Category: China

  • MIL-OSI Global: Both Harris and Trump have records on space policy − an international affairs expert examines where they differ when it comes to the final frontier

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Thomas G. Roberts, Postdoctoral Fellow in International Affiars, Georgia Institute of Technology

    Neither candidate has talked much about space policy on the campaign trail, but both have records to consider. Anton Petrus/Moment via Getty Images

    The next president of the United States could be the first in that office to accept a phone call from the Moon and hear a woman’s voice on the line. To do so, they’ll first need to make a series of strategic space policy decisions. They’ll also need a little luck.

    Enormous government investment supports outer space activities, so the U.S. president has an outsize role in shaping space policy during their time in office.

    Past presidents have leveraged this power to accelerate U.S. leadership in space and boost their presidential brand along the way. Presidential advocacy has helped the U.S. land astronauts on the surface of the Moon, establish lasting international partnerships with civil space agencies abroad and led to many other important space milestones.

    But most presidential candidates refrain from discussing space policy on the campaign trail in meaningful detail, leaving voters in the dark on their visions for the final frontier.

    For many candidates, getting into the weeds of their space policy plans may be more trouble than it’s worth. For one, not every president even gets the opportunity for meaningful and memorable space policy decision-making, since space missions can operate on decades-long timelines. And in past elections, those who do show support for space initiatives often face criticism from their opponents for their high price tags.

    But the 2024 election is different. Both candidates have executive records in space policy, a rare treat for space enthusiasts casting their votes this November.

    As a researcher who studies international affairs in outer space, I am interested in how those records interface with the strategic and sustainable use of that domain. A closer look shows that former President Donald Trump and Vice President Kamala Harris have used their positions to consistently prioritize U.S. leadership in space, but they have done so with noticeably different styles and results.

    Trump’s space policy record

    As president, Trump established a record of meaningful and lasting space policy decisions, but did so while attracting more attention to his administration’s space activities than his predecessors. He regularly took personal credit for ideas and accomplishments that predated his time in office.

    The former president oversaw the establishment of the U.S. Space Force and the reestablishment of the U.S. Space Command, as well as the National Space Council. These organizations support the development and operation of military space technologies, defend national security satellites in future conflicts and coordinate between federal agencies working in the space domain.

    While president, Donald Trump oversaw the creation of the U.S. Space Force.
    AP Photo/Alex Brandon

    He also had the most productive record of space policy directives in recent history. These policy directives clarify the U.S. government’s goals in space, including how it should both support and rely on the commercial space sector, track objects in Earth’s orbit and protect satellites from cyber threats.

    He has called his advocacy for the creation of the Space Force one of his proudest achievements of his term. However, this advocacy contributed to polarized support for the new branch. This polarization broke the more common pattern of bipartisan public support for space programming.

    Like many presidents, not all of Trump’s visions for space were realized. He successfully redirected NASA’s key human spaceflight destination from Mars back to the Moon. But his explicit goal of astronauts reaching the lunar surface by 2024 was not realistic, given his budget proposal for the agency.

    Should he be elected again, the former president may wish to accelerate NASA’s Moon plans by furthering investment in the agency’s Artemis program, which houses its lunar initiatives.

    He may frame the initiative as a new space race against China.

    Harris’ space policy record

    The Biden administration has continued to support Trump-era initiatives, resisting the temptation to undo or cancel past proposals. Its legacy in space is noticeably smaller.

    As the chair of the National Space Council, Harris has set U.S. space policy priorities and represented the United States on the global stage.

    As vice president, Harris has chaired the National Space Council.
    NASA/Joel Kowsky, CC BY-NC-ND

    Notably, the Trump administration kept this position that the president can alter at will assigned to the vice president, a precedent the Biden administration upheld.

    In this role, Harris led the United States’ commitment to refrain from testing weapons in space that produce dangerous, long-lasting space debris. This decision marks an achievement for the U.S. in keeping space operations sustainable and setting an example for others in the international space community.

    Like some Trump administration space policy priorities, not all of Harris’ proposals found footing in Washington.

    The council’s plan to establish a framework for comprehensively regulating commercial space activities in the U.S., for example, stalled in Congress.

    If enacted, these new regulations would have ensured that future space activities, such as private companies operating on the Moon or transporting tourists to orbit and back, pass critical safety checks.

    Should she be elected, Harris may choose to continue her efforts to shape responsible norms of behavior in space and organize oversight over the space industry.

    Alternatively, she could cede the portfolio to her own vice president, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, who has virtually no track record on space policy issues.

    Stability in major space policy decisions

    Despite the two candidates’ vastly different platforms, voters can expect stability in U.S. space policy as a result of this year’s election.

    Given their past leadership, it is unlikely that either candidate will seek to dramatically alter the long-term missions the largest government space organizations have underway during the upcoming presidential term. And neither is likely to undercut their predecessors’ accomplishments.

    Thomas G. Roberts is affiliated with the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

    ref. Both Harris and Trump have records on space policy − an international affairs expert examines where they differ when it comes to the final frontier – https://theconversation.com/both-harris-and-trump-have-records-on-space-policy-an-international-affairs-expert-examines-where-they-differ-when-it-comes-to-the-final-frontier-238289

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Debates – Monday, 21 October 2024 – Strasbourg – Provisional edition

    Source: European Parliament

    Verbatim report of proceedings
     413k  815k
    Monday, 21 October 2024 – Strasbourg Provisional edition

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
    President

     
    1. Resumption of the session

     

      President. – I declare resumed the session of the European Parliament adjourned on Thursday, 10 October 2024.

     

    2. Opening of the sitting

       

    (The sitting opened at 17:03)

     

    3. Statements by the President

     

      President. – Dear colleagues, on the results of the presidential election and referendum in Moldova, the people in Moldova have chosen their future: they chose hope, stability, opportunity. They chose Europe.

    (Applause)

    The European Parliament strongly condemns any activities and interferences in Moldova’s presidential election and constitutional referendum on EU integration.

    We are proud to be one of Moldova’s strongest allies and supporters. We understand that Moldova’s future lies within the European Union and we fully support its EU accession path.

    President Maia Sandu and her government have already made remarkable progress in implementing reforms. And while the road ahead may not always be easy, I want to assure our European Moldovan friends that the European Parliament will continue to be with them every step of the way.

    Also, dear colleagues, on 16 October we marked 7 years since the brutal assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia, a Maltese investigative journalist who exposed corruption and organised crime. Those who thought they could silence her were wrong. In fact, her work sparked a movement that echoes in every corner where we pursue a Europe that protects journalists, that respects the rule of law.

    I am grateful to have known Daphne beyond her writing: as a woman battling the odds; as a mother who was so proud of the men her boys grew into; as a daughter, wife and sister who wanted more from her country. And she raised the bar for all of us in politics. But most of all, today I think about how we must keep Daphne’s memory alive; how the European Parliament will keep pushing for the truth, for justice and for accountability.

    It is for this reason that the European Parliament is proud to be hosting the fourth edition of the Daphne Caruana Galizia Prize for outstanding journalism. And I take this moment to encourage you to attend the award ceremony this Wednesday in the Daphne Caruana Galizia Press Room, to honour the bravery of all those who continue to carry her legacy forward.

    This House remembers her and we honour her legacy.

    (Applause)

     

    4. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting

     

      President. – The minutes and the texts adopted of the sitting of 10 October 2024 are available. Are there any comments? No? The minutes are therefore approved.

     

    5. Composition of Parliament

     

      President. – The competent authorities of Poland have notified me of the election of Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz to the European Parliament, replacing Marcin Kierwiński with effect from 10 October 2024.

    I wish to welcome our new colleague and recall that she takes her seat in Parliament and its bodies in full enjoyment of her rights, pending the verification of her credentials.

     

    6. Composition of committees and delegations

     

      President. – The PfE Group has notified me of decisions relating to changes to appointments within the committees and delegations. These decisions will be set out in the minutes of today’s sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement.

     

    7. Negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading (Rule 73)

     

      President. – The TRAN Committee has decided to enter into interinstitutional negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading, pursuant to Rule 73 of the Rules of Procedure.

    The positions adopted by Parliament at first reading, which constitute the mandates for those negotiations, are available on the plenary webpage, and their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

     

    8. Corrigenda (Rule 251)

     

      President. – The competent committees have transmitted nine corrigenda to texts adopted by Parliament.

    Pursuant to Rule 251, these corrigenda will be deemed approved unless, no later than 24 hours after their announcement, a request is made by a political group or Members reaching at least the low threshold that they be put to the vote.

    The corrigenda are available on the plenary webpage. Their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

     

    9. Signing of acts adopted in accordance with the ordinary legislative procedure (Rule 81)




     

      Marc Botenga (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, vous savez que, sur la base de l’article 188, les députés européens gagnent facilement 14 000 euros par mois. Pourtant, chaque année, notre groupe demande de baisser ces salaires pour que les députés soient un tout petit peu plus en phase avec la réalité des travailleurs, qui, eux, peinent à boucler les fins de mois. Chaque année, ce vote permet de démasquer les députés qui, d’une part, prêchent l’austérité et la misère pour les travailleurs, mais, d’autre part, s’octroient, eux, un salaire généreux de 14 000 euros par mois.

    Mais aujourd’hui, en coulisses, vous nous dites que ce n’est plus acceptable et vous voulez empêcher ce vote – je sais bien, chers collègues, que vous ne voulez pas que l’on touche à vos privilèges. Vous nous dites que ces revenus sont garantis par d’autres textes. Mais justement, en refusant aujourd’hui de voter le budget nécessaire, nous pouvons ouvrir cette porte pour faire le premier pas et revoir tout cela.

    L’année dernière, vous aviez permis ces amendements. Qu’est-ce qui a changé, qui ne serait plus vrai aujourd’hui? Serait-ce parce que la campagne électorale est terminée? Madame la Présidente, je vous prie, revoyez cette décision. La politique sert à servir et non à se servir.

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much, Mr Botenga. I will give you the explanation.

    You file a point of order under Rule 188, which is actually a point of order, but I will answer you. The amendments tabled by your group on the lines and figures of the general budget 2025 concerning salaries and allowances, etc., have been examined and declared inadmissible, simply because we want to apply the rules.

    And I will tell you why: it is because they are in contradiction with the existing regulations, in other words, the Statute for Members of the European Parliament and the Council Regulation determining the emoluments of EU high-level public office holders, based on Articles 243 TFEU and 223 TFEU. So the right procedure would be to call on the responsible institutions to amend the mentioned regulations.

    However, you will have seen as well, in this spirit, that the corresponding amendment that you tabled to the resolution on the general budget calling for this change has been declared admissible, because that can be declared admissible.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, quero expressar o meu total desacordo com a sua decisão discricionária e sem fundamento de recusar, sem justificação, a proposta de debate sobre o agravamento da situação humanitária em Gaza, na sequência das declarações do coordenador especial da ONU para o processo de paz no Médio Oriente. Na quinta-feira, a ONU declarou que mais de um milhão e oitocentos mil palestinianos enfrentam fome extrema. Ontem mesmo, aquele coordenador especial da ONU emitiu um comunicado falando de pesadelo, cenas horripilantes na zona norte, ataques israelitas implacáveis e uma crise humanitária cada vez pior e, cito, que «nenhum lugar é seguro em Gaza», condenando os contínuos ataques contra civis. Aquele responsável disse: «A guerra tem de parar agora».

    Apesar de tudo isto ter acontecido em condições que permitiam que o debate aqui fosse feito, a senhora presidente recusou aceitar sequer a proposta. Desafio-a a colocar à votação este pedido de debate. Enquanto continuarem a chover bombas em Gaza, a morrer crianças, mulheres e civis, este debate será sempre urgente e imprescindível.

     
       


     

      Virginie Joron (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, chers démocrates, chers légalistes, je souhaite faire un rappel au règlement. Son article 219 prévoit le respect de l’égalité des genres dans la composition des bureaux des commissions. Cette égalité n’est pourtant pas respectée, pas plus que le résultat des urnes, c’est-à-dire de la démocratie.

    En effet, Madame la Présidente, vous avez accepté de ne pas respecter la démocratie en accordant une dérogation au principe de l’égalité des genres pour M. Weber dans plusieurs bureaux de commissions, ignorant par là même plus de 20 millions de nos électeurs.

    Comment pouvez-vous accepter que la commission CONT, qui contrôle le budget de l’Union européenne – et qui doit donner l’exemple –, continue de ne pas respecter nos règles? Vous souhaitez exporter l’égalité des genres jusqu’au Kazakhstan ou encore lui consacrer une semaine en décembre, mais ce principe n’est déjà pas respecté au sein de la commission CONT, au cœur même de notre institution. En ne disposant pas d’une quatrième vice-présidence, la composition du bureau de la commission CONT viole notre règlement.

    Madame la Présidente, je vous remercie de faire le nécessaire pour mettre un terme à cette hypocrisie et respecter notre devise, «Unie dans la diversité».

     
       


     

      Manon Aubry (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, ça tombe bien, j’avais envie de vous parler de démocratie et de faire un rappel au règlement sur la base de l’article 154, qui traite des accords interinstitutionnels, pour évoquer l’état des négociations entre l’Union européenne et le Mercosur. Je vais commencer, chers collègues, par une question assez simple: qui trouve normal que le plus important accord de libre-échange jamais conclu par l’Union européenne soit en train d’être signé en catimini, sans que notre Parlement ait la moindre information, quelle qu’elle soit? Allez-y, dites-moi qui est d’accord avec cela et levez la main.

    Vous le voyez bien – et j’ai fait le compte –, cela fait exactement cinq ans que la Commission européenne n’a pas donné ni publié le moindre compte-rendu officiel sur l’état des négociations. Bien entendu, cet accord de libre-échange aura un impact désastreux sur nos agriculteurs, qui souffrent déjà, sur la santé et sur la planète.

    Mes chers collègues, c’est aussi un scandale démocratique. Comment accepter d’être ainsi tenus à l’écart? C’est pourquoi, Madame la Présidente, je vous prierais de demander des comptes à la Commission européenne afin qu’elle nous tienne enfin informés, parce qu’on ne peut pas se laisser ainsi «bananer». Il est temps!

     
       


     

      President. – As you can see, your colleagues agree with you. This is something that has been an outstanding issue and we can put pressure on the incoming Commission to respect the deadlines that we have set.

     

    10. Order of business


     

      Terry Reintke, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues, last Friday, an Italian court invalidated the detention of 16 asylum applicants sent to Albania by the Italian Government. Italy is a democracy, with an independent judiciary and courts that can freely rule on existing cases, also to stop illegal actions by the government. Still, members of the ruling far-right coalition, including members of the government, attacked this independent judiciary and the judges that ruled in this case.

    Colleagues, we cannot stay silent on this: rule of law, including separation of powers, is a key fundament of the European Union. We have waited for far too long regarding Hungary to speak up. We cannot make the same mistake again. That is why my group requests a debate with the following title: ‘Commission statement regarding the ruling of the Italian court related to the agreement between Italy and Albania on migration’.

     
       



     

      Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Madam President, I think it is clear and already stated that this request should not be supported. It’s very clear. It’s not about a protocol about Italy and Albania, as you say in what you’re asking for. Also, it’s not even a final decision in the court, and it’s also a decision based on an EU directive that actually will be replaced once the new migration pact is fully adopted.

    I think it’s also about the general question, because we had a request in plenary before, from the Patriots, about another decision. We could, of course, make this Chamber nothing else than debating different court decisions. I think when it comes to migration policy, we should be serious, we should be balanced, and we should use our time to actually debate real things and not only try to make court decisions that you may like or not like to be in favour of them.

    So that is why the EPP will reject this request.

     
       


     

      Fabienne Keller, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, nous savons que le nouveau pacte sur la migration et l’asile et la politique migratoire ont occupé l’essentiel du Conseil européen de la fin de la semaine dernière. C’est un sujet de préoccupation pour nos concitoyens.

    Nous sommes fiers, tous ici dans cette Chambre, d’avoir adopté un pacte, d’avoir trouvé un équilibre pour traiter la question de la migration illégale, tout en respectant nos valeurs. Nous savons aussi, chers collègues, qu’il nous faudra encore deux années pour le mettre en œuvre. Nous ne pouvons dès lors pas accepter qu’un État membre utilise une voie détournée pour contourner ce que prévoit le pacte et les règles précises que nous avons définies ensemble.

    C’est pourquoi nous proposons de rebondir sur la proposition des Verts et d’ajouter la dimension «mise en œuvre du pacte» dans son ensemble, c’est-à-dire vis-à-vis de ses devoirs, de l’application de ses règles, mais aussi des garanties des droits de l’homme et du respect des droits fondamentaux que nous y avons intégrés. C’est dans cet esprit que nous proposons ce débat amendé.

     
       

     

      President. – Ms Reintke, do you agree with the alternative proposal? So the Green Group does not. Therefore, I will put the original request by the Green Group to a vote by roll call.

    (Parliament rejected the request)

    I now ask Ms Keller: do you want to keep your request? Yes, Ms Keller wants to keep the request, so the proposal from the Renew Group is now put to a vote by roll call.

    (Parliament rejected the request)

    So the agenda remains unchanged.

    The agenda is now adopted and the order of business is thus established.

     

    11. International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (debate)

     

      President. – The first item is the debate on Parliament’s statement on the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (2024/2881(RSP)).

    Dear colleagues, last week, on 17 October, we marked the International Day of the Eradication of Poverty. Poverty is not inevitable. It is a challenge that we can – and we must – overcome. Across the world, far too many people still struggle. Far too many people do not have access to clean water, to clothing, shelter, health care or education. And far too many people are excluded from society, denied the possibility of a dignified job, not given the opportunities to achieve their potential. Given that 1 in 5 Europeans and 1 in 4 children under the age of 18 in the European Union is at risk of poverty or social exclusion, the reality is as serious as it is alarming.

    Here in the European Parliament, we refuse to be bystanders. We are proud of all the work we have done already in making our Europe a front-liner in the fight against poverty, and yet more work remains. Poverty is a symptom of inequality, and we understand the responsibility that we bear to ensure that every person – no matter who they are or where they come from – has a chance to live with dignity, with purpose.

    This is why the European Parliament is looking forward to seeing the European Union’s first anti-poverty strategy that was announced in the 2024-2029 Political Guidelines of the European Commission. This is a positive step forward. By investing in education, affordable housing and job creation, by ensuring our social safety net works, we can lift millions out of poverty.

    This House will continue turning our policies into concrete action, and we will continue to fight for fairness, for dignity and for opportunity for all.

     
       


     

      Gabriele Bischoff, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Tat: Wir sprechen inzwischen von 100 Millionen Menschen, die in Europa, einem der reichsten Kontinente, von Armut und sozialer Ausgrenzung bedroht sind; Frau Präsidentin hat es gesagt: mehr als jeder fünfte Mensch hier in Europa. Und dieser Internationale Tag zur Abschaffung der Armut, der muss wirklich ein Weckruf hier sein, weil wir mehr brauchen.

    Ja, wir brauchen eine Armutsstrategie, aber wir brauchen auch konkrete Politiken, und eine davon ist in der Tat, dass wir ein festes Budget von 20 Milliarden in einem eigenen ESF+ für die Kindergarantie brauchen, um die 19 Millionen Kinder – 19 Millionen, denen die Zukunft gestohlen wurde – besser vor Armut zu schützen, und wir brauchen Maßnahmen.

    Aber wir dürfen nicht nur national bleiben, sondern nach den Verträgen ist Armutsbekämpfung auch das Hauptziel der europäischen Entwicklungspolitik. Das muss so bleiben und muss unser Kompass sein zur Bekämpfung der Armut auf der ganzen Welt.

     
       

     

      Malika Sorel, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, 34 % des Européens renoncent à des soins médicaux, et nombre de jeunes, de nos jeunes, sont en grande souffrance. C’est la tiers-mondisation de nos nations. L’Europe d’Hippocrate, de Pasteur et de Marie Curie n’est même plus capable de soigner les siens, tandis qu’elle érige en dogme la préférence extra-européenne.

    Alors que la pauvreté touche chacune de nos nations, la Commission va verser 1,8 milliard d’euros à la Moldavie. De plus, l’immigration issue des couches sociales les plus pauvres bat des records. Pour Enrico Letta, aucune réforme, aucun progrès ne sera possible sans la participation des citoyens. Cette participation, je vous le dis, est impossible, car ces conditions ne sont pas réunies.

    Relisons Jean-Jacques Rousseau: «Voulons-nous que les peuples soient vertueux? Commençons donc par leur faire aimer la patrie: mais comment l’aimeront-ils si la patrie ne leur accorde que ce qu’elle ne peut refuser à personne?». Nous sommes là au cœur du mal qui détruit l’Europe. Chers collègues, j’aimerais comprendre: est-ce l’indifférence – ou pire: le cynisme – qui conduit à nous lamenter sur une pauvreté que nous organisons?

     
       

     

      Chiara Gemma, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la povertà non è soltanto una questione economica: è una piaga sociale che mina la dignità e la speranza delle persone. Combatterla è un dovere morale e una responsabilità politica che deve impegnarci tutti, senza eccezioni.

    C’è un aspetto che merita una particolare attenzione e che troppo spesso viene trascurato: la condizione delle persone con disabilità, che sono tra le più esposte al rischio di povertà. I dati parlano chiaro: il 28,8% delle persone con disabilità in Europa vive in condizioni di povertà e di esclusione sociale.

    Questo dato è inaccettabile, soprattutto se pensiamo che stiamo parlando di una categoria già vulnerabile, che deve affrontare non solo le difficoltà economiche, ma anche le barriere strutturali, culturali e sociali che la società impone.

    Non possiamo tollerare che in un’Europa che si proclama “paladina dei diritti umani e dell’inclusione”, quasi un terzo delle persone con disabilità viva in condizioni di disagio economico. La nostra forza si misura dalla capacità di includere chi è già più debole.

     
       

     

      Charles Goerens, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, la lutte contre la pauvreté doit se manifester tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Cela étant, la pratique semble confirmer ce propos.

    L’Union européenne n’a certes pas réussi à éliminer la pauvreté, comme chacun de nous le souhaiterait. À sa décharge, rappelons que ses compétences sont insuffisantes pour régler ce problème. Les États membres, par contre, disposent de moyens ô combien supérieurs à ceux dont dispose la Commission. À ce propos, l’on constate que les États membres qui ont de meilleurs résultats en matière de lutte contre la misère chez eux sont souvent les mêmes que ceux qui s’impliquent le plus dans la coopération au développement en faveur des pays du Sud.

    Cette corrélation n’est pas anodine. Elle nous fait penser que la solidarité est indivisible. C’est donc une question de cohérence, une question d’équité, qui s’applique dans le même esprit tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Pour appuyer mon propos, il suffit de lire les rapports annuels du Programme des Nations unies pour le développement et d’en comparer les résultats à ceux obtenus en matière de lutte contre la misère au sein des États membres.

     
       


     

      Leila Chaibi, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, en France, 1 jeune sur 4 vit sous le seuil de pauvreté, et 1 étudiant sur 2 est obligé de sauter un repas par jour. Vous vous souvenez de ces files d’attente interminables devant l’aide alimentaire pendant la pandémie de COVID-19? Ces images, elles avaient fait le tour du monde. C’était il y a quatre ans. Et que s’est il passé depuis? Rien.

    Pourquoi l’Union européenne ne demande-t-elle pas aux gouvernements de proposer le repas à 1 euro pour les étudiants? Pourquoi continuons-nous à agir comme si la pauvreté était un phénomène météorologique, une espèce de catastrophe naturelle? Non, la pauvreté ne tombe pas du ciel. Sans inégalités, il n’y a pas de pauvreté. Bernard Arnault, l’homme le plus riche du monde, a vu sa fortune dépasser les 200 milliards d’euros, soit plus que le PIB de la Slovaquie. Imaginez ce qu’on pourrait faire avec cette somme. On pourrait faire 200 000 hôpitaux, 40 000 écoles.

    Vous voulez agir contre la pauvreté? Taxez les plus riches, taxez les multinationales, allez chercher l’argent là où il est.

     
       

     

      Petar Volgin, от името на групата ESN. – Скъпи колеги, дълго време силните на деня обясняваха, че когато глобализацията окончателно победи, когато бъдат премахнати всички държавни граници и всички държавни пречки пред бизнеса, ние ще станем богати и щастливи. Разказваха ни, че когато милионерът стане милиардер, това ще направи и нас, обикновените хора богати. Защото нали според постулатите на така наречената „трикъл даун” икономика („trickle down economy“) или икономика на просмукването, приливът повдигал всички лодки. Само че действителността се оказа много по-различна.

    Да, богатите ставаха още по-богати, милионерите ставаха милиардери, но лодките на обикновенните хора не се повдигаха, даже много от тях потънаха. Колкото повече държавата минаваше на заден план, толкова повече се увеличаваха неравенствата и бедността. Има само един начин, по който може да бъде преодоляно това. Държавата отново трябва да стане активна. Тя трябва да създаде такива правила, които да помагат на работещите хора да живеят по-добре. Наднационалните институции няма да направят това. Те се грижат за интересите на мега корпорациите. Нужна ни е повече държава и по-малко транснационални институции.

     
       


     

     

      Georgiana Teodorescu (ECR), în scris. – Prin acțiunile sale, Uniunea Europeană s-a declarat responsabilă pentru înverzirea Globului, pentru eliminarea surplusului de carbon, pentru tot ce e „eco” și „bio” la nivel mondial, pentru salvarea migranților, precum și pentru încetarea unor războaie din afara granițelor UE.

    Totuși, când vine vorba de sărăcia în care trăiesc unii dintre europeni, mai ales despre construirea unor programe concrete și asigurarea unui buget corespunzător pentru acest lucru, rămânem la stadiul de discuții frumoase. Iată că marcăm o zi oficială pentru eradicarea sărăciei, în loc să o eradicăm efectiv. În România, unul din cinci cetățeni trăiește sub pragul sărăciei, cifrele fiind mult mai ridicate în rândul tinerilor. Pe acești oameni, ziua internațională a eradicării sărăciei nu îi ajută. Este nevoie de bani și de măsuri concrete.

    Sigur, e onorabil să avem o astfel de zi, nu ne opunem, dar haideți să ne concentrăm mai mult pe fapte și mai puțin pe discursuri pompoase, care au zero efect în asigurarea hranei copiilor săraci ai Europei sau în oferirea unor programe care să-i încurajeze să-și continue studiile.

     

    12. Address by Enrico Letta – Presentation of the report ‘Much More Than a Market’

     

      President. – The next item is the debate on the address by Enrico Letta – presentation of the report ‘Much more than a market’.

    We have today with us former Prime Minister of Italy Enrico Letta to present his report ‘Much more than a market’. Caro Enrico, welcome back to the European Parliament. Your report came at an extremely timely moment.

    As we embark on a new legislative term, this House recognises that the future of Europe will be defined by our ability to make ourselves more competitive; how we are able to grow our economies and pay back our debts, to fuel our innovation and turn seemingly impossible challenges into opportunities, to create jobs and futures with dignity. That is what our people are asking from us. It is why Europeans went to the polls last June, and what our voters are expecting us to deliver on.

    To do all this, we do not need to reinvent the wheel. We already have many tools in place. For over 30 years, the single market has been our Union’s unique growth model, a powerful engine of convergence and our most valuable asset. But we are again at a moment where the single market is in need of a boost.

    The time is now for us to renew our engagement to it, to deepen it, especially when it comes to energy, to finance, telecoms, banking, capital markets and services – to bring it back on par with the needs of the current context.

    Boosting it also means doing more to level the playing field, to reduce excessive bureaucracy and to cut red tape. This is how our single market works best. So, Mr Letta, dear Enrico, the European Parliament is eager to hear your findings and recommendations on how we can bolster our single market and make Europe more competitive.

     
       

     

      Enrico Letta, author of the report ‘Much more than a market’. – Madam President, esteemed Members, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to President Roberta Metsola, the Members of the European Parliament and the groups. It is a particularly emotional moment for me to do so in this Chamber once chaired by David Sassoli. The last time I spoke from this very place was to commemorate him some days after his death. His legacy and his commitment to European values continues to guide and inspire all of us.

    I must also express my deep gratitude to those who commissioned this report and entrusted me with the responsibility to undertake it: the Belgian and Spanish presidencies of the Council of the European Union, along with the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council. It is a great honour for me to be here today, especially after a year of engaging with the European Parliament: more than 20 meetings, groups, committees – the IMCO Committee in particular, subcommittees fostering meaningful dialogue and collaboration.

    This is a decisive moment for the life of the report. The pragmatic proposals it contains can only make a real impact if this very Chamber embraces and advances them.

    This report is not mine. I bear full responsibility for it, of course, but above all, it is the result of a collective exercise developed during a journey that spanned almost the entire European Union, reaching out also to candidate countries for accession and non-EU countries that share with us the single market. Throughout this journey across Europe, I visited 65 cities and took part in over 4 400 meetings, I engaged open social dialogue with all stakeholders. This was not an ideological pursuit, but a pragmatic endeavour. I traveled across Europe and engaged with all stakeholders to find common ground for tangible solutions. And there is one thing I want to stress out here: all the proposals contained in the report do not require Treaty changes. They are very concrete and can be implemented immediately.

    Madame la Présidente, par cette méthode j’ai cherché à honorer l’esprit même du projet d’intégration européenne. Un projet qui s’épanouit dans le dialogue entre les grands et les petits pays, entre les grandes villes et les petites communes, entre des modèles divers de relations industrielles, ainsi qu’entre différentes cultures et histoires. C’était la vision de Jacques Delors, à la mémoire duquel ce rapport est dédié.

    Jacques Delors visait à poser une base solide sur laquelle les grands idéaux européens pourraient prospérer. Il reconnaissait que la passion seule ne pouvait bâtir l’Europe. Il fallait des projets pragmatiques, qui améliorent concrètement la vie des citoyens. Jacques Delors croyait fermement que le succès de l’intégration européenne ne se mesurait pas à l’aune des bénéfices pour les États, mais à l’amélioration de la vie des citoyens. C’est cette approche que j’ai poursuivie et qui m’a inspiré en rédigeant ce rapport.

    The single market has been our greatest achievement. It has fuelled prosperity and it embodies our values. But it was born in a very different era, an era in which both the European Union and the world were smaller, simpler and far less interconnected. More than 20 years ago, we succeeded in integrating our currencies. We created the euro. We integrated this critical dimension which carries important emotional and practical significance for our citizens.

    However, we have not achieved the same level of integration in other key strategic sectors that, paradoxically, would have been far less difficult to integrate: sectors that are now vital for the future of the European economy, in particular. At the inception, three sectors were deliberately kept outside the single market, considered too strategic to extend beyond national borders: finance, electronic communications and energy. In reality, when it comes to these issues, Europe is merely a geographical expression. We are 27, not 1, on telecommunication. We have 27 financial markets, not 1 financial market. The exclusion of these sectors from the completion of the single market was motivated by the belief at that time that domestic control would better serve strategic interests.

    In an increasingly interconnected world and a vastly larger global market, the national dimension is no longer sufficient. It is becoming a ceiling in these sectors. We need to address this paradox, which is one of the main drivers of the current gap with other global powers, and we must act now. Inertia or inaction on this front risks reducing our choices to a single question: whether we want to become a colony of the United States or of China in ten years’ time. Telecommunications, energy and financial markets must be integrated, as we did for the euro. The integration of these sectors is a precondition for our competitiveness and security. There can be no security without independence in connectivity, energy and finance.

    In the report, I propose a roadmap for telecommunications to move from 27 separate markets to 1, from the approximately 80 operators of today to 10, 20 operators. I am not suggesting that we mimic the American or Chinese models here in Europe. These models do not adequately protect consumers as we aim to do in the European Union, but with a single telecoms market, 10, 20 operators can compete while ensuring consumer protection. At the same time, they will be larger and stronger on the global stage. That is what is not happening today with the fragmentation in 27 different markets.

    For energy, the key mission is to invest in interconnections. We must reduce the energy prices in Europe, and the only way is to maximise the diversification of energy sources through a highly interconnected European system. We win through cooperation, not through fragmentation. However, the most important sector to integrate is the financial one, which is in reality today the sum of 27 separate financial markets. This fragmentation is a major factor in Europe’s loss of competitiveness, creating the paradox of having a single currency, the euro, without a fully integrated financial market. We are falling behind the US, which has surged ahead in this sector over the last 15 years, and we are paying a steep price for it. Without a unified financial system, we will be unable to create a new paradigm for economic development, unable to innovate and unable to ensure our security.

    Having unified and significantly larger financial markets would allow Europe to invest in innovation and support its real economy. It would also enable Europe to effectively finance the Green Deal.

    During my journey, one topic has emerged as a priority everywhere: how to support and finance the just, green and digital transition. Let’s be very clear: the Green Deal remains the top priority for the coming years. It is no longer a question of whether Europe will pursue it, but rather how it will be achieved. The legislative term began with a debate on how to approach the Green Deal. In the report, I propose solutions for implementing it that reduce the potential social and economic consequences for Europe. We cannot allow the Green Deal to become a luxury that only the wealthy can afford in our societies. The social and economic dimensions of the Green Deal are essential.

    If we are committed to this, we must also clearly outline how we intend to finance it. Otherwise, we risk engaging in an unrealistic declaration of intent. Without a concrete plan on how to finance it, political backlash and delays are inevitable – outcomes that neither the EU nor the planet can afford. That is why all our energy must be focused on financially supporting the transition. We need an innovative set of tools that can leverage both public and private financing, as both are crucial to meet our massive investment needs.

    There are differing views within the European Union on how to address this funding challenge. We have to be honest: there are often opposing views on this matter. It makes no sense to ignore or hide these differences. But I firmly believe that the single market is not only a fundamental tool, but also the common ground where these diverse positions can converge.

    The initial priority should be to mobilise private capital, where the EU lags behind and has enormous untapped potential. Let me offer two clear as significant examples. Each year, EUR 300 billion of European savings cross the Atlantic to fuel the American financial markets and their real economy. This happens because our financial markets, fragmented as they are, are unable to absorb these resources. But the effect is a paradox. This money ultimately strengthens American companies, which then return to Europe to buy our European companies with our European savers’ money.

    We need a change in mindset. The current lack of integration of Europe’s financial markets is unacceptable. Take also the case of international payment systems: every day, each of us makes several credit or debit card transactions, billions of transactions in total. Yet Italians aren’t happy using a French system. The French aren’t happy using a German system. The Germans aren’t happy to use a Spanish one. As a result, we are all end up being happy to rely on an American system. This example alone highlights the inefficiency of our fragmented approach.

    We have to be pragmatic, not ideological. The fragmentation of Europe’s financial markets plays directly into the hands of other global players, keeping Wall Street and China satisfied and very happy. And this is why, in the report, I proposed the creation of the savings and investments union, building on the incomplete capital markets union. By fully integrating financial markets, the savings and investments union aims to close the gap in a sector where we have enormous potential and provide a concrete tool to finance our ambitions.

    What I want to emphasise is the importance of forging a strong link between the fair, green and digital transition and the financial integration of the single market. One of the main reasons the capital markets union failed to succeed is that it was seen as an end in itself. True financial market integration in Europe will only be achieved when both citizens and policymakers recognise that this integration is not just beneficial for the financial sector, but it is essential for achieving broader, more critical goals such as the fair, green and digital transition.

    Ultimately, progress in the area of private investments will enable us to tackle the role, structures and regulations governing public investments. As I have noted, this is a divisive issue, but it is essential that we confront it openly. Closing the current gap in private investments is a critical first step in moving this debate forward. The massive investment needs of the European Union require both private and public sources of funding. We must strike a balance between different sensibilities and pave the way for a more constructive, integrated and efficient funding strategy.

    This also extends to the debate on state aid. In the report, I have presented some ideas to overcome the current impasse. We need new solutions that can swiftly mobilise targeted national public support for industry, while also preventing fragmentation of the single market and ensuring a level playing field.

    Combining private resources and public investments, considering various instruments, is the only way to achieve a compromise in this chamber and within the European Council. Finance, energy and telecommunications are interconnected and serve as critical boost within a broader concept of security. However, the current geopolitical situation compels us to accelerate the strengthening of our common defence capabilities.

    Greater integration within our common market can serve as a pivotal tool to overcome existing duplications and inefficiencies, yet substantial investments are required. We need to act on this front, and we must do swiftly in order to preserve a crucial level of autonomy in our foreign security and defence policy.

    The EU must continue its unwavering support for Ukraine in its fight for freedom, while also striving to play a pivotal role in ending the conflict in the Middle East. Both are essential steps towards securing long-term peace and stability. To address this significant challenge, we must consider innovative financing mechanisms here as well. In the report, I propose several options, but I believe, and I want to underline here, the most pragmatic and impactful approach involves the use of the ESM, the European Stability Mechanism.

    One of the consequences of fragmentation and the lack of unity in key sectors is the difficulty we are facing in terms of innovation. The EU has not yet developed a robust industry capable of harnessing the benefits of the new wave of technological advancements. As a result, we have become increasingly reliant on external technologies that are now critical to European companies. It is essential that we unlock the full potential of the single market, and to do so, we need to leverage our unexploited common strength in research and development.

    The single market, as we know, was built on four fundamental freedoms: the free movement of goods, services, capital and people. However, this structure is outdated and too closely aligned with the 20th century vision. I believe something is missing in today’s complex and dynamic environment, something intangible yet vital. The economy of the future will be driven by innovation, knowledge and tangible assets, a dimension that is vital to our progress.

    In the report, I argue for the addition of a fifth freedom, one that encompasses a range of essential fields: research, data, skills, knowledge, education. This is possible within the framework of the existing Treaties, as demonstrated in the report. This new fifth freedom will not just be about facilitating the movement of research and innovation outputs; it will embed the drivers of research and innovation at the heart of the single market. With this framework, the EU will not only better position itself as a global leader in setting ethical standards for innovation, but also as a creator and pioneer of new technologies.

    The EU’s ability to innovate depends also on creating an ecosystem where businesses can thrive. This is why the simplification of the single market rules is a central theme. It is a topic that I have heard repeatedly during my travels. However, when we speak of simplification, too frequently, these words are not followed by concrete, actionable proposals. In the report, I present two pragmatic proposals to significantly ease businesses’ access to the benefits of the single market. The first proposal is that EU institutions should unequivocally prioritise the use of regulations over directives when setting single market rules. This would reduce uncertainty and eliminate barriers. The second proposal is the idea of the ’28th regime’ to operate within the single market, a virtual 28th state that companies could choose for smoother, more practical operation at the European level. Both these proposals cover regulatory aspects that help to reduce bureaucracy without in an in any way undermining social standards, on which we do not want to see any race to the bottom. I’m very happy to speak on behalf and in front of the Commission on these topics.

    I conclude, Madam President: Jacques Delors always insisted on the crucial point of the importance of a single market with convergence, and the success of the single market is fundamental. If we add to the freedom to move the freedom to stay, the freedom to stay is fundamental for the people who want to stay in their own regions, with the idea to be allowed to grow up there and to have services of general interest across all the EU regions and also in the periphery regions.

    My conclusion: President von der Leyen’s decision to outline an ambitious plan for reform and relaunch of the European project, drawing on some of these ideas from both my report and that of Mario Draghi opens a window of opportunity we cannot afford to miss. In a time when divisions among us – between countries, political parties and populations are growing – I stand before you to affirm that the single market is what keeps us united. We must rally around it and remain firm in our commitment to the relaunch and completion of the single market. The question before us is clear: if not now, when? Now more than ever, we must defend, strengthen and relaunch the single market.

    I hope that with all these arguments, I have convinced you that, as I wrote in the title of my report, the single market is really much more than a market.

     
       

       

    PRZEWODNICTWO: EWA KOPACZ
    Wiceprzewodnicząca

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much, Mr Letta.

     

    13. Empowering the Single Market to deliver a sustainable future and prosperity for all EU citizens (debate)


     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, lieber Enrico Letta, Herr Kommissar! Zunächst einmal im Namen der EVP-Fraktion einen großen Glückwunsch für diese intensive Arbeit und auch für die Präsentation der Ergebnisse hier.

    Es ist deutlich geworden, dass der Bericht und auch Sie ganz persönlich, Herr Letta, nochmals in Erinnerung rufen, dass der Binnenmarkt der Motor unseres europäischen Wohlstandes ist. Das finde ich beachtlich, weil natürlich ein Stück weit in den vergangenen Jahren in Vergessenheit geraten ist, dass der wirtschaftliche Austausch – egal ob es um Waren oder Dienstleistungen, egal ob es um Autos oder um Tourismus geht – im Zentrum dessen steht, was uns als Europäerinnen und Europäer reich und viele auch zufrieden macht.

