quiet backwaters of Yunnan, Dong Meihua – though her followers know her by the public alias Dianxi Xiaoge – has done something remarkable: She’s taken the pastoral simplicity of rural China and made it irresistible to millions. In her hands, a village kitchen becomes a stage, and the rhythms of farm life become a story as compelling as any novel. She is one of many rural influencers returning to their roots.

    In a digital revolution turning established narratives on their head, China’s countryside is emerging as an unlikely epicenter of viral content. Xiaoge is one of thousands of influencers redefining through social media how the countryside is perceived.

    Upending preconceptions of rural China as a hinterland of poverty and stagnation, this new breed of social media mavens is serving up a feast of bucolic bliss to millions of urbanites. It is a narrative shift encouraged by authorities; the Chinese government has given its blessing to influencers promoting picturesque rural images. Doing so helps downplay urban-rural chasms and stoke national pride. It also fits nicely with Beijing’s rural revitalization strategy.

    Hardship to revival

    To fully appreciate any phenomenon, it’s necessary to first consider the historical context. For decades, China’s countryside was synonymous with hardship and backwardness. The Great Leap Forward of the late 1950s and early 1960s – Communist China’s revered founder Mao Zedong’s disastrous attempt to industrialize a largely agrarian country – devastated rural communities and led to widespread famine that saw tens of millions die.

    The subsequent Cultural Revolution, in which Mao strengthened his grip on power through a broad purge of the nation’s intelligentsia, further disrupted customary rural life as educated youth were sent to the countryside for “reeducation.” These traumatic events inflicted deep scars on the rural psyche and economy.

    Meanwhile, the “hukou” system, which since the late 1950s has tied social benefits to a person’s birthplace and divided citizens into “agricultural ” and “nonagricultural” residency status, has created a stark divide between urban and rural citizens.

    The reform era of Mao’s successor, Deng Xiaoping, beginning in 1978, brought new challenges. As China’s cities boomed, the countryside lagged behind.

    Millions of rural Chinese have migrated to cities for better opportunities, abandoning aging populations and hollowed-out communities. In 1980, 19% of China’s population lived in urban areas. By 2023, that figure had risen to 66%.

    Government policies have since developed extensively toward rural areas. The abolition of agricultural taxes in 2006 heralded a major milestone, demonstrating a renewed commitment to rural prosperity. Most recently, President Xi Jinping’s “rural revitalization” has put countryside development at the forefront of national policy. The launch of the Internet Plus Agriculture initiative and investment in rural e-commerce platforms such as Taobao Villages allow isolated farming communities to connect to urban markets.

    Notwithstanding these efforts, China’s urban-rural income gap remains substantial, with the average annual per capita disposable income of rural households standing at 21,691 yuan (about US$3,100), approximately 40% of the amount for urban households.

    Enter the ‘new farmer’

    Digital-savvy farmers and countryside dwellers have used nostalgia and authenticity to win over Chinese social media. Stars such as Li Ziqi and Dianxi Xiaoge have racked up huge numbers of followers as they paint rural China as both an idyllic escape and a thriving cultural hub.

    The Chinese term for this social media phenomenon is “new farmer.” This encapsulates the rise of rural celebrities who use platforms such as Douyin and Weibo to document and commercialize their way of life. Take Sister Yu: With over 23 million followers, she showcases the rustic charm of northeast China as she pickles vegetables and cooks hearty meals. Or Peng Chuanming: a farmer in Fujian whose videos on crafting traditional teas and restoring his home have captivated millions.

    Since 2016, these platforms have turned rural life into digital gold. What began as simple documentation has evolved into a phenomenon commanding enormous audiences, fueled not just by nostalgia but also economic necessity. China’s post-COVID-19 economic downturn, marked by soaring youth unemployment and diminishing urban opportunities, has driven some to seek livelihoods in the countryside.

    In China’s megacities, where the air is thick with pollution and opportunity, there’s clearly a hunger for something real – something that doesn’t come shrink-wrapped or with a QR code. And rural influencers serve slices of a life many thought lost to China’s breakneck development.

    Compared with their urban counterparts, rural influencers carve out a unique niche in China’s vast social media landscape. Although fashion bloggers, gaming streamers and lifestyle gurus dominate platforms such as Weibo and Douyin, the Chinese TikTok, rural content creators tap into a different cultural romanticism and a yearning for connection to nature. In addition, their content capitalizes on the rising popularity of short video platforms such as Kuaishou and Pinduoduo, augmenting their reach across a wide demographic, from nostalgic retirees to eco-conscious millennials.

    But this is not simply digital escapism for the masses. Tourism is booming in once-forgotten villages. Traditional crafts are finding new markets. In 2020 alone, Taobao Villages reported a staggering 1.2 trillion yuan (around $169.36 billion) in sales.

    The Chinese government, never one to miss a PR opportunity, has spotted potential. Rural revitalization is now the buzzword among government officials. It’s a win-win: Villagers net economic opportunities, and the state polishes its reputation as a champion of traditional values. Government officials have leveraged platforms such as X to showcase China’s rural revitalization efforts to international audiences.

    Authenticity or illusion?

    As with all algorithms, there’s a catch to the new farmer movement. The more popular rural influencers become, the more pressure they face to perform “authenticity.” Or put another way: The more real it looks, the less real it might actually be.

    It raises another question: Who truly benefits? Are we witnessing rural empowerment or a commodification of rural life for urban consumption? With corporate sponsors and government initiatives piling in, the line between genuine representation and curated fantasy blurs.

    Local governments, recognizing the economic potential, have begun offering subsidies to rural content creators, causing skepticism about whether this content is truly grassroots or part of a bigger, state-led campaign to sanitize the countryside’s image.

    Yet, for all the conceivable pitfalls, the new farmer trend is an opportunity to challenge the urban-centric narrative that has dominated China’s development story for decades and rethink whether progress always means high-rises and highways, or if there’s value in preserving ways of life that have sustained communities for centuries.

    More importantly, it’s narrowing the cultural disconnect that has long separated China’s rural and urban populations. In a country where your hukou can determine your destiny, these viral videos foster understanding in ways that no government program ever could.

    Mitchell Gallagher does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Farms to fame: How China’s rural influencers are redefining country life – https://theconversation.com/farms-to-fame-how-chinas-rural-influencers-are-redefining-country-life-239540

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Governor Murphy Announces Second Round of Medical Debt Elimination, Totaling $120 Million in Debt Abolished for 77,000 New Jerseyans

    Source: US State of New Jersey

    Nearly two months after effectuating the first round of medical debt abolishment through the State’s partnership with Undue Medical Debt, Governor Phil Murphy today announced that 77,000 eligible individuals and families across New Jersey are set to benefit from the elimination of an additional $120 million in medical debt. Governor Murphy sat down with Andrew Rose Gregory, who was a special guest at the 2024 State of the State Address, to discuss the announcement. Andrew and his wife, Casey, partnered with Undue and raised $1.1 million following her passing to help eliminate medical debt for others. The video is available here.

    By leveraging approximately $900,000 in American Rescue Plan funds, Undue has worked with the Atlantic Health System to identify and purchase qualifying, unpayable medical debts. Impacted residents may have all or some of their debts abolished as part of the Governor’s mission to make health care more affordable and accessible. Through the State’s partnership with Undue, $220 million in medical debt has been eliminated for 127,000 New Jersey residents so far.

    “Investing in affordable and accessible health care allows residents to prioritize their well-being without having to take on the significant burdens of medical debt, which has long served as a debilitating barrier to receiving the life-saving care and services they deserve,” said Governor Murphy. “That is why our Administration has taken action to both protect residents from accumulating debt and eliminate existing debt so that New Jerseyans can focus on what matters most: their health. Today’s announcement marks a monumental step forward and builds upon our efforts to create a health care system that relieves financial constraints and ensures quality, comprehensive care is within reach of every New Jerseyan.”

    “With Governor Murphy’s persistent focus on health care affordability and access for New Jerseyans, we are pleased to announce another round of medical debt abolishment for tens of thousands of residents and families,” said Shabnam Salih, Director of the Office of Health Care Affordability and Transparency. “Today’s announcement is lifting the burden of $120 million in debt off their shoulders, helping to bring some peace of mind and comfort next time they have to see a doctor or visit the hospital for care.”

    Earlier this year, the Governor signed the Louisa Carman Medical Debt Relief Act, which safeguards New Jersey families from accumulating medical debt, protects against predatory medical debt collectors, and prohibits the reporting of medical debt to credit reporting agencies. New Jersey is a leading state in consumer protection policies and supports for residents, being one of only five states in the nation that both prohibits medical debt reporting to credit agencies and has allocated funding to provide residents with direct medical debt relief.

    “We’re proud to partner with the state of New Jersey, Governor Murphy and Atlantic Health on this impactful medical debt abolishment that follows closely on the heels of the initial $100 million of medical debt already erased,” said Undue Medical Debt CEO and president Allison Sesso. “New Jersey is a great example of a state that’s erasing medical debts weighing down its most financially burdened residents while also taking legislative action to lessen the burden of medical debt overall.”

    “As Casey and I prepared for her to die in home hospice, we decided that after her death we would raise money to forgive others’ medical debt in her honor. We were keenly aware of how lucky we were that our finances hadn’t been demolished by America’s health care system during Casey’s long and arduous treatment. Casey’s corporate insurance through her work as a publisher at Penguin Random House had been our shield. But we had met so many other patients and families that were not so lucky as us, and had gone into debt or even denied care because of a lack of insurance,” said Andrew Gregory. “In the last weeks of her life, Casey and I often listened to the Stevie Wonder song Come Back as a Flower: I wish that I could come back as a flower / as a flower / to spread the sweetness of love. As news of Casey’s death, and her wish to forgive others’ medical debt, spread across the world after she died, her campaign raised $1.1 million, forgiving almost $45 million with at least $65 million more of un-payable medical debt still slated to be relieved. She is no longer with us but I still say to her, Casey, Casey, you have come back as a flower.”

    There is no application process for medical debt relief. Undue works with hospital systems across the country to purchase large, bundled portfolios of past-due medical debt belonging to those least able to pay for pennies on the dollar. Instead of trying to collect, Undue erases the debt.

    “When I received my letter [notifying] me that my medical expenses were covered, I felt so blessed and happy. I’m a single mom; I had to take a leave of absence so that I could have surgery and I have no way to pay my medical bills. I work so hard in this country, but it is really difficult to [pay] for my house and bills without any assistance. Thank you so much, Governor Phil Murphy,” said Brunilda from Newark, NJ, one of almost 50,000 New Jerseyans to have medical debt abolished this August.

    “Thank you for helping. I lost my job and then got terribly sick. I couldn’t afford medication, couldn’t afford to pay rent and my bills were coming in back-to-back. I’m trying to get my financial situation back together and this really does help me. Thank you,” said Angela from Dover, NJ, one of almost 50,000 New Jerseyans to have medical debt abolished this August.

    “Like many families throughout the United States, I worked a job for 25+ years that did not offer health benefits. I often had to make a strategic decision about whether my illness or injuries were worth visiting the hospitals or doctor for. Living off of minimum wage, taking care of my ailing mother, paying rent and other expenses — it was just impossible for me to pay my hospital bills. Even with expensive health insurance, high co-pays make it difficult for many American families to [afford care]. Thank you, Undue, for relieving me of this burden. For once, [I felt] great joy finally receiving some good news in the mail!” said Antoinette from Jackson, NJ, one of almost 50,000 New Jerseyans to have medical debt abolished this August.

    Those who qualify for medical debt relief are either four times or below the federal poverty level or have medical debts that equal 5% or more of their annual income. These are the only criteria for relief. For this round of debt abolishment, Undue worked with Atlantic Health System to identify unpaid medical debts that qualify for erasure. This is a one-time abolishment to help remove the financial and emotional burden of unpayable medical debts. Medical debt relief is source-based, depending on community-minded providers like hospitals who choose to engage. 

    Those benefiting from medical debt relief will receive an Undue branded letter in the mail beginning Thursday, October 17, 2024. Learn more about Undue here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Speech: PM International Investment Summit Speech: 14 October 2024

    Source: United Kingdom – Prime Minister’s Office 10 Downing Street

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer delivered a speech at the International Investment Summit 2024.

    And thanks to all you for being here…

    It’s fantastic to stand here and look out and see so many of you here…

    And I’m really grateful that you have made the effort, and you are here. It means a huge amount to me and my government…

    And welcome to this Government’s first International Investment summit.

    And some of you I know have come a very long way to be here…

    You have flown in from a great distance, some of you will be going straight back out again afterwards.

    You have made a huge effort to share with us the precious gift of your time…

    And we are really, really grateful for that.

    And welcome to the Guild Hall…

    London’s ancient Town Hall…

    Isn’t it a fantastic building, it’s really breathtaking this Guild Hall.

    Not of course to be confused with the nearby Guildhall school of music…

    Where I once pursued a fleeting ambition to play the flute professionally. I kid you not…

    Complete with then long hair and very, very flared jeans. 

    All photographic evidence has been destroyed.

    But today we are pursuing a different ambition…

    A shared ambition…

    Growth.

    You have to grow your business.

    And I have to grow my country.

    I’ll leave it to you to decide if you think voters or shareholders are the more forgiving audience…

    But without growth – let’s just agree it’s a difficult conversation…

    And that therefore, growth is a cause that binds us together.

    The shared endeavour of prosperity.

    It’s why we’ve made it the number one test of this government…

    I am determined to do everything in my power to galvanise growth…

    Determined for this country to be the highest growing economy in the G7…

    That is our most important national mission.

    Because it’s the only way to deliver the mandate for change that we won.

    Growth is higher wages.

    Growth is more vibrant high streets.

    Growth is public services back on their feet.

    It’s less poverty, more opportunity, more meals out, more holidays, more precious moments with your family, more cash in your pocket.

    And of course, for any business…

    It means a bigger market.

    Higher demand…

    A more secure and prosperous future…

    Your effort and enterprise – rewarded in profit.

    But it’s much more important, even than all that. 

    We live in an age when political fires rage across the world.

    Conflict. Insecurity. A populist mood that rails against the open values so many of us hold dear.

    Values which, as you know…

    Are so crucial for making business easy to do.

    And yet – at the same time…

    Look around the world…

    Look at the investments you and others are making.

    This is an age of great possibility, as well. 

    Huge revolutions in digital technology, clean energy, medicine, life sciences…

    Each – with the potential to fundamentally change the way we live and the way that we work…

    Each – with the possibility to transform the lives of working people for the better.

    And so, in times like this…

    Economic growth is vital – as it always has been…

    If we are to steer our way through a great period of insecurity and change…

    And on to calmer waters. 

    Because when working people benefit from that growth…

    When every community enjoys the fruits of wealth creation…

    It stops a country turning in on itself and against the world.

    And that in turn, helps provides a stable foundation…

    Breathing space… 

    For a country to take advantage of those opportunities for a better future.

    To put it more simply…

    It’s not just that stability leads to growth – though we all recognise that. 

    It’s also that growth leads to stability…

    Growth leads to country that is better equipped to come together…

    And get its future back.

    That’s why it’s always been so critical to my political project.

    The key ingredient of that ‘Great Moderation’ we became accustomed to before the financial crash…

    But which together, in partnership…

    We now have to earn again. 

    Every one of you here today…

    Has been invited for that reason.

    It’s not just that you lead some of the most important businesses in the world.

    It’s also because you are pivotal to this great cause of our times. 

    And the reason we are focusing so much on investment…

    Is because the mission of growth, in this country in particular…

    Demands it.

    Private sector investment is the way we rebuild our country…

    And pay our way in the world.

    And make no mistake – this is a great moment to back Britain…

    This is great moment to back England, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales. 

    We have an amazing education system that produces some of the best talent in the world.

    The largest tech sector in Europe.

    Leading positions in some of those great industries of the future…

    Artificial Intelligence, Life Sciences, Clean energy, the creative industries.

    We’re a country where businesses thrive – small and large alike…

    With clear regulatory frameworks and protections…

    A legal system that sets high standards around the globe…

    A location which means we can speak to our colleagues in the Americas or Asia in the same day…

    A high ranking in the Global Innovation index, every year…

    Our wonderful global language…

    Our world-renowned sport and culture… 

    This great modern city…

    And all around us…

    A heritage steeped in commerce and trade…

    A set of shared values – centuries-long…

    For being a country that is open for business.

    You can’t put a price on any of this.

    Now we have our problems – of course we do.

    As I’ve said – our public services need urgent care… 

    And our public finances need the tough love of prudence…

    Challenges we cannot ignore. 

    Because, we know – just as every leader here knows…

    That those early weeks and months are precious.

    And, no matter how many people advise you to ignore it…

    That you must run towards the fire to put it out…

    Not let it spread further.

    So we will fix our public services…

    We will stabilise our economy… 

    And we will do it quickly.

    Because we don’t want any of those problems associated with our inheritance…

    Misting up the shop window of Britain…

    Distracting you – from all those assets I just listed.

    Assets that may feel more intangible…

    But are more valuable…

    More enduring…

    Deeper in the bones of this nation.

    And which are ready to be unlocked…

    If we take firm and decisive action on policy – which we can and we will…

    To give you total confidence that this is the moment to back Britain.  

    So let me quickly run through four crucial areas in our pitch for Britain.

    I know – it’s a kind of CEO heresy to have a list of four not three…

    So I apologise!

    But please indulge me.

    First – stability.

    We have a golden opportunity to use our mandate…

    To end the culture of chop and change…

    The policy churn…

    The sticking plaster politics…

    That makes it so hard for investors to assess the value of any proposition.

    Now, you may think – well every government says that…

    But the stability that comes with a large majority in our system…

    That is a unique advantage.

    And we have the determination…

    The focus on clear long-term ends…

    A mission-led mindset that thinks in years…

    Not the days or hours of the news grid…

    Needed to unlock that potential. 

    And don’t doubt that.

    Second – strategy.

    We are building a more strategic architecture for growth. 

    A way for investors to have a much steadier hand on the tiller.

    That’s why we’ve announced a new National Wealth Fund…

    And switched on Great British Energy…

    Which will accelerate investment in clean power and future technologies.

    Like Carbon Capture and Storage, for example…

    Which we just backed – alongside BP, Equinor and Eni

    And which shows the hard-headed approach we will bring to industrial policy.

    A partnership – sharing the risk with the private sector…

    Ambitious – absolutely. 

    But also unsentimental.

    Guided by the market…

    Focused, at all times…

    On the real potential for comparative advantage in this country.

    You know – this is the point I would always make about our Modern Industrial Strategy. 

    In this country, there has been a long rather arcane political debate about “picking winners”.

    Well, we’re not in the business of individual picking winners.

    But we are in the business of building on our strengths.

    Mowing the grass on the pitch…

    Making sure the changing rooms are clean and comfortable…

    That the training ground is good.

    So that when our businesses compete…

    They are match fit…

    That, to put it simply…

    We give the businesses of this country the best conditions to succeed.

    I don’t know why that’s sometimes controversial in this country…

    Industrial policy seems fairly commonplace elsewhere around the world.

    But it is fundamental to the way we see our job on growth…

    And our relationship with a room like this.

    Third – Britain’s global standing.

    We’re determined to improve it.

    Determined – to repair…

    Britain’s brand as an open, outward-looking, confident, trading nation.

    Look – I see this as a diplomatic necessity…

    And I think it’s clear how much priority I have given it in the first 100 days of government.

    All around the world…

    Whether it’s countries, or investors…

    People want to know that Britain can be a stable, trusted, rule-abiding partner.

    As we always have been…

    But that somehow, during the whole circus that followed Brexit… 

    The last Government made a few people less sure about. 

    Needlessly insulting our closest allies…

    And of course a few choice Anglo-Saxon phrases for business. 

    Well – no more.

    We have turned the page on that – decisively…

    And we will use that reset for growth. 

    Finally fourth – regulation

    Now, I don’t see regulation as good or bad.

    That seems simplistic to me.

    Some regulation is life-saving…

    We have seen that in recent weeks here, with the report on the tragedy of Grenfell Tower.

    But across our public sector…

    I would say the previous Government hid behind regulators.

    Deferred decisions to them because it was either too weak or indecisive…

    Or simply not committed enough to growth. 

    Planning is a very real example of that…

    Or – for our friends from across the pond…

    ‘Permitting’ is a really clear example of that… 

    The global language…

    But anyway – the key test for me on regulation…

    Is of course – growth. 

    Is this going to make our economy more dynamic?

    Is this going to inhibit or unlock investment?

    Is it something that enables the builders not the blockers?

    Now – I know some people may be wondering about our labour market policies introduced last week.

    Let me be clear – they are pro-growth.

    Workers with more security at work…

    With higher wages…

    That is a better growth model for this country.

    It will lead to more dynamism in our labour market.

    And seriously – we have to think differently about this…

    A nation’s position in the world is changing all the time…

    As must its growth model. 

    So while I know this is a room full of businesses who take investing in their human capital seriously…

    When I look at the British economy as a whole…

    It does seem as if sometimes, we are more comfortable hiring people to work in low paid, insecure contracts…

    Than we are investing in the new technology that delivers for workers, for productivity and for our country.

    And so we’ve got to break out of that trap.

    But we’ve also got to look at regulation – across the piece. 

    And where it is needlessly holding back the investment we need to take our country forward…

    Where it is stopping us building the homes…

    The data centres, the warehouses, grid connectors, roads,  trainlines, you name it…

    Then mark my words – we will get rid of it.

    Take the East Anglia 2 wind farm.

    A £4 billion investment.

    One Gigawatt of clean energy.

    An important project – absolutely.

    But also the sort of thing a country as committed to clean energy as we are…

    Needs to replicate again and again.

    Now regulators demanded over four thousand planning documents for that project…

    Not 4000 pages – 4000 documents.

    And then six weeks after finally receiving planning consent…

    It was held up for a further two years by judicial review.

    I mean – as an investor…

    When you see this inertia…

    You just don’t bother do you?

    And that – in a nutshell…

    Is the biggest supply-side problem we have in our country.

    So it’s time to upgrade the regulatory regime…

    Make it fit for the modern age..

    Harness every opportunity available to Britain.

    We will rip out the bureaucracy that blocks investment…

    We will march through the institutions…

    And we will make sure that every regulator in this country…

    Especially our economic and competition regulators…

    Takes growth as seriously as this room does.

    And look – tell us about your frustrations on this. 

    Speak to my team…

    Speak to me, to Rachel, to Jonny, to Ed…

    And our new Minister for Investment, Poppy. 

    Any leader knows the importance of a good team – and we’ve got one here.

    We are united behind growth…

    Our door is open…

    And the work of change has already begun.

    We’re reforming the planning system…

    The onshore wind ban has gone… 

    New projects in solar, wind, tidal energy…

    Carbon Capture and Storage…

    Tax relief for the creative industries…

    Investment from the world’s leading companies…

    Blackstone, Amazon…

    A new partnership with Cyrus One to build data centres in Didcot…

    Finally grasping the nettle on airport expansion…

    A new £1 billion commitment from Manchester Airport Group to expand Stansted…

    Opening up new routes to work and holiday destinations…

    The first of tens of billions worth of inward investment deals we will sign today.

    Because we are determined to lead the way on growth. 

    Determined to get Britain building…

    Determined to get our economy moving…

    Through the shock and awe of investment.

    That’s the message to take home today.

    When the big decisions are made…

    When you go back to your board rooms and ask…

    Where does our money go…

    Where do our jobs go…

    Where does our investment in a better future go?

    Let me offer you a new answer…

    It’s time to back Britain.

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 14 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: PM International Investment Summit Speech: 14 October 2024

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer delivered a speech at the International Investment Summit 2024.

    And thanks to all you for being here…

    It’s fantastic to stand here and look out and see so many of you here…

    And I’m really grateful that you have made the effort, and you are here. It means a huge amount to me and my government…

    And welcome to this Government’s first International Investment summit.

    And some of you I know have come a very long way to be here…

    You have flown in from a great distance, some of you will be going straight back out again afterwards.

    You have made a huge effort to share with us the precious gift of your time…

    And we are really, really grateful for that.

    And welcome to the Guild Hall…

    London’s ancient Town Hall…

    Isn’t it a fantastic building, it’s really breathtaking this Guild Hall.

    Not of course to be confused with the nearby Guildhall school of music…

    Where I once pursued a fleeting ambition to play the flute professionally. I kid you not…

    Complete with then long hair and very, very flared jeans. 

    All photographic evidence has been destroyed.

    But today we are pursuing a different ambition…

    A shared ambition…

    Growth.

    You have to grow your business.

    And I have to grow my country.

    I’ll leave it to you to decide if you think voters or shareholders are the more forgiving audience…

    But without growth – let’s just agree it’s a difficult conversation…

    And that therefore, growth is a cause that binds us together.