    Deswegen, glaube ich, muss man an dieser Stelle noch einmal sagen: Der Binnenmarkt kann eben am besten entscheiden, was die richtige Leistung ist. Deswegen sollten wir den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern auch die Möglichkeit geben, dass sie entscheiden können in einem offenen Markt in Europa, welche Leistung, welchen Tourismusort, welches Auto sie kaufen können. Dafür ist der Titel vielleicht ein bisschen gefährlich, denn mehr als ein Markt bedeutet ja im Umkehrschluss, dass wir einen echten Binnenmarkt vollständig schon haben. Da, glaube ich, müssen wir sagen, gibt es noch einiges zu tun.

    Es gibt noch einiges zu tun, damit Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer problemlos von einem Land in ein anderes fahren können. Auch wenn sie das Recht, dort zu bleiben, wo sie sein wollen, behalten sollen, müssen sie die Freiheit genießen können – in der Überarbeitung der Verordnung (EG) Nr. 883/2004 –, die Grenze zu überschreiten. Deswegen, liebe Freundinnen und Freunde, meine Damen und Herren, glaube ich, die Anpassung an eine neue geopolitische Bedingung, die rasche Entbürokratisierung und die Kapitalmarktunion sind sicher Kernforderungen des Berichts, die wir alle unterstützen.

    Ich bin froh, dass Enrico Letta in die gleiche Richtung wie Mario Draghi gegangen ist. Deswegen, glaube ich, gilt es jetzt, dass die Europäische Kommission liefert: ein 28. Regime dort, wo es notwendig ist, eine neue Grundfreiheit und einen einheitlichen Telekommunikationsbinnenmarkt. Es gibt viel zu tun.

     
       

     

      Gabriele Bischoff, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President and dear Enrico Letta, I think it is very important that we still keep a vision of what we could do and what is possible, but where we lack the courage so far to do so. Jacques Delors always said that no one falls in love with the common market. That was true in the past, it’s also true today, but you show that it’s not only a single market, but it is what it does for people, how it enables people. And therefore we really have to boost the common market indeed, but also – in the spirit of Jacques Delors – to always have in mind that this always needs a strong social dimension going for it, if we want to also convince the citizens that it’s in their interest to do so.

    But I also have to say I could comment on many things, because your report is very rich. I want to highlight the fifth freedom, a fair mobility, a new push here for innovation, and to deliver for our citizens.

     
       



     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kollegen, wenn wir in der Welt über Werte wie Demokratie reden, hat man uns zugehört, weil wir ein attraktiver Markt waren. Der Binnenmarkt ist das Herzstück der EU – er hat uns wirtschaftlich stark werden und zusammenwachsen lassen. Doch der Binnenmarkt kränkelt vor sich hin, auch weil die Kommission zu wenig für seine Zukunft getan hat.

    Herr Letta gibt uns eine lange To-do-Liste mit: allem voran sind es massive Überregulierung, hohe Energiekosten, Steuern und Abgaben und on top noch ein mindset, das Innovation und unternehmerischem Erfolg misstraut. Das ist Gift für unseren Binnenmarkt, das ist Gift für Wirtschaftswachstum.

    Und wer jetzt die Lösung in neuen Steuern, Umverteilung und Subventionen sieht, ist doch aus der Zeit gefallen. Wir machen die EU nicht fit für die Zukunft mit Ideen von gestern, sondern mit strukturellen Reformen. Für mehr Wirtschaftswachstum brauchen wir jetzt einen radikalen Bürokratieabbau und eine Fastenkur für neue EU-Gesetze. Und es muss Schluss sein mit Protektionismus in unserem Binnenmarkt.

    Wachstum muss das Ziel sein, denn eine starke Wirtschaft schafft Arbeitsplätze, finanziert Bildung und unseren Sozialstaat und sorgt auch dafür, dass wir uns verteidigen können. Ein starker Binnenmarkt ist die Grundlage für unsere Gesellschaft, unseren Zusammenhalt und unsere Sicherheit.

     
       

     

      Anna Cavazzini, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Lieber Enrico Letta, erst einmal vielen Dank für deinen Bericht und die gute Zusammenarbeit mit diesem Haus, insbesondere mit dem Ausschuss für Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz. Einige Leute sind ja fest davon überzeugt – und Gabriele hat es schon gesagt –, dass man sich nicht in einen EU-Binnenmarkt verlieben kann; einer davon hieß Jacques Delors.

    Aber ich muss schon sagen, dass die aktuelle Binnenmarktgesetzgebung ziemlich attraktiv ist, ein Schlüssel gegen die multiplen Krisen unserer Zeit. Mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte legen wir demokratische Regeln für die Onlinewelt fest. Mit der Gesetzgebung für die Kreislaufwirtschaft und dem Recht auf Reparatur machen wir Nachhaltigkeit zur Norm auf dem Binnenmarkt. Und – das ist wirklich ein Projekt zum Verlieben – das gemeinsame Ladekabel macht endlich Schluss mit unserem Kabelsalat in den Schubladen. Diese Beispiele zeigen, dass sich die Aufgabe, einen gemeinsamen europäischen Markt zu schaffen, in den letzten 30 Jahren weiterentwickelt hat.

    Von der Veränderung des Marktes mit seinen vier Freiheiten – Waren, Dienstleistungen, Kapital und Menschen – nutzen wir ihn heute immer mehr, um unsere gemeinsamen politischen Ziele zu erreichen: Souveränität, die Regulierung von großen Tech-Unternehmen, die Stärkung von Rechten von Verbrauchern und vor allem auch der Schutz unseres Planeten und des Klimas.

    Und das ist auch die Geschichte – finde ich –, die wir den Bürgern heute erzählen müssen. Tatsächlich wird sich niemand in die abstrakte Idee der wirtschaftlichen Integration verlieben. Aber die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der EU wollen hohe Verbraucherschutzstandards, eine gesunde Wirtschaft, Umweltschutz; und der Binnenmarkt und unsere Binnenmarktregeln können all das liefern, wenn wir es richtig machen.

    Ich finde, wenn wir die Unterstützung unserer Bürger erhalten wollen, muss der Binnenmarkt sie schützen. Riesige Proteste in ganz Europa und zwei gescheiterte EU-Verfassungsreferenden waren damals die Folge, als die Kommission bei der Marktintegration mit der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie zu weit gegangen ist. Dieses Parlament hat damals, 2006, den Vorschlag geändert und ausgewogener gestaltet. Wir haben in den vergangenen Jahren erfolgreich für eine stärkere soziale Dimension des Binnenmarktes gekämpft und müssen dies auch weiterhin tun.

    Ja, viele unsinnige Hürden im Binnenmarkt müssen schnellstens abgebaut werden. Aber Marktintegration darf niemals, aber auch niemals zum Abbau von Schutzstandards führen.

     
       

     

      Νικόλας Φαραντούρης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητέ κύριε Letta, σας καλωσορίζω στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Καλωσορίζουμε κάποιες από τις προτάσεις σας, όπως αυτές για μια κοινή φορολογική πολιτική ή για μια κοινή ευρωπαϊκή βιομηχανική πολιτική. Δεν με βρίσκει όμως σύμφωνο η περαιτέρω απορρύθμιση των εργασιακών σχέσεων και η αποκλειστική έμφαση μονάχα στην κινητικότητα των επενδύσεων.

    Επίσης, σας καλώ, εσάς και την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, να λάβετε υπόψη σας το γεγονός ότι ένας βασικός πυλώνας της εσωτερικής αγοράς από δημιουργίας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, η πολιτική ανταγωνισμού, οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού και η αντιμονοπωλιακή νομοθεσία, σε πολλές χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και στην ίδια την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν λειτουργεί. Υπάρχουν χώρες, όπως για παράδειγμα η δική μου χώρα, η Ελλάδα, όπου είναι απολύτως καρτελοποιημένοι κάποιοι κρίσιμοι κλάδοι της οικονομίας, όπως επίσης και κλάδοι βασικών κοινωνικών αγαθών. Γι’ αυτό, θα πρέπει να ενταθούν οι προσπάθειες, ξανά από την αρχή, ώστε οι βασικοί πυλώνες της εσωτερικής αγοράς, όπως είναι οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού, να γίνονται σεβαστοί και εφαρμόζονται αυστηρά.

    Καλώ, λοιπόν, την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, στο πλαίσιο του ευρωπαϊκού δικτύου ανταγωνισμού, να δείξει μεγαλύτερη προσοχή σε καρτελοποιημένες αγορές και να δώσει μεγαλύτερη έμφαση στην κοινωνική διάσταση της εσωτερικής αγοράς.

     
       

     

      René Aust, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Der Binnenmarkt ist eine der größten Errungenschaften der europäischen Zusammenarbeit. Er ist ein lebendiges Beispiel dafür, wie souveräne Nationen gemeinsam ihre Ziele erreichen können, wenn sie ihre Kräfte in einem wichtigen Bereich bündeln. Der Binnenmarkt hat Innovationen angeregt und für zusätzlichen Wohlstand in Europa gesorgt.

    Doch heute sehen wir leider, dass sich die Europäische Union immer weiter von diesen zentralen Aufgaben entfernt. Statt sich auf ihre wenigen, aber entscheidenden Aufgaben zu konzentrieren, wie eben den Binnenmarkt, den Schutz unserer gemeinsamen europäischen Außengrenzen oder auch die Koordination einer gesamteuropäischen Verteidigungsgemeinschaft, mischt sie sich in immer mehr Lebensbereiche ein, in denen sie eigentlich nichts zu suchen hat.

    Anstatt den Schwerpunkt auf grenzüberschreitende Herausforderungen wie Handel, Wettbewerb, Innovation oder gemeinsame Sicherheitsstandards zu legen, wird die EU zunehmend zu einem Gemischtwarenladen, der sich um alles Mögliche kümmert, vom Weltklima bis zur Genderideologie, aber das Wesentliche vernachlässigt. Diese Überdehnung der EU-Aufgaben schreckt private Investoren und Entrepreneure ab und schadet damit ganz Europa. Doch jede Kritik an dieser Entwicklung wird sofort als antieuropäisch verunglimpft und sehr schnell in die Ecke der Europafeinde gesteckt.

    Dabei braucht Europa eine Rückbesinnung auf das, was wirklich wichtig ist, und nationale Souveränität ist eine Voraussetzung für eine funktionierende europäische Zusammenarbeit. Darum kann man uns Patrioten auch die Zukunft Europas anvertrauen, weil wir eben verstanden haben, dass mehr nicht immer besser ist. Wir wollen eine handlungsfähige Gemeinschaft europäischer Nationalstaaten, die den Binnenmarkt fortentwickelt, die Außengrenzen sichert und unseren Kontinent schützt.

     
       

     

      Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, a participação da União Europeia na economia global está a cair. As economias asiáticas ultrapassam‑nos a uma velocidade vertiginosa, tal como o relatório de Enrico Letta e o relatório de Mário Draghi o confirmam. As condições de vida dos europeus estão a degradar‑se. O PIB per capita nos Estados Unidos cresceu o dobro do europeu desde que foi criado o Mercado Único, em 1993. Portanto, não podemos continuar a ficar para trás.

    E o mais chocante é a nossa produção de bens essenciais, incluindo em áreas como a saúde, que desceu de 53 % para menos de 25 % em pouco mais de duas décadas. Estamos dependentes de outros, quando nunca precisámos tanto de garantir a nossa autonomia estratégica.

    Enrico Letta disse‑o ainda há pouco, mas continuamos, infelizmente, a ver mais de 300 mil milhões de EUR das poupanças dos europeus serem desviadas para fora da Europa. É trágico, porque estamos a financiar a economia dos outros, em vez de fortalecermos a nossa.

    Queremos ter um mercado mais competitivo, então precisamos de uma união bancária completa. Queremos proteger as poupanças dos nossos cidadãos e relançar a inovação, precisamos de uma união de mercado de capitais. E, acima de tudo, precisamos mesmo de reformar o mercado único europeu, acrescentando‑lhe a livre circulação do conhecimento, porque só com investigação e inovação seremos capazes de ter mais empresas competitivas a nível global.

    Creio que já temos relatórios o quanto basta. Precisamos mesmo é de decisões, e está na hora de as tomarmos.

    (A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhora Presidente, fazer a defesa do mercado único a partir da apologia da política de concorrência, ignorando a concentração e a centralização a que essa política e esse mercado têm conduzido, não nos serve de muito. Basta olhar para o setor bancário português e perceber que, sem o aprofundamento do mercado único, ficaram os bancos todos nas mãos de capital estrangeiro, com exceção da Caixa Geral de Depósitos, que, por ser pública, continua a ser nacional.

    Trazer aqui a defesa do mercado único a partir da ideia de que é isso que permite reduzir os preços – quando o setor energético mostra exatamente o contrário, com o aumento dos custos da energia – ou agora a partir do setor financeiro, achando que é isso que resolve os problemas, pode servir às multinacionais, mas não serve um país como Portugal, Senhora Deputada.

     
       


     

      Camilla Laureti (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie a Enrico Letta per il rapporto. Alexander Langer diceva che la conversione ecologica potrà affermarsi solo se apparirà socialmente desiderabile: per questo in Europa servono investimenti comuni, perché il Green Deal è una rivoluzione necessaria che impatta sul modello di sviluppo e sulla vita delle persone, e nelle persone può generare paura.

    Se sapremo realizzarlo, avremo i cittadini al nostro fianco, le aziende più competitive e un’Europa più forte. Gli Stati Uniti, la Cina e l’India stanno andando veloci e in questa direzione – l’Europa non può permettersi di restare indietro. La risposta è un sistema comunitario di aiuti di Stato: dobbiamo integrare i principi dell’economia circolare per spingere sostenibilità e competitività.

    La libertà di muoversi, dice anche Letta nel rapporto, deve essere una scelta – oggi non lo è. Un terzo della popolazione europea vive in regioni che da anni sono immobili: le aree interne d’Europa. Qui si vince la sfida della crescita sostenibile, fatta di investimenti comuni, capaci di garantire i servizi di interesse generale per non lasciare indietro nessuno.

     
       

     

      Enikő Győri (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Az egységes piac az Unió legközérthetőbb értéke. Az olcsóbb repülés, vagy annak előnye, hogy otthoni szeretteinkkel ingyen telefonálhatunk, nem szorul magyarázatra. Persze szereztünk keserű tapasztalatokat is. Szolgáltatási irányelv, kiküldött munkavállalók, mobilitási csomag. Ezek elfogadásakor a Bizottság mindig a nyugat-európaiak érdekét tartotta előbbre valónak.

    Ahol az EU keleti fele versenyképesebb, ott nem akarta lebontani az akadályokat. A feladat tehát csak, hogy olyan területeken mélyítsük az egységes piacot, mely fokozza a versenyképességet, és földrajzi helytől függetlenül megkönnyíti a polgárok és cégek életét. Ne központosítsunk ott, ahol a kisebbek vagy fejletlenebbek rosszul állnak. Több összeköttetés tehát, de például az energia- vagy telekommunikációs szektor centralizáltásával bánjunk csínján, ne tűnjenek el a helyi szereplők, ne dráguljon a szolgáltatás. A pénzügyi piacok közötti átjárhatóság jó irány, de legyünk óvatosak a nemzeti felügyeletek egységesítésével, ne fojtsuk meg a kisebb nemzeti tőkepiacokat, amelyek nélkül nincs helyi ökoszisztéma.

    Elnök úr említette az ötödik szabadságot, a tudás mozgását. Ez nagyon klassz. Csak kérdezem, hogy az Európai Bizottság miért blokkolja a magyar kutatók részvételét a Horizont programban, vagy a magyar diákok mozgását az Erasmus program keretein belül? Regionális különbségek kiegyenlítése nélkül nincs versenyképesség. Az agyelszívás ellen tenni kell. Ösztönözni kell a helyben boldogulást. Tartsuk meg a kohéziós politikát, hiszen ezt az egységes piac ellensúlyozására találták ki, hol nehézségeket okozott. Ezt fenn kell tartani kondicionalitás nélkül, mert az durva politikai eszközzé vált a Bizottság kezében.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Presidente Letta, la relazione che discutiamo oggi mette in luce una delle sfide cruciali: il rafforzamento del mercato unico è senza dubbio un obiettivo fondamentale per il futuro dell’Unione europea.

    Tuttavia, non possiamo ignorare le criticità evidenti. Le eccessive regolamentazioni burocratiche rappresentano un ostacolo reale che rischia di soffocare l’innovazione e la crescita delle PMI. Se poi ci troviamo di fronte a perfidie come quella della direttiva ETS, giusto per citarne una, che mette a rischio la competitività delle infrastrutture portuali del Mediterraneo – come il porto di Gioia Tauro – con forti ricadute anche sul livello occupazionale, non parliamo di mercato unico, bensì di un distorto mercato unico.

    Per rilanciare la nostra competitività nell’ambito del mercato unico abbiamo bisogno di una politica economica adeguata e solidale, accompagnata da regole che vadano incontro alle esigenze di tutti gli Stati membri. Per questo è essenziale che il mercato unico non diventi un vantaggio riservato solo ad alcune aree: serve un mercato unico realmente inclusivo, che possa offrire opportunità anche alle regioni meno sviluppate, mettendo al centro l’uomo e non le “eco-follie”, e che sia a favore di famiglie, consumatori e imprese.

     
       

     

      Sandro Gozi (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, caro Enrico, le plus grand succès de l’Union, le marché unique, doit être renouvelé et complété. «Rico» Letta l’affirme avec force, et il a raison.

    Renouvelé, car il est impossible de réussir la transition écologique et numérique sans rendre le marché unique plus durable et plus simplifié pour les producteurs et pour les consommateurs. Complété, car il faut éliminer tous les obstacles qui empêchent les PME d’en profiter pleinement et qui nous empêchent d’avoir une union de l’énergie, des télécoms, des capitaux et des investissements. Le coût de la «non-Europe» est trop grand pour ne pas agir. L’approfondissement du marché européen pourrait générer jusqu’à 1,1 trillion d’euros de production économique supplémentaire par an.

    Il est aussi urgent – le rapport le dit très bien – de dégager les ressources sociales et économiques nécessaires à l’accompagnement du pacte vert et de la transition numérique.

    Enfin, nous devons développer une dimension extérieure du marché unique en lien avec notre politique commerciale. Dans ce cadre, nous devons également réformer les marchés publics, qui doivent aussi nous aider à réduire notre dépendance vis-à-vis des pays tiers. Cela doit être notre grande mission pour l’innovation et la compétitivité.

     
       


     

      Marcin Sypniewski (ESN). – Pani Przewodnicząca, Szanowni Państwo, jestem posłem od kilku miesięcy i jestem szczerze zdumiony, że w tym krótkim czasie po raz kolejny debatujemy nad nowym sprawozdaniem, które ma nam wskazać, jak mamy stać się bardziej konkurencyjni, bogatsi, silniejsi czy piękniejsi. Najwyraźniej oprócz biegunki legislacyjnej mamy również do czynienia z biegunką ekspertyz, analiz i sprawozdań. Zamiast tego polecam poczytać Rothbarda, Misesa czy Hayeka, których dzieła przetrwały próbę czasu we wskazywaniu, co jest dobre dla rozwoju gospodarczego i wolności jednostki.

    Noblista Fryderyk von Hayek wskazuje, że wiedza w swojej naturze jest rozproszona. To rynek za pośrednictwem cen przesyła informacje do przedsiębiorców i konsumentów. Dzięki temu rynek samodzielnie się stabilizuje i dostosowuje się do zmieniających się warunków i potrzeb. Politycy i urzędnicy nie są do tego w ogóle potrzebni. Alternatywą dla takiego spontanicznego i rozproszonego działania jest centralne planowanie, które wielokrotnie wprowadzane zawsze zawodziło, ponieważ politycy nigdy nie posiądą całości rozproszonej wiedzy.

    Rynek nie jest tabelką w Excelu, ale żywym, dynamicznie zmieniającym się organizmem, a prawdziwymi przywódcami na rynku są konsumenci. To ich wymagania starają się spełnić przedsiębiorcy. Rozwiązaniem, które ewentualnie pobudziłoby rynek, jest porzucenie praw własności intelektualnej w postaci chociażby patentów. Informacja może przecież znajdować się w kilku miejscach jednocześnie, bez wzajemnej szkody. Nie jest to dobro rzadkie, dlatego nie powinno być chronione jak własność prywatna. Własność intelektualna to sztuczny twór, a jej ochrona jest fikcją prawną. Chcecie bogactwa i dobrej przyszłości? Postawcie na rynek, a nie na biurokrację i na sprawozdania.

     
       


     

      Mohammed Chahim (S&D). – Voorzitter, de heer Letta is vrij helder in zijn analyse, net zoals de heer Draghi kort daarna. Het gaat echt ergens over, namelijk hoe kunnen we onze interne markt versterken? Hoe kunnen we de eenheid van Europa versterken? Hoe zorgen we ervoor dat we een sterke concurrentie krijgen binnen Europa, maar vooral ook met de rest van de wereld? En dit gebaseerd op een gelijk speelveld, op innovatie en op vergroening?

    Simpel gezegd zijn er twee stromingen in Europa: enerzijds conservatief rechts, dat de ontwikkelingen buiten de EU negeert, blind is voor de massale groene investeringen in de VS en wegkijkt van de modernisering van de Chinese economie; anderzijds een stroming die deze ontwikkelingen wil inhalen door meer – en niet minder – op Europese schaal samen te werken, te investeren in groene technologieën en ons niet te blijven blindstaren, zoals Draghi zei, op onze deels verouderde industrie.

    De keuze is simpel. Kiezen we voor modernisering en vergroening en dus voor vooruitgang? Of kiezen we voor nostalgie en stilstand?

    (De spreker stemt ermee in om te antwoorden op een “blauwe kaart”-vraag)

     
       



     

      Roman Haider (PfE). – Frau Präsidentin! Der Letta-Bericht benennt viele Probleme des Binnenmarkts richtig: steigende Energiepreise, mangelhafte Infrastruktur, vor allem bei den Hochleistungsbahnstrecken, Rückstand bei den Zukunftstechnologien, Überbürokratisierung vor allem. Das ist alles richtig; es ist nicht neu, aber es stimmt. So richtig aber die Analyse und die Diagnose im Letta-Bericht ist, so falsch sind leider die Vorschläge zur Verbesserung. Das war beim Draghi-Bericht so, und das ist auch beim Letta-Bericht so.

    Den beiden fällt zur Lösung der Probleme der EU nur eines ein: noch mehr EU, noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel, noch mehr EU-Institutionen, eine neue Fiskalkapazität, die Kapitalunion, und dabei ist aber genau das das Problem. Noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel bedeuten noch mehr Bürokratie, noch mehr unnütze Vorschriften, noch weniger Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten.

    Es ist höchst an der Zeit für neue Wege, für weniger Zentralismus, für weniger EU, für mehr Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten, mehr Subsidiarität und mehr Freiheit.

     
       

     

      Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Premierze! Od sukcesu jednolitego rynku zależy przyszłość Unii Europejskiej. Ten bardzo dobry projekt gospodarczy wciąż jest jednak daleki od ideału, gdyż ogranicza potencjał rozwojowy wszystkich państw członkowskich. Wreszcie możemy o tym głośno mówić.

    Istnieje wiele barier dla firm, zwłaszcza małych i średnich, które chcą prowadzić działalność ponad granicami w sektorze usług, transporcie, budownictwie czy handlu internetowym. Już zidentyfikowane problemy, takie jak geoblocking, gold-plating czy nadmierne i uciążliwe kontrole, skutecznie należy zwalczać. Europejski Zielony Ład jest wyłącznie kolejną taką barierą dla wzrostu gospodarczego.

    Nierealistyczne cele klimatyczne w takich obszarach jak rolnictwo, motoryzacja, transport czy budownictwo muszą zostać w tej kadencji Parlamentu zmienione. Zacznijmy w końcu deregulować, umożliwiać małym i średnim przedsiębiorstwom dostęp do rynków zagranicznych, wspierać innowacje i cyfryzację. To przełoży się na wzrost zatrudnienia oraz niższe ceny towarów i usług dla Europejczyków.

     
       

     

      Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Madam President, the Letta report and the Draghi report are a wake-up call for the European Union in terms of digitisation, the Green Deal, our knowledge economy, investing in innovation, research and development, ensuring that we have growth and competitiveness. The single market, the internal market, is a cornerstone on which all of this is built, and we have to protect it and ensure that it prospers and flourishes.

    The fact of the matter is, at the moment we are very short on capital in the European Union to invest in all of the above. So we have to advance the Capital Markets Union and the Banking Union to ensure that we have the capital to invest in the knowledge economy, in the Green Deal and other areas of research and development.

    The free movement of people, goods and services and capital is the cornerstone. Of course, we do have some in this Chamber who are even trying to undermine the basic principle of free movement of people. We have to be very conscious that we can’t cherry‑pick the Single Market – free movement of capital, goods, services and people is the cornerstone and we must all defend it to the last.

    More broadly, over the next number of months, we have to ensure that we respond to the Letta report and the Draghi report in what they observe are the challenges ahead for our competitiveness.

     
       


     

      Fulvio Martusciello (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, come sottolineato nella sua relazione e in quella di Mario Draghi, un solido mercato unico europeo è essenziale per la competitività delle imprese, perché può stimolare la crescita economica e l’innovazione, garantendo accesso al mercato ed eliminando la burocrazia inutile.

    L’Europa però ha bisogno di una forte strategia industriale per le tecnologie e le catene del valore, che promuova competitività, sostenibilità e innovazione. Questa strategia deve sviluppare una visione coerente, che dia priorità ad un quadro normativo, con politiche basate su dati scientifici e valutazioni di impatto approfondite, fornendo alle imprese la stabilità di cui hanno bisogno. Da questo punto di vista riteniamo molto positive le lettere di missione sulla creazione di una vera e propria economia circolare competitiva.

    Negli ultimi decenni le aziende europee hanno infatti investito miliardi di euro in tecnologie all’avanguardia, hanno generato enormi progressi nell’eco-design di prodotti, nella sicurezza dei consumatori e nell’industria del riciclo, dove l’Italia e l’Europa detengono posizioni di leadership mondiale, sia in termini di innovazione industriale che di sostenibilità ambientale.

    Purtroppo, l’eccesso di regolamentazione degli ultimi anni ha generato un’enorme incertezza, spingendo interi settori industriali a posticipare i propri investimenti, compromettendo gli obiettivi di crescita complessivi, con spreco di tempo e di risorse.

    In questo mandato sarà dunque necessario evitare a tutti i costi di produrre ulteriori iniziative legislative motivate da logiche falsamente ambientaliste e non basate su evidenze scientifiche, che rischiano di penalizzare le imprese europee. Sarà imperativo garantire la conformità con le norme europee da parte dei Paesi terzi, garantendo standard che riducano la dipendenza dai fornitori esteri e rafforzino la competitività dell’industria e delle economie europee per affrontare le sfide delle concorrenze globali di Cina e Stati Uniti.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor Letta, señorías, treinta años después de su creación, el informe Letta nos brinda una oportunidad única para avanzar hacia el futuro del mercado único en tres aspectos clave:

    En primer lugar, inspirados por Jacques Delors, apoyamos su idea de añadir una nueva libertad a la libertad de movimiento, que es la libertad de permanecer en el rincón de la Unión Europea que queramos. No queremos solo una Unión donde podamos movernos libremente en busca de una vida mejor: también queremos cohesión, oportunidades y desarrollo en todas las regiones de la Unión Europea, y acceso a la vivienda para proteger las zonas rurales y las más pobladas.

    En segundo lugar, necesitamos profundizar en la integración del mercado de capitales y el de las telecomunicaciones porque, como bien dice el señor Letta, no es coherente que compartamos una moneda única, pero tengamos aún fronteras digitales y prefijos nacionales.

    Y, en tercer lugar, la quinta libertad, la del conocimiento y la innovación. Nos quedan cinco años para profundizar en el mercado único y hacer que más europeos se enamoren de esta idea, tal como quería Jacques Delors, en contra de la extrema derecha que está aquí en esta Cámara sentada.

     
       

     

      Roberts Zīle (ECR). – Priekšsēdētājas kundze! Godātais Lettes kungs, es pilnīgi piekrītu jūsu ziņojumam, ka vienotais tirgus ir kaut kas vairāk kā tirgus, un arī jūsu norādītām nepilnībām gan sektoru ziņā: finanses, enerģētika, telekomunikācijas un it īpaši privātā kapitāla izvietošana.

    Ja kopumā Eiropā ir 33 triljonu eiro uzkrātā kapitāla un katru gadu 300 miljardi eiro tiek investēti ārpus Eiropas Savienības, Amerikā un citās vietās, tad kaut kas nav kārtībā ar šo. Un ar publisko naudu vien mēs nespēsim izdarīt tos uzdevumus, kas ir nepieciešami Eiropas Savienībai gan militārās industrijas jomā, gan zaļā kursa, gan paplašināšanās, gan citās jomās.

    Jūsu ieteiktās zāles arī ļoti vērā ņemamas par piekto pamatbrīvību, par Uzkrājumu un investīciju savienību. Bet dažas zāles, kā, teiksim, radīt siltumnīcas apstākļos Eiropas čempionus, kas var kļūt par globāliem čempioniem, es ļoti baidos, ka tas to nesasniegs. Vēl jo vairāk tas var noplicināt no perifērijas gan naudas resursus, gan arī cilvēku – gudrāko cilvēku – resursus uz dažiem centriem Eiropā, kas varbūt nebūs Eiropas Savienības veiksmes stāsts.

     
       


     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Madam President, Mr Letta, you’re absolutely right when you say that the single market is the best tool that we have to increase opportunities, improve our well-being and the living standards for all of the citizens across the European Union. And we absolutely can’t take it for granted, because if we do, it’s going to fail. Your report, which is really welcome, helps to illuminate many of the current problems that we are seeing and that the single market is facing.

    Europe’s economy is not growing strongly enough. Our small businesses are not given the opportunity to grow and to scale up. Approximately 30 % of the high-value companies founded in the EU between 2008 and 2021 relocated their headquarters out of the EU, and mostly to the US. Some 60 % of the issues that we identified by businesses in 2002 still exist in the European market today, because progress on removing the barriers has been so slow, and it’s particularly true in the case of our service industry.

    We see the distorting effects of current rules around the EU state aid rules, which allow larger countries to subsidise businesses at the expense of smaller ones, like my own, Ireland. In 2023, almost 80 % of EU state aid came from just two Member States, and 85 % from three Member States.

    Europe will not be able to spend its way out to growth. Instead, we must reduce the unnecessary red tape and bureaucracy that everybody has been speaking about daily since I arrived here in June. But it’s also vital to avoid EU protectionism in the form of high external tariffs, a hostility towards investment from third countries and an over-reliance on those subsidies.

     
       

     

      Estelle Ceulemans (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur Letta, Mesdames et Messieurs les Commissaires, chers collègues, il est aussi bon de rappeler que le rapport de M. Letta sera – Mme von der Leyen l’a elle-même dit – l’un des fils rouges de la prochaine Commission. Il était donc vraiment important que vous veniez nous le présenter et que nous puissions en débattre aujourd’hui.

    Merci, Monsieur Letta, de reprendre les mots de Jacques Delors, artisan du marché unique, qui nous dit que le marché n’est pas une fin en soi: il est là pour améliorer la vie des citoyens, qui ne sont pas que des consommateurs. Le marché unique a en effet permis de développer la prospérité et la compétitivité, mais il a aussi creusé les disparités et la pauvreté – comme cela a été dit dans le débat précédent, qui nous rappelle que, malheureusement, 1 Européen sur 5 fait face à un risque de pauvreté.

    Merci, donc, Monsieur Letta, de rappeler que le marché ne peut fonctionner que sur la base de politiques sociales fortes, et de rappeler aussi qu’il faut, sous cette législature, investir dans les deux transitions, pour qu’elles soient justes. Je voudrais rappeler aussi que nous attendons de la prochaine Commission qu’elle s’engage, tout comme l’a fait M. Nicolas Schmit, sur des matières sociales importantes.

     
       

     

      Adrian-George Axinia (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, piața unică europeană este o idee foarte bună, care, din păcate, în anumite domenii de activitate nu funcționează așa cum trebuie. Vă dau trei exemple: piața de energie, acolo unde România, care produce mai multă electricitate decât consumă, plătește cele mai mari facturi din Uniunea Europeană. A doua disfuncționalitate, care este încă nerezolvată, ține de agricultură. În continuare, cerealele și anumite produse alimentare exportate din Ucraina ajung pe piața românească, bulgărească sau poloneză și creează o concurență neloială producătorilor agricoli autohtoni.

    Merită subliniat și refuzul implementării procesului de convergență externă, care ar trebui să ducă la egalizarea subvențiilor pentru fermieri în toate țările Uniunii Europene. Nu în ultimul rând, recent, Curtea de Justiție a Uniunii Europene a declarat nelegale mai multe prevederi din pachetul de mobilitate orientate împotriva transportatorilor din România, ceea ce confirmă raportul Draghi. Există în continuare o suprareglementare a pieței unice și aceasta afectează competiția liberă. Aș mai puncta și faptul că uciderea spațiului Schengen de către țările care introduc controale generale la frontieră și statele care țin încă România și Bulgaria pe margine afectează în continuare buna funcționare a pieței unice.

     
       

     

      Ľudovít Ódor (Renew). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, tak ako vidíme aj z tejto diskusie, skutočný jednotný trh je niečo, na čom vieme stavať aj v tomto Parlamente, a musíme v najbližších rokoch urobiť maximum pre to, aby sme tento koncept rozšírili aj na ďalšie sektory. Rád by som upozornil na tri veci, ktoré sú pre mňa prioritné. Po prvé, svet sa zmenšil a trhy sa trošku zmenili. V digitálnom svete dominujú tí najlepší. Víťaz berie takmer všetko, dosť dobre už nestačí. Potrebujeme naozaj silných európskych globálnych hráčov, a nie desiatky trpaslíkov. Po druhé, svet inovácií je aj o riziku. Bohužiaľ, náš bankami dominovaný finančný systém, a ako aj občania preferujú menej rizika, a preto bez Únie, úspor a investícií, ako aj lepšej finančnej gramotnosti to tak aj zostane. Peniaze máme, no nevieme ich dostať k inovatívnym firmám. A po tretie, pri dobrých nápadoch a podnikaní nemôžeme tolerovať bariéry pri prechode každej vnútornej hranice.

     
       


     

      Marc Angel (S&D). – Madam President, the single market is the crown jewel of the European construction, and in my eyes gives the EU a competitive advantage. A stronger single market means a more competitive Europe.

    Mr Letta, as your excellent report shows, we can improve a lot and we must perfect it. We need better implementation of the existing rules. We need to ensure that it contributes to a more sustainable and a more social Europe, and we need to consider strengthening integration in crucial sectors, as a stronger single energy market, for example, driven notably by better interconnectivity, can lead to more secure and affordable energy and cheaper electricity bills for companies and our citizens.

    Furthermore, for the S&D Group, more integration means more competitiveness for our companies, better consumer protection and more prosperity for Europeans – while adopting national solutions will lead to more fragmentation and ultimately a weaker Europe.

    Further harmonisation of rules also means less bureaucracy and a reduced administrative burden for our companies, especially for SMEs, which will no longer have to navigate through a jungle of 27 different sets of national rules.

    So let us leverage the power of integration to tap into the full potential of the single market.

     
       

     

      Ivars Ijabs (Renew). – Madam President, thank you, Mr Letta, for your excellent report. Well, of course, the single market is a strength of the EU: it’s the main instrument. This is how we achieve our goals. But what are actually our goals today? Let me remind you that the Russian aggression in Ukraine is still going on. And the Russian attack on an EU country is possibly, still, a question of the nearest future.

    And that’s why I really like the part in your report which deals with a common market for security and defence industries. This is a real necessity for the EU right now. Some 80 % of the military help to Ukraine is right now spent on non-European materials.

    But how to achieve that common market? European investment in defence is lagging. It is very seriously hindered by red tape, by excessive regulatory requirements, by fragmentation. There is an immense potential of a single market in defence industry, but one must have a political will to implement it – and quickly. Time is running out.

     
       

     

      Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione Letta, unitamente a quella del Presidente Draghi, arrivano all’inizio di questa legislatura, che io vorrei diventasse riformatrice, ambiziosa, coraggiosa ma responsabile, perché l’Unione europea non sia più spettatrice in una scena globale ma diventi protagonista.

    E abbiamo gli strumenti per farlo: un mercato unico che in questi anni non solo è stato strumento di integrazione ma ha consentito la nostra crescita economica e la prosperità, uno strumento che va semplificato da un punto di vista burocratico, ma soprattutto rafforzato, per esprimere ulteriormente le sue potenzialità e affrontare le nuove opportunità.

    Così come è necessario arrivare a un mercato unico dell’energia, un mercato finanziario che permetta ovviamente di garantire condizioni di competitività. E allora noi abbiamo davanti a noi sfide importanti, per le quali solo un mercato unico forte potrà garantirci un futuro all’altezza delle nostre ambizioni climatiche, sociali e produttive.

     
       

     

      Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, señor Letta, es un placer tenerle aquí en un momento en el que estamos empezando a definir las prioridades de este mandato y, sin duda, acelerar la integración del mercado único —especialmente en el ámbito de los servicios, donde aún tenemos relevantes problemas, como ha expuesto en su informe— es absolutamente necesario.

    Pero me va a permitir decirle que lo que más me ha llamado la atención del informe es la exigencia de evitar la huida de ahorro europeo a otras jurisdicciones. Porque algunos llevamos años en esta Cámara pidiendo reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente de algunos países —superávits por cuenta corriente que, en algunos casos, llegan a dos dígitos en relación con el PIB de esos países— y, ciertamente, en los debates que teníamos aquí en estos años, nadie o muy pocos me seguían.

    Y yo creo que es importante que, ahora que pedimos que el ahorro se invierta en Europa, seamos capaces de explicar a la Cámara que lo que estamos pidiendo es más demanda interna y reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente que ahogan el crecimiento de la Unión Europea.

     
       

     

      Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, zajedničko tržište jedno je od najvećih europskih postignuća.

    Svaka kriza produbljuje nejednakosti na tržištu, bogati se još više bogate, siromašni postaju još siromašniji. Troškovi života najveći su problem u cijeloj Europskoj uniji, a nejednakosti između i unutar država članica u cijenama, plaćama, mirovinama i stopi siromaštva se samo povećavaju.

    Izvješće ističe zaštitu potrošača kao jedan od uvjeta za pošteno tržište, ali geoblocking, teritorijalne barijere, viši rast cijena hrane u istočnoj Europi samo su neki od gorućih problema. Izvješće hvali Zakon o osnaživanju potrošača u zelenoj tranziciji na koju sam i sama ponosna, ali rješenje je provedba naših pravila u svakom dijelu Europske unije. Više od 80 posto građana moje zemlje smatra da su potrošači nezaštićeni protiv tržišnih igrača.

    Moramo ojačati europske alate, potrošačke udruge, inspekcijski nadzor i svijest građana o vlastitim pravima. Ne smijemo biti oni tamo negdje u Bruxellesu. Mi moramo raditi za ljude.

     
       


       

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      Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, gospodin Letta ispravno govori o tome što ubrzanje integracije unutarnjeg tržišta ima jednu geopolitičku važnost u današnjim uvjetima.

    Ja bih to nadopunio time što unutarnje tržište moramo isto tako i povezati s procesom proširenja. Pogledajmo, na primjer, situaciju na zapadnom Balkanu, ima puno političkih problema. Ne smijemo čekati da se oni riješe, da te zemlje postanu punopravne članice, nego bismo ih već prije mogli, doduše možda na jedan postupni način, ali već prije mogli integrirati u naše jedinstveno tržište. Kao što, na primjer, činimo kada je u pitanju roaming. Mislim da je to jedan dobar primjer, ali moramo to proširiti i na druge slobode.