    The shared endeavour of prosperity.

    It’s why we’ve made it the number one test of this government…

    I am determined to do everything in my power to galvanise growth…

    Determined for this country to be the highest growing economy in the G7…

    That is our most important national mission.

    Because it’s the only way to deliver the mandate for change that we won.

    Growth is higher wages.

    Growth is more vibrant high streets.

    Growth is public services back on their feet.

    It’s less poverty, more opportunity, more meals out, more holidays, more precious moments with your family, more cash in your pocket.

    And of course, for any business…

    It means a bigger market.

    Higher demand…

    A more secure and prosperous future…

    Your effort and enterprise – rewarded in profit.

    But it’s much more important, even than all that. 

    We live in an age when political fires rage across the world.

    Conflict. Insecurity. A populist mood that rails against the open values so many of us hold dear.

    Values which, as you know…

    Are so crucial for making business easy to do.

    And yet – at the same time…

    Look around the world…

    Look at the investments you and others are making.

    This is an age of great possibility, as well. 

    Huge revolutions in digital technology, clean energy, medicine, life sciences…

    Each – with the potential to fundamentally change the way we live and the way that we work…

    Each – with the possibility to transform the lives of working people for the better.

    And so, in times like this…

    Economic growth is vital – as it always has been…

    If we are to steer our way through a great period of insecurity and change…

    And on to calmer waters. 

    Because when working people benefit from that growth…

    When every community enjoys the fruits of wealth creation…

    It stops a country turning in on itself and against the world.

    And that in turn, helps provides a stable foundation…

    Breathing space… 

    For a country to take advantage of those opportunities for a better future.

    To put it more simply…

    It’s not just that stability leads to growth – though we all recognise that. 

    It’s also that growth leads to stability…

    Growth leads to country that is better equipped to come together…

    And get its future back.

    That’s why it’s always been so critical to my political project.

    The key ingredient of that ‘Great Moderation’ we became accustomed to before the financial crash…

    But which together, in partnership…

    We now have to earn again. 

    Every one of you here today…

    Has been invited for that reason.

    It’s not just that you lead some of the most important businesses in the world.

    It’s also because you are pivotal to this great cause of our times. 

    And the reason we are focusing so much on investment…

    Is because the mission of growth, in this country in particular…

    Demands it.

    Private sector investment is the way we rebuild our country…

    And pay our way in the world.

    And make no mistake – this is a great moment to back Britain…

    This is great moment to back England, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales. 

    We have an amazing education system that produces some of the best talent in the world.

    The largest tech sector in Europe.

    Leading positions in some of those great industries of the future…

    Artificial Intelligence, Life Sciences, Clean energy, the creative industries.

    We’re a country where businesses thrive – small and large alike…

    With clear regulatory frameworks and protections…

    A legal system that sets high standards around the globe…

    A location which means we can speak to our colleagues in the Americas or Asia in the same day…

    A high ranking in the Global Innovation index, every year…

    Our wonderful global language…

    Our world-renowned sport and culture… 

    This great modern city…

    And all around us…

    A heritage steeped in commerce and trade…

    A set of shared values – centuries-long…

    For being a country that is open for business.

    You can’t put a price on any of this.

    Now we have our problems – of course we do.

    As I’ve said – our public services need urgent care… 

    And our public finances need the tough love of prudence…

    Challenges we cannot ignore. 

    Because, we know – just as every leader here knows…

    That those early weeks and months are precious.

    And, no matter how many people advise you to ignore it…

    That you must run towards the fire to put it out…

    Not let it spread further.

    So we will fix our public services…

    We will stabilise our economy… 

    And we will do it quickly.

    Because we don’t want any of those problems associated with our inheritance…

    Misting up the shop window of Britain…

    Distracting you – from all those assets I just listed.

    Assets that may feel more intangible…

    But are more valuable…

    More enduring…

    Deeper in the bones of this nation.

    And which are ready to be unlocked…

    If we take firm and decisive action on policy – which we can and we will…

    To give you total confidence that this is the moment to back Britain.  

    So let me quickly run through four crucial areas in our pitch for Britain.

    I know – it’s a kind of CEO heresy to have a list of four not three…

    So I apologise!

    But please indulge me.

    First – stability.

    We have a golden opportunity to use our mandate…

    To end the culture of chop and change…

    The policy churn…

    The sticking plaster politics…

    That makes it so hard for investors to assess the value of any proposition.

    Now, you may think – well every government says that…

    But the stability that comes with a large majority in our system…

    That is a unique advantage.

    And we have the determination…

    The focus on clear long-term ends…

    A mission-led mindset that thinks in years…

    Not the days or hours of the news grid…

    Needed to unlock that potential. 

    And don’t doubt that.

    Second – strategy.

    We are building a more strategic architecture for growth. 

    A way for investors to have a much steadier hand on the tiller.

    That’s why we’ve announced a new National Wealth Fund…

    And switched on Great British Energy…

    Which will accelerate investment in clean power and future technologies.

    Like Carbon Capture and Storage, for example…

    Which we just backed – alongside BP, Equinor and Eni

    And which shows the hard-headed approach we will bring to industrial policy.

    A partnership – sharing the risk with the private sector…

    Ambitious – absolutely. 

    But also unsentimental.

    Guided by the market…

    Focused, at all times…

    On the real potential for comparative advantage in this country.

    You know – this is the point I would always make about our Modern Industrial Strategy. 

    In this country, there has been a long rather arcane political debate about “picking winners”.

    Well, we’re not in the business of individual picking winners.

    But we are in the business of building on our strengths.

    Mowing the grass on the pitch…

    Making sure the changing rooms are clean and comfortable…

    That the training ground is good.

    So that when our businesses compete…

    They are match fit…

    That, to put it simply…

    We give the businesses of this country the best conditions to succeed.

    I don’t know why that’s sometimes controversial in this country…

    Industrial policy seems fairly commonplace elsewhere around the world.

    But it is fundamental to the way we see our job on growth…

    And our relationship with a room like this.

    Third – Britain’s global standing.

    We’re determined to improve it.

    Determined – to repair…

    Britain’s brand as an open, outward-looking, confident, trading nation.

    Look – I see this as a diplomatic necessity…

    And I think it’s clear how much priority I have given it in the first 100 days of government.

    All around the world…

    Whether it’s countries, or investors…

    People want to know that Britain can be a stable, trusted, rule-abiding partner.

    As we always have been…

    But that somehow, during the whole circus that followed Brexit… 

    The last Government made a few people less sure about. 

    Needlessly insulting our closest allies…

    And of course a few choice Anglo-Saxon phrases for business. 

    Well – no more.

    We have turned the page on that – decisively…

    And we will use that reset for growth. 

    Finally fourth – regulation

    Now, I don’t see regulation as good or bad.

    That seems simplistic to me.

    Some regulation is life-saving…

    We have seen that in recent weeks here, with the report on the tragedy of Grenfell Tower.

    But across our public sector…

    I would say the previous Government hid behind regulators.

    Deferred decisions to them because it was either too weak or indecisive…

    Or simply not committed enough to growth. 

    Planning is a very real example of that…

    Or – for our friends from across the pond…

    ‘Permitting’ is a really clear example of that… 

    The global language…

    But anyway – the key test for me on regulation…

    Is of course – growth. 

    Is this going to make our economy more dynamic?

    Is this going to inhibit or unlock investment?

    Is it something that enables the builders not the blockers?

    Now – I know some people may be wondering about our labour market policies introduced last week.

    Let me be clear – they are pro-growth.

    Workers with more security at work…

    With higher wages…

    That is a better growth model for this country.

    It will lead to more dynamism in our labour market.

    And seriously – we have to think differently about this…

    A nation’s position in the world is changing all the time…

    As must its growth model. 

    So while I know this is a room full of businesses who take investing in their human capital seriously…

    When I look at the British economy as a whole…

    It does seem as if sometimes, we are more comfortable hiring people to work in low paid, insecure contracts…

    Than we are investing in the new technology that delivers for workers, for productivity and for our country.

    And so we’ve got to break out of that trap.

    But we’ve also got to look at regulation – across the piece. 

    And where it is needlessly holding back the investment we need to take our country forward…

    Where it is stopping us building the homes…

    The data centres, the warehouses, grid connectors, roads,  trainlines, you name it…

    Then mark my words – we will get rid of it.

    Take the East Anglia 2 wind farm.

    A £4 billion investment.

    One Gigawatt of clean energy.

    An important project – absolutely.

    But also the sort of thing a country as committed to clean energy as we are…

    Needs to replicate again and again.

    Now regulators demanded over four thousand planning documents for that project…

    Not 4000 pages – 4000 documents.

    And then six weeks after finally receiving planning consent…

    It was held up for a further two years by judicial review.

    I mean – as an investor…

    When you see this inertia…

    You just don’t bother do you?

    And that – in a nutshell…

    Is the biggest supply-side problem we have in our country.

    So it’s time to upgrade the regulatory regime…

    Make it fit for the modern age..

    Harness every opportunity available to Britain.

    We will rip out the bureaucracy that blocks investment…

    We will march through the institutions…

    And we will make sure that every regulator in this country…

    Especially our economic and competition regulators…

    Takes growth as seriously as this room does.

    And look – tell us about your frustrations on this. 

    Speak to my team…

    Speak to me, to Rachel, to Jonny, to Ed…

    And our new Minister for Investment, Poppy. 

    Any leader knows the importance of a good team – and we’ve got one here.

    We are united behind growth…

    Our door is open…

    And the work of change has already begun.

    We’re reforming the planning system…

    The onshore wind ban has gone… 

    New projects in solar, wind, tidal energy…

    Carbon Capture and Storage…

    Tax relief for the creative industries…

    Investment from the world’s leading companies…

    Blackstone, Amazon…

    A new partnership with Cyrus One to build data centres in Didcot…

    Finally grasping the nettle on airport expansion…

    A new £1 billion commitment from Manchester Airport Group to expand Stansted…

    Opening up new routes to work and holiday destinations…

    The first of tens of billions worth of inward investment deals we will sign today.

    Because we are determined to lead the way on growth. 

    Determined to get Britain building…

    Determined to get our economy moving…

    Through the shock and awe of investment.

    That’s the message to take home today.

    When the big decisions are made…

    When you go back to your board rooms and ask…

    Where does our money go…

    Where do our jobs go…

    Where does our investment in a better future go?

    Let me offer you a new answer…

    It’s time to back Britain.

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 14 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: France’s submission of Catherine Geslain-Lanéelle’s candidacy for the position of FAO director general (18.12.18)

    Source: Republic of France in English
    The Republic of France has issued the following statement:

    The first EU candidate to the FAO

    The French candidate was designated on October 15 as the European Union candidate for FAO general director. This is the first time that EU member states are selecting a common candidate for election to the head of this agency. It is also the first time that a woman is a candidate for the position.

    A candidacy to put the fight against hunger and malnutrition back at the top of political agendas

    Since it was founded, the FAO has helped reduce food insecurity and malnutrition. However it must be noted that hunger is once again increasing in the world.

    Catherine Geslain-Lanéelle is determined to give a new impetus to the FAO and its efforts to eradicate hunger by 2030, in line with the UN’s sustainable development goals. Reducing poverty, stepping up rural development and deeply transforming our food systems are all priorities for the French and European candidate. It is vital to bring all member countries and partners around to a shared, renewed vision in order to strengthen the FAO’s efforts to bring about a world free from hunger and malnutrition.

    To that end, the candidate pledges to expand cooperation and synergies with other UN organizations, especially the IFAD, WFP and the WHO. She wishes to contribute fully to the implementation of UN reform, strengthening cooperation with scientific and technical bodies and all relevant actors.

    Catherine Geslain-Lanéelle also wants the FAO to play a major role as the leading global organization in the areas of food security and nutrition, based on solid and recognized technical and scientific knowledge.

    Strengthening food security, eradicating poverty, combating climate change: a type of agriculture that produces more, in a better way

    Food security and contributions to the agricultural, fisheries and forestry sectors are vital not only to feed humankind but also to provide decent jobs in rural areas, strengthen the role of women and young people, eradicate poverty, and save the planet.

    To achieve these goals, the candidate intends to strengthen investment in research and knowledge, education and training, innovation and infrastructure.

    In a context marked by climate change and the existence of numerous conflicts, the candidate is committed to ensuring that the FAO plays a central role in solutions so that everyone, regardless of where he or she lives, has access to healthy, safe and sustainably produced food. This is the prerequisite for a peaceful, more stable and fairer world.

    In-depth expertise in the areas of food and agriculture and recognized leadership

    Catherine Geslain-Lanéelle, an agricultural engineer and former director general of the Ministry of Agriculture, is a recognized leader with a proven capacity to manage complex organizations operating in a multicultural environment. She also has a high level of professional experience in the areas of food systems, rural development and food security, in France as well as in Europe.

    She has held the most senior positions in the French Ministry of Agriculture, serving successively as deputy director of the Department of International Trade (food aid and international assistance), director general, General Directorate for Food, and director general, General Directorate for Economic and Environmental Performance of Businesses.

    At the European level, after having worked at the European Commission as an expert on consumer food safety issues, she served as executive director of the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) for more than seven years.

    Throughout her career, Catherine Geslain-Lanéelle has dedicated her strong scientific and technical expertise in agriculture, fisheries, forestry, rural development, food systems and nutrition to the design and implementation of public agricultural and food policies at the national, European and international levels.

    The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) is a specialized agency of the United Nations responsible for issues relating to agriculture (including livestock farming, forestry, fisheries and aquaculture) and food. It is a universal intergovernmental organization with 197 members, including the EU. The FAO is active in more than 130 countries around the world. The next director general of the FAO will be elected by member states in June 2019 for a four-year term. Nominations for the office of director-general are being accepted from December 1, 2018, to February 28, 2019.

    Press contacts:

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Multinational: African Development Bank Group approves $34.8 million in grants to build climate resilience in Malawi and Zimbabwe

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast, October 14, 2024/APO Group/ —

    The Board of Directors of the African Development Bank Group (www.AfDB.org) has approved grants of $34,796,402.40 to enhance resilience and adaptation to climate disaster risks for vulnerable communities in Malawi and Zimbabwe. 

    Under the Bank Group’s Africa Disaster Risk Financing (ADRiFi) initiative, the Mitigating Fragility through the Africa Disaster Risk Financing Programme in Southern Africa Project will bolster institutional capacity for climate risk preparedness and management; increase financial protection against climate disaster risks through sovereign climate disaster risk transfer; and promote the adoption of index-based crop insurance to mitigate against drought and other production risks at the micro-level. 

    Malawi and Zimbabwe face significant climate hazards, such as droughts, tropical cyclones, and flooding, but lack adequate mechanisms for climate risk management and adaptation. Both countries are particularly vulnerable to such climate shocks as drought, flooding and tropical cyclones, which contribute to their fragility. Strengthening disaster risk management, improving early warning systems, and enhancing institutional arrangements are crucial for effective preparedness and resilience in these countries. 

    Under the project, insurance payouts will provide timely and adequate financial protection to mitigate losses incurred from climate-related disasters, safeguarding households, and businesses from falling into poverty or bankruptcy. Climate risk insurance is expected to lead to behavioural changes among beneficiaries, such as increased investment in climate-resilient livelihoods or savings for future insurance premiums. This project will build on the successes of the ADRiFi program and the valuable contributions from our partners, which have significantly enhanced the financial resilience of both Malawi and Zimbabwe. Notably, during the El Niño-induced drought season of 2024/2025, African Risk Capacity, the Bank’s partner on ADRiFi, disbursed over $45 million to support farmers affected by the drought. This funding has provided crucial food assistance and recovery interventions, helping communities to rebuild and thrive in the face of adversity.  

    The project is aligned to the Bank’s High 5 Priorities, especially Feed Africa and Improve the Quality of Life of Africans. It also aligns with the Bank’s 10-year strategy (2024-2033) and will contribute to the Bank’s Country Strategy for Malawi which focusses on supporting economic diversification through investments in agriculture infrastructure and value chains. 

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Evacuating in disasters like Hurricane Milton isn’t simple – there are reasons people stay in harm’s way

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Carson MacPherson-Krutsky, Research Associate, Natural Hazards Center, University of Colorado Boulder

    Evacuation is more difficult for people with health and mobility issues. Ted Richardson/For The Washington Post via Getty Images

    As Hurricane Milton roared ashore near Sarasota, Florida, tens of thousands of people were in evacuation shelters. Hundreds of thousands more had fled coastal regions ahead of the storm, crowding highways headed north and south as their counties issued evacuation orders.

    But not everyone left, despite dire warnings about a hurricane that had been one of the strongest on record two days earlier.

    As Milton’s rain and storm surge flooded neighborhoods late on Oct. 9, 2024, 911 calls poured in. In Tampa’s Hillsborough County, more than 500 people had to be rescued, including residents of an assisted living community and families trapped in a flooding home after a tree crashed though the roof at the height of the storm.

    In Plant City, 20 miles inland from Tampa, at least 35 people had been rescued by dawn, City Manager Bill McDaniel said. While the storm wasn’t as extreme as feared, McDaniel said his city had flooded in places and to levels he had never seen. Traffic signals were out. Power lines and trees were down. The sewage plant had been inundated, affecting the public water supply.

    Evacuating might seem like the obvious move when a major hurricane is bearing down on your region, but that choice is not always as easy as it may seem.

    Evacuating from a hurricane requires money, planning, the ability to leave and, importantly, a belief that evacuating is better than staying put.

    I recently examined years of research on what motivates people to leave or seek shelter during hurricanes as part of a project with the Federal Emergency Management Agency and the Natural Hazards Center. I found three main reasons that people didn’t leave.

    Evacuating can be expensive

    Evacuating requires transportation, money, a place to stay, the ability to take off work days ahead of a storm and other resources that many people do not have.

    With 1 in 9 Americans facing poverty today, many have limited evacuation options. During Hurricane Katrina in 2005, for example, many residents did not own vehicles and couldn’t reach evacuation buses. That left them stranded in the face of a deadly hurricane. Nearly 1,400 people died in the storm, many of them in flooded homes.

    When millions of people are under evacuation orders, logistical issues also arise.

    Two days ahead of landfall, Milton was a Category 5 hurricane. About 5 million people were under evacuation orders, and highways were crowded.

    Gas shortages and traffic jams can leave people stranded on highways and unable to find shelter before the storm hits. This happened during Hurricane Floyd in 1999 as 2 million Floridians tried to evacuate.

    People who experienced past evacuations or saw news video of congested highways ahead of Hurricane Milton might not leave for fear of getting stuck.

    Health, pets and being physically able to leave

    The logistics of evacuating are even more challenging for people who are disabled or in nursing homes. Additionally, people who are incarcerated may have no choice in the matter – and the justice system may have few options for moving them.

    Evacuating nursing homes, people with disabilities or prison populations is complex. Many shelters are not set up to accommodate their needs. In one example during Hurricane Floyd, a disabled person arrived at a shelter, but the hallways were too narrow for their wheelchair, so they were restricted to a cot for the duration of their stay. Moving people whose health is fragile, and doing so under stressful conditions, can also worsen health problems, leaving nursing home staff to make difficult decisions.

    At least 700 people stayed in chairs or on air mattresses at River Ridge Middle/High School in New Port Richey, Fla., during Hurricane Milton.
    AP Photo/Mike Carlson

    But failing to evacuate can also be deadly. During Hurricane Irma in 2017, seven nursing home residents died in the rising heat after their facility lost power near Fort Lauderdale, Florida. In some cases, public water systems are shut down or become contaminated. And flooding can create several health hazards, including the risk of infectious diseases.

    In a study of 291 long-term care facilities in Florida, 81% sheltered residents in place during the 2004 hurricane season because they had limited transportation options and faced issues finding places for residents to go.

    Some shelters allow small pets, but many don’t. This high school-turned-shelter in New Port Richey, Fla., had 283 registered pets.
    AP Photo/Mike Carlson

    People with pets face another difficult choice – some choose to stay at home for fear of leaving their pet behind. Studies have found that pet owners are significantly less likely to evacuate than others because of difficulties transporting pets and finding shelters that will take them. In destructive storms, it can be days to weeks before people can return home.

    Risk perception can also get in the way

    People’s perceptions of risk can also prevent them from leaving.

    A series of studies show that women and minorities take hurricane risks more seriously than other groups and are more likely to evacuate or go to shelters. One study found that women are almost twice as likely than men to evacuate when given a mandatory evacuation order.

    If people have experienced a hurricane before that didn’t do significant damage, they may perceive the risks of a coming storm to be lower and not leave.

    Video from across Florida after Hurricane Milton shows flooding around homes, trees down and other damage. At least 12 people died in the storm, and more than 3 million homes lost power.

    In my review of research, I found that many people who didn’t evacuate had reservations about going to shelters and preferred to stay home or with family or friends. Shelter conditions were sometimes poor, overcrowded or lacked privacy.

    People had fears about safety and whether shelter environments could meet their needs. For example, religious minorities were not sure whether shelters would be clean, safe, have private places for religious practice, and food options consistent with faith practices. Diabetics and people with young children also had concerns about finding appropriate food in shelters.

    How to improve evacuations for the future

    There are ways leaders can reduce the barriers to evacuation and shelter use. For example:

    • Building more shelters able to withstand hurricane force winds can create safe havens for people without transportation or who are unable to leave their jobs in time to evacuate.

    • Arranging more shelters and transportation able to accommodate people with disabilities and those with special needs, such as nursing home residents, can help protect vulnerable populations.

    • Opening shelters to accommodate pets with their owners can also increase the likelihood that pet owners will evacuate.

    • Public education can be improved so people know their options. Clearer risk communication on how these storms are different than past ones and what people are likely to experience can also help people make informed decisions.

    • Being prepared saves lives. Many areas would benefit from better advance planning that takes into account the needs of large, diverse populations and can ensure populations have ways to evacuate to safety.

    This article has been updated with additional details about Hurricane Milton’s damage.

    Carson MacPherson-Krutsky works for the Natural Hazards Center (NHC) at the University of Colorado Boulder. She receives grant and contract funding for her work at NHC through the National Science Foundation, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, and other funders.

    ref. Evacuating in disasters like Hurricane Milton isn’t simple – there are reasons people stay in harm’s way – https://theconversation.com/evacuating-in-disasters-like-hurricane-milton-isnt-simple-there-are-reasons-people-stay-in-harms-way-240869

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Eddie Yue: China and the changing global trade landscape – challenges and opportunities

    Source: Bank for International Settlements

    Professor Wei [Shang-Jin, N.T. Wang Professor of Chinese Business and Economy, Columbia University], Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Good Morning!  

    It is my pleasure to welcome you all to the 14th Annual International Conference on the Chinese Economy, organised by the Hong Kong Institute for Monetary and Financial Research. The theme of this year’s conference is “China and the Changing Global Trade Landscape: Challenges and Opportunities”.  This is a timely and important topic – not just for China, but also with far-reaching and enduring implications for the global economy.     

    There is ample evidence that globalisation has brought enormous benefits to the world, through increasing cross-border flow of trade, investments, technology, ideas, and people. For emerging market economies, integration into the global supply chain has been a crucial contributor to their economic development.  As global income rose in tandem with global trade from the 1980s onwards, billions of people have been lifted out of poverty. 

    Since the 2008 global financial crisis, however, the golden era of globalisation has given way to a gradual slowdown in global trade in goods. There is a combination of factors.  First, it reflects doubts or even scepticism about the distributional effects of globalisation.  Secondly, rising geopolitical considerations in recent years have led to a re-imposition of various trade and investment restrictions by some jurisdictions.  And thirdly, recent disruptions to supply chain, caused by the pandemic and regional military conflicts, have prompted discussions about ways to mitigate such risks.

    These developments have not yet translated into a wholesale reconfiguration of the global trade landscape. But it appears that the slow-down in global goods trade is likely to continue.  A recent joint study by the HKMA and the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) suggests that some supply chain realignment has already been taking place during the pandemic.  

    Any escalation of geo-economic fragmentation would almost certainly result in a costly transition, especially for Asia given the region’s relatively open economies. For those who believe in the value of free trade and globalization, the key question then is how best to collectively minimise the risks of full blown economic fragmentation, and what actions can be taken to sustain globalisation, even in the face of a changing global trade landscape?

    Since this is a conference about the Chinese economy, perhaps we can start with a quick examination of how China is adapting to the change and turning the challenge into opportunity. Despite the headwinds in the trade sector, China’s world export share has remained at around 15 per cent since 2018.  This reflects two important trends. 