    Na taj način će i ljudi u toj regiji imati svoje pravo na ostanak, a Europska unija će imati veći utjecaj i više će pridonijeti stabilnosti tog dijela europskog kontinenta.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, domnule Letta, vă salut și în această săptămână. Aș spune multe. În primul rând vă felicit: este o radiografie corectă, dar nu numai o radiografie, sunt și măsuri concrete. V-aș întreba, estimați dumneavoastră oare cât din acest raport se va aplica? Pentru că, iată, noua comisie nu are un comisar, nu există un portofoliu pentru piața internă. Cine se ocupă atunci de piața internă? Cum să ne ducem la măsurile concrete pe care le-ați spus dumneavoastră? Ați spus că piața unică ne unește; este oare o piață unică acum?

    Sunt de acord să avem cea de a cincea libertate de mișcare, dar cel puțin o libertate de mișcare ne lipsește acum, domnule Letta. Știți oare cât a pierdut o țară care de 17 ani nu este în spațiul Schengen și are costuri la transport? Cât a pierdut economia țării mele? Apoi, avem acum, când vorbim, îngrădirea în interiorul spațiului Schengen a granițelor. Deci trebuie – toată piața unică, e adevărat, ați spus că ne unește – dar trebuie să luăm cu pragmatism măsuri care să ducă la rezultate și la o viață mai bună a oamenilor.

     
       

     

      Silvia Sardone (PfE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le istituzioni europee hanno deciso di affidare ad Enrico Letta l’incarico di scrivere una relazione sul futuro dell’Europa. Eh, niente, fa già ridere così.

    Letta è l’ex leader del Partito democratico, ex premier della sinistra in Italia, volto di punta dei socialisti europei: rappresenta praticamente tutti i responsabili del disastro dell’Unione europea degli ultimi anni, tra l’altro sonoramente sconfitti in Italia.

    Per Letta la transizione verde è indispensabile e bisogna accompagnare agricoltori, imprese, industria dell’auto: esattamente ciò che però la sua maggioranza non ha fatto. Anzi, grazie a voi questi settori sono in crisi. Letta ci ricorda che l’Europa non deve cedere sul ruolo di leader nel settore manifatturiero: ma è proprio grazie ai vincoli, tasse e burocrazia volute dall’Europa che ci troviamo in questa condizione.

    Enrico Letta: uno che ha uno strano concetto di democrazia e ci ha tenuto a dire che i cordoni sanitari sono fondamentali per fermare le destre. Lui, proprio lui, che ha ribadito che servono più migranti regolari per lo sviluppo, andando contro diversi Paesi, anche socialisti, che finalmente dicono che bisogna fermare l’immigrazione.

    Insomma, veramente vogliamo farci dare lezioni da Letta, colui che dice che l’ex ministro Fornero è stato un ministro ottimo quando invece ha solo distrutto il nostro Paese?

     
       


     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, visto a partir do conselho de administração de uma multinacional, o aprofundamento do mercado único pode parecer um filão; visto a partir da realidade dos trabalhadores e dos povos, das micro, pequenas e médias empresas, das possibilidades de desenvolvimento de um país como Portugal, o aprofundamento do mercado único é um pesado fardo que nos arrasta para o fundo.

    Há algumas décadas atrás, o militante do PCP e ex‑deputado deste Parlamento, Sérgio Ribeiro, antecipava que a transferência de instrumentos de política para a esfera supranacional, nomeadamente através da transferência da política monetária e financeira para o BCE, conduziria a uma política tendencialmente única. Por meio do mercado único e das políticas que lhe estão associadas, que o senhor Letta hoje adjetiva de motor de mudança da União Europeia, retirou‑se capacidade de decisão aos governos nacionais, abriu‑se mais espaço à concentração e centralização do capital, colocaram‑se sob ataque os direitos sociais e laborais.

    O aprofundamento do mercado único serve às multinacionais, mas não serve ao desenvolvimento económico nem à justiça social.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Madam President, dear honourable House, dear people of Europe, Mr Letta, before I came here to this Parliament, I finished my law studies at the University of Cologne. During this time, I put a lot of effort into learning the four European freedoms: the freedom to move people, services, goods and capital. And I can tell you, learning all the law-related details – especially the court rulings – that was a pain in the ass, indeed. Names like Dassonville or Cassis de Dijon, who will tell you here nothing, send a shiver down the spine of every law student.

    But at the same time, whenever I opened my books, I felt love for Europe. Because what is Europe if not the idea of freedom? And that’s why, Mr Letta, I would like to take the time to give you my deepest support for one of the main ideas of your report: the implementation of a fifth freedom – the freedom of research, innovation, knowledge and education. Because as Europe is an idea, ideas should roam free on this continent.

     
       

       

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      Giuseppe Lupo (S&D), per iscritto. – Penso che il Parlamento europeo debba condividere e sostenere la strategia della relazione Letta per modernizzare il mercato unico dell’UE.

    Condivido in particolare che, se vogliamo che il mercato unico migliori davvero la vita della gente, deve avere un’anima che è il dialogo sociale, che deve fare partecipare e coinvolgere le persone, la società, i corpi sociali intermedi, i sindacati dei lavoratori e delle imprese, rilanciando il dialogo sociale come lo ha voluto e praticato con successo Jacques Delors, anche grazie alla collaborazione dell’allora segretario della CES, Emilio Gabaglio.

    La grande sfida da affrontare, credo, sia adesso la promozione di una politica fiscale comune, per sostenere con condizioni fiscali di vantaggio le aree territoriali più deboli, superando le differenze dei sistemi fiscali nazionali che ostacolano la leale concorrenza.

     

    14. Implementation of the Single European Sky (debate)


     

      Jens Gieseke, Berichterstatter. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 30 000 Flüge täglich, 600 Mio. Passagiere jährlich, über 500 000 Arbeitsplätze bei Fluggesellschaften, weniger als 17 000 Arbeitsplätze in der nationalen Verkehrskontrolle, überlastete Flughäfen, ein Flickenteppich an Strecken aufgrund der Flugsicherung entlang nationaler Grenzen – das ist das Bild des letzten europäischen Monopols: die Flugsicherungsdienste.

    Ich bin heute hier, um Sie zu bitten: Sagen Sie Ja zu kürzeren Strecken, zu mehr Effizienz, zu mehr Leistungen, zu mehr Zusammenarbeit, und Ja zu einem wirklich europäischen einheitlichen Luftraum. Warum gibt es kein Leistungsüberprüfungsgremium? Warum gibt es nicht ein gemeinsames Leistungssystem? Warum gibt es nicht einen europäischen Netzwerkmanager? Das sind alles wichtige Elemente, um die Leistungen der Flugsicherung zu verbessern und den Schaden für die Passagiere zu begrenzen. Fluglotsen behalten ihren Arbeitsplatz, sie werden weniger gestresst arbeiten, sie werden besser arbeiten, weil sie mit ihren Nachbarn zusammenarbeiten. Ich bin hier, um Ihnen zu sagen: Ja, wir können Flüge sicherer, kürzer, umweltfreundlicher und erschwinglicher für den Durchschnittsbürger der Europäischen Union machen.

    Wir haben hier ein riesiges Potenzial. Milliarden Euro wurden sowohl von der Europäischen Union als auch von privaten Interessenträgern im Rahmen des SESAR-Projektes investiert. SESAR liefert den digitalen europäischen Luftraum. Es liegt nun in unserer Hand, aber wir können uns nicht nur auf Investitionen in Technologien verlassen. Während der technologische Fortschritt durch das SESAR-Programm fortgeschritten ist, sind die Strukturreformen, die hier erforderlich sind, um sowohl die Kapazitäts- als auch die Umweltperformance zu erreichen, seit mehr als einem Jahrzehnt ins Stocken geraten und halten uns in der Vergangenheit fest. Hier haben die Mitgliedstaaten auch nicht mitgemacht, die standen auf der Bremse.

    Sehen Sie sich nun allein diesen Sommer an: Von Juni bis August haben die Flugsicherungen in Europa 16,9 Millionen – ich wiederhole: 16,9 Millionen – Minuten an Verspätungen im europäischen Netzwerk angehäuft. Das waren 41 % mehr als im gesamten Sommer 2023. Zum Vergleich: Im Jahr 2017 – im ganzen Jahr – gab es 15,9 Millionen Minuten. Wenn man die wetterbedingten Verspätungen herausnimmt, dann haben sich die Verspätungen im Vergleich zum Sommer 2023 um 82 % erhöht, und nur sieben nationale Flugsicherungen haben 85 % dieser Verspätungen verursacht.

    Das zeigt, dass die Situation von Jahr zu Jahr schlechter wird – leider –, insbesondere jetzt, da der Flugverkehr wieder das Niveau von vor der Pandemie erreicht hat. Diese Reform, die wir nun hier haben, die wird gebraucht, sie wird dringend gebraucht! Die Schaffung eines wirklich einheitlichen europäischen Luftraums wurde viel zu lange von den Mitgliedstaaten blockiert, die nicht bereit waren, sich auf eine Restrukturierung der Flugsicherung zum Wohle der Allgemeinheit, zum Wohle der Passagiere einzulassen.

    Dank der unermüdlichen Arbeit von Herrn Marian-Jean Marinescu, unserem Berichterstatter der EVP, für den einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum und für EASA in den letzten 16 Jahren werden wir nun in der Lage sein, diese neue Luftraumverordnung umzusetzen. Hier möchte ich aber auch an die großartige Arbeit von Herrn David Maria Sassoli, unserem verstorbenen Parlamentspräsidenten, erinnern, mit dem Herr Marinescu zusammen an der EASA-Grundverordnung gearbeitet hat. Ich möchte aber auch meinen sozialistischen Kollegen Bogusław Liberadzki nicht vergessen, der mit Herrn Marinescu stark zusammengearbeitet hat, so wie es jetzt Johan Danielsson mit mir tut.

    Gestatten Sie mir, Frau Präsidentin, die Mitgliedstaaten nun aufzufordern, die Fehler, die wir noch haben, nun zügig bei der Umsetzung umzuarbeiten. Es besteht ein riesiges Potenzial zum Wohle der Bürgerinnen und Bürger und um am Ende auch die Klimaziele einzuhalten. Also, wir müssen weiterarbeiten.

     
       

     

      Johan Danielsson, Föredragande. – Fru talman! Varje år genomförs omkring en miljard resor med flyg inom EU. Över tid har flyget blivit en allt viktigare del av vår vardag och vår ekonomi. För ett land som Sverige är en välfungerande flygtrafik avgörande. Vi har stora avstånd och är glest befolkade. Flyget knyter samman vårt land, vår kontinent och kopplar oss till omvärlden.

    Men sektorn står inför stora utmaningar. Under 2023 var nästan tre av tio flyg mer än 15 minuter försenade. Den genomsnittliga förseningen per flygning i Europa är cirka 18 minuter. Samtidigt står flyget globalt för omkring 2 till 3 % av våra totala koldioxidutsläpp.

    I dag liknar Europas luftrum ett stort pussel där varje land har sin egen bit, och tyvärr passar inte alla bitar ihop. Det leder till omvägar, till väntetider och till onödiga kostnader. Singel European Sky ska lösa delar av detta pussel. Efter mer än ett decennium av förhandlingar har vi äntligen nått fram till en överenskommelse.

    Lagstiftningen handlar om att göra flyget säkrare, punktligare och klimatvänligare. Det gynnar resenärer, det kommer att gynna industrin och det kommer att gynna klimatet. Och det är ett viktigt steg för att modernisera Europas luftrum.

    Jag vill tacka alla som arbetat med det här förslaget. Ett särskilt tack till tidigare föredragande Bogusław Liberadzki och Marian-Jean Marinescu, som jobbade med detta oförtröttligt under den föregående mandatperioden. Och så ett tack till Jens Gieseke, min medföredragande den här gången. Det visar vad vi kan åstadkomma om vi arbetar tillsammans över partigränserna i det här huset.

    Men låt mig vara tydlig: Singel European Sky är ingen revolution – det är en evolution. Det är en kompromiss som tar oss i rätt riktning. Vi kommer att se förbättringar och effektivitet och samordning. Men även om förändringarna kanske inte blev så stora som vi hade tänkt oss, innehåller det viktiga steg framåt.

    Vi stärker till exempel övervakningen på EU-nivå, vilket kommer att vara avgörande för att säkerställa att våra europeiska regler efterföljs. Förändringarna ger oss en god plattform att bygga vidare på mot ett enhetligt, effektivt och hållbart europeiskt luftrum.

    Enligt beräkningarna kan Singel European Sky bidra till att minska koldioxidutsläppen med upp till 10 % per flygning. Det här är ett viktigt steg och en del av lösningen för att också göra flyget mer hållbart.

    Men vi måste fortsätta arbetet på flera fronter. Vi kommer att behöva säkerställa en marknad för hållbara flygbränslen. Vi kommer att behöva fortsätta arbeta med ökad effektivitet i bränsleförbrukningen i flyget. Vi kommer också att se till att de fantastiska innovationer som är på väg fram, inte minst för att elektrifiera regionalflyget, kan få en praktisk omsättning på vår europeiska flygmarknad. Jag ser fram emot en bra debatt i dag och ett bra beslut senare i veckan. Och jag är hoppfull om att resultatet kommer att bli ett bättre europeiskt luftrum.

     
       

     

      Wopke Hoekstra, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, let me start by wholeheartedly thanking Mr Gieseke, Mr Danielsson and the TRAN Committee for all the great work that they have been doing. But let me also thank the former rapporteurs, Mr Marinescu and Mr Liberadzki, who might be with us virtually, for successfully concluding the interinstitutional negotiations with the Council on the regulation on the implementation of the Single European Sky.

    Ladies and gentlemen, our skies – and the two rapporteurs have said that – need fixing for the good of passengers, airlines and the environment. And to illustrate what is really at stake here, let me just recall this summer, when every second flight was delayed. Every second flight was delayed. And we all know how that feels and what it is like.

    Now some of those delays were unavoidable, for example because of bad weather conditions. But if you then go into the details, you will find that many of those delayed and cancelled flights could actually simply have been reduced by improving the way we manage air traffic today. And that is, of course, the ultimate aim. That is the ultimate aim of this new regulation.

    This agreement will update rules which are 15 years old. Let me be clear – and it was said here before – it is not as ambitious as the Commission, and I feel many in this room, would have wanted. And some would consider it far away from our original plan. But what is also true is that it does represent a clear step forward, and it improves the performance of the European airspace and the provision of air navigation services in the years to come.

    The new rules will strengthen the European network, tackling the fragmentation of European airspace, and they will reduce congestion and suboptimal flight routes, which today create delays for our passengers, extra fuel consumption and unnecessary CO2 emissions.

    Ladies and gentlemen, the agreement will also stimulate innovation and facilitate new services for air traffic management. It will create incentives to reduce the environmental footprint of aviation. For example, air navigation service providers will now have to introduce environment and climate performance targets on a wider range of services. The charges that airlines will need to pay for flying over our skies will be more favourable for those carriers emitting fewer CO2 emissions and with less impact on the environment.

    Finally, more know-how will be introduced when we regulate the performance of monopoly air navigation service providers. A new performance review board will be created to support the Commission, bringing independent expertise and improving the temporary solutions that we have today.

    Madam President, honourable Members, please allow me to conclude. More than 10 years have passed since the Commission presented what was then its original proposal. Believe me, it was not an easy task. In order to reap the benefits that the agreement brings, in my view it is now urgent that the Parliament finalises the adoption of the regulation by supporting the Council’s first reading position this week. Implementation work can then start as soon as possible.

    Thank you very much, once again, in particular to the TRAN Committee and the rapporteurs, and I’m very much looking forward to the continuation of our interaction today.

     
       

     

      Sophia Kircher, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir reisen heute fast grenzenlos durch Europa. Doch über den Wolken, wo die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos scheint, stoßen wir im EU-Luftraum immer noch auf viele unsichtbare Grenzbalken – dadurch wird der europäische Luftverkehr stark eingeschränkt. Flugzeuge fliegen oft unnötige Umwege, weil veraltete nationale Vorschriften das erzwingen. Das führt zu Verspätungen, zu Kosten und 10 % mehr CO2-Ausstoß pro Jahr.

    Der Grund dafür: Der europäische Luftraum gleicht aktuell einem komplizierten Fleckerlteppich aus vielen nationalen Vorschriften. Statt eines gemeinsamen europäischen Systems mit einheitlichen Bestimmungen überwacht derzeit jeder Mitgliedstaat seinen Luftraum eigenständig, ohne eine ausreichende Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten.

    Mit diesem Gesetzespaket schaffen wir nun die Grundlage für mehr Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten, die wir so dringend brauchen, und somit werden wir in Zukunft günstiger, schneller und nachhaltiger fliegen können. Das ist eine Win-win-Situation für uns alle. Trotz dessen bleibt noch viel zu tun. Mit diesem Gesetzespaket gelingt uns ein wichtiger Schritt, aber es liegen noch viele Meilen vor uns.

     
       

     

      Matteo Ricci, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo oltre dieci anni di trattative, siamo finalmente giunti a un accordo sul cielo unico europeo, un tema che incide direttamente sulla vita quotidiana di milioni di cittadini.

    Tuttavia, dobbiamo essere chiari: il testo che adotteremo domani non è all’altezza delle aspettative. L’Europa ha bisogno di uno spazio aereo unificato con una gestione integrata e rotte dirette per ridurre ritardi, costi e soprattutto l’impatto ambientale.

    Oggi la frammentazione del nostro spazio aereo genera inefficienze gravi, costando ai passeggeri tempo e denaro. Ogni ritardo si traduce in maggiori emissioni e questo è un prezzo che il nostro pianeta non può più permettersi di pagare.

    Il regolamento che ci apprestiamo a votare promuove una maggiore cooperazione tra le autorità nazionali ma non impone regole vincolanti per una vera integrazione dello spazio aereo europeo. È un compromesso necessario, ma non sufficiente.

    Personalmente lo considero solo un primo passo. Non dobbiamo fermarci: l’Europa ha bisogno di un cielo unico europeo per essere più competitiva.

     
       

     

      Julien Leonardelli, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, nous nous défions de tout projet qui penche vers le fédéralisme, à plus forte raison lorsqu’il est placé sous l’égide de la Commission européenne. Cela ne nous empêche pas d’être pragmatiques et responsables. Le projet de ciel unique européen vise, nous dit-on, à faciliter les trajets aériens à l’intérieur de l’Union européenne et à faire économiser 5 milliards d’euros par an de kérosène pour les compagnies aériennes.

    La Commission européenne ne pouvait que briller sur ce sujet technique, qui bénéficie d’un véritable consensus européen. Cette initiative, soutenue par une large majorité, ne devait être qu’une formalité. Mais la Commission, trop occupée à outrepasser ses compétences, en oublie ses objectifs premiers. Ce texte ne verra pas l’instauration d’un ciel unique européen, malgré des années de tractations. La montagne a accouché d’une souris. C’est en tout cas ce qui ressort des positions des professionnels du transport aérien, qui ne cachent pas leur déception à l’égard de ce texte.

    Le maintien d’un millefeuille à la fois administratif et technocratique ne plaît à personne. Pendant que l’Europe brasse du vent et se penche sur un texte ridicule, qui ne change rien tant ces changements sont insignifiants, les Etats-Unis, eux, produisent déjà en très grande partie la nouvelle génération de carburants par des subventions massives dans la recherche et l’industrie. En matière d’industrie comme d’énergie, les pays européens restent à la traîne, et la Commission européenne n’y est pas pour rien. Madame von der Leyen, sur la souveraineté faites preuve de plus de retenue, et sur le ciel unique montrez plus d’ambition.

     
       


       

    PREȘEDINȚIA: VICTOR NEGRESCU
    Vicepreședinte

     
       

     

      Jan-Christoph Oetjen, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zehn Jahre hat es gedauert, dass wir dieses Gesetz, diesen einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum, auf den Weg gebracht haben. Nicht etwa, weil wir hier im Parlament lange gebraucht hätten, sondern es hat an den Mitgliedstaaten gelegen, die sich sehr lange hinter nationalen Kompetenzen versteckt haben. Diese nationalen Kompetenzen haben dazu gedient, zu kaschieren, dass es in den Mitgliedstaaten staatliche Monopole in der Flugsicherung gibt, die sie nicht angetastet sehen wollen. Und zur Wahrheit gehört: So richtig antasten tun wir sie jetzt auch nicht. Das, was wir machen, ist keine Reform, sondern ein Reförmchen, aber sie adressiert wichtige Themen.

    Wir kriegen endlich dieses performance review, das heißt endlich ein Benchmark für die Flugsicherung – ob sie gut funktionieren, ob sie genügend Leute haben, wie es klappt mit den Verspätungen, an denen – nicht immer, aber sehr häufig – eben auch die Flugsicherung mit Schuld ist.

    Wir haben eine Kapazitätsfrage, die sich dadurch adressieren lässt, und von daher können wir am Ende dieser Reform zustimmen. Aber sie ist weit von dem entfernt, was wir uns eigentlich erhoffen und was wir bräuchten, damit wir die Verspätungen in Europa endlich in den Griff bekommen.

     
       

     

      Merja Kyllönen, The Left-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, yhtenäisellä eurooppalaisella ilmatilalla on pitkä historia. Tavoitteena on vähentää viivytyksiä, lisätä turvallisuutta, lieventää ympäristövaikutuksia ja alentaa palvelujen tarjoamiseen liittyviä kustannuksia ilmailualalla. Euroopan ilmatilan pirstoutumisen vähentäminen tehokkaammalla ilmaliikenteen hallintajärjestelmällä on enemmän kuin tarpeellista. Vaikka politiikka on edennyt, niin SES ei ole onnistunut saavuttamaan täysin siltä odotettua edistystä. Tämän seurauksena Euroopan ilmatila on edelleen valitettavan pirstoutunut, kallis, tehoton ja kapasiteettiongelmat jatkuvat nopeasti kasvavan lentoliikenteen vuoksi. Työn on siis jatkuttava, paikoilleen emme voi jämähtää.

    Nykyinen sääntelykehys on pitkän aikavälin työ. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaisia toimijoita. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaista vääntöä sellaisia historian paloja, taisteluita, joita muun muassa Yhdistynyt kuningaskunta ja Espanja kävivät aikanaan, esimerkiksi Gibraltarin osalta. Kun Brexit poisti tämän esteen, komissio on muuttanut alkuperäistä ehdotustaan, ja hyvä niin.

    Jäsenvaltiot tarvitsevat laajaa yhteistyötä ja koordinointia toiminnallisissa ilmatilan lohkoissa, myös yhtenäisen eurooppalaisen ilmatilan sääntelykehyksen luomisen jälkeen. Tässä säädöksessä tunnustetaan olemassa olevien yhteistyöjärjestelyjen arvo ilmatilan hallinnan tehostamisessa ja lentoliikennevirtojen optimoinnissa tietyillä maantieteellisillä alueilla.

    Liikenteessä yleisesti, mutta lentoliikenteessä erityisesti, turvallisuusnäkökulma korostuu ja siksi kaikissa muutoksissa on mentävä ehdottomasti turvallisuusnäkökulma edellä. Safety first! Ja ihan pakko on sanoa rakkaat terveiset aina upealle taisteluparilleni Marinesculle. Ja rakkaat terveiset myös britti Jodie Fosterille, jota ei voi kyllä tämä talo unohtaa. Olisinpa videoinut parhaat palat uusille päättäjille. Piccolino, magnifico, amato David Sassoli.

     
       

     

      Siegbert Frank Droese, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Seit 20 Jahren plant die EU einen einheitlichen Luftraum, aber wenig ist passiert. Wir teilen die Kritik der Airlines an dem Vorschlag der Kommission zum einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum. Es wird zu höheren Steuern führen, mehr Bürokratie, mehr Berichtspflichten – all das wollen wir nicht. Europa ist bisher schon ein sehr sicherer Luftraum. Warum also auf Biegen und Brechen die Kompetenzen der nationalen Flugsicherungsdienste beschneiden und alles in den EU-Topf werfen?

    Es muss nicht alles harmonisiert oder einheitlich zertifiziert werden. Wichtig dagegen wäre für uns die Abschaffung von Sanktionen, z. B. gegenüber Russland. Dann könnten Flugzeuge schneller und vor allem umweltschonender nach Asien fliegen und so CO2 reduzieren. Aber immer neue Steuern und Vorschriften vertreiben Fluggesellschaften aus Europa und verteuern das Fliegen unnötig. Wir wollen, dass auch in Zukunft sich der Arbeiter noch seinen wohlverdienten Urlaubsflug leisten kann und nicht nur die Eurokraten.

    Die Kommission könnte sich unserer Meinung nach mal mit wichtigen Dingen beschäftigen, beispielsweise mit der Migration, oder vielleicht gibt es in Zukunft auch Tausende von Abschiebeflügen zu organisieren – da würden wir gern mal einen schönen Vorschlag hören. Diesem Vorschlag, der hier vorliegt, können wir nicht zustimmen.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, verehrte Damen und Herren! Der berühmte deutsche Lyriker Reinhard Mey sang einst „Über den Wolken, da muss die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos sein“, und in diesen Worten steckt aus europapolitischer Sicht endlos viel Wahrheit. Denn über den Wolken gibt es keine Grenzen, da ist man einfach irgendwo über Europa. Deswegen unterstütze ich die Aktualisierung des Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraums, auch wenn sie halb so lange gedauert hat, wie ich auf dieser Welt bin.

    Gleichzeitig sollten wir aber nicht aufhören, wo wir jetzt angefangen haben, und über weitere Dinge nachdenken. Ich möchte Ihnen da zwei Sachen vorschlagen.

    Zum einen braucht es eine Gebührenanpassung für klimafreundliche Flüge. Wir haben in der Vergangenheit gemerkt, dass wir vor allen Dingen über so etwas die Entwicklung in der Gesellschaft steuern können, und der Klimawandel kennt nun mal keine Grenzen.

    Zum anderen benötigen wir einen einheitlichen europäischen Luft-Datenraum. Wir müssen also den Datenaustausch zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten im Luftverkehr optimieren und damit effizienter machen, denn auch Daten kennen keine Grenzen. Die Arbeit am Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraum ist wertvoll – sie ist noch nicht vorbei.

     
       

     

      Alvise Pérez (NI). – Señor presidente, ¿de verdad este Parlamento no entiende lo que se pretende hoy aquí, imponiendo el Cielo Único Europeo?

    No se trata de fomentar la competencia, no se trata de mejorar ninguna descentralización ni de ahorrarnos un 10 % más de CO2. Esa es la gran farsa: ¿qué poder en Europa está más centralizado que la propia Comisión Europea? ¿Qué entidad ha centralizado más poder que la Comisión? Ninguna. ¿Y siguen de verdad creyéndose estas iniciativas en pro del supuesto medio ambiente?

    Lo que busca con esto la Comisión es que hasta nuestros cielos dependan de una nueva entidad europea bajo el control férreo de Von der Leyen con la excusa del CO2. El Cielo Único Europeo no es más que un instrumento para expandir la supervisión y la regulación comunitaria imponiendo aún más objetivos ambientales, aún más cargas y aún más tarifas contra los usuarios de este continente. La señora Von der Leyen demuestra un desprecio absoluto por la soberanía de los países, y esta Cámara, también.

    Y aquí, un orgulloso español les responde que el desprecio, evidentemente, es mutuo. Solo que hay una diferencia esencial: quien parasita y esclaviza a nuestro país es ella, mientras que nosotros solo anhelamos libertad.

    Si queremos preocuparnos por el cielo europeo, defendámonos de las intrusiones y las amenazas militares por cielo, mar y aire con las que Marruecos y todas las falsas ONG del sur de Europa están atentando contra nuestro país.

    Esta no era la Europa que nos prometieron. Esta es una Europa mesiánica en la que no nos reconocemos.

     
       

       

    Intervenții la cerere

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, zece ani am fost în Comisia pentru transport și am tot dezbătut nevoia de îmbunătățire a Cerului unic european. Transportul prin aviație este extrem de important. Vorbeam mai devreme la raportul domnului Letta despre conectivitate, despre libera circulație. Domnule comisar, am patru zboruri pe săptămână – nu numai datorită condițiilor meteorologice sunt întârzieri. Întârzierile, așa cum ați spus și dumneavoastră, sunt frecvente și din alte cauze: lipsa de organizare, să stai pe pistă să aștepți că nu ai culoar de zbor.

    Asta înseamnă că este nevoie să aplicăm acest regulament și îl susțin, pentru că s-a lucrat la el, îmbunătățește Cerul unic european și cred că avem nevoie de un transport reformat și pe aviație pentru, sigur, eficiență economică în piața internă și, de ce nu, pentru protejarea drepturilor pasagerilor. Prețurile nu se schimbă când ai întârziere, dar ajungi foarte târziu la destinație și câteodată îți pierzi practic întâlnirile pe care ți le-ai programat.

     
       

     

      Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εισήγηση για δημιουργία ενιαίου ευρωπαϊκού ουρανού αποτελεί μια προσπάθεια για βελτίωση της ασφάλειας, της αποδοτικότητας και της περιβαλλοντικής βιωσιμότητας των αεροπορικών υπηρεσιών, όπως έχει αναφερθεί.

    Όμως, πώς μπορούμε να μιλάμε για ασφάλεια όταν κλείνουμε τα μάτια στις παρανομίες; Θα γίνω πιο συγκεκριμένος. Η λειτουργία του παράνομου αεροδρομίου της κατεχόμενης Τύμπου στην Κύπρο θέτει σε κίνδυνο τις πτήσεις και χιλιάδες πολίτες καθημερινώς, αφού ελλοχεύει τεράστιος κίνδυνος για αεροπορικά ατυχήματα.

    Διερωτώμαι: δεν θα αντιδρούσατε αν λίγα μέτρα από το αεροδρόμιο της Φρανκφούρτης, δίπλα από το αεροδρόμιο στο Παρίσι, πλησίον του αεροδρομίου της Ρώμης, των Βρυξελλών, της Μαδρίτης, του Βερολίνου, λειτουργούσε ένα παράνομο αεροδρόμιο με δικούς του κανόνες; Φυσικά.

    Επομένως, ας αφήσουμε τα λόγια και ας περάσουμε στις πράξεις, που δεν είναι ο συντονισμός και η επικοινωνία με κατοχικές αρχές —κάτι που θα οδηγούσε στην κανονικοποίηση της παρανομίας— αλλά η απαγόρευση της λειτουργίας του, που θα συνοδεύεται με αυστηρότατες κυρώσεις σε αεροπορικές εταιρείες που χρησιμοποιούν το παράνομο αεροδρόμιο.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, é certo que esta nova versão do Regulamento Céu Único Europeu não vai tão longe como a posição que o Parlamento Europeu havia aprovado, com tudo o que ela representava de ataque sem equívocos à soberania nacional, numa abordagem abertamente mercantilista e de liberalização ainda maior do setor aéreo, visando a sua concentração e centralização. Mas, esses não deixam de ser traços que persistem no documento final, mesmo que de forma matizada, traços que rejeitamos.

    Em nome do que esta proposta não é, não faltará certamente quem procure ir além dela, nomeadamente em Portugal, dando continuidade e consequência às ameaças que têm recaído sobre a NAV, com vista ao desmembramento da sua atividade, com prejuízo para a soberania nacional e para a economia.

    Pela nossa parte, daqui reafirmamos que continuaremos a intervir, rejeitando o caminho de liberalização do controlo aéreo e em defesa da NAV, empresa pública estratégica para o desenvolvimento nacional.

     
       

       

    (Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)

     
       


     

      Wopke Hoekstra, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear Members, let me mention two quick points in response. The first one is on sovereignty. For those who are concerned about the impacts on the sovereignty of Member States over their airspace, let me be clear, and let me underline that all the provisions aim to foster better coordination within Europe. Member States will continue to decide whether and which parts of their airspace they open or they close. Full stop. It’s that simple. So I feel sovereignty will continue to be fully in place.

    Secondly, in response to the Members who have been speaking, let me reiterate what I said in the first term, and that is that more is needed. More needs to be done, and more today would have been better. But politics is also quite often the art of the possible. We are where we are today. Let’s seal this now and then let’s move forward from there.

     
       

     

      Jens Gieseke, Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich danke für diesen konstruktiven Austausch. Obwohl das natürlich ganz rechts und ganz links schwerfällt, bei so einem sachlichen Thema konstruktiv mitzuarbeiten, glaube ich, dass wir insgesamt eine gute Debatte hatten.

    Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum zeigt einmal mehr unser europäisches und auch unser EVP-Engagement für die kontinuierliche Unterstützung der Fluggäste, der Luftfahrtindustrie, der Forschung und Entwicklung, auch im Luftfahrt- und im Raumfahrtsektor, sowie auch die Einhaltung der Umweltversprechen. Wir streben ganz sicher nach effizienteren Flugsicherungsdiensten, weniger Verspätungen, einem geringeren ökologischen Fußabdruck und auch geringeren Kosten für Passagiere und Fluggesellschaften.

    Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum ist ein erster Schritt vorwärts, um die Engpässe im Luftraum zu beseitigen, um endlich einen wirklich einheitlichen EU-Raum zu schaffen, ohne die nationale Souveränität zu beeinträchtigen. Das wird dann auch zu weniger Kosten und zu einer besseren Umweltleistung führen.

    Ich glaube, morgen kann wirklich ein guter Tag werden für Europa. Von daher mein klarer Appell an alle Kolleginnen und Kollegen, morgen pünktlich zur Abstimmung zu kommen und für diese Neufassung zu stimmen. Ich stimme mit dem Kommissarsanwärter, aktuellen Kommissar und demnächst hoffentlich wiedergewählten Kommissar Hoekstra überein: Das ist ein erster Schritt heute, es werden weitere in den nächsten fünf Jahren folgen müssen. Aber für die EVP kann ich sagen: Wir sind bereit, diese Arbeit fortzusetzen. Unsere Bürger werden es sicherlich danken.

     
       

     

      Johan Danielsson, Föredragande. – Herr talman! Jag blir glad över det engagemang som visats under debatten. Avslutningsvis vill jag betona att vårt arbete inom flygsektorn inte slutar här. Vi har, som många konstaterat, fortfarande mycket att göra för att säkerställa en rättvis och hållbar flygsektor i Europa.

    Smidiga gränsöverskridande transporter är viktiga men får aldrig ske på bekostnad av arbetstagares rättigheter. Under denna mandatperiod hoppas jag därför att vi kan ta itu också med andra viktiga frågor som berör sektorn.

    En revidering av EU:s förordning om luftfartstjänster står högt på agendan. För det första måste vi stärka reglerna kring så kallad wet leasing, där flygbolag hyr in plan med besättning. Wet leasing ska naturligtvis kunna användas för att möta oförutsedda händelser, men inte för att konkurrera med löner och arbetsvillkor.

    Utvecklingen – där på ytan seriösa flygbolag skapar dotterbolag med enda syftet att pressa tillbaka personalens arbetsvillkor – är inte värdig och måste få ett slut. För det andra behöver vi tydligare definitioner kring personalens hemmabas. Vi har sett hur bolag i dag utnyttjar skillnader i nationell lagstiftning för att pressa ner lönekostnaderna. Också detta måste få ett slut.

    Med det sagt återstår nu att genomföra Single European Sky. Det kommer att kräva fortsatt hårt arbete från EU-kommissionen i övervakningen av de regler som vi nu ändå får på plats, för att säkerställa att det verkligen blir ett steg framåt och inte ett slag i luften. Jag hoppas att alla är här och röstar för förslaget i morgon.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

    The vote will take place tomorrow.

     

    15. A stronger Europe for safer products to better protect consumers and tackle unfair competition: boosting EU oversight in e-commerce and imports (debate)


     

      Didier Reynders, membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je suis ravi d’être parmi vous aujourd’hui pour débattre des défis que pose le commerce électronique, tant en matière de protection des consommateurs que de concurrence loyale ou de durabilité. Ces dernières années, des milliards de colis individuels ont été expédiés directement aux consommateurs de l’Union, notamment par voie aérienne, et de nouveaux acteurs du commerce électronique, principalement installés en dehors de l’Union, dominent désormais le marché. Quatre milliards de colis devraient être livrés en 2024.

    La Commission est consciente que cet afflux de marchandises achetées en ligne pose des défis en matière de conformité au cadre juridique applicable et de sécurité, de concurrence déloyale et de durabilité. En effet, bon nombre de ces produits s’avèrent dangereux, non conformes ou contrefaits.

    En raison de l’urgence de la situation, nous devons identifier une réponse européenne collective pour garantir la sécurité et la conformité des produits vendus sur ces plateformes de commerce électronique situées dans des pays tiers, pour préserver les consommateurs de pratiques commerciales déloyales et pour assurer des conditions de concurrence justes et équitables aux entreprises européennes.

    The Commission is ready to act in cooperation with the market surveillance authorities, the consumer protection and customs authorities, as well as with the digital services coordinators under the DSA to effectively enforce Union legislation and increase the controls on those platforms and products. We have instruments at our disposal that we are already using.

    First, the Digital Services Act is a powerful tool and it is a priority to enforce this regulation. The Commission is fully committed to ensuring strong and effective enforcement against very large online platforms, notably marketplaces not complying with all rules, which risk fines up to 6% of their global turnover. The DSA gives the Commission unprecedented enforcement powers that are already available. The recent enforcement action by the Commission, which resulted in TikTok’s commitment to withdraw its ‘lite rewards’ system from the EU market, as it raised concerns of addictiveness, is a good example of what the DSA can deliver for the whole European Union.

    More specifically, regarding e-commerce, the Commission has already launched an investigation in relation to AliExpress’ practices, including on suspicions related to the risk of dissemination of illegal products and the possible negative impact to consumer protection. We have also recently designated Temu and Shein as very large online platforms under the DSA, and already launched investigative actions in relation to these two online marketplaces. Consumer protection and compliance by online marketplaces is and will remain one of our enforcement priorities. We take this responsibility seriously and will not refrain to act decisively. The Commission will also coordinate closely with the digital services coordinators, which are responsible for the smaller online marketplaces, to ensure that smaller online marketplaces also follow the rules, and that these rules are consistently applied in the European Union. The European Board for Digital Services is crucial in this respect.

    Second, customs authorities are the first line of defence when it comes to products imported from third countries. They are also key actors in the supply chain to identify and suspend the release of non-compliant and dangerous goods. The customs reform, proposed by the Commission in 2023, is currently being discussed by the European Parliament and the Council. Under this proposed reform, the implementation of an EU customs data hub would enable risk management at EU level, making the enforcement of compliance with product requirements more targeted and effective. Additionally, the proposal includes an abolition of the current threshold that exempts goods valued at less than EUR 150 from customs duties. These measures would be important tools for combating fraud and abuse. However, customs authorities cannot act alone. It is crucial for them to collaborate with market surveillance authorities and digital services coordinators to combine their tools, capacity and expertise.

    Third, the Consumer Protection Cooperation Network, under the coordination of the Commission, has carried out several enforcement actions in recent years against key market players, such as Amazon and AliExpress, to bring them into line with EU consumer protection legislation. In May, the consumer organisation BEUC informed the Commission about practices of the e-commerce platform Temu and its alleged non-compliance with, among others, EU consumer laws. The Commission has immediately informed the CPC Network about this complaint, and discussions under that format are ongoing. Compliance by major e-commerce players, including those targeting European consumers from third countries, is a top priority for the Commission and national authorities. The Commission will continue to fully support and coordinate the enforcement work of the network.

    Looking ahead, it will be essential to further tackle challenges with e-commerce platforms and strengthen measures to prevent non-EU compliant products from entering the EU market. This would include ensuring an optimal articulation between the General Product Safety Regulation, the Market Surveillance Regulation and the Digital Services Act. To further improve online product safety and compliance with relevant rules, it will be our priority to fully use the enforcement toolbox provided for under these regulations, for example, by organising product safety control to check and improve compliance of the e-commerce sector with EU product safety requirements, organising joint product sampling and testing activities involving online mystery shopping, and facilitating further the cooperation between market surveillance and customs authorities to give an unified response to the challenges of e-commerce.

    To ensure that manufacturers outside the EU comply with all rules, the new GPSR also introduces a new obligation to appoint a responsible person for their products. This will guarantee traceability and responsibility for any goods sold on the open market. To address the issue at its source, it is also paramount to continue cooperating with manufacturing third countries. We are, for example, committed to continue the awareness-raising and training activities on EU product safety rules with Chinese companies. Apart from legal obligations, it is also important to explore voluntary cooperation mechanisms, such as the product safety pledge, which has enabled the removal of close to 60 000 unsafe products listings in the past six months.