    First, China has continued its economic diversification and regional collaboration through expanding its import and export network, particularly to broader emerging markets. It has also stepped up outward direct investments to establish stronger footholds in the global supply chain amidst friend-shoring or near-shoring.

    Second, China’s manufacturing industries have doubled down on their efforts to move up the value chain, from low-end, labour-intensive component manufacturing to higher-tech, full-spectrum product manufacturing, supported by China’s own domestic market and growing capability in more sophisticated technology goods.

    Indeed, this is a process that pre-dates the recent rise in global trade protectionism, if just for the classic reason of comparative advantage. What we have witnessed is that even as some production may have been diverted away from China, these have been largely concentrated in a few sectors – namely, textiles, electronics and autos – and in the assembly segment rather than upstream.  While Chinese exports might take up a smaller share of some markets as a result, it is exporting more intermediate goods and capturing a larger share of imports from other regional economies. 

    China’s search for new trade opportunities through diversification and supply chain upscaling has brought structural transformation to the Chinese economy and helped maintain China’s key position in global manufacturing. The process, together with other changes in the global supply chain, will bring fundamental changes to global trade and investment.  It would be premature to predict what the new order will be.  But one thing is for sure, those who embrace the change and rise to the challenge will benefit greatly, and it should not be a zero-sum game. 

    Now let me shift gear and touch on some emerging opportunities we are going to discuss at this conference. I will focus on two panel themes: digital trade transformation and innovative trade finance – two topics that are increasingly relevant as we transition towards a digitalised global economy.

    Digitalisation of trade offers a range of benefits. For firms, digital transformation of trade and supply chain processes can produce efficiencies in terms of time and labour saved. It also enhances the traceability and security of cross-border trade in goods and services, by enabling real-time visibility into all stages of the supply chain from production to delivery.

    For economies, digital trade transformation offers substantial productivity gains through, for example, rapid growth of e-commerce. It also offers better prospects of helping to distribute the gains generated from trade more widely and equitably among the various stakeholders. 

    Indeed, digitally delivered services already account for a little over half of total services trade1. They are increasingly facilitating trade flow across borders, in support of raising the market share of developing economies, which has increased from about 20 percent to 30 percent of global service trade between 2005 and 2023. 

    Meanwhile, digital technologies can be leveraged to enhance cross-border trade settlement and financing, where there is plenty of scope for coordinated solutions to existing pain points. For example, Project mBridge has been exploring the use of wholesale central bank digital currencies of Hong Kong and a number of other participating central banks as a way to speed up cross-border payments at reduced cost, faster settlement, and with better transparency. 

    Equally exciting is the use of innovative technologies in trade finance – from blockchain, AI to digital signatures – and greater cooperation around cross-border interoperability that will help close the widening global trade finance gap, estimated by the Asian Development Bank last year to have reached a record US$2.5 trillion.

    Another area of opportunity and cooperation is around green technologies. The consequences of climate change, in the form of higher frequency of extreme weather events, have only become more visible these last few years, and Asia is particularly exposed. 

    We need open and predictable trade to enable scale economies and direct low-carbon technologies and services to where they are most needed. In this respect, major regional trade networks can serve as key platforms that facilitate sustainable trade and investment, support climate-resilient economic developments, and enhance the ecosystem of green finance.

    Let me close by noting that the global trading system as we know has brought mutual benefits and shared prosperity to the world economy. Granted, there’s always scope to make the system work better and fairer.  Let’s focus not just on the challenges, but more on the solutions and the opportunities.  

    There are excellent research papers to be presented at the conference, covering many of the topics I outlined just now. So I wish you all a most engaging and productive conference. 

    Thank you.


    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Civil Society Organizations Brief the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women on the Situation of Women in Chile, Canada, Japan, Cuba and Benin

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women was this afternoon briefed by representatives of civil society organizations on the situation of women’s rights in Chile, Canada, Japan, Cuba and Benin, whose reports will be considered during the second and third weeks of the session.

    In relation to Chile, speakers raised concerns regarding gender-based violence, abortion, and the treatment of trans people.

    Those speaking on Canada raised topics including the treatment of indigenous women and girls, femicide, and harassment of migrant workers. 

    On Japan, speakers addressed the selective surname system, Japan’s military sexual slavery, and women’s pensions.

    Speakers for Cuba raised issues including legislation on femicide, women in poverty, and the treatment of lesbians. 

    In relation to Benin, speakers addressed human trafficking, attacks on lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex, queer and transgender people, and discrimination of sex workers. 

    The National Rights Institute of Chile and the Children’s Rights Ombudsperson of Chile spoke on Chile, as did the following non-governmental organizations: Corporation of Opportunity and Jointly Action Opcion – OPCION; Federación Luterana Mundial; and CIMUNIDIS – Círculo Emancipados de Mujeres y Niñas con Discapacidad de Chile.

    The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Canada: Union of BC Indian Chiefs; South Asian Legal Clinic of Ontario and Colour of Poverty – Colour of Change; Justice for Girls and Just Planet; Cecile Kazatchkine, on behalf of HIV Legal Network, Barbra Schlifer Commemorative Clinic; Bout du monde; Amnesty International Canada; Aysha Khan, on behalf of International Human Rights Program (IHRP) at the University of Toronto Faculty of Law, Global Human Rights Clinic (GHRC) at the University of Chicago Law School, and a coalition of almost 50 organizations; Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN); International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War Canada (IPPNWC); and Amnesty International Canada. 

    The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Japan: Family Association of the Missing Persons Probably Related to the DPRK; Association to Preserve the Family Bond; People’s Alliance for Protection of Imperial Lineage by Paternal Male Succession to the Imperial Throne; Global Alliance for Anti-Discrimination (GAAD); JNNC (Japan NGO Network for CEDAW); JFBA (Japan Federation of Bar Associations); Be the Change Okinawa, and on behalf of Action Okinawa, Ginowan Churamizu Kai (Clean Water Protection Committee), AIPR, and ACSILs; Warriors Japan; Lawyers and DV Thrivers against Violence and Abuse Japan (LVAJ) and Safe Parents Japan (SPJ); Women’s Political Empowerment; Women’s Active Museum on War and Peace (WAM): and Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) and Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG).

    The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Cuba: Red de Juristas por los Derechos Sexuales, Unión Nacional de Juristas de Cuba, Asociación Cubana de las Naciones Unidas, Museo Virtual de la Memoria contra la violencia basada en Género Iniciativa para la Investigación y la Incidencia; Cuido 60; Red de Mujeres Lesbianas y Bisexuales; CUBALEX; Justicia 11J; FMC; Prisoners Defenders; Mesa de Diálogo de la Juventud Cubana; and Observatorio de Género de Alas Tensas y Museo de la Disidencia en Cuba.

    The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Benin: Right here Right Now 2 and CFMPDH; Synergie Trans Bénin; Association Solidarité; Changement Social Bénin; and Plurielles.

    The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s eighty-ninth session is being held from 7 to 25 October.  All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, 15 October, to  consider the eighth periodic report of Chile (CEDAW/C/CHL/8).

    Opening Remarks by the Committee Chair

    ANA PELÁEZ NARVÁEZ, Committee Chairperson, said this was the second opportunity during the session for non-governmental organizations to provide information on States parties that were having their reports reviewed during the second and third weeks of the session, namely Chile, Canada, Japan, Cuba and Benin.

    Statements by Non-Governmental Organizations 

    Chile

    Non-governmental organizations speaking on Chile said sexual violations had increased drastically between 2019 and 2023.  Protection measures continued to be deficient.  It was concerning that violence against girls and adolescents was increasing. As of June 2023, there were 42 pregnant women and 100 children living with their mothers in prison systems. There needed to be a cultural change in the community, whereby gender-based violence was no longer acceptable. There needed to be a comprehensive sexual education law to ensure rights for women and adolescents.  The abortion regime based on legal grounds was insufficient and there were barriers to accessing contraceptives in primary health care.  Warnings had been issued about six defective contraceptive pills with no steps taken to investigate or provide reparations to those affected.  In Chile, around 800,000 migrant women faced violence and hate speech, especially those with irregular migration status.  The humanitarian visa for migrants was not implemented well in practice. 

    Since 2019, there had been a Constitutional Legal Reform Act, establishing the State’s duty to fight gender equality.  The State’s anti-discrimination law had been in congress for five years and was in danger of being rejected.  Chile had yet to fulfil its obligation to repeal laws discriminating against married women or subordinating them to their husbands.  The comprehensive law on violence against women did not include protection measures for women in penitentiary institutions who had suffered violence.  Violence against trans-people had increased by 145 per cent, and trans-femicide was not recognised as a crime.  The State showed no willingness to address issues faced by trans-people.  Women and girls with disabilities in Chile experienced discrimination.  A report by the Office of the High Commissioner found that there were 163 suspicious deaths in short-stay mental health facilities.  There had been reports of electro-shock therapy on girls with disabilities. 

    Canada

    Speakers on Canada said there were genocidal consequences for indigenous women and girls in the country.  These violations were tied to colonial policies. In its 2015 inquiry, the Committee found that indigenous women and girls suffered from the worst socio-economic conditions, as well as systemic racism and violence, which manifested as pervasive poverty, lack of access to housing, high rates of child apprehension, and disproportionate criminalisation.  The Committee had found that sex discrimination in Canada’s Indian Act was a root of violence, marginalising women and their descendants, excluding them from their lands, cultures and communities, and disentitling them to full personhood.  The 2019 National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls issued 231 Calls for Justice.  To-date, only two were complete, and more than half had not been started. Colonialism and the legacy of Residential Schools continued to impact indigenous girls’ access to education. Racialised communities faced oppression in Canada, with Black femicide and forced sterilisations of Black and indigenous women erased due to data gaps and under-reporting. 

    Canada was failing to take serious action on gender-based violence.  Femicides were increasing, with a woman killed every 2.5 days.  But this was not taken into account in the national action plan. Survivors of gender-based violence needed stronger protections and support services.  Law enforcement and judicial officers must receive proper training on these violence dynamics.  Canada needed to ensure survivors were not criminalised for self-defence, and strengthen protections against coercive control and litigation abuse.  In Canada, women who used drugs and indigenous women were disproportionately impacted by HIV/AIDS and faced increased risk of violence and barriers to healthcare.  Migrant workers and migrant sex workers in Canada faced significant oppression due to restrictive work permits, increasing their vulnerability to workplace abuse, harassment and sexual violence. Canada must remove these restrictions, decriminalise these groups, and establish policies that ensured safe working conditions.

    Canada was also implicated in exploitative deep-sea mining, as Canadian companies sought financial gains through predatory partnerships with some Pacific Island States.  These companies must be investigated.  Pacific women and Canadian indigenous women deeply opposed these projects, as they threatened the ocean and marine life.  Canadian resource extraction projects had also increased violence in Ecuador against indigenous women, which would be exacerbated by a proposed free trade agreement.

    Japan

    Speakers on Japan raised issues including objecting to separate surnames after marriages, which could destroy family unity and have negative impacts on children.  The immediate adoption of a selective surname system for married couples was needed.  The ruling party’s promotion of expanding the use of maiden names did not address gender discrimination.  Half of single-mother households lived in relative poverty, as 70 per cent of them did not receive child support and were unable to escape poverty, due to the significant wage gap between men and women. 

    The issue of Japan’s military sexual slavery had been raised 30 years ago before the Committee in 1994. Measures taken by the State were not victim-centred, and therefore failed.  The Government of Japan was called on to recognise that the “comfort women” issue remained unresolved and to fully implement the previous Committee recommendations.  The Status of Forces Agreement between Japan and the United States should be revised to eliminate violence against women linked to United States’ military bases in Okinawa and elsewhere.  There had been seven cases of gender-based violence against women and girls by the United States’ military within the past 11 months.  Since 1954, over 210,000 crimes and accidents by the military had occurred.  There needed to be comprehensive actions taken to end the culture of impunity. Japan needed to accept that the “comfort women” system was one of sexual slavery, and that it had a legal responsibility to provide reparations to all victims. 

    The ratification of the Optional Protocol should be expedited, and there should be a comprehensive anti-discrimination law.  Japan was also urged to create a permanent gender equality committee, to monitor the implementation of the Convention’s concluding observations.  There was an urgent need for the establishment of an independent, national human rights institution in line with the Paris Principles. It was crucial to eliminate low wages and pensions for women due to the gender wage gap, non-regular employment, and unpaid work.  The Japanese Government was also urged to rescue all abductees from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  The Committee was urged to recommend that Japan stop dumping radioactive wastewater in the Pacific Ocean and take immediate steps towards safely disposing the waste on land. 

    Cuba

    Those speaking on Cuba said Cuban women were calling for a robust legislative change of gender-based violence. The State needed to work to coordinate actors on gender issues.  The State should systematically assess the impact of legislation and public policies on gender equality.  The Committee was urged to pay special attention to the devastating impacts of the embargo which had a detrimental impact on women’s organizations. 

    There was a comprehensive law against gender-based violence, but the act of femicide should be defined.  The rate of femicide was occurring in Cuba more than 10 times that which was occurring in Spain.  Cuba had serious deficiencies in the reparation system of gender-based violence.  The legislation should be reformed to establish provisional payments which provided immediate support, particularly to women of African descent or those with low income.  The State should strengthen mechanisms for the prevention and punishment of gender-based violence, and redouble efforts to deconstruct gender stereotypes. 

    Poverty in Cuba today had the face of a woman, particularly that of an Afro-descendent, elderly woman.  Social rights had been cut by the State and women were further exposed to food insecurity and poverty.  The health care system lacked regulations to protect lesbians from phobic treatment.  There needed to be training and awareness raising for health professionals to provide care, free of stigma and phobia. 

    Benin

    Organizations speaking on Benin said women were economically and sexually exploited in Benin as part of human trafficking.  Legislation on this was vague.  Benin was a country of origin, transit and destination of women and children for human trafficking.  It was recommended that the definition of procuring be outlined in the Criminal Code. 

    In Benin, lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex, queer and transgender people underwent verbal, physical and sexual attacks. Discrimination undergone by these women worsened their economic positioning.  No specific healthcare programme took these people into account, despite their vulnerability.  Lesbian women were not seen as key members of the population.  Religious beliefs and fear of side effects prohibited access to abortion, despite it being decriminalised in 2020.   It was recommended that Benin set up mobile clinics all over the country to facilitate access to sexual and reproductive services. Safe abortion should be accessible without the need for authorisation from a third party. 

    Sex workers continued to be discriminated against in Benin.  The only existing instruments were oppressive in nature.  The national health development plan excluded the healthcare of sex workers.  Today, some services did not cover the medicine for sexually transmitted diseases for sex workers.   If a sex worker underwent an act of violence, victims were required to submit a medical certificate which came at a cost that was prohibitive for these women. 

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said since there had been a reshuffle in the cabinet in Japan, what was the status of the Gender Ministry?  Who was heading it?  Was there a COVID-19 response plan that covered gender-based violence?  On Canada, was female genital mutilation still an issue?  What was the gravity of the occurrence of femicide? 

    Another Expert asked if the Japanese organizations had information around restricted access to abortion, including that permission was required from a spouse or partner?  Could information on the lack of sexual reproductive education for young people be provided?

    An Expert asked Cuba what services were available for persons deprived of liberty, which were not available to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons?  What were the rules related to internal migration in Cuba? 

    A Committee Expert asked Chile if the benefits of the Judicial Academy, which aimed to avoid bias and victimisation of women, were being reaped? 

    Another Expert asked Benin about the medical forms for victims of gender-based violence; were these free? What had the Government done to make birth registration free?  Was there a law on legal aid?  If so, what crimes or rights violations qualified for legal aid?  Was there a court to handle family disputes? 

    An Expert asked Cuba whether the labour law included issues of sexual harassment?

    Another Expert asked Canada how many recommendations by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission had been met?

    A Committee Expert asked Cuba about the situation of human rights defenders who were women?  In Chile, following the 2017 reform, was abortion still practiced illegally?  Could more information be provided about the extractive and mining industries and their impact on women and communities? 

    An Expert asked Cuba for information around issues pertaining to education? 

    A Committee Expert asked how challenging it was to be a female politician in Benin?

    Statements by the National Human Rights Institution of Chile and the Children’s Rights Ombudsman of Chile

    CONSUELO CONTRERAS LARGO, National Director, National Human Rights Institute of Chile, began by referring to gender-based violence.  According to figures from the National Service for Women and Gender Equity, in the last 10 years, there had been 423 femicides in Chile, with figures per year that fluctuated between 34 and 46 femicides.  In 2024, there were already 29 femicides.  In the last two years, there had been a sharp increase in attempted femicides.  In its 2018 and 2021 Annual Reports, the Institution indicated statistical difficulties in recognising violence that affected women in different contexts, since the State did not disaggregate the information into characterisation variables. Consequently, the treatment of violence against women was addressed in a uniform manner, which homogenised the situation of discrimination and violence, preventing the design of public policies capable of responding to different needs.  The State should implement disaggregation of data, particularly for rural women, women with disabilities, and other groups. 

    The Programme for the Comprehensive Prevention of Violence against Women had a budget which was 2.38 per cent of the budget of the ministerial portfolio, which was limited considering the magnitude of the task.  For the 2024 budget, the authorities announced a growth of 5.2 per cent, as part of their programmatic redesign.  The institution remained concerned at the main task defined in the programme.  The programme did not involve any kind of follow-up and it was not possible to discern if those who received the training continued to develop prevention activities. The programme also did not have a territorial focus without taking into account the different realities of women. It was concerning that the courts did not recognise the identity of trans-women in their sentences, according to current gender identity law. 

    The regulatory framework for violence against women had been bolstered.  On 4 March 2020, law no. 21,212 came into force, which redefined and expanded the concept of femicide in Chile.  On 9 May 2023, law 21,565 was published, which established a regime of protection and comprehensive reparation in favour of victims of femicide and their families; and on 14 June, law 21,675 came into force, which established measures to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women, based on their gender.  There were other legal bodies that had been approved and had entered into force in the country.  Draft bills were moving slowly through the legislature.   Discussions were underway on the bill to reform conjugal partnership and the bill to combat discrimination.  In 2019, a bill was presented that sought to establish the mandatory nature of comprehensive sex education in schools.  This draft was rejected in October 2020 and archived, with no plans for it to be brough back into legislation. 

    As of August 2024, the National Human Rights Institution had registered 19 complaints for human trafficking. During a visit to border regions, the Institute was able to verify the low number of resources of the police units destined to combat trafficking in persons.  The Institute had established the duty of the executive branch to develop and implement a public policy to combat trafficking in persons.  It should also continuously and systematically monitor and evaluate the implementation of new legislation through data collection and analysis and research on internal and cross-border trafficking. 

    ANUAR QUESILLE VERA, Children’s Rights Ombudsperson of Chile, underscored that sexual violence against children and adolescents continued to be one of the most urgent and complex challenges facing the country.  Despite efforts and progress in other areas, the data showed that girls and adolescents continued to be the main victims of this problem.  Between January and June 2024, the Public Prosecutor’s Office of Chile reported a total of 25,352 victims entered into its registries for sexual crimes, of which 59.40 per cent were females under 18.  The State addressed sexual exploitation in a disconnected way, with gaps in areas of prevention, criminal prosecution, punishment and reparation for victims.  It was alarming that, despite the growing incidence of this phenomenon, the State had not prioritised this problem in a systemic manner, which reflected in the limitations faced by the different services and institutions.

    The fate of children in the care of the State was concerning.  There were also new challenges in relation to the security of digital environments. Online platforms and digital spaces had become fertile grounds for the perpetration of sexual violence and abuse. Comprehensive regulation that protected children and adolescents in these spaces was essential.  In view of these challenges, since the beginning of 2024, the Children’s Ombudsman’s Office had urged the Government to adhere to the Council of Europe’s Lanzarote Convention, which was seen as a key tool to protect children and adolescents against sexual exploitation and abuse. Unfortunately, no significant progress had been reported in this regard. 

    In terms of sexual and reproductive rights, the limited perspective on the progressive autonomy, ownership of rights, and agency of girls and adolescents continued to affect their access to the benefits of the law on abortion.    Adolescents were mostly seeking abortion due to being raped.  The Committee was called on to prioritise legislative strengthening and intersectoral coordination of State institutions, with a focus on increasing resources and adequate training to respond effectively to the challenges posed.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert asked if the Ombudsperson had any specific information on early marriage, which continued to be a problem?

    Another Expert asked if light could be shed on the issue of comprehensive sexual education in Chile? What were the obstacles?  What should the Committee look at to allow adolescents to access this information? 

    An Expert asked if there were any statistics on how many women who had suffered rape in Chile had then resorted to abortion, and how often was this denied? 

    A Committee Expert asked about the pension gap in Chile? 

    Another Committee Expert asked about the anti-discrimination bill which was presented to amend the Constitution in regard to multiple discrimination?  What were the social and political drivers which did not allow this bill to pass? 

    An Expert asked about global supply chains which were growing in importance in Chile, which was exporting agricultural products to neighbouring countries.  Had any gender-based violence been identified in the supply chains? 

    Responses by the National Human Rights Institution of Chile and the Children’s Rights Ombudsman of Chile

    In response, JUAN ENRIQUE PI, International Adviser, said the Anti-Discrimination Act did not reform the Constitution; the Constitution of 1980 still prevailed.  There seemed to be no movement to further prohibit discrimination. In 2020, there had been an attempt to bring about an act on comprehensive education, to prevent sexual violence against girls and boys.  However, this bill was rejected by a majority and had been shelved.  There was currently no bill in Chile to address sex education in schools.  There was no initiative under discussion. 

    ANUAR QUESILLE VERA, Children’s Rights Ombudsperson of Chile, said Chile had raised the age of marriage to 18.  However, one of the key problems being faced by the country had to do with informal unions in rural areas.  It was difficult to obtain figures on these. 

    JAVIERA SCHWEITZER GONZÁLEZ, International Affairs Coordinator, said when it came to the law on abortion, there was an information gap.  Almost 99 per cent of cases of young girls and adolescents undergoing abortion did have some support.  When it came to conscientious objection, this was of particular concern.  There was no protocol providing for a lack of equipment and there were no available teams. Civil society said the law enforced did not cover training and guidelines and the rights which should protect medical teams.  Furthermore, in the case of rape, few people went to health centres because of revictimisation.  Some headway had been made in comprehensive sex education, however, there were restrictions in terms of its effective implementation.  There had been a drop in the number of teenage pregnancies, but this was due to a use of contraceptives and not comprehensive sexual education. Teenagers had also identified a gap in comprehensive sexual education. 

     

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CEDAW24.027E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Rwanda: EIB Global Backs Akagera Vaccine Development

    Source: European Investment Bank

    EIB

    • €2 million support unlocks early-stage development of vaccine manufacturing.
    • Investment to accelerate development of vaccines against tuberculosis, HIV, Ebola and other diseases

    Early-stage vaccine development in Rwanda by Akagera Medicines Africa Limited will be supported by €2 million financing from the European Investment Bank (EIB Global). The new backing will accelerate research and development as well as manufacturing of new vaccines to treat infectious diseases including tuberculosis, HIV, Lassa fever, and Ebola.

    The new financing will also be used to strengthen technical skills and expertise of Rwanda based teams to support home-grown discovery, manufacturing, and development of vaccine delivery systems within Rwanda.

    The latest health financing from the EIB Global is part of the wider EU Global Gateway initiative for Africa and is designed to unlock crucial investment to improve access to public healthcare. EIB Global supports high impact investment to enhance healthcare and pharmaceutical manufacturing across Africa, strengthen health resilience on the continent, and support equitable access to healthcare in Africa.

    Africa bears the highest disease burden globally and more home-grown or continent based solutions need to be supported. Vaccination is a critical activity to ensure and guide investments in universal health and has a crucial role to play in achieving 14 of the 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.

    Akagera Medicines, Africa was established in Rwanda in July 2022 to develop the pharmaceutical sector in Rwanda and elsewhere in Africa. The company is majority-owned by the Republic of Rwanda through the Rwanda Social Security Board (RSSB).

    Speaking at the World Health Summit in Berlin, Germany, where the financing announcement was made, Michael Fairbanks, Chief Executive Officer of Akagera Medicines said: “We are a public private partnership and enjoy the support of Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI) in Norway, the Gates Foundation, and the National Institute of Health in Washington. With the significant support of the European Investment Bank, we are now a clinical company and moving faster to build human capacity and specialized infrastructure in Africa to support vaccine development. “

    RSSB CEO, Regis Rugemanshuro said: “European Investment Bank’s financial support to Akagera Medicines represents an important contribution to the realization of Rwanda’s vision to become a biotech hub, and to the vision of Africa becoming self-reliant in vaccine and medicine manufacturing. RSSB is looking forward to deepening partnerships with EIB and other international institutions to build resilient healthcare ecosystems in Rwanda and in Africa.”

    EIB Vice President, Thomas Ostros said: “The partnership with Akagera demonstrates the European Investment Bank’s close cooperation with public and private partners to accelerate development of innovative solutions for combating deadly diseases and scaling up healthcare financing and delivery. The EIB is committed to further strengthening our partnership with local and international players, to scale up investment and support innovative technology together.”

    EU Ambassador to Rwanda Belen Calvo Uyarra, said: “Through Global Gateway, the EU is focused on advancing equitable access to health products and local manufacturing in Africa. This investment by EIB with Akagera Medicines marks another important milestone on this journey.”

    The financing to Akagera complements other EU initiatives in Rwanda and the region under the Global Gateway Flagship – Manufacturing and Access to Vaccines, Medicines and Health Technologies (MAV+), which focus mainly on supporting the necessary ecosystem for vaccine manufacturing.

    This is supported by the EU-Africa Infrastructure Trust Fund (EU-AITF), established to increase investment in infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa dedicated to projects in Africa with the aim of reducing poverty and fostering economic growth in the region.

    Background information

    The European Investment Bank (EIB) is the long-term lending institution of the European Union owned by its Member States. It makes long-term finance available for sound investment in order to contribute towards EU policy goals.

    EIB Global is the EIB Group’s specialised arm devoted to increasing the impact of international partnerships and development finance, and a key partner in Global Gateway. We aim to support €100 billion of investment by the end of 2027, around one third of the overall target of this EU initiative. With Team Europe, EIB Global fosters strong, focused partnerships, alongside fellow development finance institutions and civil society. EIB Global brings the Group closer to local people, companies and institutions through our offices around the world.

    About Akagera:

    Akagera Medicines develops novel liposomal formulations of drugs to treat tuberculosis, RSV, influenza, avian flu, and HIV. The clinical stage company was founded in 2018 in Kigali, Rwanda. It is well-funded, majority-owned by the people of Rwanda through the Rwanda Social Security Board (RSSB), registered as a Delaware corporation, and has laboratories in Boston and San Francisco. Akagera registered a 100%-owned subsidiary in Kigali in 2022 to do manufacturing and clinical trials. Founding board members include Ambassador Dr. Albrecht Conze, Dr. Paul Farmer, and Dr. Donald Kaberuka. Dr. Daryl Drummond and Dr. Dimitri Kirpotin are cofounders who translate their successful delivery system from oncology to infectious diseases.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Help is at hand in Manchester

    Source: City of Manchester

    Details of the Council’s support package for those struggling with the cost-of-living this winter, including enhanced support for pensioners, have been announced.

    The Council spends over £30million a year on helping those facing hardship and poverty,  including the £6.5m awarded through the Government’s Household Support Fund to target support for those most in need of help to pay for energy and water, food or other essentials up to April 2025.

    This will supplement the Council’s wider ongoing work to support residents at risk from the cost of living and address poverty. Residents struggling with costs and wanting to find out more about the range of support available are encouraged to contact the Cost of Living Advice Line on freephone 0800 0232692 between 9am and 4.30pm Monday to Friday.

    Find more information about support  Or Text on 07860 022876.

    The new scheme is designed to provide help for those facing the greatest challenges, with payments being made from November.

    Pensioners

    Under the new scheme, pensioners who are not in receipt of pension credits – and therefore will not receive the winter fuel payment – but need support will be eligible for payments of £150, or £200 if they are aged 80 or over.

    The Council does not have access to the names and addresses of pensioners in Manchester who will not get the winter fuel payment as this data is held nationally.

    But using its own records it has identified almost 5,000 households where pensioners live who receive Council Tax Support or Housing Benefit but are not qualified for winter fuel payments. These households will automatically receive direct payments from the Council – £150 for an estimated 3,918 households and £200 for 858 households. People in this category do not need to do anything – payments will be made directly to their bank accounts where the Council has these details, or in Post Office Vouchers.

    On top of this, the Council is expanding its existing welfare provision scheme with a hardship fund specifically for pensioners who are in-need and will not receive the winter fuel payment but have not been identified for the automatic payment. Again those aged 66-79 will be eligible for £150 payments and those 80 or over for £200.

    Referrals will be made via the Cost of Living Advice Line.

    At the same time, the Council is stepping up its campaign to encourage pensioners to check whether they are entitled to pension credits – and if so to claim them. It is estimated that more than 8,000 eligible older people in Manchester are not claiming the credits, perhaps because they feel there is a stigma attached to it. An estimated £24m a year in Pension Credit and associated benefits goes unclaimed in the city.

    Pension Credit is an important benefit because it opens up eligibility for social tariffs, the Warm House Discount, cheaper broadband, free TV licenses, lower water bills and now the Winter Fuel Payment.

    The Council is promoting uptake of pension credits through a wide range of channels, from social media, outdoor advertising and flyers to more innovative direct measures such as working with city pharmacists who have agreed to attach prescription-style flyers advertising Manchester’s Cost of Living Advice Line to medication bags for delivery. Opticians and supermarkets are also being asked to spread the word.

    The campaign is designed to reach not just pensioners themselves but also their families who will be able to help them check their entitlement or make a claim.

    This is part of a landmark package of support for people in need of all ages, and other targeted support includes:

    People with disabilities

    All low income Manchester households in receipt of Council Tax Support where at least one person gets disability benefits will get an automatic payment of £100. An estimated 21,437 households across the city are expected to benefit from this.

    Care leavers

    £10 per week will be paid to around 350 care leavers living in their own tenancies.

    Families with children

    Families with children who are eligible for free school meals during term time will receive payments for each eligible child of £15 for the autumn half-term, £30 for the Christmas holiday period and £15 for the spring 2025 half-term to prevent holiday hunger. This will support around 44,000 children, with payments distributed via Manchester schools.

    A further £190,000 will also be allocated to the Council’s Holiday Activity Fund (HAF) to provide free activities for children during the autumn and spring 2025 half-terms. This is in addition to HAF funding already in place for the main school holidays.

    Other support

    £200,000 will be allocated to voluntary and community sector organisations working in the city to help ensure that harder to reach people are supported.

    A further £20,000 will be added to funding for the Council’s existing welfare support scheme, which provides grants for those facing hardship.

    Councillor Bev Craig, Leader of Manchester City Council, said:

    “We know as we approach winter that the cost-of-living crisis hasn’t gone away and as a Council we will be doing everything this winter to support those struggling or facing hardship. We will be targeting support at those who need it most, but also continuing with our cost of living advice line open to anyone.

    “The message is clear, if you are struggling this winter, please contact us and we will support you.

    “In addition to our work with children and families, people with disabilities and carers, we are expending our targeted support to older people who may face hardship this winter using money through the Government’s Household Support Fund.

    “Targeted payments will make a real difference to tens of thousands of Manchester people who are struggling with cost of living pressures. This additional support scheme has been designed to reach those who need it most this winter, including pensioners and will sit alongside the council’s major campaign to make sure we increase the number of people receiving pension credits and extra support. We are writing to those we think should be eligible and I’m urging as many people to sign up – this is money you are entitled to after decades of hard work and paying into the system.

    “Our Cost of Living Advice Line is open to anyone living in the City of Manchester and we can offer support and signpost you to the help available.

    “Our council is committed to tackling poverty in the long term – it’s why we spend over £30m a year. As we look forward to working with the Government on this crucial task, there is shorter-term help available for Mancunians who need it now.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Banking: ADB, Arnur Credit Sign Deal to Boost Financial Access for Women-Owned Small Businesses in Kazakhstan

    Source: Asia Development Bank

    ASTANA, KAZAKHSTAN (15 October 2024) – The Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Arnur Credit Limited Liability Company have signed a senior unsecured loan of up to $5 million (in tenge equivalent) to expand access to finance for micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) in Kazakhstan, with a focus on women-led MSMEs (WMSMEs) and as well as green loans.

    Arnur Credit will use the finance package to lend to eligible MSMEs, with at least half of the loan proceeds directed towards WMSMEs and at least 10% towards green loans. The green loans will aim to support the procurement of energy and resource-efficient equipment and small-scale renewable energy projects.

    “ADB’s partnership with Arnur Credit will enhance credit access for MSMEs in Kazakhstan, contributing to job creation, innovation, entrepreneurship, poverty reduction, and economic growth,” said ADB Director General for Private Sector Operations Suzanne Gaboury. “By supporting women entrepreneurs and promoting green business, we enhance inclusive, sustainable and resilient growth.”

    MSMEs comprise nearly all of Kazakhstan’s 2 million registered businesses, employing nearly half of the total labor force and contributing 36.5% of gross domestic product. Nearly half of MSMEs are owned or operated by women. Despite their significance to the economy, MSMEs lack access to credit, with a finance gap of an estimated $42 billion.

    “Partnering with ADB to help MSMEs in Kazakhstan will enable us to reach a greater number of entrepreneurs, particularly women, and champion green initiatives essential for our country’s sustainable development,” said Arnur Credit CEO Raushan Kurbanaliyeva. “By enhancing access to finance for MSMEs, especially those managed by women, we are helping to build a more resilient and equitable economy.”

    Established in 2001, Arnur Credit is a leading microfinance institution in Kazakhstan serving over 21,000 customers through 47 branches across southern Kazakhstan. Arnur Credit’s strategic focus is financial inclusion for MSMEs. Nearly half of its clients are women, the majority from rural areas. It is one of the few microfinance institutions offering green loans to MSMEs.

    ADB is committed to achieving a prosperous, inclusive, resilient, and sustainable Asia and the Pacific, while sustaining its efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. Established in 1966, it is owned by 69 members—49 from the region.

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: “Advancing New Zealand and Asia relations”

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Good evening

    Before discussing the ‘advancing of New Zealand and Asia relations’, we would like to congratulate the Asia New Zealand Foundation and acknowledge its significant contribution to New Zealand’s relationship with, and understanding of, Asia over the past 30 years.

    Can we also welcome Thitinan Pongsudhirak, one of the Foundation’s Honorary Advisers, and Michael Fullilove, Executive Director of the Lowy Institute.  

    I would also like to acknowledge Members of Parliament; members of the diplomatic corps; Asia New Zealand Foundation founders Sir Don McKinnon and Philip Burdon; and its Chair, Dame Fran Wilde.

    A lot has happened over the past 30 years – in New Zealand, in Asia, and indeed in New Zealand’s engagement with Asia.

    30 years ago

    It is, of course, difficult to talk about Asia in general terms. The region has 23 countries, hundreds of languages and a vast swathe of peoples and cultures and political systems. 

    This is to say nothing of the vast distances in Asia.  Indeed, it’s closer from London to Moscow than Auckland to Jakarta, and yet we tend to think Indonesia as our back yard. 

    We tend to zone in on one country, or one issue.

    Our understanding needs to be more nuanced than this – something the Asia New Zealand Foundation knows well and is in fact its core mission.

    We can, however, look at some trends, as we think about New Zealand’s relationship with Asia over the past 30 years.

    In 1994, for example, Asia’s population was over three billion people. The region accounted for one quarter of the world’s GDP, and economic growth was underway in many countries. 

    The region had experienced years of peace and stability, albeit with some notable exceptions. Many parts of the region were at the start of a long, although sometimes uneven, path of rising urbanisation, productivity and incomes.

    In New Zealand, our population had just tipped over three million. Asian countries had become important trading partners – this was 20 years after Britain joined the European Economic Community and forced us to look beyond our traditional trading partners. 

    We had adapted by looking closer to home. 

    Thirty five percent of New Zealand’s exports went to Asia, with Japan accounting for close to half of this. 

    Remarkably, at that time China took just two percent of our exports, compared to 20 percent of today.

    Many New Zealanders had come to realise the importance of Asia to our future prosperity.

    Along with this came a recognition that we needed to better understand the vast range of cultures, languages and peoples of the region. This would be a shift for us. 

    Just three percent of New Zealanders at the time identified as being of Asian origin – compared to 17 percent today. 

    We had the beginnings of some cultural and culinary influences, with tourists and students starting to flow. 

    Under the Colombo Plan, we had welcomed many Asian students to New Zealand. But for the most part, these cultural influences were not mainstream or well-understood at the time.

    It was in this context that the Asia New Zealand Foundation was born and began its important work that we are here to discuss today.

    What has changed in Asia? 

    Even those who were aficionados back in 1994 might have been surprised at just how important Asia would become to New Zealand.

    The Asian financial crisis in 1997 was devastating to the region. It was an unsettled and unpredictable time. But the region has recovered, and in fact boomed.

    The figures are certainly impressive. More than one billion people have been lifted out of poverty in Asia since 1990. Asia now comprises over 40 percent of the world’s GDP. In the next quarter century, this is forecast to reach 50 percent. 

    It is important for us all to remember that there has not been just one linear trajectory in the region. Each country has had its own path, and these paths can have different twists and turns over time.

    China’s growth story is of course well-known, but the statistics remain extraordinary. Today, China stands as the world’s second-largest economy worth nearly 18 trillion US dollars in 2023, soaring a staggering 4,000 percent since the 1990s.

    This is not, however, just a China story. There has been astonishing success in other countries, too. 

    India overtook China to become the most populous country in the world last year, and with 900 million registered voters it is also the world’s largest democracy. This year India’s economy will be the fastest growing in the G20, and it is expected to overtake Germany and Japan to become the world’s third largest economy in the next few years. 

    India’s advances in science, technology, education, and space, are inspiring to many countries around the world. In short, India has become a significant global actor playing a key role in securing a stable and prosperous region.

    Japan itself continues to be an economic powerhouse.

    We must also recognise that ASEAN’s growth, after starting down the path of economic integration, has been remarkable. 

    If ASEAN today were one economy, it would be New Zealand’s fourth-largest trading partner. Its countries are growing at an impressive clip – more than five percent year in, year out. 

    The total GDP of ASEAN reached nearly four trillion US dollars last years, positioning it as the fifth largest economy in the world. 

    Projections indicate that ASEAN’s GDP is poised to reach an estimated four and a half trillion US dollars by the year 2030. This will propel ASEAN to become the world’s fourth-largest economy by 2040.

    Much of Asia’s economic growth has been built on trade and manufacturing. But the region is now also central across many facets of the modern economy – from finance and capital, to people, and to innovation.

    To take just two examples, Asia’s services trade is growing 1.7 times faster than the rest of the world. And by 2030, Asia’s fintech revenues are expected to be larger even than North America’s.

    We know economic growth doesn’t happen in a vacuum. It is regional security that has provided the foundation for the significant rise in living standards we have witnessed across Asia. 

    In this time of global upheaval and challenges to the rules-based order, the role of regional security in our collective economic security is undeniable. 

    In Southeast Asia, ASEAN centrality is playing a pivotal role. ASEAN has led the way in bringing the region together in peaceful dialogue. This includes initiatives like the Regional Forum we attended in July, or last week’s East Asia Summit – which was attended by Prime Minister Luxon.

    Notwithstanding the various peaceful offramps that exist, Asia has had, and continues to have, security challenges. 

    The liberal rules-based order – underpinned by US hegemony – is under strain.

    As China’s power and influence have increased, so too have the areas of difference that we have had to navigate.

    We are seeing a rising and more active India.

    And we shouldn’t forget that Russia considers itself an Indo-Pacific power, too.

    Added to this are hemispheric wild cards: the DPRK; other nuclear powers; arms build-up; and alliance and proxy relationships.

    We also have population trends that will have not just economic but also geostrategic consequences. 

    Also, fierce competition for resources: protein and commodities like rare metals.

    Finally – environmental challenges, which are an existential threat for many countries in the region – are exacerbating all of these factors. 

    What has this meant for New Zealand? 

    For New Zealand, the message is clear: we need to continue to understand and engage Asia.

    The Coalition Government, via the Foreign Policy Reset, is focused on building and advancing relationships in a way that engages more actively the region’s opportunities and risks. 

    The work of the Asia New Zealand Foundation remains as relevant today as it was 30 years ago. 

    Understanding Asia starts here at home. The past 30 years has seen a boom, and our ethnic communities have grown significantly. 

    While there is still some way to go, we have started to see Asian New Zealanders in leadership roles – from Members of Parliament to business leaders, sports, and entertainment. 

    Along with this has come a richness of culture and language. Kiwis have enjoyed new festivities and embraced an array of Asian cuisine, at home and at restaurants – something almost completely unavailable 30 years ago.

    The top 25 languages spoken in New Zealand include many Asian languages, such as Mandarin, with nearly 100,000 speakers, as well as Hindi with almost 70,000, Cantonese, Tagalog, Punjabi, Korean, Japanese, Gujarati, and Tamil.

    We celebrate Diwali, Lunar New Year and Eid – festivals that showcase cultural traditions to New Zealanders.

    Last year, 54,000 students from Asian countries came to study in New Zealand education institutions. 

    In the last year we have welcomed over 700,000 international visitors from Asia – nearly double that of a year ago – and we’re looking forward to seeing this growth continue over the coming years as the pandemic fall-out recedes.

    Over the last 70 years, we have provided scholarships and training to 21 countries from the Asian region under our International Development Cooperation programme. This remains a foundation of our enduring people-to-people connections.

    Thanks to the Asia New Zealand Foundation, we have some tangible evidence of how New Zealanders’ attitudes toward Asia have changed over time. 

    The first Perceptions of Asia survey was conducted in 1997 and showed that New Zealanders saw Asia as something largely external. 

    Today, however, over half of New Zealanders feel a connection to Asia in their daily lives, with more than a third regularly enjoying Asia-related entertainment. 

    Over the past decade, public awareness and engagement with Asia has grown significantly. In 2013, one third of New Zealanders said they felt knowledgeable about Asia. 

    That number has now risen to an all-time high, with nearly 60 percent saying they possess at least a fair amount of understanding about the region.

    This is wonderful and thanks in no small part to the work of the Foundation. We hope we will see this familiarity grow further in the coming years.

    New Zealand in Asia

    Alongside these developments in New Zealand, we have been engaging both with Asia but also in Asia.

    Today you can fly direct from Auckland and Christchurch to 14 destinations across Asia, connecting New Zealand to the region and providing opportunities for New Zealanders to interact with and learn about Asia.

     

    Kiwis have been broadening their traditional “OE” and heading to Asia. As just one example, 3,300 New Zealanders have travelled to Japan under the Japan Exchange and Teaching, or “JET”, programme since its inception, teaching English in Japan. 

    Programmes such as the Prime Minister’s Scholarships for Asia have seen thousands of young New Zealanders study at Asian institutions and return with meaningful skills and experience. 

    The Asia New Zealand Foundation has also contributed to this through the internships, grants, and residencies it offers throughout Asia.

    It is important to highlight that seven of our top 10 export destinations are Asian economies. 

    Exports to China amounted to 20 billion New Zealand dollars last year; Japan more than four billion. Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, Malaysia, and Indonesia round out the list of our top export destinations in Asia.

    This has been supported by the network of free trade agreements we have negotiated to support our commercial partnerships over the past 20 years. It is notable that our second oldest FTA is with Singapore – second only to Australia. 

    The origins of CPTPP, one of our most significant trade agreements, also finds its origins in our relationships with Asia. 

    Its precursor, the P4 agreement with Singapore, Brunei, and Chile in 2006, provided the foundation stone for what would become CPTPP.

    CPTPP is itself a high watermark agreement that includes other economies from the region such as Japan, Malaysia, and Viet Nam, and we continue to encourage others who can meet the agreement’s high standards to seek to join in the future.

    All in all, 95 percent of our trade with Asia takes place under a trade agreement.

    New Zealand has also invested in regional institutions. This architecture provides space for dialogue and the exchange of ideas on key issues impacting us. 

    We were the second country to become an ASEAN dialogue partner, and we will celebrate the 50th anniversary of this next year. In that time New Zealand has been and continues to be a trusted partner to ASEAN and its member states. 

    We know that by contributing to ASEAN’s success, and the success of ASEAN-led councils like the East Asia Summit, we contribute to our own success and to that of the region.

    In 1994, New Zealand was a member of one regional body – APEC, which was founded just five years earlier. 

    This platform gives us a venue to influence regional economic policy together with members, who today make up two thirds of global economic growth and take 80 percent of New Zealand’s exports.

    Just over 10 years later, in 2005, our delegation was proud to take part in the inaugural East Asia Summit in Kuala Lumpur. 

    We had put intensive effort into laying the groundwork for the shape of the grouping and New Zealand’s participation. 

    Our membership as a founding partner made clear to all that New Zealand was part of the region and had a role to play in regional decisions. 

    The EAS is now the premier forum for strategic dialogue and regional cooperation. 

    New Zealand is showing up today, as we did then, because we want to support peace and stability in the region in tangible ways.

    Recent years have seen the emergence of new plurilateral and ‘minilateral’ architecture alongside established multilateral architecture. 

    New Zealand supports new groupings that advance and defend our interests and capabilities, and we no reason why these can’t coexist as long as they are constructive, advanced in an open and transparent way, and are respectful of ASEAN centrality.

    We have championed a stable, peaceful and nuclear-free Korean Peninsula. In the current climate, it is not possible to visit North Korea. But in the past, we have. 

    During a 2007 visit, we met with political leaders and advocated in favour of multi-party peace talks. 

    To this day, New Zealand Defence Force assets and personnel are deployed in Korea to maintain the armistice. The Defence Force also has a separate deployment to monitor and deter North Korea’s evasion of UN sanctions.

    In 2006, we received a request from Timor-Leste, seeking assistance to restore stability and freedom of movement. We responded swiftly, deploying police and military troops. 

    In a testament to our security cooperation in the region, Singaporean personnel were integrated seamlessly into a New Zealand battalion.

    New Zealand has a long-standing development programme in Asia. It is our largest programme outside the Pacific and is growing. 

    It goes beyond training and scholarships to respond to the priorities of our ASEAN partners, as well as humanitarian assistance. 

    Just last month, for example, we contributed humanitarian assistance in response to the devastating impacts of Typhoon Yagi in Viet Nam and Myanmar, and to extreme flooding in Bangladesh. 

    It is also worth noting that, for the past 30 years, New Zealand has advanced its policy towards Asia in a bipartisan way wherever possible. 

    This has ensured successive governments can follow through on policy commitments and is one of our greatest strengths.

    What next? 

    It is instructive to think about how far we have come in the past 30 years

    But it is also clear that we need to do more. 

    The world today is disordered and becoming more dangerous. 

    As we said to the NZIIA in May, “the challenges we face are stark, the worst that anyone today working in politics or foreign affairs can remember.” 

    As MFAT’s own strategic assessment has identified, one of the drivers for this has been a shift from rules to power:  the Cold War era of predominant US western hegemony is over. 

    The multipolar world is here to stay, and states: large, middle, and small are all jostling to advance their interests.

    Added to this is the fact that global problems – whether health, environmental, demographic, or migratory – present global risks, but at the same time require state-to-state cooperation to resolve. 

    We offer this simply to point out that we’re living in a time where relationships, norms and rules – many of which have enabled the rise of countries in Asia, including those which seek to challenge those same rules – are changing at the very time when we need to maximise global cooperation.

    This is at the heart of what’s happening in Asia, as well as around the world more broadly. 

    This is why the Government decided earlier this year on a Foreign Policy Reset. A fundamental driver was that our foreign policy needs to reflect and respond to the challenging strategic context we find ourselves in. We need to act now to bring more energy, ambition and engagement to our relationships. 

    Under the Foreign Policy Reset, we have been explicit: we will be increasing the focus on and resources applied to Southeast Asia, South Asia especially India, and North Asia. This is what will have a major impact on our security and prosperity. 

    We are already delivering on this. The Prime Minister and international-facing Ministers have been incredibly active in our engagements with the region, having travelled between us to over 20 countries.

    We have taken forward concrete initiatives to demonstrate the importance and future trajectory of our partnerships. 

    This ranges from cooperation with Japan on a hospital in Kiribati, to a Customs Cooperation Arrangement with India, to advancing toward Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships with ASEAN and Korea.

    Conclusion 

    New Zealand is an Indo-Pacific country. This is our identity, and we know this is where our future lies. With every forecast about Asia’s trajectory, this becomes clearer and clearer.

    It was this realisation that led to the Asia New Zealand Foundation’s birth 30 years ago. And as we have heard today, a lot has changed since then. Asia has evolved, and New Zealand’s relationship with Asian countries has evolved too, in some ways beyond recognition. 

    As we navigate our own pathway forward, we need to understand Asia. If we don’t, our relationships will be characterised by misconceptions, bias and miscalculation. So, our work has really only just begun. New Zealand’s security and prosperity depends on us continuing it.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI China: Policy to boost cotton industry in Xinjiang

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    The Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs has pledged more support to help the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region reclaim its vast areas of infertile land and expand its competitive edge in growing long-staple cotton — a crop that underpins a sprawling supply chain that stretches from textile production in Guangdong province to the fashion industry in Shanghai.