    It will also be crucial to further improve the current enforcement framework for cross-border infringement of EU consumer law, in order to preserve the level playing field in the Union and the competitiveness of EU businesses. To achieve this aim, we will continue to explore possible approaches to strengthen the Commission’s role in specific circumstances that affect consumers throughout the Union and to further improve the enforcement cooperation among national authorities. Moreover, the Commission encouraged the swift adoption of some proposed legislative initiatives, namely the ‘VAT in the digital age’ package and the customs reform, that aim to structurally improve the transparency and control on the flow of goods entering and leaving the union, starting by e-commerce goods.

    I thank you for your attention. Of course, I am now looking forward to our debate and to try to collect your proposals, remarks, or maybe some criticism.

     
       

     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Onlineplattformen haben die Art und Weise, wie Verbraucher einkaufen, grundlegend geändert. Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher sind nicht mehr auf lokale Anbieter beschränkt, sondern können Waren bei internationalen Händlern einkaufen, wodurch ihre Auswahl erweitert wird und sie oft bessere Preise finden. Sie haben ja gerade angesprochen, Herr Kommissar: 4 Milliarden Pakete allein in diesem Jahr zeigen, dass die europäischen Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher an internationalen Produkten interessiert sind und auf den besten Preis achten. Aber viele Drittstaatenplattformen stehen in der Kritik wegen mangelhafter Produktqualität, unzureichender Kontrollen und damit unfairer Wettbewerbsbedingungen.

    Deswegen ist es gut, Herr Kommissar, dass Sie den Dreiklang aus Maßnahmen, die greifen können, dargestellt haben. Zoll: Wir haben nach wie vor 27 unterschiedliche Zollsysteme, obwohl das einheitliche europäische Zollrecht angewendet werden muss, und es wird leider unterschiedlich angewendet. Wir haben zum Zweiten die Marktaufsichtsbehörden, die alle in nationaler Hand sind und unterschiedlich stark ausgestattet sind, und wir haben das Gesetz über digitale Dienste. Und hier, Herr Kommissar, hätte ich mir etwas mehr erwartet, denn das Gesetz über digitale Dienste wird jetzt schon zum zweiten Mal gegenüber Temu in Anwendung gebracht – aber immer mit der Bitte um Auskunftserteilung und nicht mit Entscheidungen.

    Hier müssen wir schneller vorankommen, denn mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte hat das Europäische Parlament hier – dieses Haus – in den vergangenen Jahren wichtige Schritte unternommen, um das Vertrauen der Bürger in die Sicherheit des Internets zu stärken und um europäischen Unternehmen fairen Wettbewerb anzubieten. Daran wollen wir festhalten, und deshalb ist die Europäische Kommission gefordert, hier Schritte folgen zu lassen.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señor comisario, un 71 % de la población europea compra bienes y servicios en línea. El comercio en línea es cómodo, es barato, pero tiene muchos riesgos. Por ello, regularlo bien es ya inaplazable.

    Sabemos que plataformas de comercio electrónico, como Amazon, Aliexpress, Temu o Shein, están afectando a nuestro comercio en tres aspectos clave.

    En primer lugar, en la seguridad de productos que consumimos: juguetes, ropa, etc. Todos conocemos esos productos que nos llegan a casa y que no cumplen las condiciones mínimas.

    En segundo lugar, en el enorme impacto que tienen sobre el comercio local de nuestros municipios, que está siendo asfixiado por la competencia desleal de estas plataformas a nuestras pymes europeas.

    Y, en tercer lugar, en el medio ambiente, porque sabemos que estas empresas abandonan a su suerte toneladas de paquetes devueltos por clientes en Europa y en otros continentes, lo que pone en riesgo la salud de todo el planeta.

    Para eso tenemos leyes, apliquémoslas: más controles en las aduanas, y comercio y consumo responsable para proteger nuestro medio ambiente, a nuestros consumidores y nuestro comercio local.

     
       

     

      Virginie Joron, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous voici en marche vers cinq ans de teutonneries supplémentaires. On avait espéré en 2019 que le premier mandat von der Leyen ferait état d’une gestion saine et honnête. Mais on a eu le matraquage des automobilistes, un dérapage budgétaire et les fourberies de Pfizer.

    Ce soir, nous parlons donc de la surveillance européenne des marchés du commerce en ligne, pendant que nos commerces de proximité ferment les uns après les autres. La vente de produits dangereux, illicites, contrefaits ou volés est encore légion sur les grandes plateformes. Cette lutte, c’était pourtant ce que vous aviez promis lors de l’adoption de toutes les législations précédentes sur la question. Votre slogan? «Le règlement sur les services numériques protégera vos enfants.» Aujourd’hui, ce n’est plus un règlement sur les services numériques, mais un règlement sur la surveillance numérique qui a été mis en place, sous l’impulsion du démissionnaire Thierry Breton. Les associations de consommateurs ont signalé en avril dernier le géant chinois Temu, parce qu’il n’assurait pas l’identification des vendeurs. C’est l’article 30 du règlement sur les services numériques. Ces mêmes associations ont fait état de cas où le consommateur est manipulé par des prix qui changent ou qui ne correspondent pas au produit choisi. C’est l’article 25 du règlement sur les services numériques. On a eu la directive de 1998 sur les indications de prix, la directive de 2005 sur les pratiques commerciales prohibées, les nouvelles règles de sécurité des jouets ou encore la réforme du code des douanes.

    Mais la réalité, c’est une jungle de normes qui empêchent nos entreprises françaises ou européennes de se développer, et des pays tiers, comme la Chine, leader mondial du commerce électronique, qui contournent sans problème nos règles – dixit un inspecteur de l’OLAF – ou, pis, qui bénéficient d’exemptions des frais de douane pour les achats dont la valeur ne dépasse pas 150 euros. Une jungle où, finalement, c’est Bruxelles qui tire une balle dans le pied du commerce électronique européen.

     
       

     

      Piotr Müller, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Szanowni Państwo! Regulacje dotyczące bezpieczeństwa produktów w Europie są niezwykle ważne. One powodują, że z jednej strony konsumenci są bezpieczni, a z drugiej strony, że standaryzujemy pewnego rodzaju rozwiązania produkcyjne w Europie, co oczywiście też przynosi wymierne korzyści i bezpieczeństwo dla konsumentów. Jednak widzimy tę rosnącą konkurencję ze strony w szczególności rynków azjatyckich i moją obawą jest to, że te przepisy w praktyce nie będą obowiązywały właśnie wobec tych krajów, które dostają się na rynek europejski w sposób inny niż produkcja na naszym rodzimym rynku.

    W związku z tym mam pytanie do Pana Komisarza, jakie działania tutaj można byłoby podjąć (chociażby być może zapisując w nowej perspektywie budżetowej, nad którą będziemy pracować, dodatkowe środki dla urzędów, dla instytucji krajowych i unijnych, ale przede wszystkim krajowych, bo one najczęściej kontrolują jakość produktów), aby właśnie rzeczywista kontrola tych produktów, które pochodzą w szczególności z Azji, miała miejsce.

     
       

     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Wenn Spielzeuge für Babys so leicht auseinanderfallen, dass sie daran ersticken können, dann haben Eltern zu Recht Angst. Vor allem, wenn Untersuchungen zeigen, dass mehr als die Hälfte von Spielzeugen aus Drittländern wie China gefährlich ist.

    Wenn Designs von kleinen europäischen Designern kopiert werden und die Klamotten aus fragwürdiger Produktion mit giftigen Chemikalien belastet sind und dann auch noch über Plattformen wie Temu und Shein zu Billigpreisen verschleudert werden, dann leiden wir Verbraucher, unsere Umwelt und unsere Unternehmen, die sich an Recht und Gesetz halten.

    Illegale und unsichere Produkte dürfen nicht in unseren Binnenmarkt kommen, am besten, weil sie bereits vor Verkauf gestoppt werden. Die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten müssen geltendes Recht rigoros durchsetzen: das Gesetz über digitale Dienste und die neuen Regeln zu Produktsicherheit. Wir müssen gemeinsam unsere Marktüberwachung und unseren Zoll stärken. Vor allem die Digitalisierung des Zolls muss schneller vorangehen, damit wir die digitale Voranmeldung und auch den Wegfall der Freigrenze für illegale Produkte haben können, damit wir illegale Produkte aus unserem Markt fernhalten können.

    Ich baue darauf, dass die Kommission zügig einen Aktionsplan mit den Mitgliedstaaten umsetzen wird, damit unsere Kleinsten sicher sind, damit Shopping weder zur Ausbeutung von Umwelt noch von Menschen führt und Wettbewerb fair ist.

     
       

     

      Saskia Bricmont, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, vous l’avez dit: Temu, Shein, AliExpress, Amazon et de plus petites plateformes inondent le marché européen de produits à faible coût. Mais, derrière ces bas prix, il y a des coûts énormes, notamment des techniques de manipulation en ligne incitant à l’hyperconsommation ou des produits de mauvaise qualité pouvant s’avérer dangereux pour la santé et la sécurité.

    Une enquête a même révélé que 80 % des jouets testés ayant été importés par le biais de ces plateformes ne respectaient pas les normes de sécurité européennes. Cela induit aussi une concurrence déloyale pour les entreprises européennes qui respectent les normes sociales, environnementales, de produits, de sécurité. Ces normes existent au niveau européen pour de bonnes raisons: la protection des consommateurs, des travailleurs, de l’environnement. Elles doivent donc être respectées par tout le monde, y compris par les entreprises importatrices et par les plateformes de pays tiers.

    Des centaines de milliers de colis arrivent chez nous tous les jours, en un clic et sans avoir fait l’objet de contrôles. Autant de produits potentiellement dangereux, qui ne respectent pas les normes européennes. Cette concurrence déloyale touche tous les secteurs et constitue souvent un frein au développement de filières locales durables et sociétalement responsables. C’est le cas notamment du secteur textile, où la concurrence déloyale de l’«ultrafast fashion» venant des plateformes chinoises menace l’émergence d’un secteur textile durable en Europe.

    L’Union européenne est bien là pour protéger les consommateurs et nos entrepreneurs: il faut donc assurer effectivement le respect des règles, la transparence et l’information des consommateurs, mais aussi des contrôles douaniers renforcés et les moyens nécessaires à de tels contrôles, des droits de douane même pour les achats de moins de 150 euros, et un renforcement des sanctions à l’égard des plateformes qui ne respectent pas les règles.

     
       

     

      Hanna Gedin, för The Left gruppen. – Herr talman! Jag ska börja med att säga att jag är glad att vi har den här diskussionen, för situationen är ohållbar.

    Från Vänstern har vi länge krävt ett stramare regelverk för e-handelsplattformar. Ett test som nyligen gjordes av leksaksbranschen visar att åtta av tio leksaker som importeras till EU och kan köpas på olika internetsajter riskerar att kväva eller förgifta barn – kväva och förgifta våra barn.

    De uppfyller inte EU:s säkerhetskrav. Vår uppgift som lagstiftare är att se till att minska risken för olyckor, att se till att medborgarna är trygga och säkra. Det gör vi genom att premiera miljövänliga och säkra produkter, samtidigt som vi ser till att arbetsvillkoren för dem som producerar de här sakerna är bra.

    Det är inte bara barn och andra konsumenter i Europa som riskerar att skadas. Det finns återkommande indikationer på att många av de här produkterna, förutom att de är skadliga, dessutom är tillverkade genom tvångsarbete.

    Kommissionen måste agera – inte bara för att den här slapphäntheten mot utländska internetsajter konkurrerar med lägre standarder och sämre arbetsvillkor än varor som produceras i enlighet med EU-lagstiftning. Dagens regelverk leder faktiskt till stora risker för alla medborgare – inte minst för våra barn. Lösningen måste vara att även utländska sajter får samma skyldigheter som inhemska aktörer, att tullen får större resurser och att varor som importeras, till exempel från Kina, inte längre ska subventioneras när det kommer till exempelvis fraktkostnader.

     
       

     

      Zsuzsanna Borvendég, a ESN képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A helyi termelők által helyben előállított termékek védik a környezetet és a nemzetgazdaságot is erősítik, vagyis minden szempontból a társadalom jólétét szolgálják. Emiatt kezdett pártom, a Mi Hazánk Mozgalom hazai termelői vásárokat szervezni Magyarországon, ezzel is népszerűsítve a jó minőségű helyi termékek fogyasztását. Az élelmiszeripar különösen veszélyeztetett ezen a területen. Vissza kell szorítani a globális élelmiszerláncok sokszor gyenge minőségű, földrészeken át utaztatott, agyonvegyszerezett termékeinek dömpingjét.

    A multik gazdasági érdekei nem írhatják felül az emberek egészséges élethez való jogát, de meg kell akadályozni azt is, hogy politikai elfogultság alapján olyan mezőgazdasági termékeknek nyissunk szabad utat, amelyek nem felelnek meg az EU-s előírásoknak, ahogy az számos ukrán termék esetében megtörténik. Azonnali hatállyal meg kell tiltani a harmadik országokból érkező hamisított méz importját is. Ennek érdekében egy előterjesztést is készítettem, amelyet az ESN frakció benyújtott, de az AGRI bizottság napirendre sem volt hajlandó ezt tűzni. Kérem, gondolják ezt át újra!

     
       


     

      Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Hr. Formand, kommissær. Flere og flere handler på nettet. Legetøj, tøj, gaver. Det er nemt, det er bekvemt, og det er praktisk. Men hvis man handler på platforme som Temu, så kan det altså skade både din sundhed, vores miljø og den europæiske konkurrenceevne, og alt for mange af f.eks. Temu’s produkter de lever simpelthen ikke op til de europæiske regler. De er sundhedsskadelige, miljøskadelige, og så er de også ødelæggende for vores konkurrencesituation for vores europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er der brug for, at der sker noget. Vi har fået mange nye regler, men vi har brug for, at de bliver håndhævet. Derfor vil jeg gerne opfordre EU-Kommissionen til at komme i gang med at håndhæve reglerne og gøre det lidt hurtigere, end det, der sker i dag. Vi har fået nogle gode regler i det, jeg sagde. Spørgsmålet er, om de er gode nok, spørgsmålet er, om der skal mere til. Noget af det, som jeg tror, vi skal kigge på, er, om vi egentlig ikke burde give disse handelsplatforme et importøransvar, så de fik et meget konkret og direkte ansvar for at sikre, at de produkter, de sælger, overholder de europæiske regler. Så hurtigere og bedre, og hvis ikke det er nok, så tror jeg, at vi skal se på, om der skal endnu flere strammere regler til.

     
       

     

      Ernő Schaller-Baross (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A termékbiztonság egyre sürgetőbb kérdés Európában, különösen az e-kereskedelem gyors ütemű terjedése révén. Mondjuk ki őszintén, a piacfelügyelet rendszere ma nem elég hatékony, hogy lépést tartson a digitális világ kihívásaival. A fellépés hiánya komoly kockázatot jelent polgáraink biztonságára nézve, és hosszú távon veszélyezteti Európa versenyképességét is. Az e-kereskedelem gyors üteme és a határokon átnyúló eladások miatt a tagállami hatóságoknak nehéz feladatuk van, hogy minden egyes terméket ellenőrizzenek.

    Így a fogyasztók biztonsága gyakran veszélybe kerül, és a szabályozás átláthatóságának fenntartására s kihívásokkal szembesül. Az Európai Parlament nem blokkolhatja tovább a háromoldalú tárgyalásokat, kezdje el a munkát. Kezdje el a termékbiztonságot érintő javaslatok, többek között a játékbiztonságról szóló szabályok tárgyalását is. Ne hagyjuk, hogy a késlekedés ára az európai polgárok vagy gyermekeink biztonsága legyen! Tegyük meg a szükséges lépéseket közösen, hogy Európa továbbra is az innováció és a biztonságos termékek kontinense lehessen. A jelenlévő vagy nem jelenlévő TISZA párti képviselőknek pedig azt üzenem, hogy ne féljenek, ha kérdést tesznek föl ebben a Házban, ebben a teremben válaszolni is lehet.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la protezione dei consumatori e la lotta alla concorrenza sleale, soprattutto nel commercio online, sono una questione prioritaria per l’Europa.

    Troppi prodotti non conformi agli standard europei continuano a entrare nel nostro mercato attraverso l’e-commerce, mettendo a rischio la sicurezza dei consumatori e penalizzando le nostre aziende, in particolare le piccole e medie imprese italiane ed europee.

    Non possiamo più accettare che le nostre imprese siano costrette a competere ad armi impari con prodotti di bassa qualità provenienti da paesi che non rispettano le nostre regole. Le aziende che rispettano rigorosamente la normativa europea su sicurezza e qualità sono penalizzate da una concorrenza sleale.

    Dobbiamo rafforzare i controlli alle frontiere, garantire che i prodotti importati rispettino gli stessi standard che le nostre imprese sono tenute a seguire. Chiediamo che l’Unione europea intervenga con decisione: è fondamentale che le piattaforme di e-commerce non diventino un canale privilegiato per la vendita di prodotti non conformi. Questo è un punto essenziale per difendere la sovranità economica italiana e quella europea, proteggendo il nostro tessuto produttivo.

    Come abbiamo spesso sottolineato, la nostra economia non può continuare a subire le conseguenze di politiche commerciali che favoriscono attori esterni a scapito delle nostre eccellenze.

     
       


     

      Majdouline Sbai (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, en dix ans, le chiffre d’affaires du commerce électronique a été multiplié par trois. Rien qu’en France, le chiffre d’affaires du site Shein se monte à 1,63 milliard d’euros. C’est un tsunami économique.

    Alors oui, oui à la protection des consommateurs, oui à la fin de l’exonération des droits de douane en dessous de 150 euros d’achats, oui à une enquête précise sur les soupçons de subventions chinoises et de concurrence déloyale, oui à la fin de la publicité mensongère, oui, encore oui au contrôle sur la toxicité, la propriété intellectuelle et la sécurité des données personnelles.

    Oui, mais quand? Combien d’enseignes et de marques européennes auront fermé entre-temps? Combien de chaussures pour enfants intoxiquées au plomb aurons-nous achetées? Combien de jeunes auront adopté des comportements de consommation détestables pour notre avenir?

    Alors, oui à tout cela, mais quand? Je vous le dis: agissons maintenant!

     
       

     

      Leila Chaibi (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, des ballons de baudruche à gonfler soi-même bourrés de substances cancérigènes, des jouets comprenant des pièces qui peuvent être avalées, des casques de moto pour enfants qui, en fait ne protègent pas du tout, des détecteurs de fumée qui ne détectent pas la fumée… Ces produits dangereux ne sont pas des exceptions: ils pullulent sur des plateformes de vente en ligne comme Amazon, Temu ou Wish. Les associations de consommateurs les ont testées, et le constat est alarmant.

    Comment est-il possible que ces objets puissent envahir le marché européen? La réponse est simple. Pour les géants du commerce électronique, la priorité c’est: les profits, et le marché européen, c’est le jackpot.

    C’est un triple jackpot, en réalité. D’abord, un jackpot sur les normes de sécurité, car ces plateformes ignorent les normes de sécurité en vigueur chez nous. Elles inondent l’Union européenne de produits qui ne respectent pas les réglementations en matière de sécurité, et mettent donc les Européens en danger.

    C’est un jackpot sur les conditions de travail, car ces produits sont fabriqués dans des conditions inacceptables, en exploitant les travailleurs et en détruisant la planète.

    C’est un jackpot sur les obligations fiscales, car, pour couronner le tout, ces plateformes trouvent le moyen d’échapper à leurs obligations fiscales. Et tout cela permet à ces plateformes de commerce électronique de casser les prix et d’écraser nos entreprises européennes, qui ne peuvent pas rivaliser face à cette concurrence déloyale.

    Chers collègues, il est temps de sonner la fin de la récré pour Amazon, pour Temu, pour Alibaba et compagnie. L’Union européenne passe beaucoup de temps à discuter, à légiférer sur le poids des pommes ou sur la pulpe des poires. Je ne dis pas que ce n’est pas intéressant, que ce n’est pas important, mais je crois qu’il y a plus important et plus urgent en matière de normalisation au sein du marché unique.

    Les plateformes de commerce électronique doivent assumer leurs responsabilités et se soumettre à nos règles communes. Elles doivent être tenues pour responsables des produits qu’elles vendent, comme n’importe quel commerçant en réalité. Si elles veulent jouer dans notre cour, alors elles doivent se conformer à nos règles. Pas de passe-droit. La santé et la sécurité des Européennes et des Européens passent avant leurs profits.

     
       

     

      Kateřina Konečná (NI). – Pane předsedající, kolegyně a kolegové, hračky pro batolata, které se snadno rozbijí na malé kousky, u nichž hrozí vdechnutí, nefungující plynové alarmy či hračky a kosmetika obsahující nebezpečné chemikálie – zkrátka produkty, které ohrožují spotřebitele a které jsou v Evropské unii zakázány vyrábět i prodávat.

    Jenže e-shopy až do této chvíle dokáží naše pravidla zdatně obcházet a společně s nimi je obchází i výrobci ze zemí mimo Evropskou unii. Tyto zdraví i život ohrožující výrobky, jež často cílí na děti, nadále zaplavují evropský trh díky e-shopům a nízkým nákladům na jejich výrobu. Budu ráda, pokud konečně tuto skulinu, jednou provždy, odstraníme. On-line platformy musí také nést odpovědnost za produkty, které na svých stránkách nabízejí. Jejich stahování musí mít jasná pravidla. Informační systémy musí být lépe připraveny a pokuty za jejich prodávání musí být značně vyšší, než byly dosud. Jsem ráda, že alespoň zde se věci mají s novými pravidly ubírat správným směrem.

     
       

     

      Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz (PPE). – Panie Komisarzu! Koledzy, koleżanki! Unia Europejska jest liderem we wprowadzaniu regulacji chroniących konsumentów na rynku cyfrowym, a jednocześnie miliony Europejczyków korzystają z niespełniających standardów Unii Europejskiej produktów. Dlaczego? Po pierwsze dlatego, że europejski rynek jest zalewany przez chińskie subsydiowane towary sprzedawane po bezkonkurencyjnie niskich cenach. 2023 rok 2 miliardy paczek, 2024 rok dwa razy tyle paczek – 4 miliardy.

    Po drugie wjeżdżają niebezpieczne produkty. W liście, który otrzymałam od 100 producentów zabawek z Polski, wskazano na sprawozdanie Toy Industries of Europe, z którego dowiadujemy się, że 18 z 19 zabawek kupionych na platformie Temu stanowi rzeczywiste zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa dzieci. Po trzecie chińskie platformy sprzedażowe stosują agresywny marketing i manipulują klientami. Często informacje o tym, kto sprzedaje i za ile sprzedaje wymagają dziesiątki kliknięć, a i tak na koniec są podawane po chińsku.

    Co możemy zrobić, żeby przywrócić uczciwą konkurencję? Po pierwsze wprowadzić poza nielicznymi wyjątkami cła na paczki o wartości do 150 euro. Po drugie Komisja musi skutecznie i szybko egzekwować istniejące prawo. Po trzecie działania organów nadzoru krajowych i unijnych muszą być skoordynowane. Musimy to zatrzymać, zanim będzie za późno, zanim miliony produktów niespełniających standardów bezpieczeństwa trafią do naszych domów, do rąk naszych dzieci, zanim setki tysięcy miejsc w Europie znikną. Musimy to zrobić teraz.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, discutăm de protecția consumatorului și concurența loială în piață, domnule comisar. Sigur, am dezbătut astăzi și dezbatem comerțul online. Avem foarte multe reglementări, le-ați enumerat și dumneavoastră. Întreb: poate un cetățean, un consumator care a achiziționat online un produs să se apere dacă produsul e defect, dacă se îmbolnăvește, dacă produsul nu este conform? Avem reglementare de la etichetare până la dreptul la repararea produselor.

    Totuși, în piața internă sunt extrem de multe produse neconforme din țări terțe și – sigur nu vă dau, cred, o noutate – și în comerțul online avem produse din țări terțe pentru că acordurile nu sunt bine comercial făcute. Nu este subliniată respectarea standardelor de produs, cele europene, și atunci întrebarea este: cum le aplicăm? Reformarea vămilor – pentru prima dată vom avea o autoritate europeană pentru vămi. Problema este de aplicare, nu de reglementare. Am rămas în urmă cu implementarea și cred că aici trebuie să punem accent împreună cu statele membre, evident, ca să protejăm cu adevărat consumatorii.

     
       

     

      Gilles Pennelle (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, nous ne pouvons bien évidemment, au groupe des Patriotes pour l’Europe, que saluer l’intention de protéger les consommateurs européens. Cependant, le rapport Letta nous démontre que nous assistons à une augmentation des fraudes, à une augmentation de la concurrence déloyale et à ces fameuses importations de produits dangereux.

    Alors certes, on a beaucoup parlé des jouets. Je voudrais aussi parler des médicaments, par exemple, qui sont extrêmement dangereux pour la santé lorsqu’ils sont achetés sur des sites que personne ne contrôle. Dans la réalité, vous récoltez, à la Commission et dans cette Union européenne, les fruits de votre politique. C’est le résultat du dogme suprême du libre-échange qui nous amène là où nous en sommes.

    En effet, comment contrôler cette jungle qu’est devenu aujourd’hui le commerce électronique, où les géants du numérique règnent en maîtres. Je pense que les solutions ne sont, comme d’habitude, pas celles que vous proposez. Les solutions sont nationales. Il faut renforcer les douanes nationales pour contrôler ces importations de produits dangereux.

    Je voudrais, puisqu’il me reste quelques secondes, rappeler que, dans la plus grande opacité, dans le plus grand secret, la Commission européenne négocie actuellement le traité de libre-échange avec le Mercosur. Mais, là aussi, nous allons probablement importer des produits dangereux, des viandes de très mauvaise qualité, nourries par des produits interdits dans l’Union européenne.

    Finalement, vous êtes face à vos contradictions. Il est temps de changer de politique.

     
       

     

      Francesco Torselli (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi l’Unione europea sta subendo un vero e proprio attacco da parte di certe nazioni straniere a colpi di prodotti non conformi, di bassissima qualità, spesso anche pericolosi per il consumatore finale.

    Un attacco che sfrutta due falle esistenti nel nostro sistema di difesa: la prima, la possibilità di aggirare facilmente le regole da parte di certe piattaforme online; e la seconda, il fatto che l’Europa negli ultimi anni ha promulgato una serie di regolamenti autolesionisti, che spesso sembravano più favorire chi stava fuori dall’Europa piuttosto che le nostre imprese.

    È essenziale che oggi l’Unione europea intensifichi i controlli alle frontiere, protegga i consumatori, contrasti la concorrenza sleale. Dobbiamo migliorare la cooperazione, responsabilizzare le piattaforme online. Cooperazione e responsabilità: queste sono le ricette per un’Europa più forte che contrasti il commercio illegale.

     
       

     

      Nikola Minchev (Renew). – Mr President, the European Union is a global leader in setting high standards with the aim of ensuring quality and protecting our consumers. ‘Made in the EU’ is not just a label; it’s an unmatched guarantee of quality and safety. Yet we allow unreasonably cheap, low-quality, sometimes even dangerous, products to flood our markets, undercutting our industries. This must change.

    We need stronger enforcement of anti-dumping measures to defend the integrity of our single market. The European Commission has made recent strides, improving trade defence instruments by over 40 % to allow faster investigations and duties on unfair imports. But more action and especially enforcement of the existing rules is needed.

    Take my own country, Bulgaria. As the EU’s sixth largest exporter of electric bikes, our manufacturers face competition from cheap, lower quality imports from non-EU countries. These imports threaten to destabilise the growing sector. Robust enforcement, like recent EU actions against Chinese e-bikes, is essential to protect jobs, innovation and fair competition across Europe.

     
       

     

      Anna Cavazzini (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Teddybär auf der Onlineplattform Temu, der sieht süß und flauschig aus und kostet auch nur zwölf Euro. Aber wenn die Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher diesen Teddy bestellen, besteht die 95-prozentige Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass er den europäischen Vorgaben für Produktsicherheit nicht entspricht. In anderen Worten: Das Kuscheltier ist gefährlich: Seine Augen können verschluckt werden, oder das Fell ist vielleicht giftig.

    Dem immer schneller wachsenden Anteil des Onlinehandels, besonders mit Billigprodukten aus China, stehen Zoll und Marktüberwachung hier in Europa hilflos gegenüber. Dieses Jahr gehen Schätzungen zufolge vier Milliarden Pakete in die Europäische Union ein, die unter der Zollgrenze von 150 Euro liegen, und sie landen direkt bei den Verbraucherinnen und Verbrauchern.

    Es ist allerhöchste Zeit, unseren hohen europäischen Verbraucherschutz auch im Onlinehandel durchzusetzen. Die Kommission muss das Gesetz über digitale Dienste konsequent umsetzen und Online-Marktplätze mehr in die Verantwortung nehmen. Die EU-Zollreform ist der Schlüssel, um Kontrollen an unseren Grenzen zu verbessern. Das Parlament hat seine Hausaufgaben gemacht; der Rat schleicht und blockiert, und wir verlieren kostbare Zeit.

    Wir brauchen endlich mehr rechtliche und finanzielle Verantwortung für die Onlineplattformen. Den großen Wurf hat leider die konservative Seite dieses Parlaments in der letzten Legislatur blockiert; jetzt erkennen alle, glaube ich, dass es ein Fehler war.

     
       

     

      Christian Doleschal (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ein T-Shirt für drei Euro, eine Jacke für sieben oder ein Kinder-Plüschtier für wenige Cents: E-Commerce-Händler wie Temu oder Shein überfluten mit aggressiven Vermarktungsstrategien und Dumpingpreisen unsere Märkte. Allein 2023 exportierten Shein und Temu zusammen täglich 9000 Tonnen Fracht nach Europa. Mit ihren unlauteren Praktiken setzen sie unsere Onlinehändler, aber auch unsere Geschäfte in unseren schönen Innenstädten unter enormen Druck. Während diese sich an strenge europäische Vorschriften halten, verstoßen Temu und Shein gegen Vorgaben zur Produktsicherheit, Arbeitsbedingungen, Nachhaltigkeit, Urheberrecht und Datenschutz – ohne spürbare Konsequenzen.

    Doch eigentlich mangelt es nicht an Regeln, sondern an deren konsequenter Durchsetzung. E-Commerce-Plattformen wie Temu oder Shein nutzen geschickt Lücken in der Marktüberwachung und bei der Wareneinfuhr zu ihrem Vorteil. Fehlende innereuropäische Vernetzung beim Datenaustausch, unzureichende Zollkontrollen und die aktuell noch gültigen Zollbestimmungen begünstigen die oftmals ungeprüfte Einfuhr von Waren aus dem Ausland in massenhaften Paketen mit geringem Warenwert.

    Ja, es ist wichtig, die Aufhebung der Zollbefreiung von Waren unter 150 Euro im Rahmen der EU-Zollreform anzuregen, und dafür danke ich der Kommission. Wir müssen sehen, dass diese neuen Regeln so schnell wie möglich in Kraft treten und durchgesetzt werden. Es geht nicht darum, Protektionismus zu fördern, vielmehr geht es um fairen Wettbewerb – wenn unsere Innenstädte leer gefegt und unsere europäischen Onlinehändler zerstört sind, ist es zu spät.

     
       

     

      Bernd Lange (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Temu-Schlagzeile „Shoppen wie ein Millionär“ müsste man wahrscheinlich umdichten in „Verkaufen wie ein Milliardär“. Wir haben gehört, vier Milliarden Päckchen kommen dieses Jahr von den Onlineplattformen Temu, Shein und AliExpress, und da frage ich mich schon, Herr Kommissar: Warum haben wir da nicht eine Gleichbehandlung mit Verkäufen innerhalb der Europäischen Union?

    Ich möchte ja nicht den Markt zumachen, überhaupt nicht. Aber es kann doch nicht sein, wenn wir innerhalb der Europäischen Union RAPEX haben, andere Möglichkeiten haben und wenn da ein Laden Produkte verkauft, die nicht akzeptabel sind, wird der Laden zugemacht, und hier fragen wir immer nur nach Informationen und machen im Grunde nicht klar, wenn ein Produkt auf der Plattform ist, und das ist mehrmals passiert, dass diese Plattform eben nicht mehr liefern kann.

    Oder auch – Sie sagen, die 150 Euro müssen fallen. Fallen die 2028, wie die Kommission vorschlägt, oder eben früher? Und was ist mit dem Rat und der Zollreform? Auch hier passiert zu wenig. Nicht nur klagen, sondern auch handeln für einen fairen Wettbewerb.

     
       

     

      Valérie Deloge (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, quand on entend parler de contrefaçons, on ne pense pas tout de suite à la nourriture. Pourtant, rien qu’en 2023, ce sont 1 150 000 produits alimentaires contrefaits qui ont été saisis en France. Yaourts, pâtes, fromages, mais aussi vin, cognac, huîtres et petits pots pour bébé: tout y passe. Ces produits sont faits pour ressembler à s’y méprendre aux originaux, mais ils ne répondent pas à nos normes et peuvent causer des risques pour notre santé. Pis: ces contrefaçons sont souvent 20 % à 70 % moins chères que les originaux. Nombreux sont les consommateurs qui les achètent, pensant profiter d’offres attrayantes sur des lots de déstockage.

    Cette situation est aussi dangereuse qu’intolérable. Elle signifie que nos agriculteurs et nos transformateurs ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec les pays étrangers qui inondent notre marché à cause d’accords de libre-échange irresponsables, ils sont aussi en concurrence avec ces fraudes, qui ternissent l’image des filières et véhiculent une image négative des produits.

    Après les manifestations de l’an dernier, vous avez dit entendre la colère du monde agricole. Vous prétendez vouloir rétablir la réputation des agriculteurs et défendre les filières européennes: voici une bonne occasion de le faire. Traquez ces produits, contrôlez l’entrée des marchandises de mauvaise qualité ou qui ne répondent pas à nos normes et rendez au consommateur l’assurance qu’en achetant des produits européens ils achèteront de la qualité. La colère des agriculteurs, elle, est toujours là. À vous maintenant de prouver que vous pouvez vraiment agir.

     
       

     

      Nicolas Bay (ECR). – Monsieur le Président, à quoi bon avoir les normes les plus strictes et les plus exigeantes du monde si c’est pour laisser notre marché être inondé par des importations qui ne les respectent pas? À quoi bon étouffer nos producteurs par la paperasse, les taxes, les règles, si c’est pour laisser leurs concurrents tricher?

    Face à la concurrence déloyale, l’Union doit autant protéger ses consommateurs que défendre ses entreprises et ses producteurs. La réciprocité et des conditions équitables de concurrence sont nécessaires pour que le commerce soit bénéfique à tous. Il est impératif de multiplier les contrôles sur les importations et il est surtout impératif de ne pas nouer des accords commerciaux déséquilibrés. Le traité avec le Mercosur, en particulier, que la Commission cherche à conclure dans la précipitation, sacrifiera comme toujours nos agriculteurs. C’est une telle certitude, d’ailleurs, qu’un fonds est déjà prévu pour les indemniser.

    Nos producteurs sont les plus respectueux à la fois des consommateurs, de leurs animaux et de l’environnement. Leurs produits sont les meilleurs au monde. Ils ne veulent pas vivre de la charité. Ils veulent vivre du plus vieux et du plus noble des métiers: le travail de la terre, le travail de nos pères. Libérons-les et laissons-les se battre à armes égales en cessant d’organiser la concurrence déloyale, qui les condamne à la disparition.

     
       

     

      Anna Stürgkh (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Ja, bei fast jeder Diskussion zur EU fällt ein Wort wie das Amen im Gebet: Regulierung. Die EU als Regulierungsweltmeister und die Regulierung als quasi Endgegner der Innovation, ganz nach dem Motto „Du, glückliches Europa, reguliere“. Dabei steckt ja hinter den Regulierungen eigentlich ein wichtiges Ziel: nämlich Menschen und Unternehmen zu schützen und sie zu unterstützen, sicherzugehen, dass sie nicht Produzentinnen und Produzenten ausgeliefert werden, die Gesetze mit Füßen treten und Profit am Ende sogar noch mit dem Leben ihrer Konsumentinnen und Konsumenten machen.

    Dafür müssen wir aber die richtige Regulierung machen, und dafür müssen wir uns auch trauen, manchmal hinderliche Regulierungen wegzulassen. Wir müssen Menschen die Sicherheit geben, dass die Produkte, die sie in Europa auch online kaufen, nicht ihre Gesundheit oder ihr Leben gefährden. Wir müssen dafür sorgen, dass die Regeln, die für europäische Produzentinnen und Produzenten gelten, auch für Produkte gelten, die in unserem Land aus Drittstaaten in unsere Haushalte kommen. Wir müssen sichergehen, dass europäische Regeln auch europäisch gelten und nicht 27-mal unterschiedlich ausgelegt werden.

    Die Ziele sind richtig, der Weg noch holprig. Aber ja, „Du glückliches Europa – reguliere“.

     
       


     

      Δημήτρης Τσιόδρας (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, οι Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες σε πολλές περιπτώσεις νιώθουν απροστάτευτοι από αθέμιτες πρακτικές, αλλά και από τον τρόπο με τον οποίο γίνονται πολλές συναλλαγές, ιδιαίτερα στο νέο ψηφιακό περιβάλλον.

    Στο ηλεκτρονικό εμπόριο πολλές φορές οι καταναλωτές δεν αισθάνονται ότι έχουν τον πλήρη έλεγχο των συναλλαγών τους λόγω των πολύπλοκων κανόνων και των ρητρών που περιλαμβάνονται στα περιβόητα ψιλά γράμματα. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις υπάρχουν συγκαλυμμένες χρεώσεις, ενώ ο σχεδιασμός πολλών ψηφιακών υπηρεσιών δημιουργεί εθισμό στα παιδιά και οδηγεί σε πρόσθετες χρεώσεις μέσω βιντεοπαιχνιδιών. Παράλληλα, κάθε χρόνο, καταναλωτές στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αγοράζουν, χωρίς να το γνωρίζουν, προϊόντα τα οποία δεν πληρούν τα ευρωπαϊκά πρότυπα ποιότητας και ασφάλειας.

    Ένα άλλο σημαντικό θέμα είναι ότι μεγάλες πολυεθνικές εταιρείες εκμεταλλεύονται τη δεσπόζουσα θέση τους στην αγορά για να επιβάλουν γεωγραφικούς εφοδιαστικούς περιορισμούς, επιβάλλοντας αδικαιολόγητα υψηλές τιμές. Ο πρωθυπουργός Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης έχει στείλει στην Επιτροπή μια σχετική επιστολή και πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να επιληφθεί του θέματος. Είναι αναγκαία η αυστηρή τήρηση των κανόνων και, όπου χρειάζεται, περαιτέρω αυστηροποίηση της νομοθεσίας και συνεργασία των αρχών, προκειμένου οι Ευρωπαίοι καταναλωτές να αισθάνονται ότι προστατεύονται.

     
       

     

      Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, potrošačke organizacije čak 17 država prijavile se Europskoj komisiji najnoviji kineski div Temu. Propituje se sigurnost proizvoda, štetnost za zdravlje, pa čak i prodajni lanac u smislu prodaje ilegalnih proizvoda. Temu i dalje prodaje, ljudi i dalje kupuju.

    Prije nekoliko godina 18 potrošačkih organizacija prijavilo je Tik Tok europskim tijelima radi štetnog utjecaja na maloljetnike, koji čine 30 posto njihovih korisnika. Narušavanje mentalnog zdravlja, izazivanje ovisnosti, poticanje nezdravih navika i ponašanja kod djece gorući su problemi koji traže hitnu reakciju. Unatoč tome, promjene na platformi su minimalne.

    Kako prisiliti internetske divove da poštuju europska pravila? Treba dati veće ovlasti Europskoj komisiji u slučaju povrede potrošačkih prava. Pokažimo građanima da nisu sami, da je udar na naše ljude, udar i na naše institucije i da će one brzo i efikasno odgovoriti ondje gdje ih najviše boli. One koji rade greške – udarimo ih po džepu.

     
       

     

      Philippe Olivier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, la question de la sécurité des produits n’est pas toujours affaire de développement juridique ou de normes, mais de contrôles. Elle pose la question des portes d’entrée de l’Europe, et les portes d’entrée de l’Europe, ce sont les ports. Sur Le Havre, sur 6 000 conteneurs, seuls 5 sont contrôlés. D’une manière générale, tous les ports européens tendent à être pris en main par les mafias, soit par la peur et par la menace, soit par la corruption. Personne ne s’en préoccupe.