    Minister Han Jun had a meeting with regional government officials on Saturday, during which he announced that his administration would enhance policy measures to support Xinjiang in increasing its comprehensive crop production capacity, including for long-staple cotton, according to a media release on the ministry’s website.

    The support will be provided in areas such as treating saline-alkali land, promoting water-efficient irrigation technologies, and sponsoring the research, development and dissemination of homegrown cotton-picking machines.

    “Continued efforts will be made to promote the development of high-quality long-staple cotton,” the release quoted the minister as saying.

    Home to more than 90 percent of China’s annual cotton output, Xinjiang has remained the top provincial-level jurisdiction in terms of both cotton output and productivity for the past three decades.

    The use of machines in cotton harvesting in the region has also soared in recent decades to over 85 percent, with domestic branded machines emerging as the predominant choice in the industry, Xinhua News Agency has reported.

    As part of a national campaign to raise China’s crop output and self-sufficiency, Xinjiang launched a program earlier this year to boost cotton productivity through initiatives such as promoting higher-yielding varieties.

    Data published earlier this month by local authorities revealed significant progress.

    Output has surpassed 11.5 metric tons per hectare in an experimental field spanning approximately 7 hectares, with over 8.4 tons achieved in a demonstration zone covering about 670 hectares.

    These figures represent a substantial improvement compared to the mainstream cotton varieties planted across Xinjiang, which typically yield from 6 to 7.5 tons per hectare.

    More importantly, the increased yield had not affected the quality of the harvest, local authorities stressed.

    In some areas, including Kashgar, a major cotton-growing region, AI-powered breeding techniques have been deployed to develop cotton varieties endowed with traits such as drought tolerance and pest resistance.

    The next-generation varieties, coupled with smart farming management that has minimized the use of fertilizers and pesticides, have improved productivity to almost 8 tons per hectare at a local experimental field.

    The ministry’s announcement coincided with an increased effort to utilize otherwise infertile areas for crop production as China aims to expand planting areas and ensure self-sufficiency for key materials amid vulnerable global supply chains and more frequent extreme weather events.

    At a meeting in July last year, central authorities emphasized the need to tap the potential of saline-alkali land and increase overall agricultural production capacity.

    They called for better use of abandoned and nonconventional farmland, and more funding for related research. They also highlighted the significance of development model innovations in overcoming the natural constraints of farmland scarcity.

    Efforts to enhance the cotton industry in Xinjiang, once home to some of the nation’s most entrenched poverty, are also part of a national rural vitalization initiative.

    Erkin Tuniyaz, chairman of the region, said at the meeting that efforts will be made to vigorously increase the production of important agricultural products, including cotton, and strengthen the development of high-standard farmland that is more resilient to extreme weather.

    He said the government will spare no effort in promoting the prosperity and stable income growth of agricultural and pastoral areas, and make more contributions to ensure national food security and the supply of important agricultural products.

    With an aim to improve the added value of cotton production, Liang Yong, a national political adviser and director of Xinjiang’s cotton industry development leading group office, told China Daily that there is a need to further bolster the development of Xinjiang’s cotton-textile-apparel industry chain.

    “This entails facilitating more cotton-related manufacturing in Xinjiang relocated from the eastern regions, and driving forward the convergence of the cotton and petrochemical industries,” he said.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Banking: Disasters Trigger More Displacements than Conflicts, Says New ADB-IDMC Report

    Source: Asia Development Bank

    MANILA, PHILIPPINES (15 October 2024) — Global disasters accounted for more displacements in 2023 than conflict and violence, and governments and multilateral development banks must invest more to prevent and manage these crises, according to a new report jointly authored by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC).

    The report found that last year, 26.4 million internal displacements—or forced movements within one’s country—were caused by disasters, compared to 20.5 million caused by conflict and violence.

    The report, Harnessing Development Financing for Solutions to Displacement in the Context of Disasters and Climate Change in Asia and the Pacific, found most of the disaster displacement recorded globally in the past 10 years occurred in Asia and the Pacific, with 177 million internal displacements reported during 2014−2023. ADB’s developing member countries (DMCs) accounted for 95% of that total—more than 168 million displacements. The report warns that the effects of climate change will likely increase the scale, duration, and severity of displaced persons globally.

    “Addressing displacement in the context of climate change and disasters is a significant challenge for the region,” said ADB Vice-President Fatima Yasmin. “However, we know what needs to be done and how to do it. Development and adaptation finance channeled through multilateral development banks, such as ADB, can support member countries in addressing the root causes of displacement through sector investments, technical assistance, and cofinancing.”

    “Disaster displacement can upend lives, cost countries billions of dollars, and set back development efforts by years, but it doesn’t have to be this way,” said IDMC Director Alexandra Bilak. “Investments in disaster risk reduction and climate adaptation plans can reduce the scale and negative impacts of displacement. The payoff could be huge.”

    The report outlines several ways development finance can be used to prevent and respond to displacement. Multilateral development banks can support and encourage displacement-inclusive policies and investments, better national data systems, and raise awareness for countries to include displacement in their development strategies.

    The report says governments also need to better reflect their priorities to reduce displacement through specific and concrete measures in the national development plans, adaptation and disaster risk reduction plans, and nationally determined contributions, and to better recognize the complexity of displacement occurring in the context of climate change.

    ADB is committed to achieving a prosperous, inclusive, resilient, and sustainable Asia and the Pacific, while sustaining its efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. Established in 1966, it is owned by 69 members—49 from the region.

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI Banking: ADB Invests $12.5 Million in Khan Bank’s Milestone Green Bonds, a First in Mongolia

    Source: Asia Development Bank

    ULAANBAATAR, MONGOLIA (15 October 2024) — The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has invested $12.5 million in a green bond issued by Khan Bank JSC under the first green thematic bond program on the Mongolian Stock Exchange. The proceeds from the three-year bonds will be used to provide green sub-loans, with a strong focus on supporting small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and microenterprises, particularly those owned or managed by women.

    The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) has invested an equal amount in the Khan Bank bond, together ADB and the EBRD as strategic investors, fully subscribed to the entire United States dollar tranche. An additional $5 million tranche denominated in togrog was offered to local retail investors.

    “This landmark green bond offering deepens Mongolia’s green finance market while enabling inclusive investments to support small businesses, including those run by women, and improve the livelihoods of smallholder farmers,” said ADB’s Director General for the Private Sector Operations Department Suzanne Gaboury. “ADB is pleased to support Khan Bank in this milestone green bond issuance, which sets a precedent for future inclusive green financing in Mongolia.”

    In 2019, the Financial Stability Council of Mongolia approved a green taxonomy to help identify and classify investments based on their environmental sustainability. The banking sector has committed to achieving a green loan target of 10% by 2030. So far only a few banks are funding green investments, and their green loan book is nascent at only 3.2% of loans outstanding as of June 2024.

    “This placement of a United States dollar-denominated green bond in Mongolia highlights Khan Bank’s ability to attract new international funds in its capital market. This is through an innovative asset class while demonstrating the confidence that international investors have in Khan Bank,” said Khan Bank Chief Executive Officer Munkhtuya Rentsenbat. “This issuance aligns with our strategy to become the leading provider of green finance in the country while supporting our clients on their journey towards transition and adopting green and sustainable practices while contributing to the country’s climate goals.” 

    Khan Bank is Mongolia’s largest bank, serving over half a million borrowers, including low-income small and microenterprise, and self-employed farmholders and livestock herders. More than half of Khan Bank’s customers come from rural regions, and over half of SME borrowers are women

    ADB is committed to achieving a prosperous, inclusive, resilient, and sustainable Asia and the Pacific, while sustaining its efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. Established in 1966, it is owned by 69 members—49 from the region.

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI Global: South Africa’s unity government won’t dent poverty and inequality if it follows the same old policies – sociologist

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Roger Southall, Professor of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand

    A recent poll by the Social Research Foundation, a think thank, found that 60% of South Africans thought the government of national unity was working well. It also reported that support for the unity government’s anchor political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), had risen since 29 May 2024 when elections were held.

    The poll results came out at the same time as the business press was reporting increased collaboration between business and government, fostered by the unity government. Corporations have reportedly pledged up to R250 million (about US$14.3 million to assist the state to address various logistics crises and help the National Prosecuting Authority prosecute corruption.

    Although we should be cautious about taking such news at face value, it is worth noting that the arrival of the unity government has been accompanied by other good news. For example:

    This adds up to new shoots which suggest a better harvest to come.




    Read more:
    South Africa has a huge gap between the rich and poor – 4 urgent reasons to tackle inequality


    Still, it is wise not to get too excited unless any upturn in the economy benefits the majority of South Africans. As Frans Cronje, director of the Social Research Foundation, has observed, while the unity government may be good for the middle class, there is no sign yet that it is addressing the needs of the poor and the people on the periphery of the economy.

    Unless its benefits become socially inclusive, it might well collapse. We need to take Cronje’s reservations seriously. Note, however, that although the unity government is a coalition, it is led by the African National Congress. And, while all parties agree that they need to put the economy back on track and promote growth, there is little evidence yet that the government is pursuing distinctively new policies.

    Beware complacency

    We are often told that “a rising tide lifts all boats”.

    But this claim owes more to ideology than careful analysis of economic data. In any case, it is a catchphrase which condones inequality. It suggests that as long as living standards increase for the poor, it does not matter if the wealthy gain even more. Indeed, one version is that the more the well-off benefit, the more likely they are to spend and invest their money – that is, to create wealth for others.

    Such complacency is dangerous. Apart from being contentious economically, it poses risks to both democracy and political stability. This is particularly the case in South Africa, which is widely recognised as the most unequal country in the world.

    • High rates of inequality erode social cohesion and trust in democracy. In the May general election, the lowest level of voter turnout since 1994 reflected a worrying decline in support for democracy: from 72% in 2011 to just 43% by 2023.

    • Extremes of inequality are unlikely to lead to the formation of governing coalitions committed to pursuing developmental strategies of benefit to all. As a result, populist parties that tout simplistic solutions may find it easier to win support. As suggested by the unheralded performance of Jacob Zuma’s umKhonto we Sizwe Party in the 2024 election, this is a particular danger in South Africa. Here, the poorer black majority possess potential political power in an economy which remains largely controlled and owned by a richer, white minority. The French economist Thomas Piketty in his latest blockbuster, Capital and Ideology, warns that in such situations, the dangers of a lurch towards authoritarianism are much increased.




    Read more:
    South Africa’s unity government could see a continuation of the ANC’s political dominance – and hurt the DA


    Little prospect of reduction of inequality

    The issue is not whether the unity government is blind to these dangers, but whether the policies it is pursuing are likely to make a dent in the staggering level of inequality.

    If investment and growth do occur, there will be good news down the line – possibly the creation of some 2 million jobs and more financial room for the government to fund social benefits for the poor. But it’s unlikely to have a marked effect on the level of inequality.

    First, the unity government is not promising any great change from policies that have been pursued since 1994, only more efficient implementation. Those policies have somewhat decreased racial disparities, notably by promoting a black middle class, but they have not reduced the overall level of inequality. Indeed, as Piketty shows, this has increased, not decreased, since 1994.

    Second, the unity government’s policies may continue to focus on the reduction of poverty. But this is unlikely to shift the proportions of income between the different classes. As Cronje has hinted, the new government is underpinned by a middle-class coalition, and for this to hang together, the middle class will want to reap its reward.




    Read more:
    South Africa’s new unity government must draw on the country’s greatest asset: its constitution


    Third, history doesn’t offer much hope. Former settler colonies stand out for their exceptionally high levels of inequality. In South Africa, white people always dominated the top earners before 1994. Now they have been joined by high-earning black people, many of them public officials. The top decile’s share of total earning has increased since the end of apartheid. Today it is close to 70%, compared with around 35% in Europe.

    Fourth, we live in an age which Piketty describes as “hyper-capitalism”, in which money and ultra-rich elites are highly mobile. This makes it hard for national governments to tax the rich more. They can leave, or threaten to withdraw their investments to earn higher returns elsewhere. South Africa has already been leaking its millionaires. The unity government will not want to scare any more of them away. So, it’s unlikely to adopt aggressive tax policies in the cause of narrowing inequality.

    The unity government may well promote high growth and if successful, may ameliorate poverty, but it seems unlikely that it will either attempt or succeed in reducing inequality. It may be good for the elite and middle class, but not necessarily for the health of democracy.

    Roger Southall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. South Africa’s unity government won’t dent poverty and inequality if it follows the same old policies – sociologist – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-unity-government-wont-dent-poverty-and-inequality-if-it-follows-the-same-old-policies-sociologist-240697

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Africa: South Africa’s unity government won’t dent poverty and inequality if it follows the same old policies – sociologist

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Roger Southall, Professor of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand

    A recent poll by the Social Research Foundation, a think thank, found that 60% of South Africans thought the government of national unity was working well. It also reported that support for the unity government’s anchor political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), had risen since 29 May 2024 when elections were held.

    The poll results came out at the same time as the business press was reporting increased collaboration between business and government, fostered by the unity government. Corporations have reportedly pledged up to R250 million (about US$14.3 million to assist the state to address various logistics crises and help the National Prosecuting Authority prosecute corruption.

    Although we should be cautious about taking such news at face value, it is worth noting that the arrival of the unity government has been accompanied by other good news. For example:

    This adds up to new shoots which suggest a better harvest to come.


    Read more: South Africa has a huge gap between the rich and poor – 4 urgent reasons to tackle inequality


    Still, it is wise not to get too excited unless any upturn in the economy benefits the majority of South Africans. As Frans Cronje, director of the Social Research Foundation, has observed, while the unity government may be good for the middle class, there is no sign yet that it is addressing the needs of the poor and the people on the periphery of the economy.

    Unless its benefits become socially inclusive, it might well collapse. We need to take Cronje’s reservations seriously. Note, however, that although the unity government is a coalition, it is led by the African National Congress. And, while all parties agree that they need to put the economy back on track and promote growth, there is little evidence yet that the government is pursuing distinctively new policies.

    Beware complacency

    We are often told that “a rising tide lifts all boats”.

    But this claim owes more to ideology than careful analysis of economic data. In any case, it is a catchphrase which condones inequality. It suggests that as long as living standards increase for the poor, it does not matter if the wealthy gain even more. Indeed, one version is that the more the well-off benefit, the more likely they are to spend and invest their money – that is, to create wealth for others.

    Such complacency is dangerous. Apart from being contentious economically, it poses risks to both democracy and political stability. This is particularly the case in South Africa, which is widely recognised as the most unequal country in the world.

    • High rates of inequality erode social cohesion and trust in democracy. In the May general election, the lowest level of voter turnout since 1994 reflected a worrying decline in support for democracy: from 72% in 2011 to just 43% by 2023.

    • Extremes of inequality are unlikely to lead to the formation of governing coalitions committed to pursuing developmental strategies of benefit to all. As a result, populist parties that tout simplistic solutions may find it easier to win support. As suggested by the unheralded performance of Jacob Zuma’s umKhonto we Sizwe Party in the 2024 election, this is a particular danger in South Africa. Here, the poorer black majority possess potential political power in an economy which remains largely controlled and owned by a richer, white minority. The French economist Thomas Piketty in his latest blockbuster, Capital and Ideology, warns that in such situations, the dangers of a lurch towards authoritarianism are much increased.


    Read more: South Africa’s unity government could see a continuation of the ANC’s political dominance – and hurt the DA


    Little prospect of reduction of inequality

    The issue is not whether the unity government is blind to these dangers, but whether the policies it is pursuing are likely to make a dent in the staggering level of inequality.

    If investment and growth do occur, there will be good news down the line – possibly the creation of some 2 million jobs and more financial room for the government to fund social benefits for the poor. But it’s unlikely to have a marked effect on the level of inequality.

    First, the unity government is not promising any great change from policies that have been pursued since 1994, only more efficient implementation. Those policies have somewhat decreased racial disparities, notably by promoting a black middle class, but they have not reduced the overall level of inequality. Indeed, as Piketty shows, this has increased, not decreased, since 1994.

    Second, the unity government’s policies may continue to focus on the reduction of poverty. But this is unlikely to shift the proportions of income between the different classes. As Cronje has hinted, the new government is underpinned by a middle-class coalition, and for this to hang together, the middle class will want to reap its reward.


    Read more: South Africa’s new unity government must draw on the country’s greatest asset: its constitution


    Third, history doesn’t offer much hope. Former settler colonies stand out for their exceptionally high levels of inequality. In South Africa, white people always dominated the top earners before 1994. Now they have been joined by high-earning black people, many of them public officials. The top decile’s share of total earning has increased since the end of apartheid. Today it is close to 70%, compared with around 35% in Europe.

    Fourth, we live in an age which Piketty describes as “hyper-capitalism”, in which money and ultra-rich elites are highly mobile. This makes it hard for national governments to tax the rich more. They can leave, or threaten to withdraw their investments to earn higher returns elsewhere. South Africa has already been leaking its millionaires. The unity government will not want to scare any more of them away. So, it’s unlikely to adopt aggressive tax policies in the cause of narrowing inequality.

    The unity government may well promote high growth and if successful, may ameliorate poverty, but it seems unlikely that it will either attempt or succeed in reducing inequality. It may be good for the elite and middle class, but not necessarily for the health of democracy.

    – South Africa’s unity government won’t dent poverty and inequality if it follows the same old policies – sociologist
    https://theconversation.com/south-africas-unity-government-wont-dent-poverty-and-inequality-if-it-follows-the-same-old-policies-sociologist-240697

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-Evening Report: NGV’s Reko Rennie retrospective asks whether he should be considered Australia’s Keith Haring

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sasha Grishin, Adjunct Professor of Art History, Australian National University

    Installation view of
    OA_RR, 2016-2017 at The Ian Potter Centre: NGV Australia
    Photo Kate Shanasy

    Is Reko Rennie Australia’s equivalent of Keith Haring? Both Rennie, a Melbourne-based Aboriginal artist who celebrates the heritage the Kamilaroi people of northern New South Wales, and Haring, the American pop art great, emerged out of an urban graffiti culture.

    Both create a widely recognisable visual language that has a striking vitality, sense of authenticity and a pulsating vibrancy. Both are deeply autobiographical artists who created a visual code through which to share their personal histories.

    Rennie is an interdisciplinary artist who seamlessly moves between video, printmaking, sculpture, painting and neon art. With more than a hundred works on display, drawn from the artist’s two-decade-long career, this is the first significant retrospective of his art.

    Rennie possesses the gift of creating memorable images that are simultaneously puzzling, intriguing and entertaining. On entering the gallery, you encounter a 1973 Rolls-Royce Corniche decorated with the strange camouflage colours that reoccur throughout Rennie’s art. The physical car is accompanied by a three-channel video work with a Nick Cave and the Bad Seeds soundtrack.

    Installation view of REKOSPECTIVE: The Art of Reko Rennie at The Ian Potter Centre: NGV Australia.
    Photo Kate Shanasy/NGV

    Beginnings

    Although born in Footscray in Melbourne, the artist’s grandmother Julia, who belonged to the Stolen Generation in the 1920s and was enslaved on a pastoral station, raised him and imparted to him his Kamilaroi heritage. In his youth, Rennie saw a photograph of a pastoralist and his wife dressed up for Sunday church and seated in their luxury Rolls-Royce car. At the time, he reflected on the poverty his grandmother would have experienced while working on a pastoral station.

    The markings he made on the car, that are layered with a traditional diamond pattern of the Kamilaroi people, claim ownership over the vehicle. Inside it is a photograph of his grandmother. In the video, with a setting sun as a backdrop, Rennie drives the car down dirt tracks to his home country and, in something resembling burnouts, he makes traditional sand engravings with the tyres of the car. The work is poignant, evocative and becomes quickly embedded in your memory.

    The piece references an earlier one, with a pink 1973 Holden Monaro. In that video, the car performs a series of burnouts and doughnuts, the traditional initiation ceremony with Westie drag-racing culture of suburbia into which the artist was born. This is in contrast with the initiation practices and traditional sand engravings of the Kamilaroi people. The video is accompanied with an operatic score from Yorta Yorta woman, composer and soprano, Deborah Cheetham, performed with the Melbourne Symphony Orchestra. Again, the video becomes a haunting and somewhat surreal experience.

    Street spaces

    Rennie is an artist who looks best when he operates in a public environment.

    His early street art, accompanied by break dancing and hip hop, thrives in the accidental lighting of urban spaces. He loves the way street art can ambush the viewer and employ strategies that catch and hold the gaze of the casual passerby. Keith Haring and Howard Arkley were two of the artists who pointed a way for Rennie to move from the street and onto the gallery wall. Although they may have suggested some of the formal strategies, Aboriginal culture provided the content that would consummate the work and give it a narrative.

    When in 2020 there was a commemoration of the 250th anniversary of Lieutenant James Cook’s first landfall at Botany Bay and the HMB Endeavour’s charting of the East Coast of Australia, the Carriageworks in Sydney commissioned Rennie to make a piece for the occasion.

    Reko Rennie, REMEMBER ME 2020, LEDs, plastic, aluminium, electrical components, National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, Gift of the Eva, Mila and Reko Collection through the Australian Government’s Cultural Gifts Program, 2023.
    2023.229

    © Reko Rennie

    His monumental text work is made up of LED neon lettering held up in an aluminium armature. It measures over two-and-a-half metres in height and almost 19 metres in length. The simple message, one anchored in a tradition of street art, reads: “REMEMBER ME”. Cook’s landing marked the beginning of a process of invasion and dispossession, Rennie’s text affirms an opposition to the invasion and stresses that First Nations people survived. Sovereignty was never ceded.

    This message has been at the core of much of Rennie’s art, for instance, in the two neon pieces, OA Warrior I (pink) and OA Warrior I (blue), both from 2020. They are based on an 1800s photograph of a defiant Kamilaroi warrior with his raised club. The message is that the OA (Original Aboriginal) will never cede sovereignty.

    Reko Rennie, Kamilaroi born in 1974, Initiation 2013, synthetic polymer paint on plywood, Collection of the artist.
    Supported by Esther and David Frenkiel

    © Reko Rennie, courtesy blackartprojects, Melbourne

    In a much earlier piece from 2016, that has always been one of my favourites in Rennie’s art, a ten-metre-long banner bears the inscription, “I was always here”. It is made of hand-pressed metallic foil on satin where he employs the geometric diamond patterning of the Kamilaroi people as a background to the words.

    The work commemorates all of the Frontier Wars, massacres and oppression suffered by First Nation peoples in this country and in many other countries in a powerful way.

    ‘We’re not a monoculture.’ Artist Reno Rennie introduces his works.

    Impressive and consistent

    Rennie, who turns 50 this year, exhibited at the 56th Venice Biennale in 2015 and with the 2016 XIII Bienale de Cuenca in Ecuador and has held numerous exhibitions across Australia, Asia, the United States and Europe.

    His star is in the ascendancy and he is widely regarded as one of Australia’s most distinctive and versatile artists, who is attracting international acclaim.

    Beautifully curated by Myles Russel-Cook as his final show at the NGV before he takes up the directorship of ACCA, Rekospective is impressive in scope, consistent in content but not repetitive.

    While Keith Haring died at the age of 31, I feel Reko Rennie will be viewed, in retrospect, as an artist at least as significant as Haring and one of growing importance in Australian art.

    REKOSPECTIVE: The Art of Reko Rennie is at The Ian Potter Centre: NGV Australia until 27 January 2025. Free admission.

    Sasha Grishin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. NGV’s Reko Rennie retrospective asks whether he should be considered Australia’s Keith Haring – https://theconversation.com/ngvs-reko-rennie-retrospective-asks-whether-he-should-be-considered-australias-keith-haring-238881

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Banking: ADB, Partners Open Renewable Based Minigrid to Deliver Clean Electricity to Niuafo’ou

    Source: Asia Development Bank

    NIUAFO’OU, TONGA (14 October 2024) — The Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the governments of Tonga and Australia commissioned the Niuafo’ou hybrid minigrid as part of the cofinanced Tonga Renewable Energy Project. The new grid will provide clean, reliable, and efficient electricity supply up to 24 hours per day to the people and businesses of Niuafo’ou.

    Crown Prince Tupouto’a ‘Ulukalala and Crown Princess Sinaitakala Tuku’aho led the commissioning ceremony. They were joined by ADB Senior Country Officer Balwyn Fa’otusia, Australian High Commissioner for Tonga Brek Batley and Tonga Minister for Meteorology, Energy, Information, Disaster Risk Management, Environment, Climate Change and Communication Fekita ‘Utoikamanu.

    “Tonga is obviously preparing for a renewable energy future by reducing dependence on fossil fuels and initiating projects like the Tonga Renewable Energy Project,” said the Director of ADB’s Energy Sector Group Keiju Mitsuhashi. “ADB will continue to support Tonga’s energy transition ambition through accelerating renewable energy investment, and strengthening the transmission and distribution network.”

    The Tonga Renewable Energy Project funded the successful installation of battery energy storage system and modernized Tonga Power Limited’s (TPL) central control center on Tongatapu, as well as the installation of solar photovoltaic plants and battery energy storage systems on ‘Eua and Vava’u. The project is also constructing hybrid minigrid systems on eight outer islands in the Ha’apai and Vava’u Groups, as well as supporting TPL prepare a power purchase agreement for private sector funded investment to help achieve the government’s target of 70% renewable energy penetration by 2025.

    The Tonga Renewable Energy Project is cofinanced by ADB, Green Climate Fund, the governments of Tonga and Australia, and TPL. The $12.2 million ADB financing is sourced from the Asian Development Fund, which provides grants to ADB’s poorest and most vulnerable developing member countries. Total project cost is $53.2 million.

    ADB is committed to achieving a prosperous, inclusive, resilient, and sustainable Asia and the Pacific, while sustaining its efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. Established in 1966, it is owned by 69 members—49 from the region.

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Remarks to launch of Sean Turnell’s Lowy Institute paper, ‘Best Laid Plans’

    Source: Australian Government – Minister of Foreign Affairs

    Even with my highest hopes, when I became Foreign Minister I would not have imagined in little more than two years I would be here with Sean, at his book launch.

    One of the very first tasks on my desk when I first became Foreign Minister was to get Sean out of prison in Myanmar.

    It was perfectly clear how difficult this would be. We all know how brutal and oppressive the regime in Myanmar is.

    We know the escalating conflict and worsening humanitarian crisis in Myanmar.

    We are all appalled by the reports of widespread human rights abuses and atrocities.

    According to a recent report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation in Myanmar, at least 5,350 civilians have been killed.

    And half of the population is living below the poverty line, primarily due to the military violence since the 2021 coup.

    And of course Sean had spent years working to improve the lives of the people of Myanmar.

    Working as an adviser to Aung San Suu Kyi, at the invitation of the elected government of the day, to serve the people of Myanmar, and help them realise their hopes for their country.

    His work reinforcing the catastrophic failure of the junta.

    And so there was not a lot of cause for optimism about Sean’s release.

    Sean’s return was an extraordinary moment of relief for all of his family, friends and supporters, as well as the Australian Government, our regional partners and ASEAN members. Each of whom played important roles in securing Sean’s release.

    The multifaceted nature of the work behind Sean’s release was one factor in my decision to ask my department to review its approach to supporting Australians detained in complex circumstances overseas.

    That review included consulting with partners, stakeholders, and former detainees to ensure our methods are fit for purpose.

    We have deeply appreciated our engagement with Sean as part of these efforts.

    We are now better equipped to manage these complex and often highly distressing cases, which we handle on a case-by-case basis to ensure the safety and protection of the individual.

    We don’t ever want to jeopardise the welfare or safety of an Australian overseas.

    We also recognise that a level of public understanding and in some cases, public pressure, can contribute to better outcomes.

    In my position, I have to make a judgment about the best way to balance these options, always with their welfare front of mind.

    Always considering the best way to deploy the full range of resources at Australia’s disposal when pushing to secure their release, and to support families back home.

    And always seeking ways to refine and improve on this work.

    I look to the Senate’s Inquiry into the wrongful detention of Australian citizens overseas to provide suggestions that are both constructive and principled.

    I note we are also joined tonight by Cheng Lei and Kylie Moore-Gilbert, who went through their own terrible experiences.

    And while there are certainly aspects in common, the approach in each case is different, uniquely tailored to the circumstances and the country in which they were detained.

    Sean, we are so grateful to have you back in the country and with us tonight, and of course to see you resume your work as a world-leading expert on Myanmar’s economy.

    Which brings me to this important book.

    ‘Best Laid Plans’ documents Sean’s work in Myanmar, and his efforts to help reform Myanmar’s economy in that brief period of democracy between 2015 and 2021.

    It illustrates the sheer scale and ambition of Sean’s work with so many dedicated reformers in Myanmar.

    And it reinforces the tragedy of the country’s trajectory since the military coup in 2021.

    That coup was the latest setback for Myanmar and its people, who had seen their hopes for their country supressed yet again, following attempts before 1962 and again in 1988 to forge a more democratic and inclusive future.

    The regime’s actions in 2021 reversed years of political, economic and development gains.

    It has created the largest and most complex crisis in the Indo-Pacific; with humanitarian, economic, political and security dimensions.

    And it has caused enormous suffering for the people of Myanmar.

    The UN estimates approximately a third of the population – some 18.6 million people – are in need of humanitarian assistance and more than 3.4 million are internally displaced.

    Today, I announce Australia will provide a further $9 million through the Australian Humanitarian Partnership, to support communities and conflict affected populations in Myanmar.

    This will aid the delivery of life-saving food, water and shelter, as well as essential protection, education and health services for those most in need, including women, girls and people with disabilities.

    In his book, Sean also reflects on the atrocities in Rakhine state, which precipitated so much of the continuing violence against and the ongoing targeting of Rohingyas who live there, by the regime and other actors.

    The plight of the Rohingya people deserves greater focus in our region – which is why I visited Cox’s Bazar in May this year to talk with community leaders and humanitarian workers who have experienced the consequences of the regime’s actions.

    The Rohingya crisis is Australia’s largest humanitarian response.

    With my announcement today, successive governments–both Labor and Coalition–will have contributed some $880 million in assistance for Rohingya, their host communities in Bangladesh and people across Myanmar since 2017.

    We support the rights of Rohingyas to live safely as citizens in Myanmar.

    We want to see conditions put in place that would allow Rohingyas to return in a voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable way.

    And until such time as a safe and dignified return is possible, Australia will continue to support displaced Rohingyas in Bangladesh. 

    The Australian people are decent and want to help.

    We are generous with our humanitarian aid – but it is not a long-term answer.

    Reform is desperately needed to drive growth.

    As Sean shows us in this book, Myanmar’s economy continues to face a range of constraints.

    The World Bank forecasts GDP growth of one per cent in 2024-25 financial year, a revision from 2023 projection of 2 percent growth.

    Businesses face operational difficulties as a result of foreign currency, labour and electricity shortages and rapidly rising prices.

    And conflict has enabled illicit economic activities to thrive, including narcotics production, scam centres and human trafficking.

    The regime is losing ground, but there is no sign its position is softening.

    Despite territorial losses and a bleak economic outlook, the regime has not changed its approach.

    And opposition groups are divided.

    As a result, Myanmar is at risk of further fragmentation.

    The current trajectory is not sustainable for the regime or for the region.

    We want the regime to take a different path–to fulfil its commitment under ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus, and engage meaningfully and positively with ASEAN representatives.

    There must be much more safe access for humanitarian assistance across the country, so that all those who are in need can receive support.

    There must be an end to the violence, including the targeting of civilians.

    The regime’s violent repression of its people is why the Albanese Government has applied sanctions on key members of the regime responsible for atrocities, as well as on commercial entities with direct links to the Myanmar military regime and why we will continue to keep our targeted sanctions towards Myanmar under review.

    But sanctions can only achieve so much.

    Genuine, inclusive dialogue is vital to any political resolution – as out of reach as that seems now.

    Ultimately, a political resolution in Myanmar will require dialogue between all the actors, including the regime, and a genuine willingness for a legitimate return to civilian-led democratic government.

    I have said before that we can’t only deal with those who share our views if we are to effect change.

    That was our approach in engaging with the Myanmar regime to secure Sean’s release.

    Which is why in 2022, ahead of Sean’s release, I spoke twice directly with the regime’s then-Foreign Minister, U Wunna Maung Lwin.

    Not just to argue for a positive outcome for Sean, but so I could directly register Australia’s objections to the regime’s actions.

    I also met earlier this year with the National Unity Government’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Madam Zin Mar Aung.

    Peace requires dialogue, which is why Australia will continue to engage with and listen to the many groups and voices working for democracy in Myanmar, including but not limited to the NUG. And why we will continue to support inclusive dialogues that lay the groundwork for future political transitions.

    Australia stands ready to work with ASEAN and other partners to find pathways that may encourage dialogue between all players, to lend our voice to messages to the regime to take a different path, and to bring to the table any support that will help make a difference. 

    We are also supporting efforts to strengthen civil society and build resilience, along with local-level governance initiatives for communities in areas outside regime control.

    We do all this because as Sean so powerfully reminds us, the people of Myanmar have not lost hope for their country – so we must not lose hope in them.

    We must remain resolute in our support for the people of Myanmar. They have demonstrated their courage and commitment to democracy in decades’ long struggles, with determined resilience in the face of the most horrific adversity.

    Tonight we celebrate not just Sean’s contribution, but all those in Myanmar who continue to work for change.

    We stand with them, and share their ambitions for a better future.

    Sean, congratulations on this achievement.

    We admire your dedication and ongoing commitment to the people of Myanmar.

    It is my pleasure to officially launch your book.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI USA: USAID Advances Efforts To Strengthen Cost-Effectiveness of Assistance

    Source: USAID

    Today, Deputy Administrator Isobel Coleman highlighted recent steps USAID has taken to maximize the impact achieved on humanitarian and development objectives for every dollar of U.S. foreign assistance spent. At an event hosted by the Center for Global Development, alongside implementing partners and aid effectiveness experts from around the world, the Deputy Administrator reaffirmed USAID’s commitment to cost-effectiveness by launching two new Agency policy documents: 

    1. A Position Paper on Cost-Effectiveness, which articulates USAID’s commitment to achieving the greatest possible impact per dollar of taxpayer resources spent, through the use and generation of cost-effectiveness evidence, and
    2. A Position Paper on Direct Monetary Transfers, which summarizes principles and best practices for how USAID can leverage direct monetary transfers to individuals, households, and microenterprises – a form of market-based assistance – as a highly cost-effective approach for many development objectives. 

    These efforts build on many years of work to improve evaluation and evidence-based policymaking at USAID. Most recently, the Agency revised its Program Cycle Operational Policy related to planning, delivering, assessing, and adapting development programming to reflect this greater focus on cost-effectiveness. USAID has also strengthened the role of evidence in Agency programming, including introducing its first Evaluation Policy in 2011 and implementing requirements outlined by the bipartisan Foundations for Evidence-Based Policymaking Act including an Agency-wide Learning Agenda.

    This ongoing focus on cost-effectiveness enables USAID to identify and scale evidence-based interventions that consistently deliver greater impact per dollar on specific outcomes than other approaches. For example, following the evidence, USAID teams around the world are scaling a proven poverty reduction approach, known as the “graduation approach,” which offers a sequenced set of supports, including a productive asset or grant, training, and facilitation of improved savings access, to help extremely vulnerable households transition to sustainable livelihoods. This approach has been tested in more than 20 randomized impact evaluations and has consistently increased participants’ income, savings, assets, and food security.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women Commend New Zealand’s Promotion of Gender Equality, Ask about Initiatives to Address Violence against Women and Discrimination against Māori Women and Girls

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women today considered the ninth periodic report of New Zealand, with Committee Experts praising the State’s achievements in promoting gender equality and raising questions about initiatives to address high levels of violence against women and discrimination against Māori women and girls, and reports of reduced funding for those initiatives.

    In the dialogue, several Committee Experts commended New Zealand’s efforts promoting gender equality.  One Expert welcomed that the State party had achieved gender parity in Parliament recently, while another Expert congratulated the State party on ranking fourth in the Global Gender Gap Index.

    Natasha Stott Despoja, Committee Expert and Rapporteur for New Zealand, said the rates of violence against women and girls in New Zealand were alarming. She also expressed concern about reports of reduced funding for initiatives to prevent violence against women.

    Another Committee Expert said Māori women and girls continued to face disproportionate levels of discrimination.  The Committee was alarmed by austerity measures which weakened efforts to fight discrimination in many Government bodies, including the disestablishment of the Māori Health Authority.  How would the State party promote the rights of indigenous peoples?

    Saunoamaali’i Dr Karanina Sumeo, Acting Chief Human Rights Commissioner of New Zealand, said that although Māori women and girls continued to experience various inequalities, the Government was reviewing the role of the Māori Tribunal and had stopped all efforts to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.  The Government needed to implement the Declaration, she said.

    Introducing the report, Kellie Coombes, Secretary for Women and Chief Executive of the Ministry for Women of New Zealand and head of the delegation, said New Zealand’s women leaders had held the role of Prime Minister for 16 out of the last 27 years.  In October 2022, women Members of Parliament gained an equal share of seats in the New Zealand House of Representatives, making the State one of only six countries in the world to have achieved gender equality in Parliament.

    The delegation added that the Government had implemented temporary special measures to improve women’s representation in political bodies and the defence force.  A woman had been appointed as the leader of the New Zealand Army in September 2024. New Zealand also held back funding from sporting bodies that did not have a certain level of female representation on their boards.

    Emma Powell, Chief Executive of the Interdepartmental Executive Board for the Elimination of Family Violence and Sexual Violence of New Zealand, said the National Strategy for the Elimination of Family Violence and Sexual Violence guided efforts to address the underlying social conditions and norms that led to family violence and sexual violence.  The State party aimed to reduce the number of annual crimes against women by 11,000 in the next two years.  For 2024, ministers had agreed not to cut the budget devoted to combatting family and sexual violence.

    Paula Rawiri, Deputy Secretary of Policy at Te Puni Kōkiri (Ministry for Māori Development) of New Zealand, said New Zealand was working to ensure that it was a nation where Māori women and girls could thrive.  The Ministry for Māori Development would soon publish reports on disparities in justice, health, education, employment and socio-economic wellbeing.  This body of work would yield valuable insights on legislative and policy levers to combat intersecting forms of discrimination against Māori women and girls.

    In closing remarks, Ms. Coombes said New Zealand had made good progress toward gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls, underpinned by its commitment to the Convention.  There was more work to be done, and the Committee’s concluding observations would help the State party to achieve its goals.

    Ana Peláez Narváez, Committee Chair, in concluding remarks, thanked the delegation for the constructive dialogue, which had allowed the Committee to better understand the situation of women and girls in the State party.  The Committee called on the State party to implement its recommendations for the benefit of all women and girls in New Zealand.

    The delegation of New Zealand consisted of representatives from the Executive Board for the Elimination of Family Violence and Sexual Violence; Te Puni Kōkiri (Ministry of Māori Development); Ministry for Women; and the Permanent Mission of New Zealand to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Committee will issue the concluding observations on the report of New Zealand at the end of its eighty-ninth session on 25 October.  All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 3 p.m. on Monday, 14 October to hold a meeting with non-governmental organizations and national human rights institutes from Chile, Canada, Japan and Cuba, whose reports will be reviewed next week.

     

    Report

     

    The Committee has before it the ninth periodic report of New Zealand (CEDAW/C/NZL/9).

    Presentation of Report

    KELLIE COOMBES, Secretary for Women and Chief Executive of the Ministry for Women of New Zealand and head of the delegation, said New Zealand strongly valued diversity and took pride in promoting human rights and equal treatment for all people.  It was the first country where women gained the right to vote and had a strong record of women’s political leadership.  In September, the State marked the one hundred and thirty-first anniversary of women’s suffrage.  Women leaders had held the role of Prime Minister for 16 out of the last 27 years. In October 2022, women Members of Parliament gained an equal share of seats in the New Zealand House of Representatives, making the State one of only six countries in the world to have achieved gender equality in Parliament.  New Zealand ranked fourth out of 146 nations on the World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Index.

    Since the last report was submitted, New Zealand had had a change of Government.  The new Government’s key focus areas included rebuilding the economy, restoring law and order, and delivering better public services.  It was committed to the protection of the human rights of all women and girls in New Zealand, the promotion of gender equality, upholding women’s safety and wellbeing, protecting women and girls from all forms of violence, and reducing gender inequities in health.  Through deliberate action, the public service gender pay gap had fallen from 12.2 per cent in 2018 to 7.1 per cent in 2023, its lowest level. Work was now progressing alongside New Zealand businesses to develop a gender pay gap calculation tool.

    Work towards improving health outcomes for women and girls included the extension of free breast cancer screening for women aged 70-74, which would mean around 120,000 more women would be eligible for screening every two years.  The introduction last year of a world-leading self-test for cervical screening had seen more than 80 per cent of women being tested take up this option.  In 2023, for the fourth consecutive year, women’s representation on public sector boards reached 50 per cent or above, with women now holding 53.9 per cent of these roles.  Women were also better represented in board chair roles, reaching 46.2 per cent – a significant increase from 41.9 per cent in 2022. 

    Māori and ethnic diversity of public sector boards had also continued to increase since data collection for ethnicity began in 2019. The Global Women and the Champions for Change Group had achieved at least 40 per cent representation of women at board level.  Women’s representation on councils was the highest it had ever been, at nearly 46 per cent at the 2022 elections.  The online safety organization “Netsafe” was developing an online toolkit for workplaces to protect women in leadership positions from harassment and abuse.

    Women’s participation in the New Zealand labour force had steadily increased, from 54.3 per cent in 1991 to 67.4 per cent in June 2024. The women’s employment rate was currently at 64.5 per cent, remaining the fifth highest since measurement began in 1986.  Families in New Zealand had been negatively impacted by rising living costs.  Recent initiatives to support working parents included a six per cent increase in paid parental leave, and the introduction of the “FamilyBoost” payment to help families meet the cost of early childhood education.  The Government had also committed to prioritising a bill to allow parents to share parental leave as they see fit and introduce a three-day stay policy to ensure mothers and babies were entitled by law to 72 hours post-partum care.

    Health outcomes were improving overall for women in New Zealand and women had a longer life expectancy than men.  However, women spent more years in poor health than men with more medical interventions for conditions experienced across their lifetime. Health challenges were bigger for many groups of women and girls, including wāhine Māori (Māori women), Pacific women, rural women and disabled women.

    The State party was committed to gender equality in New Zealand for all women and girls.  Despite significant progress, challenges remained, and the Government needed to continue to build on the progress it had made to improve outcomes for all women and girls.

    EMMA POWELL, Chief Executive of the Interdepartmental Executive Board for the Elimination of Family Violence and Sexual Violence of New Zealand, said New Zealand had high and concerning rates of family violence and sexual violence.  Women were three times as likely as men to experience intimate partner violence. One in three women experienced sexual assault in their lifetime. In December 2021, the National Strategy for the Elimination of Family Violence and Sexual Violence was launched. It guided the efforts of the Government, indigenous peoples, communities and specialist sectors to address the underlying social conditions and norms that led to family violence and sexual violence. 

    The first action plan to implement the strategy, spanning 2021-2023, was now complete, and from its 40 actions progress had been made across a range of areas, including the development and implementation of new family violence workforce capability frameworks and training, and expanded community-led responses to violence.  The next action plan would be published by the end of the year.  It would prioritise improving multi-agency responses, and strengthening the evaluation of what worked to support investment, further equipping workforces to respond to victims of violence.

    PAULA RAWIRI, Deputy Secretary of Policy at Te Puni Kōkiri (Ministry for Māori Development) of New Zealand, said that after a period of nationwide mourning of the recent passing of Kingi Tuheitia Pōtatau Te Wherowhero IIV, a beacon of implicit reverence for indigenous women had appeared through the anointment of a young Māori queen.  New Zealand was driving a transformational journey of advancement for Māori women and girls, working to ensure that New Zealand was a nation where Māori women and girls could thrive.  The Ministry for Māori Development had implemented research arising from the Mana Wāhine Kaupapa Inquiry on systemic discrimination, deprivation and inequities experienced by Māori women as a result of Treaty of Waitangi breaches by the Crown.  An initial tranche of reports would shortly be published on the representation of Māori women in public sector decision-making roles and disparities in justice, health, education, employment and socio-economic wellbeing.  This body of work would yield valuable insights on legislative and policy levers to combat intersecting forms of discrimination against Māori women and girls. 

    The Ministry had also developed a series of national strategies, which were driving better outcomes and equality for Māori women and girls across fields such as justice, child protection, living with disabilities, access to technology, housing and education.  It was working to ensure greater representation of Māori women in public sector decision-making roles and within Māori communities. Māori women, girls and families continued to carry the burden of socio-economic inequity.  There was much more to do but when Māori society thrived, New Zealand society also thrived.

    SAUNOAMAALI’I DR KARANINA SUMEO, Acting Chief Human Rights Commissioner of New Zealand, said the Human Rights Commission had “A” status accreditation under the Paris Principles.  Māori women and girls continued to experience various inequalities. The Government was reviewing the role of the Māori Tribunal and had stopped all efforts to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.  The Government needed to implement the Declaration and provide mental health support for Māori women and girls.  There had been a recent reduction in funding for responses to gender-based violence. 

    This year, a report from a Royal Commission of Inquiry revealed cases of torture of women and girls in New Zealand institutions. The State party needed to implement the Inquiry’s recommendations and develop legislation to reduce online harm against women.  The social security system disadvantaged women and could lead to their financial entrapment.  In 2023, one in eight children lived in poverty in New Zealand and gender and ethnic pay gaps persisted.  For every one dollar a New Zealand man earned, Māori and Pacific women earned less than 70 cents.  The Government lacked urgency to address this issue.  Workplace harassment was also affecting women.  The Government needed to reinstate the Fair Payment Agreement Act and ensure the right to equal work for all genders and persons with disabilities.

    Questions by a Committee Expert 

    NATASHA STOTT DESPOJA, Committee Expert and Rapporteur for New Zealand, said that New Zealand had long been a global leader in national development, both with regard to its labour force, being the first country to introduce minimum wage, and with regard to gender equality, being the first country in the world to afford women with the right to vote.  She commended the progress that had been made toward ensuring women in rural communities had access to abortion through the national establishment of the abortion telehealth service.  However, there were concerns around the Government’s reinterpretation of the Treaty of Waitangi and the removal of several equity measures, including the Māori health authority, and removal of State support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.  Māori women and girls had reported feeling unhoused, unnoticed and unsafe.  What progress had been made in protecting their rights, and in implementing the recommendations issued by the Royal Commission of Inquiry into abuse of Māori women and girls in institutions?

    The Committee noted recent steps taken to address family and sexual violence, including the 2018 passing of the Family Violence Act, the Sexual Violence Legislation Act in 2021, and the launch of the National Strategy and Action Plan to Eliminate Family Violence and Sexual Violence in 2022.  However, the rates of violence against women and girls in New Zealand were alarming.  Women were disproportionately at risk of facing violence.  Ms. Stott Despoja expressed concern about reports of reduced funding for initiatives to prevent violence against women, and the cessation of a safety-focused regulatory review of online services and platforms before it was completed.  What had been the impact of the 2019 Christchurch mosque shooting on women and girls?  Were women and girls of Muslim faith facing increased social hostility in the public space?

    It was welcome that the Convention and New Zealand’s reports had been published on the Ministry for Women’s website.  Did the State party plan to publish these in Pacific languages? There was a concerning lack of specific mentions of gender within New Zealand’s Human Rights Act.  What steps had been taken to amend the Act to include specific prohibitions of discrimination on the grounds of gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics?  It was also concerning that legal aid funding for cultural reports had been removed.  Around 67 per cent of women in prison in New Zealand were Māori.  Did the State party have a replacement strategy for these reports? How many times had gender-discrimination cases been brought before the courts in the last five years, and how many times had the Convention been invoked?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the New Zealand Law Commission was reviewing whether the Human Rights Act adequately protected transgender people and people with diverse sexual characteristics.  The Government would consider any recommendations made when the review was completed in 2025.  In September this year, the Government launched a Human Rights Monitor, which recorded and tracked recommendations from the United Nations treaty bodies. The Government would consider the recommendation to publish information related to the Convention in Pacific languages. 

    Recently, New Zealand had changed the threshold for persons who could receive legal aid, increasing access for marginalised women and girls, including Māori and Pacific women and girls.  There had been six court cases since 2018 that had referred to the Convention.

    The Ministry for Women had developed a working relationship with the New Zealand Islamic Council since the Christchurch shooting and was working to support Muslim women and girls in the community, including to reach leadership positions.  The Government had launched an impactful campaign that sought to challenge perceptions of this group.

    New Zealand was committed to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the Treaty of Waitangi, and the positive outcomes that both sought for the Māori community.  The Government had decided to focus on meeting targets in nine key areas, aiming to support families at community level, so as to implement the Declaration.  Recent policy changes had affected the Māori community.  The Government would work together with Māori organizations to address concerns related to these changes.