    Comment croire que le libre-échange puisse être vertueux quand même les règles les plus élémentaires de surveillance sont en pratique bafouées aux endroits où les contrôles devraient être implacables? Que dire des matières premières qui sont vendues en Europe par des pays qui ne les possèdent pas, mais qui les volent? La République démocratique du Congo est ainsi pillée par son voisin, le Rwanda, et l’Europe commet des actes de recel en achetant à Kigali de telles matières premières.

    Si vous souhaitez ramener un peu d’éthique dans le commerce sans limites et sans règles, rétablissez les contrôles nécessaires.

     
       


     

      Henrik Dahl (PPE). – Hr. Formand. Tak for ordet. Kinesiske online platforme som Temu og Sheen presser det europæiske marked med produkter, der for det første er lodret ulovlige og for det andet er farlige. Disse produkter er for det første en risiko for forbrugerne, men de er også en direkte trussel imod det indre marked. Temu undergraver systematisk de regler, vi har bygget op for at beskytte de europæiske borgere. De regler overholder de europæiske virksomheder i modsætning til Temu. Når Temu udnytter huller i lovgivningen, så får de en unfair konkurrencefordel, som de bruger til at udkonkurrere europæiske virksomheder. EU har skabt et robust regelsæt for forbrugersikkerhed, men uden en effektiv håndhævelse er de regler ikke noget værd. Vi skal ikke tolerere, at kinesiske platforme systematisk bryder reglerne og underminerer europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er det på tide at tage kampen op mod de aktører, der misbruger systemet, skader forbrugerne og fører en form for økonomisk krig imod Europa. Europa skal være stærkt, og derfor skal Europa sanktionere de kinesiske virksomheder, som bevidst bryder reglerne.

     
       

     

      Pierre Jouvet (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, pour éviter un anniversaire ou un Noël sans cadeaux, des parents achètent à bas prix des jouets sur des sites chinois. Comment leur en vouloir, quand les fins de mois sont devenues si difficiles? C’est pourtant un cadeau empoisonné, parce que ces jouets sont certes peu chers, mais très probablement toxiques. D’après des tests menés en laboratoire, près de 80 % d’entre eux sont dangereux.

    En plus de ces jouets toxiques, combien de parfums irritants, de lunettes de soleil inefficaces, de jeans de contrefaçon seront vendus par ces plateformes chinoises qui inondent le marché? Temu, Shein, AliExpress importeront près de 4 milliards d’articles en Europe cette année. Ce chiffre a triplé en trois ans. Ces plateformes profitent du seuil douanier de 150 euros sur les colis internationaux pour échapper à tout contrôle. Ces entreprises violent les droits des consommateurs et nuisent aux fabricants européens, qui, eux, respectent les normes sociales et environnementales.

    L’Europe doit se réveiller et faire respecter un principe simple: «Notre marché, nos règles.»

     
       

     

      Zala Tomašič (PPE). – Gospod predsednik. V skladu s Temujevo politiko zasebnosti se osebni podatki, kot so ime, priimek, naslov, zgodovina nakupov in lokacija, lahko delijo s tretjimi oglaševalci, ponudniki storitev in poslovnimi partnerji. Temu včasih ponuja storitve, Temu včasih ponuja izdelke celo brezplačno. Ampak potrebno se je zavedati, da nič ni brezplačno.

    V zameno platforma pridobiva osebne podatke in spremlja obnašanje potrošnikov na spletu. Obstajajo pa tudi skrbi, da se ti podatki potem prodajajo tudi naprej. Le malokateri potrošnik pa se tega tudi zaveda.

    Poleg tega je kvaliteta teh izdelkov vprašljiva. Slišali smo že, kako otroške igrače takoj razpadejo na majhne dele, kako detektorji dima dima ne zaznajo. Ampak problem so tudi kozmetični izdelki, ki lahko pustijo nepopravljive poškodbe sluznice in kože.

    Močno podpiram prosti trg in konkurenčnost na trgu, vendar pa moramo zaščititi tako potrošnike pred zlorabo osebnih podatkov in škodljivimi izdelki kot tudi naše podjetnike pred nelojalno konkurenco.

     
       

     

      Maria Guzenina (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, komission edustajat, EU:n pitäisi olla maailman turvallisin alue ostaa tavaraa. Meillä on tiukat standardit sille, millaisia tuotteita täällä saa myydä, joten miten ihmeessä on mahdollista, että tuoreissa testeissä jopa 80 prosenttia leluista, joita myydään muun muassa kiinalaisissa verkkokaupoissa, eivät täyttäneet lelujen turvallisuusvaatimuksia. Kyse on kuluttajien, erityisesti lasten terveydestä. Kyse on ympäristömme suojelemisesta. Kyse on turvallisuudesta ja kyse on eurooppalaisten yritysten mahdollisuudesta pärjätä.

    Kiinalaiset säännöistä piittaamattomat jättimäiset verkkokaupat toimittavat kiihtyvällä vauhdilla tavaroita Eurooppaan. Suomen tullin mukaan kiinalaisten pakettien valtava määrä vaarantaa jo tullinkin toimintakyvyn.

    Tuoteturvallisuusdirektiivi, se on hyvä alku, mutta on tärkeää, että me emme lisää vastuullisten eurooppalaisten yritysten sääntelyä, vaan meidän pitää varmistaa, että kiinalaiset kaupat noudattavat eurooppalaisia sääntöjä.

    Tämän asian ratkaisemisella on kiire. Komission on tehtävä tässä tehtävänsä. Euroopan on oltava yhtenäinen tässä asiassa. Kyse on eurooppalaisten terveydestä.

     
       

     

      Niels Flemming Hansen (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, honourable colleagues, e-commerce has rapidly expanded, offering consumers access to products from around the globe. A recent study found that 30 out of 38 products from the Temu platform failed to meet European safety standards, posing a serious risk to consumers. Some 30 out of 38, my dear friends: that’s 78 %.

    This is not about protectionism. It’s about ensuring fairness and safety. Non-compliance puts the consumers at risk and creates an uneven playing field, especially for European SMEs that follow EU rules. SMEs, which are the backbone of our economy, will suffer the most.

    The scale of e-commerce makes it impossible for national customs to manage alone. In Germany, it’s estimated that there are around 400 000 packages a day from China; 78 % of that is 320 000 packages.

    Finally, this is a test of the EU’s ability to address the challenges of a globalised marketplace. We must be decisive, not only to protect our consumers, but to prove that Europe can enforce its own rules and uphold fairness in the single market.

     
       

     

      Pierfrancesco Maran (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, caro Commissario, come ha ben sottolineato, è necessario sistemare alcuni aspetti del mercato online e questo va fatto rapidamente.

    Oggi il 70% dei cittadini europei compra beni e servizi online. Eppure esistono due mercati: uno per chi rispetta le regole e uno per chi non le rispetta e le aggira. In molti abbiamo sottolineato come alcuni soggetti sono certamente protagonisti delle violazioni.

    Operatori come Temu, Shein, AliExpress – che insieme contano 300 milioni di utenti in Europa – immettono sul mercato migliaia di prodotti non sicuri a prezzi stracciati. Loro lo sanno bene e sanno che possono farlo, perché non mettiamo ancora in campo azioni strutturali che li rendano corresponsabili.

    Questo è il punto di lavoro principale, perché non possiamo pensare di andare ad inseguire ogni consegna alle dogane. È necessario agire alla fonte nei loro confronti, perché si adoperino per una svolta nei loro comportamenti commerciali.

    Lo dobbiamo ai cittadini europei, che devono sapere che i prodotti che comprano sono sempre sicuri e non essere tentati dalla convenienza del low cost senza regole. E lo dobbiamo alle aziende che invece rispettano le regole e che meritano di non avere questa concorrenza.

     
       


     

      Elisabeth Grossmann (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Die Digitalisierung und der wachsende E-Commerce haben unsere Märkte grundlegend verändert, und es ist unerlässlich, dass wir als EU entschlossen handeln, um Sicherheit und Fairness zu gewährleisten. Der europäische Handel gerät durch das Onlineangebot aus dem EU-Ausland zunehmend unter Druck, und große Plattformen, vorwiegend aus China, überschwemmen gerade den europäischen Markt mit Billigangeboten und nutzen die bestehenden Schlupflöcher aus, was den Wettbewerb verzerrt und europäische Unternehmen stark benachteiligt und auch europäische Arbeitsplätze kostet und natürlich auch europäische Wertschöpfung.

    Und ich sage Ihnen: Es ist nicht fünf vor zwölf, es ist fünf nach zwölf, weil es hat sich bereits das Kaufverhalten der Menschen erheblich verändert, und es sind bereits zahlreiche Unternehmen im Produktionsbereich und auch im Handelsbereich insolvent. Und hier haben wir in Zukunft mitunter auch ein Problem mit der Versorgungssicherheit.

    Deshalb ist dringendes Handeln, rasches Handeln geboten. Es ist mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte einiges gelungen – aber diese Gesetze gehören auch konsequent umgesetzt, und zwar sofort.

     
       

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ESTEBAN GONZÁLEZ PONS
    Vice-President

     
       

     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, EU consumer rights are worth absolutely nothing unless they are effectively enforced. We have made some progress with the General Product Safety Regulation, which is going to come into effect later on this year, and we are working on ambitious reforms, but it’s not just about laws.

    The EU’s many market surveillance authorities have to work together in order to take risk-based market surveillance seriously, because when it comes to illegal products coming into EU countries, we should be really, really vigilant. According to the Commission, last year, 2.3 billion items worth less than EUR 150 entered the EU last year. And we’re facing what could only be described as a flood of cheap products. Member State authorities are frequently overwhelmed and sometimes just to verify whether something meets a product safety standard is next to impossible. So we need to support these authorities and make sure that they have the resources they need to do their work online markets such as China’s Temu must meet the standards that we uphold every single European company to in order to have the right to operate in the EU market.

    We don’t want protectionism, we don’t want to reduce global trade. We just want to make sure that the level playing field is level and that the people who are consuming the goods are safe from them.

     
       

     

      Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in questi mesi ricorre insistentemente il tema della competitività, soprattutto in quest’Aula. Però leggiamo dalla recente relazione Letta che il 75% dei prodotti pericolosi in circolazione in Europa deriva da Paesi terzi ed è un dato in crescita preoccupante.

    Potete ben capire che questo non solo mette a rischio la competitività delle nostre imprese ma anche la salute dei nostri consumatori, ai quali invece dobbiamo garantire prodotti sicuri con controlli rigorosi, in particolare quelli acquistati sull’e-commerce, piattaforme esplose durante il periodo del COVID.

    Dobbiamo intervenire con urgenza per contrastare l’eccessiva presenza di prodotti dei Paesi terzi, che attraverso le piattaforme riescono a raggiungere con comodità milioni di utenti in tempi rapidissimi. Questa situazione crea una concorrenza sleale che penalizza le nostre imprese, che invece sono obbligate a rispettare norme sempre più stringenti, mentre molti prodotti sono importati senza i dovuti controlli.

    E allora particolare attenzione va rivolta soprattutto ai giocattoli, oppure ai farmaci, perché rivolti ai bambini e alle persone che hanno bisogno di cure. Dobbiamo garantire standard di sicurezza.

    In questo contesto, l’unione doganale può fare ovviamente molto di più e auspichiamo che, ovviamente, la riforma che è stata avviata possa essere portata a termine per garantire una vigilanza più stringente sulle importazioni, proteggendo il nostro mercato e soprattutto i nostri cittadini.

    Solo così potremo assicurare una concorrenza equa e un futuro di crescita e sicurezza per tutti.

     
       

       

    Catch-the-eye procedure

     
       



     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Menschen Europas, Hohes Haus! Wir haben heute bereits über die Wichtigkeit des europäischen Binnenmarkts gesprochen. Umso glücklicher bin ich über diese Debatte, denn wir müssen unseren Binnenmarkt auch schützen. Wir können es nicht akzeptieren, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unter Missachtung der Menschenrechte, teilweise sogar von uigurischen Zwangsarbeitern in Konzentrationslagern hergestellt werden. Wir können es nicht hinnehmen, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unseren Sicherheitsstandards nicht gerecht werden. Wir können es nicht tatenlos geschehen lassen, wenn diese Produkte von autoritären Staaten gezielt subventioniert werden.

    Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn diese Produkte von internationalen Großkonzernen unter bewusstem Ausnutzen verschiedener Steuersysteme innerhalb der EU vertrieben werden. Schließlich: Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn der Binnenmarkt zerstört wird, indem er von ausländischer Konkurrenz ausgespielt wird.

    Die Menschen wollen einen starken Binnenmarkt, nicht einen auf Wish bestellt; und das fängt, wie viele meiner Kollegen zu Recht betont haben, beim Zollsystem an.

     
       


       

    (End of catch-the-eye procedure)

     
       

     

      Didier Reynders, membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je voudrais d’abord vous remercier pour ce débat sur le marché intérieur et la manière dont des produits arrivent sur ce marché intérieur. Les plateformes jouent un rôle de plus en plus important en la matière. J’entends bien l’ensemble des remarques sur les règles – qui, pour une grande part, existent, même s’il y a encore du travail à faire – et sur le besoin d’un contrôle renforcé.

    Je dirais tout d’abord que nous devons mieux utiliser les outils qui arrivent et qui sont parfois déjà à notre disposition. Je voudrais féliciter les autorités chargées de la protection des consommateurs dans les États membres, que nous avons organisées en réseau. Ce réseau d’acteurs, le réseau CPC, fait déjà aujourd’hui, en relation avec les associations de consommateurs, un travail sur le terrain remarquable pour détecter et retirer des produits régulièrement, non seulement des magasins, mais aussi des plateformes en ligne. Nous avons d’ailleurs développé au sein de la Commission un outil numérique qui permet de vérifier que ces produits ne reviennent pas sur les plateformes.

    Je ne dis pas que nous détectons l’ensemble des produits ou que nous retirons l’ensemble des produits dangereux, que ce soit pour la sécurité proprement dite ou pour la santé des consommateurs, mais je voudrais saluer ce travail, sur lequel il faudra d’ailleurs à nouveau se pencher. Beaucoup ont évoqué le rôle particulier des douanes. Je voudrais confirmer que la Commission souhaite avancer en la matière. Le dossier est entre les mains des colégislateurs pour l’instant. Plusieurs ont évoqué la limite des 150 euros: nous souhaitons l’abolir. J’espère que nous pourrons aboutir prochainement à un accord entre les colégislateurs sur ce sujet. Le travail des douanes est un travail important dans le cadre de la protection des consommateurs.

    Le règlement sur les services numériques est en vigueur. Des pouvoirs ont été octroyés à la Commission, des pouvoirs que nous avons commencé à utiliser, y compris dans les domaines que vous avez évoqués et en particulier dans le cadre de plateformes qui inondent l’Union européenne de produits à bas prix. Le règlement général sur la sécurité des produits, que j’ai évoqué tout à l’heure, entrera en vigueur le 13 décembre. À travers ce règlement, comme plusieurs d’entre vous l’ont évoqué, la responsabilité personnelle des plateformes pourra être mise en cause, non seulement celle des grandes plateformes, mais aussi celle des plus petites, puisque nous avons prévu qu’une personne responsable devait être désignée dans l’Union européenne lorsque des produits sont effectivement importés sur le marché. Mais, je le répète, ce règlement général, que nous avons souhaité mettre en place pour remplacer une directive, entre en vigueur le 13 décembre prochain. Je vous invite donc à utiliser, pour le moment, les outils à disposition ou dont disposeront bientôt les différents acteurs chargés de la protection des consommateurs.

    Pour ce qui est de la poursuite du dialogue avec nos partenaires, j’ai mis en place au cours de la législature écoulée un dialogue avec les autorités américaines, notamment en matière de protection des produits. En ce qui concerne la politique des consommateurs, il y a aux États-Unis trois agences différentes, et la commission américaine chargée de la sécurité des produits est en dialogue constant avec la Commission européenne. Nous développons un dialogue similaire avec le Royaume-Uni, le Canada, le Japon, ou la Corée du Sud.

    Pour la première fois, nous avons tenu, à Paris, au sein de l’OCDE, une réunion ministérielle concernant la politique des consommateurs. Et l’OCDE, pour une fois, s’est penchée non plus seulement sur la production, mais aussi sur la consommation, et donc, réellement, sur la sécurité des produits pour les consommateurs. On voit que ce thème progresse. Nous avons d’ailleurs tenu à Bruxelles, très récemment, une semaine consacrée à la sécurité des produits, avec l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux.

    Il est vrai que nous devons aussi poursuivre le travail entamé avec la Chine. Nous le faisons par un dialogue direct, nous le faisons aussi, parfois, en collaboration avec des partenaires internationaux – nous avons mené une action trilatérale avec nos collègues américains. Je ne suis pas naïf, mais on doit continuer à tenter de convaincre nos partenaires chinois qu’il s’agit aussi d’un enjeu de réputation pour leurs produits et pour leurs entreprises, et probablement pour un nombre croissant de consommateurs chinois, qui souhaitent eux-mêmes une plus grande sécurité de leurs produits. C’est un travail qui a aussi été entamé au cours de ces dernières années.

    Enfin, vous avez évoqué des cas concrets de sécurité des produits sur des plateformes, mais aussi de produits à bas prix – je pense à Temu ou à Shein. Je l’ai dit, des actions sont en cours. Nous avons saisi le réseau des agences chargées de la protection des consommateurs sur ce sujet. Le réseau CPC y travaille. Le règlement sur les services numériques est lui aussi à l’œuvre dans le cadre de procédures visant ces plateformes, lesquelles ne posent pas seulement un problème de sécurité de produits ou de santé des consommateurs, mais aussi, vous l’avez rappelé, de concurrence déloyale, en raison de prix très faibles, de prix particulièrement bas. Elles ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec la production de nouveaux produits en Europe, elles le sont aussi avec le marché de seconde main.

    Nous avons, avec certains d’entre vous, beaucoup travaillé au développement du droit à la réparation, qui concerne chaque consommateur et qui permet par ailleurs de renforcer le marché de seconde main. Il est clair que nous devons la protéger contre l’évolution de la concurrence déloyale, tout en demandant bien entendu au secteur de la seconde main de garantir la sécurité de ses produits au même titre que le respect d’un certain nombre de règles européennes.

    Alors, bien entendu, je ne voudrais pas conclure sans évoquer un ou deux aspects, notamment une remarque plus personnelle. La Commission a vu ses compétences directes renforcées: aussi bien celles qu’elle détient, depuis longtemps, dans le domaine de la concurrence que celles acquises plus récemment dans celui des plateformes – à travers le règlement sur les services numériques.

    Pour ce qui est des consommateurs, il est peut-être temps aussi de se poser la question, au-delà du réseau des acteurs nationaux, d’une action possible et plus directe de la Commission pour des cas qui le méritent – des cas manifestement transfrontaliers et qui concernent l’ensemble des consommateurs européens. Cela nécessite des moyens, bien entendu. C’est donc un débat qui reviendra, je l’espère, dans les prochaines années: le travail en la matière ne doit plus se limiter aux agences nationales, il doit aussi advenir à l’échelon de la Commission.

    Je terminerai en vous disant que plusieurs ont évoqué la nécessité d’agir vite. J’ai notamment entendu des remarques sur la manière dont on produit un certain nombre de biens vendus sur le marché européen, parfois en violation des règles environnementales ou des droits de l’homme. Nous avons mis cinq ans à faire adopter une directive sur le devoir de vigilance. Maintenant, il faut en entamer la mise en œuvre.

    J’espère donc que la détermination de l’ensemble des acteurs – des colégislateurs comme des États membres – sera très grande pour agir: pas uniquement quand un produit arrive sur le marché européen, mais aussi sur les chaînes d’approvisionnement, en réfléchissant à la manière de faire respecter les règles environnementales aussi bien que celles en matière de droits de l’homme, tant par les entreprises européennes que par les entreprises de pays tiers qui viennent sur le marché intérieur – y compris à travers des plateformes.

    Beaucoup reste à faire, mais je crois que des règles sont en place. Il faut maintenant les rendre effectives et, surtout, renforcer le contrôle, pour une part à l’échelon européen – lorsque c’est nécessaire.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

     

    16. One-minute speeches on matters of political importance


     

      Φρέντης Μπελέρης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, θα ήθελα να μοιραστώ μαζί σας μια όμορφη πρωτοβουλία στην Ελλάδα και συγκεκριμένα στη Φουρνά Ευρυτανίας, ένα ελληνικό χωριό όπου Δήμος, Περιφέρεια και Εκκλησία συνεργάζονται αρμονικά, προσφέροντας μια καλύτερη ζωή σε μέλη νέων οικογενειών με στόχο να τους πείσουν να εγκατασταθούν στον τόπο τους. Θέλω να σας πω ότι αυτές ακριβώς τις μικρές νίκες πρέπει να αναζητούμε απέναντι στη δημογραφική κρίση· τις μάχες, δηλαδή, που δίνονται μεμονωμένα, ώστε η ευρωπαϊκή ύπαιθρος να μη «σβήσει».

    Ας δούμε όμως και τη μεγάλη εικόνα. Είναι αναγκαία η άμεση επανεκκίνηση της ευρωπαϊκής περιφέρειας. Αυτό θα το πετύχουμε με την αξιοποίηση επιτυχημένων πολιτικών και σωστή αναδιάρθρωση του ευρωπαϊκού προϋπολογισμού. Η Ευρώπη δεν πρέπει να επανέλθει στις διαφορετικές ταχύτητες με τις οποίες εξαπλώνεται το δημογραφικό πρόβλημα στα 27 κράτη μέλη, αλλά να χρηματοδοτήσει δράσεις με την ίδια ένταση και να δώσει ουσιαστικά κίνητρα.

    Κλείνοντας, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, οφείλουμε να φροντίσουμε ώστε να μη νιώθουν οι περιφέρειες και τα νησιά μας απομονωμένα. Κάθε κουκκίδα στον ευρωπαϊκό χάρτη που διασυνδέουμε με μια άλλη, είναι αυτομάτως μια μεγάλη κατάκτηση προς τον κοινό μας στόχο: να δώσουμε ξανά πνοή στην ήπειρό μας.

     
       

     

      Gabriela Firea (S&D). – Domnule președinte, vinerea trecută, tocmai a trecut, a marcat Ziua Europeană de Luptă împotriva Traficului de Persoane, o zi care ne amintește cât de fragilă este siguranța pentru multe femei și mulți copii din Europa. Din păcate, traficul de persoane, care este strâns legat de violența domestică, continuă să fie o problemă gravă. Observăm la nivelul Uniunii Europene că se fac pași importanți. A fost adoptată o versiune revizuită a directivei antitrafic, cu măsuri mai stricte pentru combaterea noilor forme de exploatare, inclusiv a celor din mediul online. Programe precum Fondul pentru azil, migrație și integrare și Programul „Cetățeni, egalitate, drepturi și valori” sprijină victimele și încearcă să prevină traficul de persoane.

    Totuși, nu este suficient și este clar că avem nevoie de o mai bună coordonare între statele membre și de o utilizare mai eficientă a fondurilor, inclusiv prin Mecanismul de redresare și reziliență. Este vital să investim mai mult în educație, în prevenție și mai ales în protecția reală a victimelor, iar cei care comit aceste crime să fie aduși în fața justiției, pentru că asta înseamnă să facem dreptate: să-i protejăm pe cei vulnerabili și să nu lăsăm nicio victimă fără voce.

     
       

     

      Julien Sanchez (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, le récent rapport de la Cour des comptes européenne sur le fonds fiduciaire d’urgence en faveur de la stabilité et de la lutte contre les causes profondes de la migration irrégulière et du phénomène des personnes déplacées en Afrique, fonds doté rappelons-le de 5 milliards d’euros d’argent public de nos concitoyens, est édifiant et accablant.

    Si les besoins sont réels et la situation préoccupante, les exemples de gaspillage sans aucun contrôle sont hélas innombrables et choquants. Oui, la Commission européenne gère notre argent avec amateurisme et légèreté. Ainsi, en Gambie, des bénéficiaires ont reçu deux fois la même aide pour des projets agricoles qui, en plus, sont des projets fictifs. En Afrique subsaharienne, des mixeurs ont été distribués dans des écoles qui n’ont même pas accès à l’électricité. Il y a des dizaines d’exemples dans ce rapport, que j’invite chacun à lire.

    J’ai trois questions. Ce programme existe-t-il juste pour se donner bonne conscience? Comment peut-on balancer des milliards et se désintéresser à ce point de l’utilisation réelle et concrète de ces fonds? Enfin: n’avez-vous pas honte de voir l’argent des contribuables ainsi dilapidé? Comment tout cela est-il possible, et pourquoi les gens qui laissent faire cela ne sont-ils pas limogés?

     
       






     

      Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, we are broadly agreed across this House that nothing we do or say would reward Russia for its aggression and its contempt for human rights. Equally, we are broadly agreed that we would not do or say anything that would reward Iran for its aggression. Yet we are now slowly embarking on a policy to do just that, under the banner of so-called normalisation of relations with Assad’s Syria. This will send a clear message to Russia and Iran.

    Having stood by those who sought freedom, having passed countless resolutions condemning Assad’s prisons and gulags and executions, and his use of chemical warfare, and looking for an end to impunity, now we quietly return to restore normal relations at a time that can only send one clear message: the EU will stand by those who seek freedom, but if autocrats have the patience and seek the protection of Iran and Russia, they might just succeed.

     
       

     

      Vicent Marzà Ibáñez (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, mientras en este Parlamento, hace unos años, y en el Consejo, justo este mes, se ha aprobado una normativa, la nueva Directiva de calidad del aire ambiente, mucho más restrictiva de acuerdo con los criterios científicos, en la ciudad de Elx, en nuestra tercera ciudad valenciana, el Gobierno da rienda suelta a la contaminación y lo que hace es destruir carriles bici, pervertir la zona de bajas emisiones promoviendo el uso del coche y, además, poner en peligro doce millones de euros de fondos europeos que no va a ejecutar con el fin para el que fueron asignados.

    Por eso, desde aquí queremos lanzar esta denuncia, en relación con todas las denuncias ciudadanas que están luchando contra esta situación en Elx, en la tercera ciudad valenciana, y pedimos a la Comisión Europea que tome cartas en el asunto. Le queremos preguntar si va a seguir permitiendo que se destinen fondos europeos contra la salud de los ilicitanos y las ilicitanas.

     
       



     

      Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, v týchto dňoch si pripomíname osemdesiate výročie Slovenského národného povstania, ktoré vypuklo 29. augusta 1944, a osemdesiate výročie karpatsko-duklianskej operácie, ktorá bola najväčšou horskou bitkou druhej svetovej vojny a najväčšou bitkou v Československu. Bohužiaľ, dnes nás opustil jeden z posledných žijúcich partizánov na Slovensku, pán Karol Kuna, ktorý sa dožil 96 rokov, a tých pamätníkov Slovenského národného povstania máme stále menej a menej. Rada by som citovala pána Kunu, ktorý povedal: Keby nebolo toľkých, ktorí pretrhli putá zotročenia, dnes by sme nežili v slobodnej krajine. Slovenskí partizáni bojovali za hodnoty odboja proti fašizmu, ako bola sloboda, spravodlivosť a rovnosť, a len vďaka nim bolo nakoniec Československo a Slovenská republika slobodnou krajinou, ktorá stála na strane víťazov. Rada by som dnes vzdala česť týmto ľuďom, ktorí padli za našu slobodu. V Slovenskom národnom povstaní padlo približne desaťtisíc ľudí, ktorí boli nielen vojaci, nielen partizáni, ale takisto civilisti, ktorí pomáhali týmto ľuďom prežiť v horách. A takisto pri duklianskej operácii padlo asi 150 tisíc ľudí. Buď stratili svoj život, svoje zdravie, alebo boli zajatí. Česť ich pamiatke.

     
       



     

      Michele Picaro (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il turismo dentale nei paesi extra-UE è un fenomeno in crescita che solleva importanti preoccupazioni per la salute pubblica.

    Negli ultimi anni molti pazienti europei, in particolare italiani, si sono rivolti a destinazioni come Albania e Turchia per trattamenti odontoiatrici a prezzi competitivi. Tuttavia, un’indagine della British Dental Association ha evidenziato che il 70% dei pazienti che hanno cercato cure all’estero ha sperimentato eventi avversi gravi, come infezioni e ascessi o difficoltà masticatoria, condizioni che hanno compromesso non solo la loro salute, ma anche la durata di protesi e impianti, vanificando così il vantaggio economico iniziale.

    Le norme sanitarie in questi Paesi spesso mancano di una regolamentazione rigorosa. Per questo è necessario promuovere campagne informative che forniscano ai cittadini dati chiari e affidabili sui rischi e i benefici delle cure odontoiatriche all’estero. Informare i pazienti riguardo alle normative sanitarie dei Paesi di destinazione, alla formazione del personale medico, agli standard di qualità delle strutture è cruciale per consentire scelte consapevoli.

    Per tale ragione è imperativo che il Parlamento europeo consideri queste problematiche e promuova iniziative per garantire la sicurezza e la qualità delle cure odontoiatriche. Al contrario, si tratta di garantire ad ogni paziente scelte informate, sicure e supportate da normative adeguate. Solo così potremo garantire e proteggere la salute dei cittadini e mantenere la fiducia nel sistema sanitario.

     
       

     

      Ciaran Mullooly (Renew). – Mr President, reports along the corridors of this building say a trade deal with the Mercosur countries has all but been agreed by our Commission, and talk of compensation for Irish farmers and others is widespread. But I come here this evening to give you one message, and a message back to those who send those briefs. No way! No way will we accept this.

    A study by the Irish Government Department of Enterprise in 2021 indicated that Ireland’s beef sector would lose between EUR 44 million and EUR 55 million if the EU-Mercosur deal goes ahead.

    We are the fifth largest beef exporter in the world and the biggest EU exporter, with more than 90 % traded internationally on an annual basis.

    It is not acceptable that Ireland and key other European Member States incur high environmental food-safety traceability charges, while third countries just sail in here and are simply allowed to avoid such costs and undercut our beef in prime EU markets.

    This Parliament has and must insist on one rule for everyone equally applied to the Mercosur countries, and until this equality rule applies, Ireland says no deal and no sell-out!

     
       




     

      Christophe Clergeau (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, jeudi matin, j’étais dans ma ville de Nantes, aux côtés des salariés de General Electric, qui s’apprête à supprimer près de 400 emplois dans son usine et son centre de recherche-développement consacrés à la production d’éoliennes maritimes.

    Il y a plus de dix ans, alors que j’étais vice-président de ma région, j’avais œuvré à la naissance de cette filière et montré aux citoyens que l’écologie pouvait créer des centaines d’emplois: d’ouvriers, de techniciens et d’ingénieurs. Aujourd’hui, je vois ces emplois disparaître parce que l’Europe et la France sont incapables de développer des projets éoliens en mer à un tarif qui permettrait de rémunérer une chaîne de valeur et des emplois européens, incapables d’imposer un contenu européen là où il y a pourtant un soutien public important.

    Nos usines risquent de fermer alors que nous en aurons besoin pour équiper les nouveaux parcs éoliens en mer. Pendant ce temps, les Chinois construisent des usines en Écosse et en Italie pour assembler des éoliennes essentiellement fabriquées en Chine. Nous parlons de politique industrielle et de compétitivité, mais, dans la vie réelle, nous laissons s’effondrer les filières des industries vertes et nous sacrifions les emplois.

    L’Europe va-t-elle enfin se réveiller, ou va-t-elle s’enferrer dans ce lent suicide collectif? Il est temps de réagir et de lutter.

     
       

     

      Mélanie Disdier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, si je m’adresse à vous aujourd’hui, c’est pour vous parler d’une filière en danger: celle du bois.

    En 2020, toutes les grandes centrales syndicales et patronales du secteur de l’industrie de transformation du bois ont pris l’initiative d’une déclaration commune pour dire stop à l’exportation massive de grumes en Asie, et particulièrement en Chine. L’exportation du bois non transformé prend des proportions inquiétantes, et pas uniquement pour le chêne – comme c’est le cas dans la forêt de Mormal, qui m’est chère. Toutes les essences sont concernées ou le seront à court terme. Les menuisiers, artisans, constructeurs, fabricants de parquets sont très nombreux à s’alarmer, car ils sont inquiets pour leur avenir. Si les scieries sont privées d’approvisionnement, c’est toute la filière qui va être touchée à court terme.

    Dans un contexte de pénurie de matériaux, il est donc suicidaire de laisser perdurer la situation sans réagir. Le bois est devenu une ressource stratégique, qui fait partie intégrante de notre souveraineté, et une clé de la neutralité carbone. Il est grand temps que l’Union européenne s’empare de ce dossier. Des milliers d’emplois sont en jeu en France et en Europe.

     
       

     

      Dick Erixon (ECR). – Herr talman! Efter polisrazzior i Öst- och Sydeuropa tidigare i år beslagtogs Rolexklockor, guld, diamanter, smycken, lägenheter, villor, kryptovaluta, Lamborghini, Porsche och en Audi Q8.

    Ett enda kriminellt gäng misstänks ha stulit över sex miljarder kronor från coronafonden Next Generation, med hjälp av experter på bidragsansökningar, AI-verktyg och bluffbolag. När socialdemokrater och moderater släppte igenom coronafonden lovades rigorösa kontroller. Så blev det inte. Den överdimensionerade EU-budgeten göder korruption och slöseri, men hjälper även kriminella som hittat en ny kassako att mjölka genom ekobrottslighet.

    Bidragen är så stora och mottagarna så många att rigorösa kontroller inte är möjliga. Detta måste få ett slut.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, o inquérito pós‑eleitoral feito pelo Parlamento Europeu mostrou que a principal preocupação dos povos é o custo de vida. Este Parlamento deveria estar a discutir as soluções para esse problema, mas nenhum outro grupo político aceitou fazer esse debate. Nenhum outro grupo político quis discutir as opções para combater o aumento do custo de vida, as medidas de controlo e fixação dos preços dos bens essenciais, medidas de combate aos preços especulativos que garantem lucros milionários dos grupos da distribuição da energia e dos combustíveis, das telecomunicações ou da banca.

    Deveríamos também estar a discutir as consequências das novas regras da governação económica. Em Portugal, o Governo acabou de apresentar uma proposta de Orçamento do Estado que mostra bem os impactos dessas novas regras, que mostra os condicionamentos e restrições orçamentais, as limitações nos serviços públicos e nas funções sociais do Estado, as restrições ao investimento; tudo isso em contraste com as políticas de privilégio aos grupos económicos e às multinacionais. Também este debate foi travado, porque, para grande parte deste Parlamento, verdadeiramente as condições de vida dos povos pouco interessam.

     
       

     

      Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la solidaridad y la cohesión son el modelo social europeo y si hay una amenaza que pende sobre ese modelo es la dificultad de acceso a la vivienda que recorre toda Europa.

    Este último fin de semana en Canarias, de nuevo, miles de personas han vuelto a salir a la calle para protestar contra lo que consideran que es un exceso de presión turística, porque en Canarias se ha producido un incremento de población de un 30 % en los últimos veinte años y porque, además, se han declarado en los últimos años 60 000 ofertas alojativas extrahoteleras, lo que equivale a doce hoteles con 250 camas cada uno. Pero no se han realizado las inversiones correspondientes ni en hospitales, ni en residencias, ni en redes eléctricas, ni en aeropuertos, ni en conexiones marítimas, ni tampoco en el ciclo del agua y en relación con los vertidos al mar.

    Y tenemos puestas nuestras esperanzas en la próxima Comisión Von der Leyen, en la que va a haber por fin un comisario encargado de vivienda, el danés Dan Jørgensen, que podrá movilizar fondos europeos contra los fondos de inversión, contra los fondos buitre, para generar, por fin, oferta de vivienda en alquiler o en venta que permita la emancipación de la gente joven y el acceso a la vivienda de la clase trabajadora. Eso significará una oportunidad de restaurar el modelo social europeo con una política de vivienda europea.

     
       

     

      Csaba Dömötör (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A legutóbbi uniós csúcson a felek arra jutottak, hogy fokozni kell az erőfeszítéseket az uniós versenyképesség növelésére. Ezzel egyet is értünk, de azt is szomorúan állapíthatjuk meg, hogy hiányzik a szókimondó párbeszéd arról, hogy mi is okozza Európa egyre nagyobb leszakadását a versenyképességi versenyben. Sok okot azonosíthatunk, de a legfontosabb mégiscsak az, hogy elszálltak az energiaárak.

    Azért szálltak el, mert Európa a brüsszeli intézmények nyomására ideológiai okokból hátat fordított a vezetékes gáznak. A helyette beszerzett cseppfolyós gáz jóval drágább. A zöld energia a legtöbb esetben sajnos szintén drágább, és ez drasztikus terhet ró az európai vállalatokra, kicsikre és nagyokra is. Nem véletlen, hogy egyre több vállalat helyezi át a termelését máshová. A Draghi-jelentés szerint Európában ma kétszer-háromszor magasabbak az áramárak az Egyesült Államokhoz képest, a gázárak pedig négyszer-ötször. Ha ez tartósan így marad, akkor Európa maradék versenyképessége is megy a levesbe. Nem kell beletörődnünk, hogy ez így legyen, újratervezésre van szükség.

     
       

     

      Thierry Mariani (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, le Liban est en danger de mort. Ni l’Union européenne ni la France ne sont à la hauteur du drame humain qui s’y joue. Face à cette guerre impitoyable, l’Union européenne s’entête dans ses certitudes et refuse de venir en aide à Damas, qui est pourtant en première ligne pour gérer l’accueil des réfugiés dans cette crise.

    Chaque jour, des milliers de personnes traversent la frontière pour chercher refuge et protection en Syrie. Aujourd’hui, ce sont déjà près de 240 000 personnes qui ont fait le choix de passer en Syrie, considérant que ce pays est un territoire sûr. Mais l’Europe et la France restent immobiles, tandis que l’Italie, elle, plaide pour renouer le dialogue avec la République arabe syrienne. La situation au Liban ne fait qu’empirer, et avec elle, si rien n’est fait, plane la menace d’une nouvelle vague migratoire de réfugiés vers l’Europe.

    Les Syriens, derrière Bachar el-Assad, ont résisté vaillamment aux islamistes qu’une partie d’entre vous, dans cet hémicycle, avait soutenus. Il est urgent de renouer les liens avec la Syrie. C’est l’intérêt des réfugiés qu’elle accueille, mais également des pays de la région, et c’est aussi l’intérêt de l’Europe.

     
       



     

      Marko Vešligaj (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, uvažene kolege, ruralna područja čine 83 posto teritorija Europske unije, a u njima živi 137 milijuna ljudi.

    Ova područja su ključna za proizvodnju temeljnih resursa poput hrane i energije. Ipak, unatoč njihovoj važnosti, ruralne zajednice sustavno se marginaliziraju konkretnim politikama i programima financiranja. Da, postoje dokumenti poput Ruralnog pakta i dugoročne vizije za ruralna područja, koje su dobre smjernice, ali njihova implementacija je spora, a problemi se gomilaju.

    Iseljavanje, manjak javnih usluga, neadekvatna infrastruktura svakodnevica su lokalnih zajednica u ruralnim prostorima, a nedostatak podrške viših razina vlasti stvara neodrživu situaciju. Danas je dodatno ruralna Europa uslijed klimatskih promjena suočena i s prirodnim katastrofama, od klizanja tla, suša, poplava do potresa i požara.

    I za takve situacije trebamo brže i jednostavnije financijske mehanizme. Zato je nužno osigurati izravna i lako dostupna europska sredstva kao garanciju razvoja i održivosti ruralnih područja i ostanka ljudi u njima.

     
       



     

      Angéline Furet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, sous couvert d’un humanisme totalement dévoyé et de faux bons sentiments, des politiciens traîtres aux peuples européens promeuvent une idéologie fanatique qu’ils ont érigée en dogme: l’immigrationnisme.

    Malheureusement, cette volonté de suicide altruiste imposée aux Européens a des conséquences concrètes au quotidien. La ville du Mans, en France, en est un triste exemple. L’immigration y a plus que doublé en quinze ans et, avec elle, les délits et les crimes. Augmentation des vols de plus de 300 %, augmentation des viols de plus de 500 % et augmentation des attaques au couteau, elle, de 1 000 %, carrément. Oui, dix fois plus qu’avant l’arrivée sur notre sol de ces étrangers délinquants, de ces criminels importés aux frais des Européens que vous appelez les «migrants».