    Questions by Committee Experts 

    One Committee Expert congratulated New Zealand for ratifying all nine of the United Nations human rights treaties.  New Zealand’s first national action plan on women, peace and security concluded in 2019.  The Committee hoped that the next iteration of the plan would include measures addressing security both internally and externally.  Could more information on New Zealand’s feminist diplomacy be provided? The omission of language as grounds for discrimination in State legislation needed to be revisited.  It was welcome that the 2023 budget included a gender lens.  Did the budget address intersectional discrimination against women with disabilities?

    It was welcome that there were six Supreme Court judgements on the Convention. Did the Māori Tribunal apply the Convention in its decision making?  Data was part of the Māori knowledge system, and the way that the digital domain was governed had implications in this regard.  The Government had reportedly failed to protect Māori from online risks, including related to the protection of their data.  How would the Government protect and support access to data for Māori women?

    Another Committee Expert said that New Zealand had made history in the nineteenth century by being the first country to allow women to vote.  It was welcome that the State party had achieved gender parity in Parliament recently.  Māori women and girls continued to face disproportionate levels of discrimination. The current Government had disestablished the Māori Health Authority.  The Committee was also alarmed by austerity measures which weakened efforts to fight discrimination in many Government bodies.  What temporary special measures was the State party planning to achieve full gender parity in political representation?  How would the State party address gaps created by budget cuts in the protection of the rights of women and girls?  How would the State party increase Māori representation in local governments and promote the rights of indigenous peoples domestically and internationally?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said New Zealand continued to progress work aligned to its national action plan on women, peace and security.  It was developing a second national action plan, but no decisions had been made yet.  The State had co-hosted a women, peace and security summit in Samoa in 2019, which had launched a gender defence network that included defence forces from countries in the region.  New Zealand had also supported gender mainstreaming in Fiji and the development of the State’s first women, peace and security action plan.  There was also a gender focal point network within the defence force.  The New Zealand police provided support in eight Pacific nations to strengthen the frontline response to gender-based violence.

    New Zealand supported women’s leadership, and equitable access to health and education in the Pacific.  In 2021, it launched a gender action plan to ensure that its official development assistance incorporated a gender lens.  At least 60 per cent of official development assistance focused on promoting gender equality.  The State party published an annual report of official development assistance, which outlined spending on policies promoting gender equality.

    The State party had ministries supporting Pacific peoples and persons with disabilities.  It had developed databases of women in leadership positions.  The Ministry for Women had developed a tool that supported Government bodies to implement a gender perspective.

    The State party ensured the independence of the judiciary.  Judges and members of the judiciary received training that encouraged them to operate in a gender responsive manner.

    The Government had implemented temporary special measures to improve women’s representation in political bodies and the defence force.  A woman had been appointed as the leader of the New Zealand Army in September 2024.  New Zealand held back funding from sporting bodies that did not have a certain level of female representation on their boards.  Women currently held 31 per cent of board-level roles in private companies. The Government was considering policies to accelerate progress in this area.  New Zealand was encouraging women and girls to pursue careers in science, technology, engineering and maths fields, and was working to address online harassment of women in leadership through its “Netsafe” programme.

    New Zealand was advocating for issues, including reproductive health and rights, equal pay for equal work, and women’s participation within the United Nations human rights mechanisms.  The State had also worked to strengthen language on gender equality and women’s empowerment in General Assembly resolutions.

    Funding for the Ministry for Women had recently been reduced by around seven per cent. It continued to work to fulfil its mandate with this budget.  The Ministry worked collaboratively with other Government bodies to achieve results for the communities they represented.

    Questions by Committee Experts 

    NATASHA STOTT DESPOJA, Committee Expert and Rapporteur for New Zealand, asked whether the 2024 budget had gender budgeting.  Was the Government planning a national action plan on the rights of women and girls?

    A Committee Expert congratulated the State party on ranking fourth in the Global Gender Gap Index and for its efforts to reduce harmful gender stereotyping.  However, some stereotypes against women remained prevalent.  What measures were in place to address these?  The high level of violence against women and girls was alarming.  Domestic violence rates had increased over the last five years.  How was the Government responding to this?  How did it protect women who left violent partners? Two-thirds of family violence incidents were not reported to the police.  Was the Government considering restorative justice models to address family and sexual violence, and raising awareness on economic harm as a form of family violence?

    There had been an increase in gender-based abuse on online platforms, yet funding for reducing online harm had been reduced.  Would the State party review laws to increase accountability and transparency for online companies?  The Committee welcomed a new bill that would make stalking a crime.  What was the timeline for its implementation?

    The Crimes Act of 1961 was amended in 2016 to address trafficking in persons for various purposes, including forced labour.  How many traffickers had been penalised for sex trafficking over the reporting period?  The Government had implemented legislation to address modern slavery, but had this year disbanded the modern slavery leadership group.  How was the Government addressing modern slavery?  The State party fully decriminalised prostitution in 2003.  What had been the positive and negative implications of this legal measure?

    The Government had also rolled back protections for migrant workers in work visa and seasonal employment schemes.  Employers were now allowed to increase accommodation costs, and visa applications for migrants’ spouses and children were no longer supported.  Did the State party intend to ratify the International Labour Organization Convention 190 on workplace violence?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said gender budgeting was not included in the 2024 budget due to time constraints after the formation of the new Government.  However, agencies reported on the implications of budgeting for women.  The Ministry for Women was not currently prioritising the development of a national action plan on the rights of women and girls.

    Sport played an important role in countering gender stereotypes.  The 2023 Women’s World Cup, which was co-hosted by New Zealand, had increased the profile of women’s sports and athletes. The Broadcasting Standards Authority monitored portrayals of women and girls in the media and had issued guidance on their representation.

    New Zealand’s Crime and Victims Survey showed that there had been an increase in family violence and sexual assault in the last two years.  The State party aimed to further strengthen data collection on these crimes and reduce the number of annual crimes against women by 11,000 in the next two years.  The National Strategy on Family and Sexual Violence had been renewed and the Government was developing a new set of actions under the strategy.  For 2024, ministers had agreed not to cut the budget devoted to combatting family and sexual violence.  Judicial and police training programmes had clear curricula addressing family and sexual violence and capacity building efforts were ongoing.

    Work was underway to recognise stalking as a crime and the bill on stalking was expected to pass by the end of this year.  Economic harm against women and girls was pervasive in New Zealand. The Government would strengthen awareness raising campaigns on this issue, targeting vulnerable groups.

    New Zealand’s policy was to not ratify international conventions until domestic law aligned with them.  The State party would consider aligning domestic legislation with International Labour Organization Convention 190 before ratifying it.  Employers were allowed to recruit seasonal migrant workers in sectors where there were staff shortages.  They were required to pay for half of workers’ airfares, provide quality accommodation for employees, and respect their rights.

    Work on addressing trafficking in persons was ongoing.  In the last 12 months, there had been 17 certified instances of trafficking identified, but there had been no convictions secured related to people trafficking over the reporting period.  The action plan against forced labour, people trafficking and slavery was in place until 2025.  There had been various policies and laws implemented to prevent trafficking and exploitation of migrants under the action plan.  Training in trafficking in persons had been provided for 400 frontline border officials, and fora on combatting trafficking in persons were held annually.

    The Prostitution Reform Act of 2003 decriminalised prostitution, aiming to protect sex workers’ rights.  There was an issue with section 19 of the Act, which prohibited foreign nationals from engaging in sex work.  This section aimed to protect migrants from exploitation but could have a negative impact on migrant workers.  Changes to this legislation would require careful consultation with stakeholders. On balance, the Act was a positive advancement for sex workers’ rights in New Zealand, but the State party would continue to assess how it was implemented.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert asked about the causes of the recent rise in gender-based violence.  The Expect welcomed the State’s efforts to prevent underage marriage.  What these made any achievements?  Was the Government working to identify underage and forced marriages that went under the radar?

    Another Committee Expert welcomed efforts by the State party to promote women’s participation in sports and address sexual and family violence.  What work was the State party doing with perpetrators of sexual violence?  How many complaints were reported of discrimination against intersex persons each year?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the cost-of-living crisis had exacerbated the situation of vulnerable families, potentially leading to an increase in rates of violence. There was also a high rate of revictimisation, indicating that some State responses lacked effectiveness. The State party was working with civil society to address this issue.

    Coerced marriage was illegal in New Zealand.  A Family Court judge needed to provide permission for young people aged 16 or 17 to marry.  The police’s policy on forced and underaged marriages had been updated to address a wider range of coerced unions.  Sexual offenders were required to participate in 50 hours of counselling sessions.  The Government was changing the design of rehabilitation programmes to counter reoffending and implementing awareness raising programmes promoting positive masculinity.  The Ministry of Māori Development was involved in community-led efforts to address sexual and family violence against Māori women.

     

    Questions by Committee Experts

    One Committee Expert said New Zealand had made remarkable steps in promoting gender balance.  The Inter-Parliamentary Union ranked New Zealand at fifteenth worldwide in women’s representation in political bodies.  However, the representation of women in Parliament had recently decreased from the 2022 peak.  Some political parties had implemented quotas of 50 per cent female representation, but not all had.  Only 29 per cent of the managerial positions of private companies were held by women. Did the State party plan to introduce gender quotas for all political parties?  What initiatives were in place to support women politicians and women in the foreign service?  What was the representation of women in the judiciary?

    Another Committee Expert said that since 2006, persons born in New Zealand were not automatically entitled to New Zealand nationality; at least one parent needed to now be a New Zealand or Australian citizen for the child to receive nationality.  What was the status of the bill to repeal this legislation and were there measures to address the harm it had caused, including for Western Samoan persons? The process for granting citizenship for stateless persons was too long and did not have a deadline.  Would the State party consider ratifying the 1954 Convention relating to the status of stateless persons?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said that in 2022, the Government announced funding for intersex healthcare, including peer support and training for practitioners.  The Government promoted a human rights-based approach to intersex health.  There was a lack of data on intersex healthcare, but work was underway to collect such data by 2027.

    New Zealand had a Harmful Digital Communications Act that addressed online stalking and posting images without consent.  Complaints related to online abuse could be sent to the Online Safety Authority “NetSafe”, which could bring cases to courts as necessary.  The Authority was pushing back strongly against online abuse.

    The issue of gender quotas within political parties was a matter for the parties themselves.  There was a push to make Parliament more family friendly.  Parliamentary recess periods were being aligned with school holidays and there was a play area on Parliament grounds.  Several women parliamentarians were balancing work and childcare.  The share of women in the judiciary was 53 per cent.

    Questions by Committee Experts 

    NATASHA STOTT DESPOJA, Committee Expert and Rapporteur for New Zealand, asked if there would be further legal amendments to ensure intersex persons had the same protection as males and females.

    Another Committee Expert commended New Zealand’s progress in women’s education, including its endorsement and implementation of the Safe Schools Declaration, and provision of educational support to pregnant teenagers and Māori girls. Around 34 per cent of women with disabilities had received no education and there was a lack of teaching aides for children with disabilities.  How would the State party address these issues? 

    Indigenous and poor children lacked access to internet services.  How would the State party facilitate online learning for poor and indigenous women?  There continued to be high levels of bullying of marginalised children in schools.  How would the State party address impunity for bullying in schools?  The Government had recently cut funding for the school lunches programme by over 100 million United States dollars.  Did the State party intend to revive this funding?  How was the State party facilitating the teaching of indigenous and Pacific languages in schools?

    One Committee Expert said New Zealand had progressive traditions that had been reflected in its achievements in women’s employment and representation in managerial positions.  What measures were being developed to support migrant women and Pacific Islander women to access employment, particularly in the private sector?  Was the State party using new technologies to analyse the employment market and barriers to it? 

    There was reportedly a high level of workplace violence; 38 per cent of women had suffered such violence.  The State party had not ratified International Labour Organization conventions related to workplace violence.  How many complaints had been submitted to the Human Rights Commission on workplace harassment?  What progress had been made in the plan to combat workplace harassment?  Had the State party considered measures to support working mothers, such as a four-day working week?  Were women able to access employment in fast-growing technology sectors?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the Law Commission had published an issues paper on legislation on intersex persons.  Consideration of this paper would address increased protection for intersex persons.

    New Zealand was committed to ensuring that education was accessible and inclusive for all students, including women and girls.  School boards needed to ensure that schools were safe, inclusive places for all students and staff and that students could receive the highest standard of education.  There were measures in place to strengthen the learning support system for children with disabilities, including measures to increase teachers’ ability to meet the needs of all learners. 

    The Ministry of Education’s digital technologies programme aimed to increase students’ access to digital technology for learning and their digital literacy. The rural broadband initiative had significantly increased access to the internet in rural areas.  When the programme was completed in 2025, more than 99 per cent of rural areas would have access to the internet.  More than 650 Māori communities had gained access to the internet through the programme. 

    Data on bullying indicated that students with disabilities, poor students and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex students were disproportionately affected by it.  Bullying prevention and response work by the Bullying Prevention Advisory Group aimed to foster safe and inclusive environments in schools.  The Department of Internal Affairs had developed resources that helped children and parents to stay safe online.  The school lunches programme was still in place, though its funding had been reduced.

    Education legislation included provisions that called on the Crown to respect Māori persons’ education rights.  The Government had committed to a Māori education action plan that promoted their identity, culture, language and rights as indigenous peoples, and fostered educational environments free from racism.  Barriers to implementing this plan included the lack of teachers in rural areas.

    In August 2024, the employment action plan was launched, which aimed to promote access to employment for marginalised groups, including women.  The State party was developing a voluntary calculation tool for the gender wage gap.  It would consider whether to make the tool mandatory in the future.  Over 100 businesses had already published their gender pay gaps online as part of the initiative.

    In 2023, changes were made to the legal system to help women to seek justice when they experienced workplace harassment.  The deadline for filing a complaint was extended from 90 days to one year.  Grievances related to workplace harassment could be raised with mediation bodies, the Employment Relations Authority, or courts if required.  The Government provided 26 weeks of paid parental leave for workers of either gender.  Pay was equal to workers’ normal pay up to a threshold of 700 New Zealand dollars, and leave could be shared between both parents.

    Questions by Committee Experts 

    A Committee Expert said it was remarkable that the Government provided free period products to students.  Was the State party considering making education in indigenous languages compulsory in all schools across the State?

    Another Committee Expert said New Zealand had a shortage of nurses due to the aging of society and the demands of the profession.  There was also a shortage of midwives.  The wages of these professions were not following inflation. What measures were in place to increase the number of nurses and midwives, particularly in rural areas? What measures were in place to protect persons with disabilities from sterilisation procedures being implemented on them without their free, prior and informed consent?

    Abortion services had been made legal and available for most women, but there was a lack of training on abortion for rural health workers, limiting access in rural areas.  How was the State party ensuring access to abortion services in rural areas and preventing stigmatisation of persons who sought abortions?  What measures were in place to speed up the diagnosis of endometriosis? How would the State party prevent cervical and uterus cancer in Māori women and implement the Committee’s general recommendation 39 on indigenous health?

    NATASHA STOTT DESPOJA, Committee Expert and Rapporteur for New Zealand, said women made up 90 per cent of COVID-19 pandemic-related redundancies in 2020. Marginalised women had disproportionately high levels of poverty and women obtained an average of 25 per cent less superannuation than their male counterparts.  How was the State party addressing this?  The 2023 budget had included funds for free early childcare for two-year-old children.  Had these funds been invested as planned in 2024?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said education providers were required to provide Māori language education to all students who wished to receive it.  Making such education compulsory would require extensive consultations with stakeholders.

    The health workforce plan for 2023 and 2024 aimed to address challenges in the workforce and attract more healthcare staff.  Support funding was provided to former midwives to encourage them to return to the profession.  Support was also being provided to nursing and midwifery students to help them to access work, with additional support being provided to Māori and Pacific students. The State party had exceeded its targets for recruiting Māori and Pacific nurses.

    It was illegal for sterilisations to be performed without consent.  Persons with disabilities had the right to informed consent regarding such procedures and the right to refuse medical treatment. The Health and Disability Commissioner received and worked to resolve complaints related to health services. In 2024, the Ministry of Health had implemented a programme to respond to the needs of persons with disabilities and promote supported decision making.

    Medical practitioners were provided with training on abortion care and contraception.  Self-screening technologies were being implemented to increase cancer screenings. The Māori Health Authority’s role had been brought within the Health New Zealand agency.  The Authority had provided health services tailored to Māori, including Māori women.  Health New Zealand would continue with this mandate, aiming to provide faster and higher quality health services, including cancer screening, for Māori women.

    The 2024 budget included a partial refund for early childhood education fees. The first allotment of these funds had recently been distributed to families.  Families could access 20 free hours of early childhood education per week once their children turned three.

    New Zealand had a high level of occupational segregation, which led to the COVID-19 pandemic disproportionately impacting women in the tourism and hospitality sector.  Support payments were provided to persons impacted by the pandemic.

    Questions by Committee Experts 

    ANA PELÁEZ NARVÁEZ, Committee Chair, said that the 1979 law on sterilisation allowed parents and guardians to make a decision on sterilisation on behalf of persons with disabilities in their care.  Was this law still being applied?

    A Committee Expert asked how women could lead data governance.  What mental health services would be made available to rural women farmers, who were disproportionately affected by climate change? Was the State party implementing relevant international conventions on climate change?

    Would the State party follow the Bangkok Rules in its treatment of women prisoners?  What legal services were available for migrant women who were victims of harmful practices?  Forty per cent of women with disabilities experienced intimate partner violence. How was the State party addressing this?

    Another Committee Expert asked about measures implemented to address issues in the family court system, including measures with a gender lens.  There was a shortage of family law legal aid providers, especially in rural areas.  How was this being addressed?  What child support payments had been ordered for fathers in the past 10 years?  Had payments decreased?  How did the State party train family court mediators on parental alienation?  How were family members protected from violent fathers?  Was the State party investigating discriminatory inheritance practices?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the Ministry of Health was focused on delivering better outcomes for women living in rural communities.  It was working to increase awareness of telehealth services and improve transport and accommodation assistance for rural people seeking healthcare.

    The State party had implemented measures to increase access to healthcare, including maternal healthcare, for women in prisons and had invested in employment, re-education and training programmes for those women.  The Bangkok Rules were reflected in the State’s 2004 and 2005 legislation on correctional facilities.

    New Zealand had victims support services and legal aid services that were available for migrants.  In 2025, the Government planned to conduct a review of its legal aid services. Migrants, including temporary migrants, who were victims of family violence could apply for a special residency visa that fast-tracked access to New Zealand citizenship.  The State party would engage with stakeholders to assess how harmful practices were affecting migrant women.

    The State party would continue to increase the reach of training for family court staff.  Resources had been updated to increase the accessibility of family courts for children and young people.  There were bills before parliament that aimed to protect women from abuse in courts and that removed the mandatory two-year period for resolving family disputes. Judges were compelled to take note of family violence when considering guardianship of children, and to incorporate child witness statements when assessing family violence.  The Government continued to pursue improvements in legislation related to family courts.

    Concluding Remarks 

    KELLIE COOMBES, Secretary for Women and Chief Executive of the Ministry for Women of New Zealand and head of the delegation, said the Committee’s questions and reflections showed the time and energy it had invested into analysing the situation of women and girls in New Zealand.  New Zealand had made good progress toward gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls, underpinned by its commitment to the Convention.  There was more work to be done, and the Committee’s concluding observations would help the State party to achieve its goals.  The dialogue with the Committee had been positive, constructive and engaging.

    ANA PELÁEZ NARVÁEZ, Committee Chair, thanked the delegation for the constructive dialogue, which had allowed the Committee to better understand the situation of women and girls in the State party.  The Committee called on the State party to implement its recommendations for the benefit of all women and girls in New Zealand.

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CEDAW24.026E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: ADB, Papua New Guinea Agree on Action Plan to Accelerate Project Implementation

    Source: Asia Development Bank

    PORT MORESBY, PAPUA NEW GUINEA (11 October 2024) — The Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the Government of Papua New Guinea (PNG) today agreed on a timebound action plan to accelerate the implementation and improve the performance of ADB-financed projects at the 2024 Country Portfolio Review Mission Roundtable Meeting.

    Co-chaired by ADB Country Director for PNG Said Zaidansyah and the Department of National Planning and Monitoring Acting First Assistant Secretary Reichert Thanda and attended by government officials—including Department of Works and Highways Acting Secretary Gibson Holemba and Department of Treasury Deputy Secretary John Uware—project directors, and ADB staff, the hybrid meeting discussed the overall performance of the portfolio, reviewed projects, and delegated responsibilities with executing agencies and implementing agencies.

    “As the biggest multilateral development partner of PNG, ADB will continue to support diversified, sustained, and inclusive growth in the country,” said Mr. Zaidansyah. “The development impact and effectiveness of ADB’s support depend on the quality of the portfolio performance and we will continue to collaborate with the government to improve the portfolio performance and build the capacity of the relevant government agencies.”  

    ADB’s active program in PNG includes 15 loans and 6 grants with 10 projects amounting to $1.38 billion. The largest sectors ADB is supporting are transport (roads and civil aviation)—comprising 60% of the total active portfolio—and energy (20%) in response to the large infrastructure gap in the country. The human and social development sector, building resilience to climate and supporting gender equity, are also integral parts of ADB’s active portfolio. ADB is also actively working on public sector management, including state-owned enterprise reform.

    The action plan designed to improve the portfolio performance focuses on contract and project management, procurement, financial management, social and environmental safeguards, and gender equality. ADB and the government will closely monitor the progress of the agreed actions.  