    Le sang des victimes de cette abomination est sur les mains des membres de la Commission européenne qui ont ordonné cette submersion et sur les mains des députés qui l’ont votée.

     
       


     

      President. – That concludes this item.

     

    17. Agenda of the next sitting

     

      President. – The next sitting is tomorrow, Tuesday, 22 October 2024 at 09:00. The agenda has been published and is available on the European Parliament website.

     

    18. Approval of the minutes of the sitting

     

      President. – The minutes of the sitting will be submitted to Parliament for its approval tomorrow, at the beginning of the afternoon.

     

    19. Closure of the sitting

       

    (The sitting closed at 22:02)

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Enphase Energy Reports Financial Results for the Third Quarter of 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    FREMONT, Calif., Oct. 22, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Enphase Energy, Inc. (NASDAQ: ENPH), a global energy technology company and the world’s leading supplier of microinverter-based solar and battery systems, announced today financial results for the third quarter of 2024, which included the summary below from its President and CEO, Badri Kothandaraman.

    We reported quarterly revenue of $380.9 million in the third quarter of 2024, along with 48.1% for non-GAAP gross margin. We shipped 1,731,768 microinverters, or approximately 730.0 megawatts DC, and 172.9 megawatt hours of IQ® Batteries.

    Financial highlights for the third quarter of 2024 are listed below:

    • Quarterly revenue of $380.9 million
    • GAAP gross margin of 46.8%; non-GAAP gross margin of 48.1% with net IRA benefit
    • Non-GAAP gross margin of 38.9%, excluding net IRA benefit of 9.2%
    • GAAP operating income of $49.8 million; non-GAAP operating income of $101.4 million
    • GAAP net income of $45.8 million; non-GAAP net income of $88.4 million
    • GAAP diluted earnings per share of $0.33, non-GAAP diluted earnings per share of $0.65
    • Free cash flow of $161.6 million; ending cash, cash equivalents, and marketable securities of $1.77 billion

    Our revenue and earnings for the third quarter of 2024 are provided below, compared with the prior quarter:

    (In thousands, except per share and percentage data)

      GAAP   Non-GAAP
      Q3 2024   Q2 2024   Q3 2023   Q3 2024   Q2 2024   Q3 2023
    Revenue $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082     $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082  
    Gross margin   46.8 %     45.2 %     47.5 %     48.1 %     47.1 %     48.4 %
    Operating expenses $ 128,383     $ 135,367     $ 144,024     $ 81,612     $ 81,706     $ 99,027  
    Operating income $ 49,788     $ 1,799     $ 117,989     $ 101,411     $ 61,080     $ 167,593  
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 88,402     $ 58,824     $ 141,849  
    Basic EPS $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.04  
    Diluted EPS $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.02  
                                                   

    Total revenue for the third quarter of 2024 was $380.9 million, compared to $303.5 million in the second quarter of 2024. Our revenue in the United States for the third quarter of 2024 increased approximately 43%, compared to the second quarter of 2024. The increase was due to higher shipments to distributors as inventory returned to normal levels. Our revenue in Europe decreased approximately 15% for the third quarter of 2024, compared to the second quarter of 2024. The decline in revenue was the result of a further softening in European demand.

    Our non-GAAP gross margin was 48.1% in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 47.1% in the second quarter of 2024. Our non-GAAP gross margin, excluding net IRA benefit, was 38.9% in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 41.0% in the second quarter of 2024.

    Our non-GAAP operating expenses were $81.6 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $81.7 million in the second quarter of 2024. Our non-GAAP operating income was $101.4 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $61.1 million in the second quarter of 2024.

    We exited the third quarter of 2024 with $1.77 billion in cash, cash equivalents, and marketable securities and generated $170.1 million in cash flow from operations in the third quarter of 2024. Our capital expenditures were $8.5 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $9.6 million in the second quarter of 2024.

    In the third quarter of 2024, we repurchased 434,947 shares of our common stock at an average price of $114.48 per share for a total of approximately $49.8 million. We also spent approximately $6.3 million dollars by withholding shares to cover taxes for employee stock vesting that reduced the diluted shares by 59,607 shares.

    We shipped 172.9 megawatt hours of IQ Batteries in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 120.2 megawatt hours in the second quarter of 2024. We are now shipping our third generation of IQ Batteries, the IQ® Battery 5P™, to the United States, Puerto Rico, Mexico, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium. More than 9,000 installers worldwide are certified to install our IQ Batteries, compared to more than 7,400 installers worldwide in the second quarter of 2024.

    During the third quarter of 2024, we shipped approximately 1,176,000 microinverters from our contract manufacturing facilities in the United States that we booked for 45X production tax credits. We began shipping IQ8HC™ Microinverters with higher domestic content, produced at our contract manufacturing facilities in the United States. We expect to begin shipping our commercial microinverters, and batteries with higher domestic content, produced at our United States contract manufacturing facilities in the fourth quarter of 2024.

    During the third quarter of 2024, we launched AI-based software that is designed to optimize energy use by integrating solar and consumption forecasting with electricity tariff. This is intended to help consumers maximize savings as energy markets become increasingly complex, such as with dynamic electricity rates in parts of Europe and NEM 3.0 in California. We are gearing up to launch our second-generation IQ® EV charger, the 3-Phase IQ Battery with backup, and the IQ® Balcony Solar Kit all for the European market – pushing the boundaries of innovation. Finally, our fourth-generation energy system, featuring the IQ® Meter Collar, 10 kWh IQ Battery, and enhanced IQ® Combiner, is expected to debut in the United States in early 2025, targeting a substantial reduction in installation costs.

    BUSINESS HIGHLIGHTS

    On Oct. 16, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8™ Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar panels in select countries and territories, including the Netherlands, Austria, New Caledonia, and Malta.

    On Oct. 9, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it is expanding its support for grid services programs – or virtual power plants (VPPs) – in New Hampshire, North Carolina, and California, powered by the new IQ Battery 5P.

    On Oct. 3, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its IQ8X™ Microinverters in Australia, and that all IQ8 Microinverters activated starting Oct. 1, 2024 in Australia come with an industry-leading 25-year limited warranty, currently the longest standard residential warranty in the Australian market.

    On Sept. 24, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its most powerful Enphase® Energy System™ to-date, featuring the new IQ Battery 5P and IQ8 Microinverters, for customers in India.

    On Sept. 16, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping the IQ Battery 5P in Belgium. Enphase also introduced IQ® Energy Management, its new AI-based energy management software to enable support for dynamic electricity rates and the integration of third-party EV chargers and heat pumps in Belgium.

    On Sept. 10, 2024, Enphase Energy announced initial shipments of IQ8HC Microinverters supplied from contract manufacturing facilities in the United States with higher domestic content than previous models. The microinverters have SKUs with a “DOM” suffix, indicating the increased amount of domestic content.

    On Sept. 4, 2024, Enphase Energy announced a solution for expanding legacy net energy metering (NEM) solar energy systems in California without penalty using new Enphase Energy Systems configurations with IQ® Microinverters, IQ Batteries, and Enphase Power Control.

    On Aug. 27, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the availability of pre-orders for IQ Battery 5Ps produced in the United States. Pre-orders are also available for IQ8HC Microinverters, IQ8P-3P™ Microinverters, and IQ8X Microinverters produced in the United States with higher domestic content.

    On Aug. 19, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping the IQ Battery 5P in the Netherlands. Enphase also introduced IQ Energy Management, its new energy management software to enable support for dynamic electricity rates and the integration of third-party EV chargers and heat pumps in the Netherlands.

    On Aug. 8, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its new North American Charging Standard (NACS) connectors for its entire line of IQ EV Chargers. NACS connectors and charger ports have recently become the industry standard embraced by several major automakers for electric vehicles (EVs).

    On Aug. 5, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8P™ and IQ8HC Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar panels in select countries throughout the Caribbean.

    On Aug. 1, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8 Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar modules in select countries throughout Europe, including France, Germany, Spain, Bulgaria, Estonia, Slovakia, and Croatia.

    FOURTH QUARTER 2024 FINANCIAL OUTLOOK

    For the fourth quarter of 2024, Enphase Energy estimates both GAAP and non-GAAP financial results as follows:

    • Revenue to be within a range of $360.0 million to $400.0 million, which includes shipments of 140 to 160 megawatt hours of IQ Batteries
    • GAAP gross margin to be within a range of 47.0% to 50.0% with net IRA benefit
    • Non-GAAP gross margin to be within a range of 49.0% to 52.0% with net IRA benefit and 39.0% to 42.0% excluding net IRA benefit. Non-GAAP gross margin excludes stock-based compensation expense and acquisition related amortization
    • Net IRA benefit to be within a range of $38.0 million to $41.0 million based on estimated shipments of 1,300,000 units of U.S. manufactured microinverters
    • GAAP operating expenses to be within a range of $135.0 million to $139.0 million
    • Non-GAAP operating expenses to be within a range of $81.0 million to $85.0 million, excluding $54.0 million estimated for stock-based compensation expense, acquisition related expenses and amortization

    For 2024, GAAP and non-GAAP annualized effective tax rate with IRA benefit, excluding discrete items, is expected to be within a range of 17.0% to 19.0%.

    Follow Enphase Online

    Use of non-GAAP Financial Measures

    Enphase Energy has presented certain non-GAAP financial measures in this press release. Generally, a non-GAAP financial measure is a numerical measure of a company’s performance, financial position, or cash flows that either exclude or include amounts that are not normally excluded or included in the most directly comparable measure calculated and presented in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles in the United States (GAAP). Reconciliation of each non-GAAP financial measure to the most directly comparable GAAP financial measure can be found in the accompanying tables to this press release. Non-GAAP financial measures presented by Enphase Energy include non-GAAP gross profit, gross margin, operating expenses, income from operations, net income, net income per share (basic and diluted), net IRA benefit, and free cash flow.

    These non-GAAP financial measures do not reflect a comprehensive system of accounting, differ from GAAP measures with the same captions and may differ from non-GAAP financial measures with the same or similar captions that are used by other companies. In addition, these non-GAAP measures have limitations in that they do not reflect all of the amounts associated with Enphase Energy’s results of operations as determined in accordance with GAAP. As such, these non-GAAP measures should be considered as a supplement to, and not as a substitute for, or superior to, financial measures calculated in accordance with GAAP. Enphase Energy uses these non-GAAP financial measures to analyze its operating performance and future prospects, develop internal budgets and financial goals, and to facilitate period-to-period comparisons. Enphase Energy believes that these non-GAAP financial measures reflect an additional way of viewing aspects of its operations that, when viewed with its GAAP results, provide a more complete understanding of factors and trends affecting its business.

    As presented in the “Reconciliation of Non-GAAP Financial Measures” tables below, each of the non-GAAP financial measures excludes one or more of the following items for purposes of calculating non-GAAP financial measures to facilitate an evaluation of Enphase Energy’s current operating performance and a comparison to its past operating performance:

    Stock-based compensation expense. Enphase Energy excludes stock-based compensation expense from its non-GAAP measures primarily because they are non-cash in nature. Moreover, the impact of this expense is significantly affected by Enphase Energy’s stock price at the time of an award over which management has limited to no control.

    Acquisition related expenses and amortization. This item represents expenses incurred related to Enphase Energy’s business acquisitions, which are non-recurring in nature, and amortization of acquired intangible assets, which is a non-cash expense. Acquisition related expenses and amortization of acquired intangible assets are not reflective of Enphase Energy’s ongoing financial performance.

    Restructuring and asset impairment charges. Enphase Energy excludes restructuring and asset impairment charges due to the nature of the expenses being unusual and arising outside the ordinary course of continuing operations. These costs primarily consist of fees paid for cash-based severance costs and asset write-downs of property and equipment and acquired intangible assets, and other contract termination costs resulting from restructuring initiatives.

    Non-cash interest expense. This item consists primarily of amortization of debt issuance costs and accretion of debt discount because these expenses do not represent a cash outflow for Enphase Energy except in the period the financing was secured and such amortization expense is not reflective of Enphase Energy’s ongoing financial performance.

    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment. This item represents the amount adjusted to Enphase Energy’s GAAP tax provision or benefit to exclude the income tax effects of GAAP adjustments such as stock-based compensation, amortization of purchased intangibles, and other non-recurring items that are not reflective of Enphase Energy ongoing financial performance.

    Non-GAAP net income per share, diluted. Enphase Energy excludes the dilutive effect of in-the-money portion of convertible senior notes as they are covered by convertible note hedge transactions that reduce potential dilution to our common stock upon conversion of the Notes due 2025, Notes due 2026, and Notes due 2028, and includes the dilutive effect of employee’s stock-based awards and the dilutive effect of warrants. Enphase Energy believes these adjustments provide useful supplemental information to the ongoing financial performance.

    Net IRA benefit. This item represents the advanced manufacturing production tax credit (AMPTC) from the IRA for manufacturing microinverters in the United States, partially offset by the incremental manufacturing cost incurred in the United States relative to manufacturing in Mexico, India, and China. The AMPTC is accounted for by Enphase Energy as an income-based government grants that reduces cost of revenues in the condensed consolidated statements of operations.

    Free cash flow. This item represents net cash flows from operating activities less purchases of property and equipment.

    Conference Call Information

    Enphase Energy will host a conference call for analysts and investors to discuss its third quarter 2024 results and fourth quarter 2024 business outlook today at 4:30 p.m. Eastern Time (1:30 p.m. Pacific Time). The call is open to the public by dialing (833) 634-5018. A live webcast of the conference call will also be accessible from the “Investor Relations” section of Enphase Energy’s website at https://investor.enphase.com. Following the webcast, an archived version will be available on the website for approximately one year. In addition, an audio replay of the conference call will be available by calling (877) 344-7529; replay access code 2677879, beginning approximately one hour after the call.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This press release contains forward-looking statements, including statements related to Enphase Energy’s expectations as to its fourth quarter of 2024 financial outlook, including revenue, shipments of IQ Batteries by megawatt hours, gross margin with net IRA benefit and excluding net IRA benefit, estimated shipments of U.S. manufactured microinverters, operating expenses, and annualized effective tax rate with IRA benefit; its expectations regarding the expected net IRA benefit; its expectations on the timing and introduction of new products and updates to existing products; its expectations for global capacity of microinverters; its ability to support grid services in new locations; the ability of its AI-based software to help consumers maximize savings as energy markets become increasingly complex; and the capabilities, advantages, features, and performance of its technology and products. These forward-looking statements are based on Enphase Energy’s current expectations and inherently involve significant risks and uncertainties. Enphase Energy’s actual results and the timing of events could differ materially from those anticipated in such forward-looking statements as a result of certain risks and uncertainties including those risks described in more detail in its most recently filed Annual Report on Form 10-K, Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q, and other documents on file with the SEC from time to time and available on the SEC’s website at http://www.sec.gov. Enphase Energy undertakes no duty or obligation to update any forward-looking statements contained in this release as a result of new information, future events or changes in its expectations, except as required by law.

    A copy of this press release can be found on the investor relations page of Enphase Energy’s website at https://investor.enphase.com.

    About Enphase Energy, Inc.

    Enphase Energy, a global energy technology company based in Fremont, CA, is the world’s leading supplier of microinverter-based solar and battery systems that enable people to harness the sun to make, use, save, and sell their own power—and control it all with a smart mobile app. The company revolutionized the solar industry with its microinverter-based technology and builds all-in-one solar, battery, and software solutions. Enphase has shipped approximately 78.0 million microinverters, and over 4.5 million Enphase-based systems have been deployed in more than 160 countries. For more information, visit https://enphase.com/.

    © 2024 Enphase Energy, Inc. All rights reserved. Enphase Energy, Enphase, the “e” logo, IQ, IQ8, and certain other marks listed at https://enphase.com/trademark-usage-guidelines are trademarks or service marks of Enphase Energy, Inc. Other names are for informational purposes and may be trademarks of their respective owners.

    Contact:

    Zach Freedman
    Enphase Energy, Inc.
    Investor Relations
    ir@enphaseenergy.com

    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF OPERATIONS
    (In thousands, except per share data)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended Nine Months Ended
      September 30,
    2024
      June 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
      September 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
    Net revenues $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082     $ 947,670     $ 1,988,216  
    Cost of revenues   202,702       166,292       289,069       516,825       1,076,490  
    Gross profit   178,171       137,166       262,013       430,845       911,726  
    Operating expenses:                  
    Research and development   47,843       48,871       54,873       150,925       172,045  
    Sales and marketing   49,671       51,775       55,357       154,753       178,383  
    General and administrative   30,192       33,550       33,794       98,924       104,456  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171             3,755       870  
    Total operating expenses   128,383       135,367       144,024       408,357       455,754  
    Income from operations   49,788       1,799       117,989       22,488       455,972  
    Other income, net                  
    Interest income   19,977       19,203       19,669       58,889       49,235  
    Interest expense   (2,237 )     (2,220 )     (2,196 )     (6,653 )     (6,571 )
    Other income (expense), net   (16,785 )     (7,566 )     1,883       (24,264 )     2,276  
    Total other income, net   955       9,417       19,356       27,972       44,940  
    Income before income taxes   50,743       11,216       137,345       50,460       500,912  
    Income tax provision   (4,981 )     (383 )     (23,392 )     (9,962 )     (82,895 )
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Net income per share:                  
    Basic $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.30     $ 3.06  
    Diluted $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.30     $ 2.92  
    Shares used in per share calculation:                  
    Basic   135,329       135,646       136,165       135,621       136,491  
    Diluted   139,914       136,123       143,863       136,236       145,081  
                                           
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEETS
    (In thousands)
    (Unaudited)
     
      September 30, 
    2024
      December 31, 
    2023
    ASSETS      
    Current assets:      
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 256,325   $ 288,748
    Marketable securities   1,510,299     1,406,286
    Accounts receivable, net   232,225     445,959
    Inventory   158,837     213,595
    Prepaid expenses and other assets   203,195     88,930
    Total current assets   2,360,881     2,443,518
    Property and equipment, net   148,444     168,244
    Operating lease, right of use asset, net   28,120     19,887
    Intangible assets, net   51,152     68,536
    Goodwill   214,292     214,562
    Other assets   185,448     215,895
    Deferred tax assets, net   275,854     252,370
    Total assets $ 3,264,191   $ 3,383,012
    LIABILITIES AND STOCKHOLDERS’ EQUITY      
    Current liabilities:      
    Accounts payable $ 112,417   $ 116,164
    Accrued liabilities   189,819     261,919
    Deferred revenues, current   129,556     118,300
    Warranty obligations, current   35,755     36,066
    Debt, current   99,931    
    Total current liabilities   567,478     532,449
    Long-term liabilities:      
    Deferred revenues, non-current   354,210     369,172
    Warranty obligations, non-current   148,477     153,021
    Other liabilities   62,392     51,008
    Debt, non-current   1,200,261     1,293,738
    Total liabilities   2,332,818     2,399,388
    Total stockholders’ equity   931,373     983,624
    Total liabilities and stockholders’ equity $ 3,264,191   $ 3,383,012
               
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF CASH FLOWS
    (In thousands)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
      September 30, 
    2024
      June 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
      September 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
    Cash flows from operating activities:                  
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Adjustments to reconcile net income to net cash provided by operating activities:                  
    Depreciation and amortization   20,103       20,484       19,448       60,724       53,867  
    Net amortization (accretion) of premium (discount) on marketable securities   (2,904 )     (1,030 )     5,094       (1,109 )     (12,611 )
    Provision for doubtful accounts   2,704       1,897       653       4,471       1,282  
    Asset impairment   17,568       6,241       903       24,141       903  
    Non-cash interest expense   2,173       2,157       2,114       6,462       6,254  
    Net loss (gain) from change in fair value of debt securities   741       1,931       (1,910 )     1,730       (5,408 )
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Deferred income taxes   (5,276 )     (14,076 )     (11,499 )     (27,644 )     (38,295 )
    Changes in operating assets and liabilities:                  
    Accounts receivable   49,414       82,183       (34,752 )     208,956       (118,249 )
    Inventory   17,231       31,825       (8,003 )     54,758       (24,406 )
    Prepaid expenses and other assets   (64,149 )     (42,810 )     (15,383 )     (117,856 )     (57,376 )
    Accounts payable, accrued and other liabilities   32,088       (23,944 )     9,903       (58,140 )     117,128  
    Warranty obligations   7,053       15       8,151       (4,855 )     57,420  
    Deferred revenues   1,690       (1,401 )     13,369       (5,265 )     105,169  
    Net cash provided by operating activities   170,138       127,062       145,855       346,401       661,330  
    Cash flows from investing activities:                  
    Purchases of property and equipment   (8,533 )     (9,636 )     (23,848 )     (25,540 )     (90,326 )
    Purchases of marketable securities   (319,190 )     (300,053 )     (470,766 )     (1,091,511 )     (1,743,674 )
    Maturities and sale of marketable securities   215,241       282,063       494,804       994,677       1,406,608  
    Investments in private companies               (15,000 )           (15,000 )
    Net cash used in investing activities   (112,482 )     (27,626 )     (14,810 )     (122,374 )     (442,392 )
    Cash flows from financing activities:                  
    Partial settlement of convertible notes   (5 )                 (7 )      
    Repurchase of common stock   (49,794 )     (99,908 )     (110,000 )     (191,698 )     (310,000 )
    Proceeds from issuance of common stock under employee equity plans   14       6,769       719       7,969       1,315  
    Payment of withholding taxes related to net share settlement of equity awards   (6,286 )     (7,473 )     (8,465 )     (73,801 )     (93,100 )
    Net cash used in financing activities   (56,071 )     (100,612 )     (117,746 )     (257,537 )     (401,785 )
    Effect of exchange rate changes on cash and cash equivalents   2,638       (374 )     (1,900 )     1,087       (322 )
    Net increase (decrease) in cash and cash equivalents   4,223       (1,550 )     11,399       (32,423 )     (183,169 )
    Cash and cash equivalents—Beginning of period   252,102       253,652       278,676       288,748       473,244  
    Cash and cash equivalents —End of period $ 256,325     $ 252,102     $ 290,075     $ 256,325     $ 290,075  
                                           
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    RECONCILIATION OF NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES
    (In thousands, except per share data and percentages)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
      September 30, 
    2024
      June 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
      September 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
    Gross profit (GAAP) $ 178,171     $ 137,166     $ 262,013     $ 430,845     $ 911,726  
    Stock-based compensation   2,948       3,730       2,708       10,860       9,775  
    Acquisition related amortization   1,904       1,890       1,899       5,685       5,686  
    Gross profit (Non-GAAP) $ 183,023     $ 142,786     $ 266,620     $ 447,390     $ 927,187  
                       
    Gross margin (GAAP)   46.8 %     45.2 %     47.5 %     45.5 %     45.9 %
    Stock-based compensation   0.8       1.3       0.6       1.1       0.5  
    Acquisition related amortization   0.5       0.6       0.3       0.6       0.2  
    Gross margin (Non-GAAP)   48.1 %     47.1 %     48.4 %     47.2 %     46.6 %
                       
    Operating expenses (GAAP) $ 128,383     $ 135,367     $ 144,024     $ 408,357     $ 455,754  
    Stock-based compensation(1)   (42,992 )     (49,027 )     (41,106 )     (148,670 )     (147,860 )
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   (3,102 )     (3,463 )     (3,891 )     (10,027 )     (11,429 )
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   (677 )     (1,171 )           (3,755 )     (901 )
    Operating expenses (Non-GAAP) $ 81,612     $ 81,706     $ 99,027     $ 245,905     $ 295,564  
                       
    (1)Includes stock-based compensation as follows:                  
    Research and development $ 19,790     $ 20,210     $ 19,285     $ 64,550     $ 64,528  
    Sales and marketing   14,237       16,784       13,297       49,199       49,231  
    General and administrative   8,965       12,033       8,524       34,921       34,101  
    Total $ 42,992     $ 49,027     $ 41,106     $ 148,670     $ 147,860  
                       
    Income from operations (GAAP) $ 49,788     $ 1,799     $ 117,989     $ 22,488     $ 455,972  
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   5,006       5,353       5,790       15,712       17,115  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171             3,755       901  
    Income from operations (Non-GAAP) $ 101,411     $ 61,080     $ 167,593     $ 201,485     $ 631,623  
                       
    Net income (GAAP) $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   5,006       5,353       5,790       15,712       17,115  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171             3,755       901  
    Non-cash interest expense   2,173       2,157       2,114       6,462       6,254  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (11,156 )     (13,447 )     (23,822 )     (30,775 )     (61,413 )
    Net income (Non-GAAP) $ 88,402     $ 58,824     $ 141,849     $ 195,182     $ 538,509  
                       
    Net income per share, basic (GAAP) $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.30     $ 3.06  
    Stock-based compensation   0.34       0.39       0.32       1.17       1.15  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   0.04       0.04       0.04       0.12       0.13  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   0.01       0.01             0.03       0.01  
    Non-cash interest expense   0.02       0.02       0.02       0.05       0.04  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (0.10 )     (0.11 )     (0.18 )     (0.23 )     (0.44 )
    Net income per share, basic (Non-GAAP) $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.04     $ 1.44     $ 3.95  
                       
    Shares used in basic per share calculation GAAP and Non-GAAP   135,329       135,646       136,165       135,621       136,491  
                       
    Net income per share, diluted (GAAP) $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.30     $ 2.92  
    Stock-based compensation   0.33       0.38       0.32       1.17       1.17  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   0.04       0.04       0.04       0.12       0.12  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   0.01       0.01             0.03       0.01  
    Non-cash interest expense   0.02       0.02       0.02       0.05       0.04  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (0.08 )     (0.10 )     (0.16 )     (0.24 )     (0.40 )
    Net income per share, diluted (Non-GAAP)(2) $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.02     $ 1.43     $ 3.86  
                       
    Shares used in diluted per share calculation GAAP   139,914       136,123       143,863       136,236       145,081  
    Shares used in diluted per share calculation Non-GAAP   135,839       136,123       138,535       136,236       139,753  
                       
    Income-based government grants (GAAP) $ 46,552     $ 24,329     $ 18,532     $ 89,498     $ 20,583  
    Incremental cost for manufacturing in U.S.   (11,396 )     (5,950 )     (4,085 )     (22,228 )     (4,491 )
    Net IRA benefit (Non-GAAP) $ 35,156     $ 18,379     $ 14,447     $ 67,270     $ 16,092  
                       
    Net cash provided by operating activities (GAAP) $ 170,138     $ 127,062     $ 145,855     $ 346,401     $ 661,330  
    Purchases of property and equipment   (8,533 )     (9,636 )     (23,848 )     (25,540 )     (90,326 )
    Free cash flow (Non-GAAP) $ 161,605     $ 117,426     $ 122,007     $ 320,861     $ 571,004  
                                           

    (2) Calculation of non-GAAP diluted net income per share for the three and nine months ended September 30, 2023 excludes convertible Notes due 2023 interest expense, net of tax of less than $0.1 million from non-GAAP net income.

    This press release was published by a CLEAR® Verified individual.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Small business group advances work programme, focuses on business support organizations

    Source: World Trade Organization

    Thematic discussions: Business support organizations

    The meeting shed light on the work of business support organizations, such as the Enterprise Europe Network (EEN) and the International Trade Centre, in connecting small businesses with partners to help them export to international markets and utilise opportunities provided by free trade agreements.

    It was noted that business support organizations play an important role in facilitating the information flow between the public and private sectors, particularly small business, in addition to gathering feedback and providing advisory services to MSMEs to help them access financing opportunities.

    The session was in response to a proposal by the United States (INF/MSME/W/51), which suggested exploring how small businesses are linked to the mechanisms that shape trade policy through local chambers of commerce, trade associations, and/or other local business support organizations.

    Success stories

    As part of its efforts to strengthen engagement with the private sector, the Group invited Mr Aziz Ndiaye, Founder and Owner of ANEP Company, a small business headquartered in Switzerland, to present his enterprise. ANEP Company specializes in the import and export of exotic fruits and vegetables from Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Togo and  Benin and seeks to deliver positive social impact for the communities benefiting from these trade opportunities.  

    The two winners of the Small Business Champions initiative (CLAC – Coordinadora Latino americana de Comercio Justo and O’KANATA) presented their winning projects to the Group. Their projects are aimed at helping indigenous people trade internationally through needs assessment surveys, technical assistance and online platforms.

    Dr Ayman El Tarabishy, President and CEO of the International Council for Small Business (ICSB), spoke to the Group about the ICSB’s efforts to advance small business research and good practice.

    Future work

    The Group’s next meeting on 10 December will focus on good regulatory practices for MSMEs and trade digitalization in response to a proposal put forward by the United Kingdom (INF/MSME/W/52).

    The UK will explain how MSMEs’ interests are considered in regulatory development, referencing Annex 4 of the December 2020 MSME package. The UK will also discuss various processes and tools used in domestic regulatory procedures that may benefit MSMEs. Various speakers will be invited to talk about the importance of trade digitalization for small businesses and how trade digitalization efforts can be accelerated.

    Work is underway to build on the compendium of special provisions on the integration of MSMEs into Authorised Economic Operators programmes published earlier this year. A joint study by the World Customs Organization and the International Chamber of Commerce is being prepared on this issue, using a recent survey as a basis for the report.

    New proposal

    The Russian Federation presented a proposal (INF/MSME/W/58 – INF/TGE/COM/10) to have a compendium of educational programmes aimed at empowering women entrepreneurs in finance and marketing. The compendium’s objective is to help women-owned businesses participate in international trade and assist governments in drafting supporting policies.

    Updates

    Members shared updates on their implementation of the December 2020 MSME package of recommendations aimed at helping small businesses trade globally. China reported on its ninth Trade Policy Review (TPR), where measures taken to integrate small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in its policies were included in its report. Such measures include the provision of policy support documents, tax extensions and the establishment of funds.  

    China also highlighted its efforts to create a business-friendly environment, such as addressing financing challenges and supporting research and development.

    The ITC provided updates on the Global Trade Helpdesk, an online platform intended to bring together trade and business information for companies, especially MSMEs. The ITC noted an increase in the usage of the platform in the United States, India, China and Indonesia, and highlighted recent events including the launch of Bahasa and Chinese versions of the HelpDesk.

    MSME-related discussions in the Technical Barriers to Trade Committee and Government Procurement Committee were also shared with the Group. This included a new good practice guide on how to comment on members’ notifications, focusing on the ability of the private sector to provide feedback and track such notifications and on the adoption of a best practice report on measures facilitating the participation of SMEs in government procurement.

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI USA: Kaine, Colleagues Urge President Biden to Protect Undersea Cables from China, Russia

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Virginia Tim Kaine
    WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Senator Tim Kaine (D-VA), a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, joined a bipartisan group of colleagues in sending a letter to President Biden expressing concerns about the security of the global network of undersea communications and energy cables upon which American workers and businesses rely.
    More than 95% of international internet traffic travels via these undersea cables, resulting in trillions of dollars in financial transactions each day. The locations of these cables are often openly published to prevent accidental damage.
    As American companies look to expand and invest in this critical infrastructure, it is imperative that the United States has a complete understanding of existing vulnerabilities, especially those that impact our economic and national security.
    “America’s adversaries have been developing their capabilities to attack or disrupt critical undersea infrastructure. There is a long tradition, dating back well over a century, of belligerents attacking their opponents’ underwater communications lines in the first phase of a conflict,” the senators wrote. “Given these threats and challenges, it is imperative that the United States undertake a review of existing vulnerabilities to global undersea cable infrastructure, including the threat of sabotage by Russia as well as the growing role of the People’s Republic of China in cable laying and repair. If we are truly to deepen vital commercial and security relationships with willing partners and allies, this must be a national priority.”
    In addition to Kaine, U.S. Senators Todd Young (R-IN), Chris Murphy (D-CT), Marco Rubio (R-FL), Pete Ricketts (R-NE), Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Dan Sullivan (R-AK), and Brian Schatz (D-HI) also signed the letter.
    Read the full text of the letter to President Biden here and below:
    Dear Mr. President: 
    We write to you to express our concern about the security of global undersea communications and energy cables, especially those that impact America’s economic and national security and that of our allies and partners. As you are well aware, more than 95% of international internet traffic travels via undersea cables, including trillions of dollars in financial transactions each day. Moreover, the exact locations of most of these cables are openly published in order to reduce the likelihood of accidental damage from ships’ anchors or fishing activities. Internet and telecommunications providers, including American firms, intend to invest billions of dollars in expanding the global network of undersea communications cables. Additionally, energy transmission cables are proliferating as governments look to new sources of electricity generation. 
    America’s adversaries have been developing their capabilities to attack or disrupt critical undersea infrastructure. There is a long tradition, dating back well over a century, of belligerents attacking their opponents’ underwater communications lines in the first phase of a conflict. For example, in both World Wars, Britain’s first naval actions were to cut the telegraph cables connecting Germany to the Americas, and in 1918 a German U-boat severed lines connecting New York to both Nova Scotia and Panama. In addition to this kind of overt, kinetic attack, the nature of undersea infrastructure increases the feasibility of gray zone actions with plausible deniability. It is difficult to distinguish between an accident and a deliberate action on the seabed, and more difficult still to confirm who conducted such an action. On top of this, because this infrastructure is privately owned by commercial enterprises, repairs are the responsibility of these private companies, which are likely not prepared to maintain them under wartime conditions and are likely to seek the most cost-effective repair and maintenance options—even if that option is owned or operated by a foreign adversary or strategic competitor. 
    Given these threats and challenges, it is imperative that the United States undertake a review of existing vulnerabilities to global undersea cable infrastructure, including the threat of sabotage by Russia as well as the growing role of the People’s Republic of China in cable laying and repair. If we are truly to deepen vital commercial and security relationships with willing partners and allies, this must be a national priority. We respectfully request that you provide responses to the following questions and direct senior administration officials to brief Members of Congress, including members of relevant committees of jurisdiction, on your plans and the resources and authorities needed to carry them out.
    1) What is your Administration’s overall strategy to guarantee the security of America’s undersea infrastructure and to promote the security of that of our allies and partners? 
    2) The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020 established the Cable Security Fleet (CSF). If authorized and sufficiently funded, what would be your assessment of the ideal size of the U.S.-flagged and -operated cable laying and repair vessel fleet to ensure sufficient cable repair capacity during a conflict or national emergency? How can the United States work with trusted allies and partners for additional capacity to support the expansion and repair of trusted undersea cable networks? 
    3) What is the Administration’s strategy to encourage other nations to choose trusted suppliers in their selection of undersea cable manufacturers, particularly in any nation of concern or which may be vulnerable to coercion or covert action by America’s adversaries? 
    4) How is the Administration working with the private sector to ensure that commercial enterprises’ investments in undersea cables align with U.S. national security priorities? 
    5) How do you intend to protect the physical security of undersea cables in the open ocean, including through any interpretation of customary international law? 
    6) How is the Administration working multilaterally to collectively enhance security and monitor potential threats to undersea infrastructure, including through NATO, the Quad, and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity? 
    Thank you for your prompt attention to this request. As Congress works to continue its oversight of national security, it is vital that we understand the current state of the information backbone of our economy and efforts to protect it. 
    Sincerely, 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Deputy Prime Minister announces action to protect and create good-paying jobs for Canadian workers

    Source: Government of Canada News

    Workers are at the heart of Canada’s economy. For our economy and for every generation to reach their full potential, Canadian workers need good-paying jobs. We’re doing this by making investments that increase productivity, boost innovation, and accelerate the flow of capital into Canada. And we’re doing everything we can to protect Canadian workers from unfair competition.

    October 22, 2024 – Ottawa, Ontario – Department of Finance Canada
     

    Workers are at the heart of Canada’s economy. For our economy and for every generation to reach their full potential, Canadian workers need good-paying jobs. We’re doing this by making investments that increase productivity, boost innovation, and accelerate the flow of capital into Canada. And we’re doing everything we can to protect Canadian workers from unfair competition.

    Today, the Honourable Chrystia Freeland, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, alongside the Honourable Randy Boissonnault, Minister of Employment, Workforce Development and Official Languages, and the Honourable Jean-Yves Duclos, Minister of Public Services and Procurement and Quebec Lieutenant, announced further action to protect and create jobs for Canadian workers.

    First, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance announced that effective today, imports of certain Chinese-made steel and aluminum products are subject to a 25 per cent tariff. These tariffs will help level the playing field to protect Canadian workers whose job security is being put at risk by China’s unfair, intentional, and state-directed trade practices of oversupply and overcapacity, as well as its lack of robust environmental and labour standards. Through this action in lockstep with key trading partners, Canada is also preventing trade diversion with these tariffs.

    Recognizing that Canadian businesses may need time to adjust, the federal government is prepared to offer tariff relief in certain, exceptional circumstances to help make sure that Canadian workers aren’t punished as new supply chains are established. Canadian businesses can apply for relief by emailing remissions-remises@fin.gc.ca. Requests received before November 8, 2024, will be processed on a priority basis.

    Second, the Minister of Employment, Workforce Development and Officials Languages announced further robust reforms to the Temporary Foreign Worker Program to ensure the labour market is fair for Canadian workers. Some employers are using the Temporary Foreign Worker Program to hire from abroad at lower wages than what they would pay Canadians. This undercuts Canadians’ wage growth and the number of available jobs, puts temporary foreign workers into precarious situations, and erodes confidence in our immigration system.

    To protect Canadian workers from unfair wage competition, starting November 8, 2024, the hourly wage criteria for the high-wage stream will be raised to 20 per cent above the median hourly wage—between $5 per hour and $8 per hour—depending on the province or territory. This will incentivize employers to hire Canadians before turning to the program and encourage greater wage growth. And to crack down on employers who provide false information on their applications, starting October 28, 2024, the government is implementing stringent new data verification processes, which will ensure only genuine and legitimate job offers are approved.

    Third, the Ministers launched new measures to secure Canada’s artificial intelligence (AI) advantage, including the $200 million Regional Artificial Intelligence Initiative. AI is already unlocking growth and job opportunities in industries across the economy and helping many Canadian workers become more productive. In the past year, job growth in AI increased by nearly one third in Canada—among the highest growth of any sector. And most AI jobs pay well above the average income.

    Today, the government is launching two key parts of its $2.4 billion AI package to ensure the economic benefits of AI reach all corners of our country. Through the new $200 million Regional Artificial Intelligence Initiative, Canada’s Regional Development Agencies will support AI start-ups to bring new technologies to market, and drive AI adoption by small businesses in critical sectors across the economy, such as agriculture, clean technology, health care, and manufacturing. In addition, the National Research Council of Canada Industrial Research Assistance Program is receiving $100 million to help small- and medium-sized businesses scale up and increase productivity by building and deploying new AI solutions.

    The federal government’s economic plan is taking action to protect and create good-paying jobs for Canadian workers. We are protecting workers from unfair Chinese competition and from having their wages undercut. And we are investing in the technologies that create good-paying jobs, accelerate innovation, and boost productivity, so workers can focus on what they do best. This is all part of our plan to raise wages, increase living standards, and build a Canada that’s fairer for every generation.

    Katherine Cuplinskas
    Deputy Director of Communications
    Office of the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance
    Katherine.Cuplinskas@fin.gc.ca

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of World Economic Outlook October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers:
    Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, Director, Research Department, IMF
    Petya Koeva Brooks, Deputy Director, Research Department, IMF
    Jean‑Marc Natal, Division Chief, Research Department, IMF

    Moderator:
    Jose Luis De Haro, Communications Officer, IMF

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I think we can start. First of all, welcome, everyone. Good morning for those who are joining, as online. I am Jose Luis De Haro with the Communications Department here at the IMF. And once again, we are gathered here today for the release of our new World Economic Outlook, titled Policy Pivot Raising Threats. I hope that by this time, all of you have had access to a copy of the flagship. If not, I would encourage you to go to IMF.org. There, you’re going to find the document, but also, you’re going to find Pierre‑Olivier’s blog, the underlying data for the charts, videos, and other assets that I think are going to be very, very helpful for your reporting. And what’s best, that to discuss all the details of the World Economic Outlook that, to be joined here today by Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, the Economic Counsellor Chief Economist and the Director of the Research Department. Next to him are Petya Koeva Brooks. She is the Deputy Director of the Research Department. And also with us, Jean‑Marc Natal, the Division Chief at the Research Department. We are going to start with some opening remarks from Pierre‑Olivier, and then we will proceed to take your questions. I want to remind everyone that this press conference is on the record and that we will also be taking questions online.