    ADB is committed to achieving a prosperous, inclusive, resilient, and sustainable Asia and the Pacific, while sustaining its efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. Established in 1966, it is owned by 69 members—49 from the region.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Text adopted – Strengthening Moldova’s resilience against Russian interference ahead of the upcoming presidential elections and a constitutional referendum on EU integration – P10_TA(2024)0016 – Wednesday, 9 October 2024 – Strasbourg

    Source: European Parliament

    The European Parliament,

    –  having regard to its previous resolutions on the Republic of Moldova,

    –  having regard to the Association Agreement between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Moldova, of the other part(1), which includes a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area,

    –  having regard to the Republic of Moldova’s application for EU membership of 3 March 2022, and the European Council’s consequent granting of candidate country status on 23 June 2022,

    –  having regard to the convening of the first Intergovernmental Conference on Moldova’s accession to the EU, held in June 2024,

    –  having regard to Articles 2 and 49 of the Treaty on European Union,

    –  having regard to the joint statement of 13 June 2024 by the US, Canada and the UK on exposing Russia’s subversive activity and electoral interference targeting Moldova,

    –  having regard to Rules 136(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A.  whereas on 20 October 2024, the Republic of Moldova is scheduled to hold a presidential election and a constitutional referendum on EU integration, amid ongoing Russian interference and attempts to destabilise the political situation and electoral process in the country;

    B.  whereas the Russian Federation has been using economic blackmail, provocation, disinformation, illegal funding of political parties, cyberattacks and other hybrid means to undermine the stability, sovereignty, constitutional order and democratic institutions of the Republic of Moldova; whereas Russia’s subversive activities in Moldova seek to undermine popular support for the European path chosen by the people of Moldova and to incite destabilisation; whereas the active measures envisaged include establishing and promoting front organisations disguised as non-governmental organisations and ‘cultural centres’, disseminating online and offline disinformation, establishing strong pro-Russian political and societal constituencies and returning the Republic of Moldova to a state of dependency on Russian hydrocarbons;

    C.  whereas in 2023, the EU imposed sanctions on key Moldovan oligarchs and pro-Russian actors, such as Ilan Shor, Vladimir Plahotniuc, Igor Ceaika, Gheorghe Cavaliuc and Marina Tauber, on the basis of a recently established sanctions regime targeting persons responsible for actions aimed at destabilising, undermining or threatening the sovereignty and independence of the Republic of Moldova; whereas allies of Mr Shor have reportedly actively recruited, arranged logistics for and provided financial compensation to individuals to join their protests; whereas on 3 October 2024, a large-scale electoral fraud operation was uncovered, financed by pro-Russian oligarch Ilan Shor, revealing that over USD 15 million had been transferred in September 2024 to over 130 000 Moldovan citizens involved in this voter bribery scheme; whereas on 18 September 2024, two close allies of Ilan Shor – deputy Marina Tauber and the Governor (Bashkan) of Gagauzia, Evghenia Guțul – met with the spokesperson of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, and subsequently gave false information about the EU and the Republic of Moldova’s future within it;

    D.  whereas one of the tools used by the Russian state is the state-funded RT network (formerly Russia Today), which has moved beyond media activities, becoming actively involved in cyber operations, covert influence, military procurement and information warfare across various regions; whereas in June 2024, the US, together with the UK and Canada, exposed Russia’s efforts to engage in subversive activities and electoral interference targeting the Republic of Moldova;

    E.  whereas in September 2024, the US imposed sanctions on three entities and two individuals for their involvement in Russia’s destabilising actions abroad, including in the Republic of Moldova; whereas these covert efforts have included RT personnel providing direct support to fugitive Moldovan oligarch Ilan Shor, the key perpetrator of the 2014 USD 1 billion bank fraud scandal; whereas, according to the US State Department, RT and its employees, including editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, have directly coordinated with the Kremlin to support Russian Government efforts to influence the Moldovan presidential election of October 2024, with the apparent aim of inciting unrest in the Republic of Moldova;

    F.  whereas the Security and Intelligence Service of the Republic of Moldova has reported an unprecedented level of intensity in Russia’s actions aimed at anchoring Moldova within its sphere of influence; whereas this hybrid threat is targeted at democratic processes and undermines European integration by amplifying radical separatist tendencies in the south of the country, particularly in Gagauzia (UTAG), using propaganda, manipulating the information space, interfering in the electoral process and conducting subversive operations; whereas Moldova’s national security services have stated that Russia is funding the ‘no’ campaign, with around EUR 100 million for pro-Russian political groups, and spreading disinformation on social media to sow doubt about the legitimacy of the electoral process; whereas in 2023, Ukrainian intelligence reported that it had intercepted a plan by Russia to stage a coup and oust Moldovan President Maia Sandu;

    G.  whereas the Republic of Moldova has taken steps to combat Russian interference, including by banning pro-Russian political parties that are operating outside the law, sanctioning oligarchs, suspending media outlets that spread disinformation, and increasing customs controls; whereas Moldova’s updated national security strategy attributes disinformation campaigns and other hybrid attacks to Russia;

    H.  whereas the unprovoked, unjustified and illegal war of aggression launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine profoundly affects regional security and stability, endangering the Republic of Moldova’s macroeconomic situation, financial stability, democratic development and social cohesion, while further increasing the incidence and severity of poverty, inflation and emigration; whereas the Russian Federation, in cooperation with domestic Russia-sponsored actors, galvanises and uses the resultant widespread economic, geopolitical and security uncertainty to delegitimise and foster opposition to the Moldovan Government’s pro-European policies;

    I.  whereas despite the dramatic effects of the war on Ukraine and these destabilisation attempts, the Republic of Moldova has managed to significantly consolidate its democracy, continue its reform trajectory and develop its relations with the EU; whereas the improvements in the country’s democratic system have been reflected in its progress on various international indexes; whereas the Moldovan Government’s enhanced implementation of current agreements demonstrates its commitment to closer cooperation with and integration into the EU;

    J.  whereas the Republic of Moldova is a close and valued partner of the EU; whereas its application for EU membership, and the European Council’s decision to grant candidate country status to the Republic of Moldova on the understanding that nine steps are taken, demonstrates a strong joint ambition for swift EU integration; whereas through the Association Agreement and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, in force since 2016, the EU and Moldova have committed to promoting political association and achieving economic integration;

    K.  whereas on 3 March 2022, the Republic of Moldova applied for EU membership, and on 23 June 2022, was granted candidate country status by unanimous agreement of all 27 EU Member States; whereas the EU opened accession negotiations with the Republic of Moldova during the first accession conference at ministerial level, held in Luxembourg on 25 June 2024, following the European Council’s decision of 14-15 December 2023 to open accession negotiations with Moldova, and the Council’s approval of the negotiating framework for these negotiations on 21 June 2024; whereas EU accession remains a merit-based process that requires the fulfilment of the EU membership criteria;

    L.  whereas every sovereign state has the inherent right to defend itself and to invest in its defence and resilience capabilities, and such actions are consistent with the Republic of Moldova’s status of neutrality;

    M.  whereas the Council has adopted assistance measures worth EUR 137 million for the benefit of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Moldova under the European Peace Facility since 2021;

    N.  whereas on 24 April 2023, the EU set up the Partnership Mission in the Republic of Moldova (EUPM Moldova) under the common security and defence policy, with the objective of enhancing the security sector’s resilience in the areas of crisis management, hybrid threats, including cybersecurity and countering foreign information manipulation and interference; whereas on 21 May 2024, Moldova became the first country to sign a Security and Defence Partnership with the EU, which will help strengthen cooperation on security and defence policy between the EU and Moldova;

    O.  whereas, according to several reports, many priests from the Metropolis of Chișinău and All Moldova have travelled to Russia, where they received funds with the intention of using them for electoral purposes in the Republic of Moldova;

    1.  Stands in solidarity with the people of the Republic of Moldova and reiterates its unwavering support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova within its internationally recognised borders;

    2.  Strongly condemns the escalating malicious activities, interference and hybrid operations by the Russian Federation, pro-Russian oligarchs and Russian-sponsored local actors aimed at undermining the electoral processes, security, sovereignty and democratic foundations of the Republic of Moldova, fostering divisions within Moldovan society and derailing the country’s pro-European trajectory, ahead of the upcoming presidential election and the constitutional referendum on EU integration;

    3.  Reiterates its call on the Russian authorities to respect the Republic of Moldova’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to cease its provocations and attempts to destabilise the country and undermine its constitutional order and democratic institutions; reiterates its calls on Russia to withdraw its military forces and equipment from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to ensure the full destruction of all ammunition and equipment in the Cobasna depot under international oversight and to support a peaceful resolution to the Transnistrian conflict, in line with the principles of international law and the 1999 Istanbul Summit Declaration of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe;

    4.  Calls for the EU and its Member States to ensure that all necessary assistance is provided to the Republic of Moldova to strengthen its institutional mechanisms and its ability to respond to hybrid threats; calls for increased EU support for Moldova in countering disinformation, hybrid threats and cyberattacks; underlines that this should entail boosting Moldova’s capacity to combat disinformation, strengthen its cybersecurity infrastructure and enhance resilience against external malign influences; emphasises the particular importance of countering false Russian narratives, while underscoring their malign interference in the Republic of Moldova and the ways in which they are used to justify Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine;

    5.  Calls on the Council to adopt additional targeted sanctions listings against individuals and entities responsible for supporting or carrying out actions which undermine or threaten the Republic of Moldova’s sovereignty and independence, as well as the country’s democracy, stability or security, and the rule of law; calls for the EU and national authorities to make sure those sanctions are duly implemented; reiterates its call on the respective hosting states and territories to extradite Ilan Shor, Vladimir Plahotniuc and other individuals sought for trial in the Republic of Moldova;

    6.  Highlights the important role played by EUPM Moldova; calls for the EU and its Member States to ensure that EUPM Moldova performs to the best of its ability, taking stock of progress and adapting its operations if necessary to make it as efficient as possible, while proposing to further extend its mandate beyond May 2025, adapt its scope and increase the mission’s resources; calls for the EU and its Member States to increase their support for Moldova’s Center for Strategic Communication and Combating Disinformation; calls on the Commission to report on the results of the EU support package for Moldova of June 2023, particularly the stated aim of countering foreign information manipulation and interference, and building capacity for independent media, civil society and youth;

    7.  Applauds the Republic of Moldova’s steadfast support for Ukraine since the start of Russia’s war of aggression; commends the Republic of Moldova for welcoming 1,5 million Ukrainian refugees throughout the war, of which an estimated 125 000 remain in the country; calls for the EU and its Member States to ensure continued support for Moldova and its people in addressing the challenges facing the country as a consequence of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, including large numbers of refugees, inflation, threats to its energy supplies and violations of its airspace;

    8.  Reaffirms its commitment to the Republic of Moldova’s future membership of the EU; believes that its membership in the EU would constitute a mutually beneficial investment in a united and strong Europe; welcomes the widespread support in the Republic of Moldova for its European integration; stresses that the Republic of Moldova’s European integration represents not only a path towards greater economic prosperity, but also a safeguard for political stability and security in the face of external threats;

    9.  Calls for the acceleration of the screening process and the timely organisation of subsequent intergovernmental conferences, where negotiations on Cluster 1 on Fundamentals should be initiated; calls for the EU to adequately support accession-related reforms by developing robust and adaptable financial instruments tailored to the Republic of Moldova’s specific needs with a view to effectively addressing its economic and structural challenges, and ensuring the country remains resilient and capable of implementing the necessary reforms throughout its EU accession process; urges the acceleration of Moldova’s gradual integration into the EU and the single market by allowing participation in new initiatives and EU programmes, which will deliver tangible socio-economic benefits in specific areas even before the country formally joins the EU; reiterates its call, in this regard, for the EU to take swift and significant steps towards the permanent liberalisation of its tariff-rate quotas;

    10.  Calls for more consistent support for the Republic of Moldova in its EU accession process, including increased technical assistance by sending additional EU advisors to the Moldovan authorities, as a contribution to strengthening capacity-building;

    11.  Calls for the adoption of a new growth plan for the Republic of Moldova so as to adequately finance and support Moldova in achieving economic convergence with the EU; believes that this plan should finance investments in infrastructure, human capital and the digital and green transitions, facilitating sustainable economic growth; calls for the full integration of the Republic of Moldova into the ‘Roam Like at Home’ initiative by the end of 2025;

    12.  Calls on the Commission, in this regard, to include the Republic of Moldova in the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance and to prioritise funding for candidate countries in its proposal for the next multiannual financial framework (2028-2034), ensuring the path towards EU membership;

    13.  Welcomes the Republic of Moldova’s significant progress in implementing EU accession-related reforms and encourages the Moldovan authorities to continue the ambitious reforms on democracy and the rule of law; calls for the EU and its Member States to prioritise and allocate additional resources to efforts to support the rule of law and anti-corruption reforms in the Republic of Moldova in order to address vulnerabilities, including those related to corruption in the security sector, justice system, public administration and media, which could enable Russian interference and disinformation; encourages the Moldovan Government to continue working with all stakeholders towards a sustainable and comprehensive justice and anti-corruption reform, in line with EU and Venice Commission recommendations;

    14.  Underlines the importance of advancing the country’s reform process in order to improve living standards, particularly for vulnerable groups, and to provide the younger generations with attractive prospects for life and work in the country, thereby increasing societal resilience to hybrid attacks and reducing the number of citizens seeking better living conditions elsewhere in Europe; highlights the need for the social acquis to be better represented in the Commission’s assessments and recommendations;

    15.  Reiterates its support for stronger cooperation on security and defence policy between the EU and the Republic of Moldova; commends the Republic of Moldova for becoming the first country to sign a security and defence partnership with the EU and calls for this partnership to be put into practical action; calls for the EU to progressively include the Republic of Moldova in upcoming legislative initiatives and programmes relating to European security and defence; supports the continued work under the High-Level Political and Security Dialogue between the EU and the Republic of Moldova to enhance cooperation on foreign and security policy;

    16.  Calls on the Member States to increase the European Peace Facility’s funding for the Republic of Moldova to further enhance the country’s defence capabilities;

    17.  Reiterates its call for the EU and its Member States to continue supporting the efforts of the Moldovan authorities to maintain macroeconomic stability and enhance its energy security by supporting the construction of new electricity interconnections with neighbouring countries; calls for the EU and its Member States to financially support energy efficiency and renewable energy projects as a clean and sustainable way of reducing Moldova’s energy demand and diversifying its supply, while ensuring energy affordability, in particular for the most vulnerable groups;

    18.  Urges the EU and its Member States to further strengthen cooperation with Moldova through targeted measures in order to enhance the country’s resilience to hybrid threats, including by improving strategic communications about the EU, supporting journalists and civil society in countering disinformation, promoting independent Russian-language media content and enhancing public information literacy; calls for additional resources and technical know-how to assist the Moldovan Government’s strategic communications, internal coordination and capacity-building against hybrid attacks and disinformation; commends the efforts of Moldovan civil society in supporting the Moldovan Government’s fight against disinformation and promoting democratic values; calls on the Commission and the Member States to continue supporting media literacy and media independence, as well as the strengthening of Moldova’s critical digital infrastructure, including through the replacement of Russian-origin information and communications technology systems; calls for the EU and its Member States to expand and intensify their direct engagement with Moldovan citizens by including them in various EU and bilateral programmes and projects, such as citizen consultations, and to foster people-to-people connections;

    19.  Calls on the Commission to assist the Moldovan Government in putting pressure on social media platforms to address disinformation effectively;

    20.  Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the President, Government and Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Council of Europe and the Russian authorities.

    (1) OJ L 260, 30.8.2014, p. 4.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Press Release – Workshop validates Samoa’s first National Science, Technology and Innovation Policy, paving way to launch at CHOGM

    Source: Government of Western Samoa

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    Representatives of line ministries with a stake in science, technology and innovation for development and representatives of the National University of Samoa have validated the draft National Science, Technology and Innovation Policy at a workshop at Nafanua convened on 2nd October by the Honorable Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries. The involvement of multiple ministries reflects the fact that, as the minister put it, ‘science is everywhere’. The workshop was hosted by the Scientific Research Organisation of Samoa.

    This will be Samoa’s first National Science, Technology and Innovation Policy, the aim of which is to enhance the interaction of science, technology and innovation with our society in the years to come. The policy will enable science, technology and innovation in addressing complex issues affecting Samoa such as climate change, food security, biodiversity loss, resource depletion, poverty reduction, health, education, gender equality and clean energy.

    In recent years, we have witnessed groundbreaking discoveries and innovative technologies in fields ranging from agriculture to healthcare, climate science and artificial intelligence. Yet, these advancements come with complex challenges that require thoughtful frameworks, which the National Science, Technology and Innovation Policy strives to address.

    The validation process has been a crucial step in elaborating the policy, not merely as an exercise in approval but, rather, as an opportunity for critical reflection and constructive dialogue.

    The validation workshop was well attended by a wide range of stakeholders who included policymakers and technical experts in communication, technology, education, health, environment, agriculture and other areas where science plays an important role. Each brought unique insights and experiences to the table that were vital to finalizing a policy that truly serves different sectors’ collective interests and, most importantly, Samoa’s people. For instance, the participants stressed the importance of collaboration and of taking an intersectoral approach for the policy to be impactful.

    At the workshop, the Honourable La’aulialemalietoa Leuatea Polataivao Schmidt acknowledged UNESCO for its continual funding and support, which has been instrumental in the development of this Science, Technology and Innovation policy.

    END.

    SOURCE – Scientific Research Organisation of Samoa

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  • MIL-OSI Russia: IMF Reaches Staff Level Agreement on the Third Review of the EFF/ECF Arrangements and Second Review of the RSF Arrangement and Concludes the 2024 Article IV Consultation with Cote d’Ivoire

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    October 10, 2024

    End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for discussion and decision.

    • IMF staff and The Ivorian authorities have reached a staff-level agreement on both the third review of Côte d’Ivoire’s economic reform program supported by the EFF and ECF arrangements, and the second review of their climate change reform program supported by the RSF arrangement. Discussions were also held in the context of the 2024 Article IV consultation.
    • The authorities are advancing their reform agendas for safeguarding macroeconomic stability, deepening economic transformation towards meeting upper-middle income status, and building greater climate resilience through adaptation and mitigation reforms. In addition, to boost inclusive growth, they are advancing reforms in reducing informality and social inequality and tackling gender disparities.
    • Completion of the reviews by the IMF Executive Board will lead to two disbursements for a total of about US$825 million of which US$498 million and US$327 million will respectively be on account of the EFF/ECF and RSF arrangements.

    Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: An International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff team, led by Mr. Olaf Unteroberdoerster, held discussions with the Ivoirian authorities during Sept. 23 – Oct 9 on progress under both the authorities’ economic and financial program supported by the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) and Extended Credit Facility (ECF), and the climate reform program supported by the Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF), as well as on the 2024 Article IV consultation. The EFF/ECF arrangement for an amount of SDR 2.6 billion (about US$3.5 billion) and the RSF arrangement for an amount of SDR 975.6 million (about US$1.3 billion) were approved by the IMF Executive Board respectively on May 24, 2023, and March 15, 2024.

    “After constructive discussions with the Ivoirian authorities, I am pleased to announce that performance under the two programs has been satisfactory so far and that we reached staff-level agreement on all policies and reform measures in line with the programs’ objectives. On the EFF/ECF arrangement, the authorities and staff agreed on additional revenue measures to meet 2024 fiscal targets, on the 2025 key policy measures including further revenue-based fiscal consolidation to reduce the fiscal deficit to 3 percent of GDP by 2025, and on structural measures to further strengthen domestic revenue mobilization, public financial management, and governance.

    “On the RSF, understandings were reached on the timely implementation of reform measures falling due in the remainder of 2024, focusing on strengthening climate policies governance , reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and increasing green and sustainable financing for private and public companies. Discussions also focused on the coordination between stakeholders and national development plans, and the next steps following the Climate Financing Round table of July 2024 with a view to announcing specific financing and technical assistance pledged at the COP29 in mid-November 2024.

    “The completion of the programs’ reviews and disbursement of the next tranches for a total of about US$[825] million will be subject to approval of the IMF’s Executive Board.

    “Côte d’Ivoire’s economy remains resilient, notwithstanding a slight moderation of growth in 2024 to 6.1 percent from 6.2 percent in 2023, in part reflecting weaker agricultural production and construction activity in first half of the year and a challenging regional and external environment. More favorable terms of trade, led by higher cocoa prices, is expected to narrow the current account deficit to less than 5 percent of GDP in 2024. The budget deficit is expected to fall to 4 percent of GDP in line with program targets. The medium-term outlook remains favorable. Growth is projected to average 6.7 percent over the period 2025-2029 supported by a recovery in cocoa production and higher hydrocarbon and mining production. Inflation is projected to average 4 percent in 2024 and continue to decline over the medium term within the BCEAO target range by end 2025.

    “Thanks to continued strong domestic revenue mobilization (DRM) efforts under the government’s comprehensive medium-term revenue mobilization strategy (MTRS) adopted in May 2024, the fiscal deficit is expected to further decline to 3 percent of GDP in 2025, converging to the WAEMU target. Prudent fiscal and debt management will also help safeguard a moderate risk of debt distress rating for public and external sector debt. The current account deficit is projected to decline further to average about 2 percent of GDP on the back of favorable terms of trade, a rebound in agricultural exports, and further increases in hydrocarbon exports. As a result, Côte d’Ivoire is expected to contribute significantly to the recovery of regional official reserves.

    “In the 2024 Article IV consultation, discussions highlighted the links between informality, socio-economic and gender disparities, growth, and the tax system. Reducing informality across the economy could help deliver higher and more inclusive growth, support poverty reduction, boost human capital, sustain domestic revenue mobilization, and steadfast efforts to reach upper-middle income status.”

    The IMF team met with His Excellency Mr. Tiémoko Meyliet Koné, Vice President of the Republic; His Excellency Robert Beugré Mambé, Prime Minister; Mr. Kobenan Kouassi Adjoumani, Minister of State, Minister of Agriculture, Rural Development and Food Production; Mrs. Nialé Kaba, Minister of Economy, Planning and Development; Mr. Adama Coulibaly, Minister of Finance and Budget; Mr. Sangafowa Coulibaly, Minister of Mines, Petroleum and Energy; Mr. Souleymane Diarrassouba, Minister of Trade and Industry; Mr. Moussa Sanogo, Minister of Assets, the State Portfolio and Public Enterprises, and senior officials of the Government and the BCEAO, as well as representatives of the business community and donors.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Tatiana Mossot

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/10/pr24364-cote-divoire-imf-reaches-sla-3rd-rev-eff-ecf-arr-2nd-rev-rsf-arr-concludes-2024-aiv-consult

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  • MIL-OSI Banking: IMF Reaches Staff Level Agreement on the Third Review of the EFF/ECF Arrangements and Second Review of the RSF Arrangement and Concludes the 2024 Article IV Consultation with Cote d’Ivoire

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 10, 2024

    End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for discussion and decision.

    • IMF staff and The Ivorian authorities have reached a staff-level agreement on both the third review of Côte d’Ivoire’s economic reform program supported by the EFF and ECF arrangements, and the second review of their climate change reform program supported by the RSF arrangement. Discussions were also held in the context of the 2024 Article IV consultation.
    • The authorities are advancing their reform agendas for safeguarding macroeconomic stability, deepening economic transformation towards meeting upper-middle income status, and building greater climate resilience through adaptation and mitigation reforms. In addition, to boost inclusive growth, they are advancing reforms in reducing informality and social inequality and tackling gender disparities.
    • Completion of the reviews by the IMF Executive Board will lead to two disbursements for a total of about US$825 million of which US$498 million and US$327 million will respectively be on account of the EFF/ECF and RSF arrangements.

    Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire: An International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff team, led by Mr. Olaf Unteroberdoerster, held discussions with the Ivoirian authorities during Sept. 23 – Oct 9 on progress under both the authorities’ economic and financial program supported by the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) and Extended Credit Facility (ECF), and the climate reform program supported by the Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF), as well as on the 2024 Article IV consultation. The EFF/ECF arrangement for an amount of SDR 2.6 billion (about US$3.5 billion) and the RSF arrangement for an amount of SDR 975.6 million (about US$1.3 billion) were approved by the IMF Executive Board respectively on May 24, 2023, and March 15, 2024.

    “After constructive discussions with the Ivoirian authorities, I am pleased to announce that performance under the two programs has been satisfactory so far and that we reached staff-level agreement on all policies and reform measures in line with the programs’ objectives. On the EFF/ECF arrangement, the authorities and staff agreed on additional revenue measures to meet 2024 fiscal targets, on the 2025 key policy measures including further revenue-based fiscal consolidation to reduce the fiscal deficit to 3 percent of GDP by 2025, and on structural measures to further strengthen domestic revenue mobilization, public financial management, and governance.

    “On the RSF, understandings were reached on the timely implementation of reform measures falling due in the remainder of 2024, focusing on strengthening climate policies governance , reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and increasing green and sustainable financing for private and public companies. Discussions also focused on the coordination between stakeholders and national development plans, and the next steps following the Climate Financing Round table of July 2024 with a view to announcing specific financing and technical assistance pledged at the COP29 in mid-November 2024.

    “The completion of the programs’ reviews and disbursement of the next tranches for a total of about US$[825] million will be subject to approval of the IMF’s Executive Board.

    “Côte d’Ivoire’s economy remains resilient, notwithstanding a slight moderation of growth in 2024 to 6.1 percent from 6.2 percent in 2023, in part reflecting weaker agricultural production and construction activity in first half of the year and a challenging regional and external environment. More favorable terms of trade, led by higher cocoa prices, is expected to narrow the current account deficit to less than 5 percent of GDP in 2024. The budget deficit is expected to fall to 4 percent of GDP in line with program targets. The medium-term outlook remains favorable. Growth is projected to average 6.7 percent over the period 2025-2029 supported by a recovery in cocoa production and higher hydrocarbon and mining production. Inflation is projected to average 4 percent in 2024 and continue to decline over the medium term within the BCEAO target range by end 2025.

    “Thanks to continued strong domestic revenue mobilization (DRM) efforts under the government’s comprehensive medium-term revenue mobilization strategy (MTRS) adopted in May 2024, the fiscal deficit is expected to further decline to 3 percent of GDP in 2025, converging to the WAEMU target. Prudent fiscal and debt management will also help safeguard a moderate risk of debt distress rating for public and external sector debt. The current account deficit is projected to decline further to average about 2 percent of GDP on the back of favorable terms of trade, a rebound in agricultural exports, and further increases in hydrocarbon exports. As a result, Côte d’Ivoire is expected to contribute significantly to the recovery of regional official reserves.

    “In the 2024 Article IV consultation, discussions highlighted the links between informality, socio-economic and gender disparities, growth, and the tax system. Reducing informality across the economy could help deliver higher and more inclusive growth, support poverty reduction, boost human capital, sustain domestic revenue mobilization, and steadfast efforts to reach upper-middle income status.”

    The IMF team met with His Excellency Mr. Tiémoko Meyliet Koné, Vice President of the Republic; His Excellency Robert Beugré Mambé, Prime Minister; Mr. Kobenan Kouassi Adjoumani, Minister of State, Minister of Agriculture, Rural Development and Food Production; Mrs. Nialé Kaba, Minister of Economy, Planning and Development; Mr. Adama Coulibaly, Minister of Finance and Budget; Mr. Sangafowa Coulibaly, Minister of Mines, Petroleum and Energy; Mr. Souleymane Diarrassouba, Minister of Trade and Industry; Mr. Moussa Sanogo, Minister of Assets, the State Portfolio and Public Enterprises, and senior officials of the Government and the BCEAO, as well as representatives of the business community and donors.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Tatiana Mossot

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

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