    With no further ado, Pierre‑Olivier, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you, Jose, and good morning, everyone. Let me start with the good news. The battle against inflation is almost won. After peaking at 9.4 percent year on year in the third quarter of 2022, we now project headline inflation will fall to 3.5 percent by the end of next year, and in most countries, inflation is now hovering close to central bank targets.

    Now, inflation came down while the global economy remained resilient. Growth is projected to hold steady at 3.2 percent in 2024 and 2025. The United States is expected to cool down, while other advanced economies will rebound. Performance in emerging Asia remains robust, despite the slight downward revision for China to 4.8 percent in 2024. Low‑income countries have seen their growth revised downwards, some of it because of conflicts and climate shocks.

    Now, the decline in inflation without a global recession is a major achievement. Much of that disinflation can be attributed to the unwinding of the unique combination of supply and demand shocks that caused the inflation in the first place, together with improvements in labor supply due to immigration in many advanced countries. But monetary policy played a decisive role, keeping inflation expectations anchored.

    Now, despite the good news, on inflation, risks are now tilted to the downside. This downside risks include an escalation in regional conflicts, especially in the Middle East, which could cause serious risks for commodity markets. Policy shifts toward undesirable trade and industrial policies could also significantly lower output, a sharp reduction in migration into advanced economies, which can unwind some of the supply gains that helped ease inflation in recent quarters. This could trigger an abrupt tightening of global financial conditions that would further depress output. And together, these represent about a 1.6 percent of global output in 2026.

    Now, to mitigate these downside risks and to strengthen growth, policymakers now need to shift gears and implement a policy triple pivot.

    The first pivot on monetary policy is already underway. The decline in inflation paved the way for monetary easing across major central banks. This will support activity at a time when labor markets are showing signs of cooling, with rising unemployment rates. So far, however, this rise has been gradual and does not point to an imminent slowdown. Lower interest rates in major economies will also ease the pressure on emerging market economies. However, vigilance remains key. Inflation in services remains too elevated, almost double prepandemic levels, and a few emerging market economies are seeing rising price pressures, calling for higher policy rates. Furthermore, we have now entered a world dominated by supply shocks, from climate, health, and geopolitical tensions. And this makes the job of central banks harder.

    The second pivot is on fiscal policy. It is urgent to stabilize debt dynamics and rebuild much‑needed fiscal buffers. For the United States and China, current fiscal plans do not stabilize debt dynamics. For other countries, despite early improvements, there are increasing signs of slippage. The path is narrow. Delaying consolidation increases the risk of disorderly adjustments, while an excessively abrupt turn toward fiscal tightening could hurt economic activity. Success requires implementing, where necessary, and without delay, a sustained and credible multi‑year fiscal adjustment.

    The third pivot and the hardest is toward growth‑enhancing reform. This is the only way we can address many of the challenges we face. Many countries are implementing industrial and trade policy measures to protect domestic workers and industries. These measures can sometimes boost investment and activity in the short run, but they often lead to retaliation and ultimately fail to deliver sustained improvements in standards of living. They should be avoided when not carefully addressing well‑identified market failures or narrowly defined national security concerns.

    Economic growth must come, instead, from ambitious domestic reforms that boost innovation, increase human capital, improve competition and resource allocation. Growth‑enhancing reforms often face significant social resistance. Our report shows that information strategies can help improve support, but they only go so far. Building trust between governments and citizens and inclusion of proper compensation measures are essential features.

    Building trust is an important lesson that should also resonate when thinking about ways to further improve international cooperation to address common challenges in the year that we celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Bretton Woods Institutions. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Thank you, Pierre‑Olivier. Before we open the floor for your questions, let’s remind some ground rules. First of all, if you have any question that it is related to a country program or a country negotiation, I would recommend not to formulate that question here. Basically, those questions can be formulated in the different regional press briefings that are going to happen later this week.

    Also, if you want to ask a question, just raise your hand, wait until I call you. Identify yourself and the outlet that you represent. And let’s try to keep it to just one question. I know that there are going to be many, many questions. We might not be able to take all of you. So please be patient. There are going to be many other opportunities to ask questions throughout the week.

    Let me start—how I am going to start. I am going to start in the center. A couple of questions here. Then I am going to go to my right, and then I am going to go there. I am going to start in the first row, the lady with the white jacket, thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you, Jose, for taking my question. I am Moaling Xiong from Xinhua News Agency. I want to ask about the geopolitical tensions that was mentioned in the report. It says there are rising geopolitical tensions. So far, the impact has been limited. But further intensification of geopolitical rifts could weigh on trade, investment, and beyond. I wonder whether Pierre‑Olivier, could you talk a little bit about what are the economic impacts of growing geopolitical tensions? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. This is, of course, a very important question. This is something that we are very concerned about, the rising geoeconomic fragmentation, trade tensions between countries, measures that are disrupting trade, disrupting cross‑border investment. This is something that we have looked at in our World Economic Outlook report. In Chapter 1, we have a box that evaluates the impact of various adverse measures, measures that could be taken by policymakers or various of shocks that would impact output. And when we look at the impact that rising trade tensions could have, there are two dimensions of this. One is, of course, you are increasing tariffs, for instance, between different blocs. That would disrupt trade. That will misallocate resources. That will weigh down on economic activity. But there is also an associated layer that comes from the uncertainty that increases related to future trade policy. And that will also depress investment, depress economic activity and consumption. When we put these two together, what we find is, we find an impact on world output that is on the order of about 0.5 percent of output levels in 2026. So it’s a quite sizable effect of both an increase in tariffs between different countries and an increase in trade policy uncertainty.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to continue here in the center. We’re going to go to the gentleman on the third row. Yep. There. There, third row, there. Third row. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Hi. Thanks very much for taking my question. I just want to ask about the inflation side of the WEO. You mentioned just now inflation, you know, the battle is almost won. I am just wondering, there’s sort of a divergence between the advanced economies and emerging markets and developing economies. When do you expect inflation to sort of fall toward that 2 percent target in emerging markets and developing economies? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So inflation, the progress on inflation has been more pronounced for advanced economies, and now we expect advanced economies to be back to their target sometime in 2025 for most of them. For emerging markets and developing economies, there is more variation, and we see an increase in dispersion of inflation, so a lot of countries have made a lot of progress. You look, for instance, at emerging Asia. There are inflation levels very similar to advanced economies for a number of them. You look at other regions—in the Middle East, for instance, or sub‑Saharan Africa—and you have countries that still have double‑digital inflation rates and will maybe take more time to converge back. So we see an increased divergence that reflects some of the shocks that are specific to some of these regions. Of course, conflict or climate‑related shocks can have an impact on inflation, and that’s what we’re seeing in these two regions I mentioned.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I’m going to move to my right. The first row here, the lady with the red suit.

    QUESTION: Hello. This is Norah from Asharq Business with Bloomberg from Dubai.

    Pierre, you mentioned that the geopolitical tensions could account for 0.5 percent of output if things kind of get out of hand. To what extent is this a very optimistic number here? Because we’re talking about tensions not only in the Middle East. You have things going down in the Taiwan Strait. We have the Russian‑Ukraine war still ongoing. And there is a very big risk that shipping lines, straits might get disrupted. And this would affect very substantially the price of oil and other commodities. To what extent this would affect output—again, global output and inflation levels? Would inflation be a big risk again if major commodities prices increased substantially?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So you are absolutely right. The scenario I was referring to earlier is a scenario where we have increased trade disruptions, tariffs, and trade policy uncertainty. But one can think also about geopolitical tensions impacting commodity market or shipping. Now, this is not something that we looked at in this report. That’s something that we had looked at in our April report. And in April, when we looked at the potential for escalation in conflicts in the Middle East, the impact it could have on oil prices or on shipping costs, we found that this would very much be in the nature of adverse supply shock. It would negatively impact output, and it would increase inflation pressures. Now, the numbers we had when we did that exercise back in April, they’re still very relevant for the environment we’re in now. And that was one of the layers I showed today, is that it would reduce output by another about 0.4 percent by 2026 and would increase inflation by something on the order of 0.7 percent higher inflation in 2025. So this is something that is very much on top of the other tensions that I mentioned. This is why we are living in this world where there are multiple layers of risk that could be compounding each other.

    Mr. De Haro: I’m going to stay here. First row, here. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. My name is Simon Ateba. I am with Today News Africa Washington, D.C. I would like you to talk a little bit more about the situation in Africa. I know two years ago it was about COVID and then Ukraine. What do you see now? And what are some of the recommendations for sub‑Saharan Africa? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So sub‑Saharan African region is one that is seeing growth rates that are fairly steady this year, compared to last year, at about 3.6 percent, and then expected to increase to about 4.2 percent next year. So we’re seeing some pickup in growth from this year to next year. But now, this is certainly a region that’s been adversely impacted by weather shocks and, in some cases, conflict. So the growth remains subdued and somewhat uneven, and that’s certainly something that we are concerned about.

    Let me turn it over to my colleague Jean‑Marc Natal to add some color.

    Mr. Natal: I would be happy to. Do you hear me? OK.

    So yes, so there has been over the last year, year and a half, there has been some progress in the region. You saw, you know, inflation stabilizing in some countries going down even. And reaching close—level close to the target. But half of them is still at distance, large distance from the target. And a third of them are still having double‑digital inflation.

    In terms of growth, as Pierre‑Olivier mentioned, it’s quite uneven, but it remains too low. The other issue is debt in the region. Obviously, it is still high. It has not increased. It has stopped increasing, and in some countries already starting to consolidate. But it’s still too high. And the debt service is correspondingly still high in the region. So the challenges are still there. There has been some progress. So in terms of the recommendation, in countries where inflation is very high, you would recommend, you know, tight monetary policy and in some cases, when possible, helped by consolidation on the fiscal side.

    It’s complicated. In many countries, you know, there are trade‑offs, and, you know, consolidating fiscal is difficult when you also have to provide for relief, like in Nigeria, for example, due to the flooding. So targeting the support to the poor and the vulnerable is part of the package when you consolidate. I will stop here.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I am moving to my left. I am going to go to the gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. Joel Hills from ITV News. We know that the chancellor in the United Kingdom is planning on changing the fiscal rule on debt to allow for—to borrow more for investment. Pierre‑Olivier, do you support this idea? And what, in your view, are the risks? And should the U.K. government continue to target a fall in debt of some description or a rise in public sector net worth?

    Mr. De Haro: Pierre‑Olivier, before you answer, are there any other questions on the U.K. in the room? I am going to take just two more from this group of U.K. reporters on my right that they are very eager. Just two questions more. We do not want to overwhelm—

    QUESTION: Alex Brummer from the Daily Mail in London. Again, around the chancellor’s upcoming budget. In your opening remarks, you referred to the possibility of abrupt changes in fiscal policy, disrupting what might happen to economies. U.K., according to your forecast, is in a quite good place in terms of growth heading upward. Do you fear that too strong a change in direction in fiscal policy in the U.K. could affect future growth?

    Mr. De Haro: Just one more question.

    QUESTION: Mehreen Khan from The Times. You mentioned that there are some countries at risk of fiscal slippage because governments have promised to do their consolidation have struggled to execute. Is the U.K. in that group? Also, the IMF has previously recommended that countries are under fiscal strain should—can keep sort of investment flowing if they do shift to measures like public sector net worth. Is that still a recommendation that you stand by in particular relevance for the U.K.?

    Mr. De Haro: And to give Pierre‑Olivier a little bit of time, I just want to remind everyone that we will have regional press briefings later this week, and some of these questions can be brought to all heads of departments that are going to be talking later on in the week. Pierre‑Olivier?

    Mr. Gourinchas: First, I will make three quick remarks. We are going to wait and see at the end of this month, on October 30, the details of the budget that will be announced by the U.K. government. And at that point, we’ll be able to evaluate and see the detail of the measures and how they will impact the U.K. economy.

    The broader question, I think, is relevant for many countries, not just the U.K. And it goes to the second pivot I mentioned, this narrow path in terms of fiscal consolidation. I think when countries have elevated debt levels, when interest rates are high, when growth is OK but not great, there is a risk that things could escalate or get out of control quickly. And so there is a need to bring debt levels down, stabilize them when they are not stabilized and rebuild fiscal buffers. That is true for many countries around the world. And if you are not doing that—and that is getting to the question that was asked by the gentleman on the right here—if you’re not doing that, that’s when you find yourself potentially later on at the mercy of market pressures that will force an adjustment that is uncontrolled to a large extent. At which point you have very few degrees of freedom, so you do not want to get in that position. And I think the effort to stabilize public debt has to be seen in that context.

    Now, the other side of the narrow path is, of course, if you try to do too much too quickly, you might have an adverse impact on growth. And you have to be careful there because we do have important—most countries have important needs when it comes to spending, whether it’s about central services, what we think about healthcare, or if we think about public investment and climate transition. So we need to protect also the type of spending that can be good for growth. So finding ways—and this is something that our colleagues in the Fiscal Monitor report emphasize, finding ways to consolidate by reducing expenditures where it’s needed. Maybe raising revenues. Often, it’s a combination of both but doing so in a way that is least impactful on growth. It’s country by country. There is no general formula. But that’s kind of the nature of the exercise.

    That pivot, that second pivot is absolutely essential. At the point we’re at again precisely because we’re in a world in which there will be more shocks and countries need to be prepared and need to have some room on the fiscal side to be able to build that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Last question on this side. Then I will go online, and then I will go around the room again. The gentleman in the second row.

    QUESTION: Thanks, Jose. Pierre‑Olivier, a question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for the country for next year, improving GDP and inflation, 45 percent at the end of the year. Oh, yes. Sorry. Alam Md Hasanul from International.

    A question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for next year, but I wanted to see if you could give us a little bit more detail on, where do you see the economy going. And if it’s accurate to say at this point that the worst of the crisis is in the past? Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: We have received other questions regarding Argentina online from Lilliana Franco. Basically, she wants to know what’s behind our expectations for inflation for 2025. And I think that there are other Argentine reporters in the room. I see them in the back. Please, if somebody can get them the mic and we can get all the questions on Argentina and then move on to other regions. There. There. Those two, please. Try to keep it short.

    QUESTION: Hi. Patricia Valli from El Cronista. You mentioned the need to keep going with the reforms. And the government in Argentina is implementing a series of reforms. What’s the take of the IMF in terms of these? And if they are perhaps hurting the most vulnerable due to the increase of poverty numbers in Argentina in the past report?

    QUESTION: Hello. Juan Manuel Barca from Clarín Newspaper. I want to know if you raised your employment projection compared to the April—compared to the July forecast.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So let me first state at the outset that our projections for Argentina have not been updated since July, and the reason for this is because there are ongoing program discussions between the authorities and the Fund. And so while that process is going on, we did not update the projections for the October round.

    Now, to come to the question that was asked on the left. There are two things that are relevant for Argentina, two main things. One is what’s happening on the inflation side. Here, I think the progress has been very substantial. We are now seeing month‑on‑month inflation in Argentina close to 3.5 percent, and this is down from about 25 percent month on month back in December of last year. So very, very significant decline in the inflation rate. So that’s something to acknowledge. And the hope is, of course, that the measures in place will continue to improve the situation on that front.

    On the growth front, what we are saying is that activity has contracted substantially in the first half of the year, but there are signs that it’s starting to gradually recover. Now how much again, I cannot give you an update because we do not have it as of now. But there are signs that there is a recovery in real wages and in private credit and activity.

    Now, of course, this has been difficult for the Argentine economy, the decline in growth of that nature. And that’s something that, again, we are engaged in discussions with the authorities on the best way forward. I cannot comment more than that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I am going to get a question from our colleagues on WebEx. I think that Weier is there.

    QUESTION: I have a question on China. Given China’s recent implementation of various stimulus measures, such as support for the real estate—real sector and interest rate reductions and other economic incentives, we’ve already seen a major boost in its capital market. So how do you assess the potential impact of these developments on China’s economic recovery and growth perspective?

    Also, how the external effects, such as the Federal Reserve’s easing monetary path, will play a role here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Before you answer on the Federal Reserve, there’s other questions on China of a similar nature. Recent stimulus announced by the Governor and its effects.

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So China, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, we have a slight downward revision for its 2024 growth, compared to our July projections to 4.8 percent. And that’s a revision that’s coming largely due to a weaker second quarter of the year. And that weaker second quarter of the year is reflecting continued decline in confidence in the household and corporate sector and also the continued problems in the property sector in China.

    Now, this is something that, of course, is a top priority to address for the Chinese authorities. And we’ve seen a number of measures that have been announced since the end of last month. First measures, monetary and financial measures announced by the People’s Bank of China, and then some fiscal measures that were announced a few weeks ago.

    These measures in general go in the right direction, from our perspective. They are trying to improve the situation in the property sector. They’re trying to, for instance, lowering borrowing rates or trying to improve the balance sheet of the property developers.

    In our view, in our assessment, the measures announced at the end of last month by the PBOC, although they go in the right direction, are not sufficient to lift growth in a substantially material way. And that’s why our forecast is still at about 4.8 percent for 2024 and is unchanged for next year, at 4.5 percent.

    The new, more recent measures announced a few weeks ago by the Ministry of Finance are not incorporated in our forecast. We are waiting to see the details. I should mention, however, that since then, there has also been a release of the Q3 growth for China, and this has also been a little bit on the disappointing side. So I would say that what we’re seeing in terms of where the Chinese economy might be going is a little bit of a downward revision coming from the Q3 forecast and then potentially some measures that will help lift the economy going forward.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. So we have an additional question online. Basically, it comes from a reporter in Israel who wants to know how the current conflict is affecting the region and the global economy. Also, if there’s any other questions regarding the ongoing conflict, we can go here in the first row, please.

    QUESTION: Hi. Amir Goumma from Asharq with Bloomberg. With the GCC countries increasingly focusing and diversifying their economies away from oil now, how the IMF sees the progress and how you assess that with geopolitical tensions that may affect the attraction of the investment?

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So on the impact of the conflict in the Middle East on the countries in the region, and more broadly, let me ask my colleague Petya Koeva Brooks to come in.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Sure. Indeed, the conflict has inflicted a heavy toll on the region, and our hearts go to all who have been affected by it. We are monitoring the situation very closely. And what we could say at this stage is apart from the enormous uncertainty that we see is that the fallout has been the hardest in the countries in the region, at the epicenter of the conflict. We’ve seen significant declines in output in West Bank, in Gaza. Lebanon has also been hard hit. Now, we’ve also seen impact in the—on the economy in Israel, although there, I think the—so far at least, the impact has been smaller.

    Now, beyond that, there has also been an impact on commodity prices, on oil prices. We’ve seen quite a lot of volatility, though, as other factors have also come in, such as the concerns about global demand kind of have pushed prices in the opposite direction.

    Now, beyond that, when it comes to specific countries in the GCC region, when it comes to, for instance, Saudi Arabia, we’ve seen there, actually the non‑oil output has done very well, and we do have a small downward revision in the overall growth rate, but that is pretty much because of the voluntary oil cuts that have now been extended through November. Let me stop here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We are coming here to the center of the room. I’m going to go way back. The gentleman in the blue shirt that I think is the third row from the back. Yep. There. He has—there, there, there. A little bit. Can you stand up? Yep. Perfect. And then I will go with you, with the lady.

    QUESTION: Thank you for doing this. Your alternative scenario about the trade war does not seem so far from reality. Indeed, especially if Trump wins the elections. So could you augment about that? Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: We have a couple of questions similar to that nature.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, of course, I will first preface by saying we are not commenting on elections or potential platforms here at the IMF. What we are seeing and when we’re looking at the world economy goes beyond what might be happening in a single country. This is why the scenario that we are looking at in Box 1.2 of our World Economic Outlook is one that focuses on, if you want, an escalation of trade tensions between different regions—whether the U.S., the European Union, or China. And the numbers I quoted earlier are reflecting our model estimates of the cumulative impact of this increase in tensions. So I think that this is something that we are very concerned about. We’ve seen a very sharp increase in a number of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries since 2019, roughly. They’ve gone from 1,000 to 3,000, so tripling of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries, and 2019 was not a low point. That was already something that was above what we were seeing in the 2010s. So there is definitely, you know, a direction of travel here that we are very concerned about because a lot of these trade‑distorting measures could reflect decisions by countries that are self‑centered but could be ultimately harmful not just to the global economy, but this is the benefits of doing a scenario analysis like the one we did. They are also hurtful for the countries that want to implement them, as well, because the impact on global trade also makes the residents of a country poorer.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to take a question from WebEx and then I’m going to go to you. I think that we have a question on the U.S. Please go ahead.

    QUESTION: My question would be regarding the U.S. resilience toward inflation shock. I remember talks about this during the April meetings and the April report. And I wanted to ask you whether you’re still committed to this forecast of the U.S. resiliency, and whether we can still see the risk of recession in the U.S. since recent talks about the unemployment data, it has not always come to the expectations of what the bond market or the stock exchange thinks.

    So is the U.S. still as resilient as you saw it in April this year?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, the news on the U.S. is good in a sense. We have had an upgrade in growth forecasts for 2024 and 2025. The historical numbers have also been revised, so even upgraded 2023, that is already sort of behind us. But the numbers came in, and they were stronger than what was realized. And that strong growth performance has been happening in a context of a continued disinflation. There have been some bumps in the road. The disinflation may not have been proceeding, especially earlier in the year, as quickly as was projected, but lately it has been quite substantial.

    So what accounts for this is two things that are really important there. One is, there is strong productivity growth that we see when we look at the U.S. That’s somewhat unlike other advanced economies, in fact. When we look around the world. And the second is also a very significant role that immigration has played, the increase in foreign‑born workers in the U.S. that have been integrated fairly quickly into the labor force. Now, the increase in unemployment that we’ve seen recently—I just showed it in my opening remarks—reflects to a large extent the fact that you have this increase in foreign‑born workers. And it takes—they have been integrated quickly in the labor force, but still there was an influx of them or there was an influx of them, and it’s taken a little bit of time to absorb them. And that’s what is reflected in the increased unemployment rate. So the labor market picture remains one that is fairly, fairly robust, even though it has cooled off but from very, very tight levels. Growth is solid. So I think the answer to the question that was posed, I think a risk of a recession in the U.S. in the absence of a very sharp shock would be somewhat diminished.

    Now, that is really what paved the way when you think about what the Federal Reserve is doing, seeing this inflation coming down a lot but noticing the increase in unemployment, pivoting away from just fighting inflation, that fight is almost done, and now being more concerned about, maybe what might be happening going forward with the labor market and wanting to make sure that that cooling off of the labor market does not turn into something that is more negative.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. The clock here says that I have seven minutes that I can push a little bit, but we go there. Then we will go to this side. And come back here and maybe end around here.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. My name is Hope Moses‑Ashike from Business Day Nigeria. So I am right here in this room, in April, you projected the Nigeria economy to grow by 3.3 percent, and you cited improved oil sector, security, and then agriculture. So I want to understand, what has changed since then in terms of Nigeria’s growth and the factors you mentioned? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. Jean‑Marc, do you want to comment on Nigeria?

    Mr. Natal: Yes. Rightly so. We revised growth for Nigeria in 2024 by .2 down. And, you know, things are volatile, I suppose, because the reason for the revision is precisely issues in agriculture related to flooding. And also issues in the production of oil related to security issues, and also maintenance issues that have pushed down the production of oil. So these two factors have played a role.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We go to this side. I’m going to go to the front row, the lady with the white jacket. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. So this is still a follow‑up question since you just answered on Nigeria. What’s the IMF’s projection for the social impacts on full subsidy removal, especially when you—full subsidy removal and forex unification in terms of poverty, inequality, and food insecurity? And also, can give us your medium‑term projections for Nigeria’s growth? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So I am afraid on this one I will have to go back and check because I do not have the number ready on the impact of the removal of the fuel subsidies specifically that you asked about. I do not know if my colleagues—

    Mr. De Haro: And I would encourage you to formulate this question in the press briefing for the regional outlook for the African Department. Probably there, you will get your answer, but reach out to us bilaterally and then we will get you the question.

    We are going to stay—we’re going to go to the gentleman in the back. Yep.

    QUESTION: Thanks very much. Andy Robinson of La Vanguardia, Barcelona, Spain. There seems to be a strange sort of divergence in the euro zone economy in which Spain—you have revised upwards Spain’s GDP growth forecast a whole point, percentage point, whilst Germany is languishing. Could I ask you, is Spain’s performance sustainable? And Germany’s in a recession?

    Also, one other question. You seem in your box on inflation and wage share and profit share, wage share you seem to be suggesting if there’s any danger of increasing inflation in the future, it’s more an excessive profit share than exactly wage? Could you tell me if that’s a correct interpretation? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So just a few words on the euro area in general. And then I will let my colleague Petya come in on Spain. We do see some divergence across the different countries of the euro area. And one of the drivers is how reliant they are on manufacturing, as one of the key sectors in domestic production. And what you are seeing is, there is a general weakness in manufacturing and that’s heating countries like Germany. While countries that are maybe a bit more reliant on services, including tourism—and Spain is one of them—are seeing a better performance.

    Now, on the second part of your question, and I will turn it over to Petya, on the profit share and wages. We’re seeing now wage growth that is in excess of inflation. And sometimes people say, well, that’s a problem because that means, you know, maybe that cannot be sustained and therefore there will be more inflation. Well, not quite. That’s not the view we have here at the Fund. A lot of the increase in wages in excess of inflation right now—so that’s an improvement in real wages in standards of living—is reflecting a catchup phenomenon. It’s after years during which inflation was higher than wage inflation, wage increase. So real wages are catching up. They are covering lost ground.

    Now, during those years when inflation was higher than wages, profit margins somewhere were higher in the economy. And that is the profit margin that is being eroded back. So it’s not that we’re squeezing profits inordinately right now. It’s just they’re coming back more toward their historical level as real wages are catching up, and that’s not necessarily a concern in terms of inflation dynamics going forward. With this, let me turn it over to Petya.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Thank you. Indeed Spain does stand out as one of the countries with a substantial upward revision for this year. We’re now projecting growth to be 2.9, after last year, when it was 2.7. So what’s behind this revision is the positive surprises that we’ve already seen, especially in the second quarter, as well as some of the revisions to the back data.

    And then when we look at the composition of these surprises, again, it was net exports and the receipts from tourism that were a substantial contributor. But also, private consumption and investment also played a role, which may imply that some of the impact of the national recovery plan and the EU funds that are being used could—we could already be seeing the impact of that. And then when we move forward, we are expecting a slowdown in growth next year, but, again, if these—if this investment continues, of course, that would be a very positive factor behind the recovery. Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I have time for just one question because literally, we have 15 seconds. So I’m going to go with the gentleman here.

    QUESTION: Thank you. Barry Wood, Hong Kong Radio. Mr. Gourinchas, in April you said likely we will see one rate cut in the United States. We’ve seen it. The data, as you just said, is very good. Would further rate cuts be counterproductive?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Well, in our projections, of course, we need to make some assumptions about what central banks, and this round of projection is no exception. So in our projections just released today, we’re assuming that there will be two more rate cuts by the Fed in 2024 and then four additional rate cuts in 2025. And that would bring the policy rate towards the terminal rate that is around 2.75, 3. Why do we see the additional rate cuts? Well, in part it’s the progress on inflation. And then as I mentioned earlier, as an answer to an earlier question, the fact that we’re seeing the labor markets cooling and therefore the concern for the Fed is now to make sure that that last part of the disinflation process is not one that is going to hit activity. In the Chapter 2 of our report, we describe how that last mile could be somewhat more costly because, as the supply constraints have eased and moved away, it becomes harder to bring down inflation in that last mile without hurting economic activity, so it’s important to also adjust the policy rate path in a direction of a little bit more easing, as the economy is smooth landing.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. As in life, all good things have to come to an end. But before that, I want to thank you all, on behalf of Pierre‑Olivier, Petya, and Jean‑Marc. Also, on behalf of the Communications Department and a couple of reminders for all of you, the Global Financial Stability Report press briefing is going to happen in this same room at around 10:15 a.m. Tomorrow morning, you have the press briefing for the Fiscal Monitor, and later on in the week, you will have the Managing Director’s press briefing and all the regional press briefings that we’ve been talking about. I want to encourage you to go to IMF.org, download the flagships, the World Economic Outlook, and if you have any questions, comments, feedback, everything to media at IMF.org. So have a great day.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER:

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI USA: Brown, UAW Workers, Cleveland-Cliffs, and Zanesville Mayor Don Mason Tout Successful Fight to Save Local Jobs by Fixing Misguided Biden Administration Rule

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Ohio Sherrod Brown

    ZANESVILLE, OH – Today, U.S. Senator Sherrod Brown (D-OH) joined Zanesville Mayor Don Mason and UAW workers to highlight his successful fight pushing the Biden Administration to fix a flawed electrical distribution transformer regulation that would have cost Ohioans’ jobs and devastated U.S. electrical steel manufacturers—including Ohio-based Cleveland-Cliffs. Cleveland-Cliffs makes grain-oriented electrical steel used to form the cores of electric distribution and power transformers and non-grained-oriented steel used in other end uses at its Zanesville plant.

    The Administration’s rule would have required all new transformers to be produced with a different kind of steel metal that’s almost entirely manufactured overseas – rather than what’s known as grain-oriented electric steel, which Cleveland-Cliffs produces in Ohio, at its Zanesville plant, and in Pennsylvania.

    “This was a bipartisan effort with the mayor, UAW, Cleveland-Cliffs, and other Ohioans,” said Brown. “Together we got the Biden Administration to back down, saving union jobs in Zanesville. I will always go to bat for Ohio workers and Ohio businesses, and stand up to anyone who threatens our jobs.”

    “Senator Brown understands that the United States cannot become reliant on countries like Japan, China and Mexico for our energy security. That’s why he fought back against the Department of Energy’s flawed transformer rule and helped achieved changes to the regulation that will preserve utilization of GOES in transformers.  Because of Senator Brown’s successful advocacy, Cleveland-Cliffs is now making investments in the production of electrical steel and preserving good-paying, UAW jobs at Zanesville Works,” said Lourenco Goncalves, Chairman, President & CEO, Cleveland-Cliffs Inc. 

    “The hard-working people of the Zanesville community appreciate the efforts and support of Senator Sherrod Brown and other federal legislators. Those successful efforts persuaded the Department of Energy to back off their proposal and will keep well-paying American  jobs in Zanesville,” said Zanesville Mayor Don Mason. “Without those efforts, materials and supplies for the transmission grid and industry would have shifted from reliable domestic sources to unreliable offshore sources. Those efforts also support reliability in the delivery of electricity to businesses and homes at a time when reliability is most needed. Furthermore, those successful efforts support the continued investment by American companies in American cities and American workers.”

    “I would like to thank Cleveland-Cliffs, our UAW leaders, and our elected officials, especially Senator Sherrod Brown, and Mayor Don Mason, who represent us and have fought against regulations that would have closed our plant, by forcing transformers manufacturers away from the Grain Oriented Electrical steel that we finish here at Zanesville,” said Eric Spiker, President, UAW Local 4104. “We are not the only ones that benefit from the work that the Senator has done. The communities that surround us, the State, and the country as well benefit.”

    Brown joined Ohio manufacturers, Ohio workers, and rural electric co-ops to fight the regulation. His push—which included proposing the bipartisan Distribution Transformer Efficiency & Supply Chain Reliability Act of 2024 with U.S. Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX)—led the Biden administration to correct major deficiencies in the proposed rule. This bill was built upon another bipartisan Senate effort from last June when Brown, Cruz, and Senator Bill Hagerty (R-TN) sent a bipartisan letter to Department of Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm, signed by an additional 13 Democrats and 32 Republicans, calling on the Department to fix the proposed regulations.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: G20 meetings in the United States

    Source: Australian Treasurer

    I will join key economic ministers and central bank governors from the world’s most significant economies at the G20, International Monetary Fund and World Bank annual meetings over the coming days in Washington DC.

    Australia is not immune from the volatility and vulnerability which characterises the global economy.

    The risk of further escalation in the Middle East threatens a resurgence in oil prices and casts a dark shadow over the global outlook.

    Conflict in the Middle East compounds the pressures already coming at us from the war in Ukraine, the slowdown in China, persistent global inflation, tepid global growth and sharp movements on stock markets.

    There is always a premium on responsible economic management and engagement but especially now, with all this uncertainty around the world.

    This is a really critical time to confer with colleagues and counterparts.

    There will be in‑depth discussions on the global economy, the energy transformation, economic security and reform of our multilateral institutions.

    This will include meetings with:

    • New Japanese Finance Minister Katsonobu Kato, who I will meet for the first time;
    • US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, for our sixth bilateral;
    • Chair of the US Federal Reserve Jerome Powell;
    • Director of President Biden’s National Economic Council Lael Brainard;
    • South Korean Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy Choi Sang‑Mok; and
    • Canadian Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland.

    I will participate in discussions as part of the G20 Taskforce on a Global Mobilisation Against Climate Change. Our focus will be on attracting the capital we need to create new jobs and opportunities in the transformation to cleaner and cheaper energy.

    I’ll also have an opportunity to be briefed on Australia’s interests in the United States by Ambassador Kevin Rudd.

    Responsible economic management is a defining feature of the Albanese Labor Government in these uncertain times.

    Our Budget surpluses aren’t an end in themselves, they help in the fight against inflation, provide room for our priorities and they help build buffers against some of this global volatility.

    Getting inflation down, helping with the cost of living, repairing the Budget and reforming our economy are the essential components of our strategy and we are making welcome progress.

    In a little over two years we have halved inflation, created a million new jobs, got real wages growing again, provided tax relief to every taxpayer, delivered the first back‑to‑back surpluses in two decades, avoided $150 billion of inherited debt and saved tens of billions of dollars in interest costs.

    These meetings will provide important perspectives on the global outlook and allow us to make further progress at home and with our key international partners.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Prime Minister warns Russian threat to global stability is accelerating as Putin ramps up attacks on Black Sea

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    • Grain ships collateral damage in the Black Sea as Russian risk appetite increases, UK intelligence shows.
    • Prime Minister calls out Russia’s actions, saying the Black Sea strikes underscore that Putin is willing to risk anything in attempts to force Ukraine into submission.
    • UK and Norway at the forefront of protecting the corridor, funding cutting edge maritime capabilities for Ukraine to ensure grain can reach the global south.

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    The acceleration in attacks coincides with harvest season in Ukraine, a country which remains a major supplier of agricultural produce, crucial for global food security.

    Putin’s almost 1000-day conflict in Ukraine has reduced supplies for some of the world’s most in need and helped drive up food and fuel prices across the globe.

    Now, UK intelligence shows that there has been a noticeable increase in Russian risk appetite when conducting strikes on port infrastructure, with grain ships becoming collateral damage in Russia’s campaign. 

    Those strikes are believed to have delayed the MV SHUI SPIRIT from departing Ukraine while carrying vegetable oil destined for the World Food Programme in Palestine.

    It has also hit ships loaded with grain destined for Egypt, two vessels carrying corn – which Ukraine is the second biggest supplier to China of – and World Food Programme shipments bound for southern Africa. 

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer said:

    “Russia’s indiscriminate strikes on ports in the Black Sea underscore that Putin is willing to gamble on global food security in his attempts to force Ukraine into submission. 

    ‘’In doing so, he is harming millions of vulnerable people across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, to try and gain the upper hand in his barbaric war. 

    “In recent weeks, we have seen reporting that the Kremlin has been forced to turn to North Korea to provide troops to fuel its self-destructing war machine, an embarrassing and desperate act, and now they are intensifying attacks on areas of Ukraine that support the global south with much-needed food. 

    “Russia has no respect for the norms and laws that govern our international system. Not only was their illegal invasion a blatant attack on the principles of the UN Charter, but the way they have executed their war in Ukraine shows no respect for human life, or the consequences of their invasion across the world.” 

    According to Defence Intelligence, between 05 – 14 October 2024, at least four merchant vessels have been struck by Russian munitions. 

    These include: 

    1.       05 October 2024 – Yuzhny port – MV PARESA (St Kitts and Nevis flagged) was almost certainly the target of the strike that damaged it. Following the attack, the Russian MoD released a video of what they say shows the vessel unloading containerised cargo which they likely perceive to be weapons. 

    2.       07 October 2024 – Odesa port – MV  OPTIMA (Palau flagged). There is a realistic possibility that the vessel was collateral damage as a result of a strike on port infrastructure and was not the direct target of the attack. MV OPTIMA was also likely further damaged in a strike on port infrastructure on 15 October 2024. 

    3.       08 October 2024 – Chronomorsk port MV SHUI SPIRIT (Panama flagged).Ukraine’s Minister of Agrarian Policy and Food Vitalii Koval stated the MV SHUI SPIRIT was carrying sunflower oil as part of a UN shipment. However, the vessel was a containerised cargo carrier and noting the earlier strike on MV OPTIMA, there is a realistic possibility that this vessel was also the target of the strike as opposed to collateral damage. 

    4.       14 October 2024 – Odesa port – NS MOON (Belize flagged) was likely damaged in strikes on port infrastructure. The vessel was likely collateral damage in strikes on port infrastructure. 

    The announcement comes as this government announces a further £2.26 billion for Ukraine as part of the UK’s contribution to the G7 Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans to Ukraine scheme.  

    Through the scheme, $50 billion from G7 countries will be delivered to Ukraine for its military, budget and reconstruction needs. The loan will be repaid using the extraordinary profits on immobilised Russian sovereign assets. 

    The UK has been at the forefront of work to protect the maritime corridor in the Black Sea. The Maritime Capability Coalition – led by the UK and Norway – is focused on delivering a future naval fighting force for Ukraine and has been instrumental in helping to equip Ukraine’s navy with items such as uncrewed surface vessels, better known as maritime drones, which will protect the corridor. 

    The UK is donating an additional £120 million toward the Maritime Capability Coalition and is seeking partners to co-fund delivery of hundreds more maritime drones (aerial and uncrewed boats), as well as surveillance radars to protect the Grain Corridor. 

    And together, the UK and Norway are seeking a further £100 million to co-fund hundreds more. 

    Recent gifting packages have provided dozens of amphibious all-terrain vehicles and raiding craft, hundreds of anti-ship missiles for coastal defence and river operations, and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition to accompany the machine guns we have provided. 

    Russia’s brutal and indiscriminate attacks have not been limited to the Black Sea, Putin’s forces have also been targeting civilian infrastructure in Ukraine throughout this year, aiming to make life intolerable for the Ukrainian people, especially as the country heads into winter. 

    They have attacked thousands of civilian targets, including hospitals and energy infrastructure. 

    Open-source intelligence shows there has been 1,522 attacks on Ukraine’s health care system since February 2022, 774 attacks damaged or destroyed hospitals and clinics, and 234 health workers have been killed.

    Updates to this page

    Published 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Press release: Prime Minister warns Russian threat to global stability is accelerating as Putin ramps up attacks on Black Sea

    Source: United Kingdom – Prime Minister’s Office 10 Downing Street

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    • Grain ships collateral damage in the Black Sea as Russian risk appetite increases, UK intelligence shows.
    • Prime Minister calls out Russia’s actions, saying the Black Sea strikes underscore that Putin is willing to risk anything in attempts to force Ukraine into submission.
    • UK and Norway at the forefront of protecting the corridor, funding cutting edge maritime capabilities for Ukraine to ensure grain can reach the global south.

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    The acceleration in attacks coincides with harvest season in Ukraine, a country which remains a major supplier of agricultural produce, crucial for global food security.

    Putin’s almost 1000-day conflict in Ukraine has reduced supplies for some of the world’s most in need and helped drive up food and fuel prices across the globe.

    Now, UK intelligence shows that there has been a noticeable increase in Russian risk appetite when conducting strikes on port infrastructure, with grain ships becoming collateral damage in Russia’s campaign. 

    Those strikes are believed to have delayed the MV SHUI SPIRIT from departing Ukraine while carrying vegetable oil destined for the World Food Programme in Palestine.

    It has also hit ships loaded with grain destined for Egypt, two vessels carrying corn – which Ukraine is the second biggest supplier to China of – and World Food Programme shipments bound for southern Africa. 

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer said:

    “Russia’s indiscriminate strikes on ports in the Black Sea underscore that Putin is willing to gamble on global food security in his attempts to force Ukraine into submission. 

    ‘’In doing so, he is harming millions of vulnerable people across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, to try and gain the upper hand in his barbaric war. 

    “In recent weeks, we have seen reporting that the Kremlin has been forced to turn to North Korea to provide troops to fuel its self-destructing war machine, an embarrassing and desperate act, and now they are intensifying attacks on areas of Ukraine that support the global south with much-needed food. 

    “Russia has no respect for the norms and laws that govern our international system. Not only was their illegal invasion a blatant attack on the principles of the UN Charter, but the way they have executed their war in Ukraine shows no respect for human life, or the consequences of their invasion across the world.” 

    According to Defence Intelligence, between 05 – 14 October 2024, at least four merchant vessels have been struck by Russian munitions. 

    These include: 

    1.       05 October 2024 – Yuzhny port – MV PARESA (St Kitts and Nevis flagged) was almost certainly the target of the strike that damaged it. Following the attack, the Russian MoD released a video of what they say shows the vessel unloading containerised cargo which they likely perceive to be weapons. 

    2.       07 October 2024 – Odesa port – MV  OPTIMA (Palau flagged). There is a realistic possibility that the vessel was collateral damage as a result of a strike on port infrastructure and was not the direct target of the attack. MV OPTIMA was also likely further damaged in a strike on port infrastructure on 15 October 2024. 

    3.       08 October 2024 – Chronomorsk port MV SHUI SPIRIT (Panama flagged).Ukraine’s Minister of Agrarian Policy and Food Vitalii Koval stated the MV SHUI SPIRIT was carrying sunflower oil as part of a UN shipment. However, the vessel was a containerised cargo carrier and noting the earlier strike on MV OPTIMA, there is a realistic possibility that this vessel was also the target of the strike as opposed to collateral damage. 

    4.       14 October 2024 – Odesa port – NS MOON (Belize flagged) was likely damaged in strikes on port infrastructure. The vessel was likely collateral damage in strikes on port infrastructure. 

    The announcement comes as this government announces a further £2.26 billion for Ukraine as part of the UK’s contribution to the G7 Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans to Ukraine scheme.  

    Through the scheme, $50 billion from G7 countries will be delivered to Ukraine for its military, budget and reconstruction needs. The loan will be repaid using the extraordinary profits on immobilised Russian sovereign assets. 

    The UK has been at the forefront of work to protect the maritime corridor in the Black Sea. The Maritime Capability Coalition – led by the UK and Norway – is focused on delivering a future naval fighting force for Ukraine and has been instrumental in helping to equip Ukraine’s navy with items such as uncrewed surface vessels, better known as maritime drones, which will protect the corridor. 

    The UK is donating an additional £120 million toward the Maritime Capability Coalition and is seeking partners to co-fund delivery of hundreds more maritime drones (aerial and uncrewed boats), as well as surveillance radars to protect the Grain Corridor. 

    And together, the UK and Norway are seeking a further £100 million to co-fund hundreds more. 

    Recent gifting packages have provided dozens of amphibious all-terrain vehicles and raiding craft, hundreds of anti-ship missiles for coastal defence and river operations, and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition to accompany the machine guns we have provided. 

    Russia’s brutal and indiscriminate attacks have not been limited to the Black Sea, Putin’s forces have also been targeting civilian infrastructure in Ukraine throughout this year, aiming to make life intolerable for the Ukrainian people, especially as the country heads into winter. 

    They have attacked thousands of civilian targets, including hospitals and energy infrastructure. 

    Open-source intelligence shows there has been 1,522 attacks on Ukraine’s health care system since February 2022, 774 attacks damaged or destroyed hospitals and clinics, and 234 health workers have been killed.

    Updates to this page

    Published 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of Global Financial Stability Report October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers:

     

    Tobias Adrian, Financial Counselor and Director, Monetary and Capital Markets Department, IMF

    Caio Ferreira, Deputy Division Chief, Monetary and Capital Markets Department, IMF

    Jason Wu, Assistant Director, Monetary and Capital Markets Department, IMF

     

    Moderator: Alexander Müller, Communications Analyst, IMF

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: OK. Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening, depending on where you are joining us from. Welcome to this press briefing on our latest Global Financial Stability Report, titled “Steadying the Course: Uncertainty, Artificial Intelligence, and Financial Stability.”

     

    I am Alex Müller with the Communications Department here at the IMF. I am joined today by Tobias Adrian, the IMF’s Financial Counsellor and Director of the Monetary and Capital Markets Department; to Tobias’s left, Jason Wu, assistant director at the Monetary and Capital Markets Department; and to his left, Caio Ferreira, deputy chief of the Global Markets Analysis Division.

     

    Our latest GFSR is out as of right now, so you can download the full text, our executive summary, and the latest blog on our website at IMF.org/GFSR.

     

    This press briefing is on the record. And we’ll start things off with some opening remarks just to set the stage before opening the floor to your questions. As a reminder we do have simultaneous interpretation into Arabic, French, and Spanish, both in the room and online.

     

    With that, I think we can get started.

     

    Tobias, when we released our last GFSR in April, optimism in financial markets was fueling asset valuations, credit spreads had compressed, and valuations in riskier asset markets had ratcheted up. At the time, you warned of some short‑term risks, like persistent inflation, as well as the tension between these narrowing credit spreads and the deteriorating underlying credit quality in some regions; but you also warned of some more medium‑term risks, like heightened vulnerabilities amidst elevated debt levels globally. So where are we now since then, six months later?

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Thanks so much. And let me welcome all of to you this launch of the Global Financial Stability Report.

     

    So the themes that you highlight, Alex, have broadly continued.

     

    Let me start with inflation. So global inflation has progressed toward target in most countries. So most central banks continue with a tight stance of policy but have started to cut rates. Now, with inflation heading towards target in many countries, the focus of the central banks has shifted from being primarily focused on inflation toward also considering real activity.

     

    So, concerning real activity, we have seen upward surprises relative to expectations. In financial markets, that has been particularly visible in earnings surprises that have been on the positive side. So as a result, the likelihood of a global recession has continued to recede. So the baseline forecast is one of a soft landing globally. And that is the optimism that we had flagged already in April. That has been reinforced in many ways. And that is fueling optimism in financial markets. So financial conditions globally continue to be accommodative. Credit spreads continue to be tight. Implied volatility, particularly in risky asset markets, such as equity markets, continues to be fairly low.

     

    Now, you know, our main theme in Chapter 1, which was released today, is a tension between this financial market assessment of volatility‑‑i.e. the implied volatility in the equity market is perhaps the best indicator here‑‑which is at fairly low levels by historical standards, relative to measures of global geopolitical uncertainty.

     

    So in the report, we’re showing two measures that are computed not at the Fund but by other institutions. One on geopolitical uncertainty. The other one on economic uncertainty. And those continue to be relatively elevated. So there’s a kind of wedge in between the financial market‑implied volatility and the assessment of political or economic uncertainty. So this tension worries us, as it gives rise to the potential for a sharp readjustment of financial conditions. So we saw a little bit of that in August in a sell‑off that was very brief. So it’s a blip, in retrospect; but it does raise the concern, whether there are some vulnerabilities in the financial system that could be triggered if adverse shocks hit.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you, Tobias. That sets the stage nicely for us, I think.

     

    We will turn to your questions now. We do have runners in the room with mics, so please do raise your hand. You can raise your hand both online or in the room, and we’ll come to you. Please do remember to state your name and affiliation. And keep it as brief as possible so we can get to as many questions as possible.

     

    Let’s start over here with the first question.

     

    QUESTION: Thank you so much. I am not asking you to comment on the presidential election in the U.S. But we have a presidential election here in 14 days, and President Trump or Vice President Harris may win the election. And that election will have ramifications not just in the U.S. but around the world.

     

    How does the IMF assess the outlook for the U.S. economy in the lead‑up to the presidential election? And what implications could a potential economic shift have for emerging markets in Africa, particularly regarding investment flows and debt sustainability? Thank you.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Thank you so much.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Do you want to group some questions? Do we have similar questions on the election or the U.S.? Can we take the question over there, please?

     

    QUESTION: How do you explain the recent backup in U.S. yields? And are you concerned about financial stability in the United States, given the rising projections of federal debt, irrespective of the outcome of the election? Thank you.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: I think we can start with that for now.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: OK. Sounds good. Yes.

     

    You know, we don’t comment on specific election outcomes. Of course, this year is an unusual year, in that over half of the population globally either has elected already this year or will elect this year new governments. And so that is certainly part of the reason why this policy uncertainty globally is high. There’s some uncertainty as to, you know, what the policy path for economic policies and broader policies is going to be going forward.

     

    When we look at volatility, as I said, that uncertainty in equity markets is relatively contained. But in interest rates, volatility is somewhat more elevated than it was, say, in the decade after the global financial crisis. So we are back to levels that are more similar to pre‑financial crisis. So interest rate volatility is relatively high. And that answers to some degree the second question.

     

    We have seen volatile longer‑term yields throughout the year, but we don’t think that that volatility is excessive, relative to the fact that monetary policy has become more data dependent. You know, after the global financial crisis, there was this challenge of the zero lower bound for monetary policy; so forward guidance was a very important tool. And that had even been phase in prior to the financial crisis with, you know, forward guidance being a compressor of volatility for interest rates. And that is less the case today. So interest rate volatility has increased.

     

    When we look at the longer‑term yields, we do certainly see that term premia have decompressed to some extent. So after the global financial crisis, we had seen negative term premia at a 10‑year level in the U.S. and many other countries, and some of that has decompressed. And that is, as would be expected, as the interest rate wall is coming up, asset purchases are normalizing, and quantitative tightening is being phased in.

     

    Now turning to Africa. Of course, you know, financial markets are global. So the base level of interest rates is moving across the world in a common fashion. So you can think about sort of like the base level of interest rates and then the spreads in countries, relative to that. So what we see in sub‑Saharan Africa is that countries with market access‑‑so those are the frontier economies‑‑they have seen spreads being compressed, so financial conditions have eased. And you know, relative to, say, 12 months ago, interest rates have certainly declined as a base. And many frontier markets have reissued, sort of accessed international capital markets. So, of course, there are countries that do face debt challenges, that do face liquidity challenges; and we’re actively engaged with the membership to address those.

     

    Mr. WU: Just to quickly add to what Tobias said about Africa.

     

    As he pointed out, the backdrop heading into this year was one of improvement, both in terms of growth, as well as financing conditions and spreads. Inflation is still high in the region, but it is coming down and stabilizing. Debt is an issue, but we have seen several cases this year being resolved. So that is good news.

     

    I think to your broader point, you know, we don’t comment on election outcomes; but we do know that financial markets tend to see, you know, more uncertainty around those outcomes. And this may affect financing conditions around the world, including in Africa. Uncertainty can also bring, you know, some slowdown in investments in the near term or the medium term. And so those are all possible outcomes. I think the key thing is for the macroeconomic framework to remain stable to address domestic situations and for countries that may be facing debt issues to engage with their creditors early, including through the Common Framework and other international setups.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you. Can we take other questions? I think we have a question here in the middle, at the center.

     

    QUESTION: I was hoping you could talk about quantitative tightening. The Fed is still doing it. What are the risks now going forward? When do you think they might stop it? Thanks.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Thanks so much.

     

    As I mentioned earlier, you know, during the global financial crisis and then in the decade after the global financial crisis and then again with the COVID crisis, central banks‑‑advanced economy central banks around the world engaged in a quantitative easing. So these are asset purchases, called large‑scale asset purchases, in the U.S. that led to an increase in the balance sheet size of the central banks. So in the U.S. case, it grew roughly by a factor of 10. And the Fed has started to move towards a normalization of the balance sheet size. So that is generally referred to as quantitative tightening. And that has proceeded in a very orderly fashion. So when we look at market functioning, we see orderly markets in money markets. We see ample liquidity in core funding markets, including Treasury markets. And that is generally the case in other advanced economies that are doing quantitative tightening, as well.

     

    Of course, there is the question of how far the balance sheet normalization is going to go. And policymakers in the U.S. and other advanced economies have indicated how far this normalization would be going. So what is notable here is that the operational framework of the Federal Reserve changed to a floor system, so having a sufficient amount of reserves in the system to operate that floor system is key. So, you know, looking at funding conditions in money markets and market functioning is absolutely key. Back in 2019, there were some dislocations, and that is certainly something that policymakers are watching out for. But I would say that this balance sheet normalization has proceeded in a satisfactory and very orderly manner.

     

    Mr. FERREIRA: Tobias, just a quick complement.

     

    I think that we have seen a quantitative tightening from all of the major central banks. And I think that from the peak in 2022, of about 28 trillion in terms of assets in their balance sheets, it has come down by about one‑quarter already and, as Tobias was saying, in a very orderly fashion.

     

    The main risk that I think is important to monitor going forward is the potential drain on reserves, as Tobias was saying, to avoid the kind of episodes that we have seen in 2019. But there is also a potential risk for a bounce of increasing volatility, in the sense that we are moving from central banks being one of the main buyers of Treasuries to more price‑sensitive buyers. And this might cause volatility coming from data releases.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: OK. Let’s take it back as well. We have a question in the front here, in the center, that we can take.

     

    QUESTION: Thank you for taking my question. I want to ask about the U.S. Federal Reserve’s policy and its impact, spillover impact. I think recently, it started to cut rates, and it’s going to cut rates further going forward. And it seems to be allowing other governments, other policymakers to have more room, including the People’s Bank of China. I want to ask Tobias whether he could comment on the latest action by China’s central bank and what’s the IMF’s suggestion going forward. Thank you.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. Absolutely.

     

    What we have seen in China is an easing of monetary policy. So the question is referring to the most recent action, which was a cut in interest rates. And, of course, we have seen PBoC engaging in asset purchases, which has supported the easing of financial conditions. So when we look at financial conditions‑‑so, you know, the cost of funding for households and corporations in China, those financial conditions have eased quite markedly. Equity markets have rallied. Longer‑term bond yields have declined. And we generally welcome that easing. We think that is the appropriate policy for monetary policy.

     

    There have been also some announcements on the fiscal side that are indicating support ‑‑ to the real estate sector, in particular. And, of course, authorities in China had already engaged for some time in terms of addressing the exposure of the banking system to the real estate sector. The real estate sector has cooled off in China, and that has created some risks in the banking sector. So authorities are working actively at addressing those by merging banks and using asset management corporations (AMCs) in an active manner. And we welcome that, as well.

     

    You know, we are watching closely how financial stability policies are going to evolve going forward, relative to the real sector but also the broader economy, and how fiscal policy is evolving going forward.

     

     

    Mr. FERREIRA: Maybe on this last point, Tobias, on financial stability.

     

    Of course, there’s some slowdown in economic activity, and the problems that we are seeing in the property sector are exerting some pressure on the financial system. The good news I think is that particularly the large banks seem to have strong capital buffers and liquidity buffers. The authorities also have the capacity to make target interventions, and this somewhat limits the risks of spillovers.

     

    There are some vulnerabilities that need to be monitored. Right? So one, of course, is this potential pressure on asset deterioration coming from this slowdown in the property market. So far, banks have been quite good in terms of being able to deal with this potential deterioration, particularly using asset management companies to dispose of some of the nonperforming assets. The capacity of these asset management companies to keep absorbing these assets needs to be monitored going forward. It’s also important to monitor the stability of the smaller banks that are not as strong as the larger banks.

     

    And the last point I think that’s important to mention is that the financial sector holds a lot of exposure to local government financing vehicles. And if there is‑‑and there are some pressures on these vehicles, and a potential restructuring of these debts might cause some losses to the banking sector, as well.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you, Caio. Do we have any other questions on China before we move to anything else?

     

    So we can turn over to the side.

     

    QUESTION: Thank you. My question will be for Tobias and Jason.

     

    Of course, reading your report, you talked about financial fragilities, so I would like to know what financial fragilities you see in developing economies and what policymakers should do to keep financial markets resilient and stable in the face of high interest rates as a result of high inflation in developing economies like Nigeria, too.

     

    The question I have for Jason would be around, what does vigilance really mean for policymakers? Because in your report, you said that the policymakers need to be vigilant. Because vigilance in European economies or advanced economies is also different vigilance for developing economies. Thank you.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Thank you so much. Those are very pertinent questions. And thanks so much for taking a close look at the report.

     

    For developing economies broadly, I would say that there are three priorities. In terms of financial stability, we are engaging with many countries in terms of building capacity on regulatory issues, so making sure that banks are well capitalized, that monetary policy frameworks are sound. And Nigeria is a good example, where the central bank has been moving toward an inflation‑targeting regime, has liberalized the exchange rate. And we welcome that direction.

     

    Secondly‑‑and I think you alluded to that‑‑is, of course, the overall indebtedness. That is a challenge for some countries. As I mentioned earlier, frontier markets are developing economies with market access. And we have seen many frontier markets issue this year. The issuance levels are fairly high. And we think market access is there, though, of course, financing conditions have improved but are still more expensive than they were, say, in 2021, before the run‑up in inflation.

     

    So with inflation coming down and interest rates expected to further normalize, we would also expect that frontier market funding conditions will improve. And as I said, interest rate spreads are fairly tight.

     

    Now, of course, there are some countries a that do not have market access, and many of those countries are in programs with the IMF. And we are working actively with authorities on the debt issue. We do feel we have made good progress within the Common Framework, but there is certainly more to be done.

     

    Now, of course, it remains key to also work on structural issues to enhance the growth outlook. And that is really something that the regional economic briefings are going to address in detail.

     

    Mr. WU: Maybe just a quick word, to add to what Tobias said about Nigeria, in particular. We recognize that many citizens do face difficulty. The flood was quite devastating. Inflation is still very high, at some 30 percent. So in that regard, the central bank’s rate hikes so far this year have been appropriate.

     

    You asked a question about vigilance. I think importantly, macroeconomic conditions within the country should stabilize. Right? And that includes inflation that will provide room to guard against external shocks, which is less controllable, right, for the economy of Nigeria. So when appropriate, the various foreign exchange measures that were taken by authorities earlier this year are also appropriate in improving vigilance, as are the banking sector‑related measures that Tobias has mentioned.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: All right. Do we have any more questions on that side of the room before we turn it back over here?

     

    QUESTION: Thank you very much.

    So Ghana has just completed its debt restructuring. It’s good news for Ghanians. However, it appears the government is looking at the capital market. What advice do you have for the government at this point? And also because we have an election around the corner.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. As I noted earlier, we don’t really comment on elections in the countries of our membership. You know, these are democratic processes. And the people in each country are‑‑it’s their liberty to vote for the government, so we don’t comment on that.

     

    We are, of course, engaged very closely with Ghana. Ghana is in a program. Ghana did restructure its debt. And we are confident that the outlook is going to improve going forward. The regional economic press briefing on Africa is going to go further into detail on those issues.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you, Tobias.

     

    As a reminder these regional press briefings will be on Thursday and Friday. So they’re all going to be here, so you will have the opportunity to ask those specific questions then.

     

    Can we turn it over here to the middle for a question, please? Right in the center. Thank you.

     

    QUESTION: Thank you.

     

    A follow‑up question related to the yields going up for the Treasury. In simple words, do you see them going up as a source of a potential sell‑off in the financial markets?

     

    And a separate question, if possible. For the same token, yields are going up because of the fiscal trajectory in the U.S. that is worrisome for some, at least, although the candidates are not talking about it. For the same token, considering that the Italian debt is only going up, according to the latest estimates from the IMF, does that represent a source of financial instability for the euro zone?

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. Thanks so much for this question.

     

    We have, indeed, done work on the interconnection or the nexus between fiscal‑‑or, you know, sovereign debt and financial market debt. So in the euro area, of course, we are watching closely the sovereign‑bank nexus, so the exposure of banks to the sovereign. And you know, in general, we have seen an amelioration there. So, you know, debt‑to‑GDP has been increasing. And that’s very broadly the case around the world. It’s really in the pandemic that we see a sharp upward move in debt‑to‑GDP in both advanced economies and emerging and developing economies. And you know, the fiscal outlook in many countries does imply that debt-to-GDP may continue to rise. So that could‑‑you know, that is certainly a backdrop for the financial system.

     

    Now having said that, governments in advanced economies and major emerging markets have ample room to adjust the fiscal situation going forward through spending measures, through revenue measures. So it is not an immediate financial stability concern in those advanced economies or major emerging markets.

     

    You know, in terms of the pricing of sovereign debt‑‑so, you know, Treasury yields and other benchmark yields around the world‑‑as I said earlier, volatility in those longer‑term yields has increased relative to the decade of the post‑crisis environment, where central banks were constrained at the zero lower bound or the effective lower bound, so had very low interest rates; so they deployed forward guidance and these quantitative asset purchases. So that really compressed longer‑term yields. And that has normalized to some degree, but we don’t think that it is an unusual move. So we are quite comfortable with the kind of levels that we are seeing.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you. Let’s bring it back over here. I think we have a few questions. Can we take the one in the middle right at the center? Thank you.

     

    QUESTION: A question for Tobias, if I may.

     

    There has been quite a lot of talk about fragmentation and geopolitical risk. Do you think that, as others have said, the momentum for financial regulation and for completing the job on a lot of areas of that is fading? Is there a risk of complacency there? Thank you.

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. So let me note that we are working around the membership on the regulation of banks but also non‑banks, including security markets, insurance companies, pension funds, and other non‑bank financial institutions.

     

    Concerning banking regulation, of course, there was a major initiative after the global financial crisis to improve capital and liquidity in the banks and to improve the supervision of the banks, primarily of internationally active banks. So the members of the Basel Committee‑‑this is, you know, a group of countries that roughly maps into the G‑20‑‑have committed to phasing in Basel III as a standard for capital and liquidity requirements in those banks. And our understanding is that the membership is still committed to that phase‑in.

     

    I would note that it has taken longer than was initially anticipated, but we are very confident for now that, you know, the major advanced economies and major emerging markets that have signed onto this Basel III framework are going to phase that in.

     

    In the broader membership of the IMF, there’s also a substantial improvement in the regulation of banks. And I would note that there has also been quite a bit of progress in terms of regulations of non‑banks, including insurance companies but also security markets, though we do think that more needs to be done going forward.

     

    Mr. FERREIRA: We have seen important progress in the post‑crisis. Our baseline is still that all the internationally agreed standards will be implemented. Although, as Tobias was saying, there are some major jurisdictions that are facing some challenges implementing that.

     

    We see this with some concern because when you see a major jurisdiction not implementing any standard or implementing it with substantial deviations from what has been agreed, it kind of jeopardizes the international standard‑setting process. That seems to be working fine, but we still are concerned with the delays in the implementation of these regulations that are important for the banks but also to maintain trust in the international standard setting process.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: Thank you. We are coming close on time. So let’s take two or three last questions from this side. Then I think we still have one more question online. Can we do the three over here in the front, on the right?

     

    QUESTION: [Through interpreter]

     

    Good day. Jesus Antonio Vargas. Chucho Lo Sabe Newsletter.

     

    This is the ninth time I come to the Annual Meetings of the IMF and the World Bank. Six times in Washington. I come from Medellín, Colombia. I have also been in Lima, in Bali, last year in Marrakech. And it is a pleasure to see Tobias Adrian here. He has been year in, year out heading the endeavors. Congratulations.

     

    First, a surprise positively since there’s measures to come from the effort to the citizens. In Bogota, they’ve been talking about building a Metro system for 60 years, and they’re attempting it yet again now.

     

    Now, leaving that aside, we have spoken about, it is unlikely there will be a global recession, which is a relief.

     

    I was talking about the risk of a recession. You were talking about a positive surprise in terms of the gains. What do you mean exactly by that? Thank you.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: If we could take two more questions over here.

     

    QUESTION:

     

    You just mentioned there is a disconnect between market volatility and also market economic uncertainties. Could you please just elaborate a little bit more on these risks. And also, more importantly, how will it affect global financial stability if it persists? Thank you.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: One last question in the back there.

     

    QUESTION:

     

    I’ve got a question on liquidity mismatch, in the world of DC pensions. The report mentions the U.K.’s desire to shift toward unlisted assets as investments. And our current Chancellor has also expressed an interest in this. What are the risks in this? Should the shift toward these assets be limited? And how should we guard against them?

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: Yeah. Let me perhaps start with the question on macro uncertainty, which was the second question.

     

    So yeah, you know, what we’re seeing is that there is leverage and there are maturity mismatches in the financial sector in many different parts. You know, some of those are contained through prudential regulations, but not all institutions are subject to prudential regulations. So when there’s a sudden burst of uncertainty, some institutions may be forced to unwind their positions. So this includes, say, leveraged trades in fixed‑income markets or in equity markets.

     

    We saw some of that in August, when there was a sharp sell‑off in global equity markets but also in some fixed‑income markets, such as the carry trade across countries. And you know, volatility increased very quickly, leading to this forced deleveraging, and that can amplify downward moves in asset markets.

     

    In August, this episode was very short‑lived. So the sell‑off was followed by a buying of longer‑term investors, such as insurance companies and pension funds. But if such a sell‑off persists for more than‑‑or is more sharp, that could lead to financial stability problems or financial sector distress.

     

    Concerning the U.K. situation and the liquidity mismatches, let me just point out that the Bank of England and the FCA are very focused on those issues. And they do have, you know, broad authorities to regulate those mismatches. And I think they’re actively looking at how to model stress and how to make sure that these investments are sort of balancing risks and returns in an appropriate manner. I think Andrew Bailey made some remarks just this morning in that regard, and we’re fully aligned with his views there.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: I’ll take one last question we have from WebEx, online on the Mexican central bank lowering interest rates. For future adjustments and to maintain financial stability, what should it take into account more, the movements of the Federal Reserve, internal inflation, or the depreciation of the currency?

     

    Mr. ADRIAN: OK. I don’t want to go too specifically into Mexico. Again, there is the Regional Economic Outlook that will speak more closely to specific country issues. So, you know, in general, in the major emerging markets, such as Mexico, that have open capital markets and have inflation targeting regimes, you know, inflation targeting and monetary policy credibility has proven to be very powerful in terms of generating macroeconomic stability, relative to both domestic and external shocks. And you know, in those frameworks, central banks look at both internal and external conditions and are targeting the medium‑term convergence of inflation back to target rates. That has proven very successful. And I would argue that in the major emerging markets, we really see a great deal of improvement in those monetary policy frameworks. So let me stop here.

     

    Mr. WU: Just to quickly complement.

     

    Hence, this is why we have seen major emerging markets come through this rate hike cycle with reasonable resilience across the board. This inflation‑targeting framework has obviously done work, to an extent. Having said that, we are now on the opposite side of the cycle, where interest rates are being cut. That, in theory, should be conducive to emerging markets. Financial conditions could ease. We just want to point out that, as we said in the report, expectations could change. Volatility could be introduced and suddenly surge. So this may have spillovers to emerging market economies, you know, sentiment, financial market sentiment, as well. So policymakers need to remain vigilant on monetary policy and on other aspects of financial sector policies in order to guard against those risks.

     

    Mr. MÜLLER: All right. Great. Thank you.

     

    Unfortunately, that does bring us to a close because we do have to respect the next press briefing in this room.

     

    If you do have any questions that we weren’t able to address, please do send them over to me or someone from our team. We’ll make sure to get back to you as soon as we can.

     

    Meanwhile, the events here at the IMF do continue. We still have a host of press conferences this week, from our Fiscal Monitor tomorrow at 9 a.m. Eastern Time to the Managing Director’s Global Policy Agenda on Thursday to our five regional briefings that we talked about, on Thursday and Friday, not to mention the seminars. We have the Managing Director joining the debate on the global economy. That is on Thursday afternoon, which is always a hit that you won’t want to miss. On Friday, the First Deputy Managing Director Gita Gopinath will participate in a panel discussion on monetary policy in a shock‑prone world on Friday afternoon. And there’s a whole lot more, so do check the full schedule online at IMFConnect or at meetings.imf.org.

     

    With that, Tobias, Jason, Caio, thank you for your insights. And thank you all for joining us for this event. We look forward to seeing you at the next one. Thank you.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Alexander Muller

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI China: Xi highlights BRICS’ role in driving multipolarity, globalization ahead of Kazan Summit

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Xi highlights BRICS’ role in driving multipolarity, globalization ahead of Kazan Summit

    Chinese President Xi Jinping meets with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Kazan, Russia, Oct. 22, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]

    KAZAN, Russia, Oct. 22 — Chinese President Xi Jinping on Tuesday underscored the role of BRICS as “a pillar” in promoting a multipolar world and fostering an inclusive economic globalization ahead of leaders’ formal meetings at the 2024 BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia.

    The BRICS mechanism is the world’s most important platform for solidarity and cooperation between emerging markets and developing countries, Xi said during a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the summit.

    The Kazan Summit marks the first in-person BRICS gathering since the group expanded its membership last year in Johannesburg, South Africa. More than 30 countries attend this year’s summit which runs until Thursday.

    Xi told Putin, who chairs the summit, that he expected to have an in-depth discussion with Putin and other world leaders on the future development of the BRICS cooperation mechanism, so as to secure more opportunities for the Global South.

    One of the key priorities of Russia’s BRICS chairmanship is integrating the new members into the BRICS framework, according to the official website. Other areas of practical cooperation include boosting trade and direct investment, as well as fostering a balanced and equitable transition to a low-carbon economy.

    BRICS countries are expected to deepen consensus on strategic communication and practical cooperation for the group’s future development, said Wang Lei, director of the BRICS Cooperation Research Center at Beijing Normal University.

    Wang also expressed hope for productive engagement between BRICS and the broader Global South at the summit to promote shared global development and uphold the effectiveness of multilateral governance systems.

    Kazan, the capital of Tatarstan and the fifth-largest city in Russia, holds historical and cultural significance. During their meeting, Xi told Putin that around 400 years ago, the Great Tea Road that connected the two countries went past Kazan, through which tea leaves from China’s Wuyi Mountain region found their way into many Russian households.

    The city is also home to Kazan Federal University, where notable figures like the Russian writer Leo Tolstoy and Russian revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin studied.

    Around noon on Tuesday, Xi arrived at Kazan International Airport, greeted by Russian officials. Kazan Mayor Ilsur Metshin told Xinhua that the city is honored to host the Chinese leader.

    Guards of honor lined both sides of a red carpet to salute the Chinese leader, while Russian youths in traditional attire offered a warm welcome. Russian fighter jets escorted Xi’s plane before its landing.

    “It is very important that, at the moment, we have such a good leader who can introduce new initiatives,” said Timirkhan Alishev, vice rector for International Affairs, Kazan Federal University, speaking of Xi’s role in international affairs.

    Alishev told Xinhua that all initiatives introduced by China are rooted in multilateralism, fostering communication and dialogue on multiple levels.

    “We see China puts a lot of efforts to develop BRICS,” said Alishev. “There are no preconditions for BRICS cooperation … You can start dialogue on equal basis with everybody.”

    The term BRIC was initially coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, former chief economist at Goldman Sachs, as an investment concept referring to emerging market economies of Brazil, Russia, India and China. With South Africa’s inclusion in 2010, BRICS officially took shape.

    After last year’s expansion, BRICS grouping now accounts for about 30 percent of the global GDP, nearly half of the global population and one-fifth of global trade. “Measured by GDP, the BRICS countries have already surpassed the G7 in importance,” said Dilma Rousseff, president of the New Development Bank (NDB), in a recent interview with Xinhua.

    “I think this BRICS meeting is very important … At the moment, the countries of the Global South are in great need of funding. And the conditions for obtaining it are quite complicated,” Rousseff said during a meeting with Putin in Kazan on Tuesday.

    Observers see the BRICS Summit as an opportunity for Global South countries to voice their needs. Victoria Fedosova, deputy director of the Institute for Strategic Research and Forecasts of the Russian Peoples’ Friendship University, said the very dynamic development of BRICS and the growth in membership reflect a demand for a platform for addressing global issues.

    “The BRICS mechanism has enormous potential in adjusting the imbalances in global development accumulated over the last 80 years,” said Fedosova.

    Other than the countries that became new full members on Jan. 1, 2024, over 30 countries like Thailand, Malaysia, Türkiye and Azerbaijan have either formally applied for or expressed interest in its membership, while many other developing countries are seeking deeper cooperation with the group.

    As its influence expands, BRICS has gained appeal among many countries, particularly in the Global South, by offering them concrete advantages, said Zukiswa Roboji, a researcher at Walter Sisulu University in South Africa.

    “BRICS has undoubtedly made notable strides in recent years,” said Roboji. It offers emerging economies easier access to financial resources and better opportunities for trade, investment and development, the expert added.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Harris to visit Texas where Senate race tightens

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    In the final weeks to Election Day, U.S. Vice President and Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris is to make a surprise visit to Houston, Texas, on Friday, as the Senate race between Democratic Congressman Colin Allred and Republican Senator Ted Cruz has become more competitive in the largest red state.

    This marks Harris’ first stop in Texas since July, where she will appear with Allred at a Friday afternoon rally, reportedly focusing on abortion rights, an issue central to elections nationwide.

    Allred, a three-term U.S. representative from Dallas, has been narrowing the polling gap with Cruz and consistently outraising him. National Democratic groups have poured millions of dollars into Allred’s campaign.

    Cruz, who is seeking for his third term, is still favored to win with an average lead of about four percentage points in recent public polls. However, two leading election forecasters now shifted the race from “likely Republican” to “lean Republican.”

    On Sunday, the Dallas Morning News, the state’s top newspaper by daily circulation, endorsed Allred, dealing another setback to Cruz. Some Democrats now view Texas as one of their best opportunities to gain a Senate seat.

    Allred has centered his campaign on Texas’ abortion ban, one of the strictest in the country, blasting Cruz for supporting a law with no exceptions for rape, incest, or the life of the mother. He also slammed Cruz for “only focused on himself,” citing the two-term senator’s 2021 Cancun vacation when millions of Texans lost power for days in a deadly historic winter storm.

    Cruz, on the other hand, has leaned heavily into immigration issues, accusing Allred and Harris of repeatedly voting for “open borders,” while largely avoiding addressing abortion exceptions, deferring the issue to state control.

    Harris County, which includes much of Houston, is a Democratic stronghold. In 2020, Biden won the county by 13 points, but Trump carried Texas by 5.6 points. Texas has remained the largest red state since Jimmy Carter’s victory in 1976.

    Early voting began across Texas on Monday.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: DPRK top leader inspects strategic missile bases: KCNA

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    The top leader of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) has inspected strategic missile bases, calling for the country’s strategic missile force to keep counteraction posture in response to the ever-increasing threat by the United States, state media reported on Wednesday.

    Kim Jong Un, general secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea and president of the State Affairs of the DPRK, examined the readiness for action of strategic deterrence directly connected with the state security, including the functions and capabilities of missile-launching facilities in the missile bases and the strategic missile combat duty, the official Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) reported, without specifying the exact date of the inspection tour.

    Noting that the strategic missile force is the “core force” of the country’s war deterrence, Kim stressed an important principle of the national defense strategy of “technically modernizing the overall armed forces with the strategic missile force as a priority,” the KCNA said.

    As the U.S. strategic nuclear means pose an ever-increasing threat to the DPRK security, it is an urgent imperative for the country to “more definitely bolster its war deterrence and take a thorough and strict counteraction posture of the nuclear forces,” he was quoted by the KCNA as saying.

    The DPRK leader also stressed the need to “further modernize and fortify the strategic missile bases and make all bases fully ready to keep thorough counteraction posture capable of promptly dealing a strategic counterblow to the enemies at any time and under any circumstances,” the KCNA report said.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: IMF maintains 2024 global growth forecast at 3.2 pct, warns of geopolitical tensions

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    The International Monetary Fund (IMF) on Tuesday maintained its global growth forecast in 2024 at 3.2 percent, consistent with its projection in July, according to its newly released World Economic Outlook (WEO).

    The level of uncertainty surrounding the global economic outlook is high, the report noted.

    “Newly elected governments (about half of the world population has gone or will go to the polls in 2024) could introduce significant shifts in trade and fiscal policy,” the report said.

    IMF Chief Economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas speaks at a press conference in Washington, D.C., the United States, on Oct. 22, 2024. (Xinhua/Hu Yousong)

    “Moreover, the return of financial market volatility over the summer has stirred old fears about hidden vulnerabilities. This has heightened anxiety over the appropriate monetary policy stance — especially in countries where inflation is persistent and signs of slowdown are emerging,” it further said.

    The report also noted that a further intensification of geopolitical rifts could weigh on trade, investment and the free flow of ideas. “This could affect long-term growth, threaten the resilience of supply chains, and create difficult trade-offs for central banks,” it said.

    In response to a question from Xinhua, IMF Chief Economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas said at a press conference that rising geopolitical tensions are “something that we are very concerned about,” noting that there are two dimensions of the impact.

    “One is, of course, if you increase tariffs, for instance, between different blocks, that will disrupt trade, that will misallocate resources, that will weigh down on economic activity,” said Gourinchas.

    “But there is also an associated layer that comes from the uncertainty that increases related to future trade policy, and it will also depress investment, depress economic activity and consumption,” he continued.

    The chief economist noted that the IMF has found an impact on global output levels of approximately 0.5 percent in 2026. “So it’s a quite sizable effect of both an increase in tariffs between different countries and an increase in trade policy uncertainty,” he said.

    According to the latest WEO report, global growth is projected to hold steady, but there are weakening prospects and rising threats.

    The growth outlook is very stable in emerging markets and developing economies, around 4.2 percent this year and next, with continued robust performance from emerging Asia, the report said.

    Noting that the return of inflation near central bank targets paves the way for a policy triple pivot, Gourinchas said that the first pivot — on monetary policy — is under way already.

    The second pivot is on fiscal policy, he noted. “After years of loose fiscal policy in many countries, it is now time to stabilize debt dynamics and rebuild much-needed fiscal buffers,” Gourinchas said.

    The third pivot — and the hardest — is toward growth-enhancing reforms, he said. “Much more needs to be done to improve growth prospects and lift productivity,” he said.

    The IMF chief economist noted that while industrial and trade policy measures can sometimes boost investment and activity in the short run, especially when relying on debt-financed subsidies, “they often lead to retaliation and fail to deliver sustained improvements in standards of living.”

    “Economic growth must come instead from ambitious domestic reforms that boost technology and innovation, improve competition and resource allocation, further economic integration and stimulate productive private investment,” he added.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: China issues list of investment projects worth 200 bln yuan

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    BEIJING, Oct. 22 — China has issued a list of projects worth 200 billion yuan (about 28 billion U.S. dollars) that are in next year’s investment plans, an official with the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) told Xinhua Tuesday.

    Numbering 647 in total, the investment projects issued in advance this year include urban underground pipe networks, using employment as a means of disaster relief, reinforcing dilapidated reservoirs, ecological conservation and restoration, transportation infrastructure, essential public facilities such as education, healthcare and culture, as well as key agricultural product storage facilities, according to the NDRC official.

    The NDRC will push ahead with the start-up and construction of the projects as soon as possible, said the official, adding that efforts will be made to achieve tangible progress this year so as to provide strong support for economic growth in the fourth quarter.

    The official noted that the foundation for achieving the full-year growth target is quite solid, citing favorable factors such as the growth momentum of high-frequency data for October and the country’s GDP growth rate of 4.8 percent in the first three quarters.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: China’s Xizang spends heavily on cultural tourism development

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    LHASA, Oct. 22 — Since 2021, southwest China’s Xizang Autonomous Region has spent 20.16 billion yuan (2.83 billion U.S. dollars) on cultural tourism infrastructure, national park conservation facilities, and the preservation and improvement of its historic towns, a local official said on Tuesday.

    Of the funds, 1.97 billion yuan was spent on construction projects, including a regional planetarium, an art museum, and a culture, radio, television and art center, according to Weiqiang, director of the regional development and reform commission, at a regional conference on cultural tourism development.

    These projects have showcased Xizang’s cultural tourism achievements and become a new engine to promote the development of the region’s cultural tourism industry, he said.

    Data shows that from January to September of this year, Xizang received over 57 million domestic and international tourists, up 15 percent year on year. The total tourism expenditure in the region surpassed 67 billion yuan, a year-on-year increase of 13 percent.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: New air-cargo route links China’s Shanxi, Kazakhstan’s Almaty

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    TAIYUAN, Oct. 22 — A new air freight route officially opened Monday, linking Taiyuan, capital city of north China’s Shanxi Province, and Almaty in Kazakhstan.

    A freighter, loaded with cargo including clothing and daily consumer goods, left Taiyuan Wusu International Airport for Almaty on Monday morning, according to the customs of Taiyuan.

    The round-trip flights will operate twice each week, on Mondays and Fridays. The type of goods transported via the route is expected to be increased in the future.

    The first flight on the route marks the official opening of the air cargo channel connecting Shanxi with the Central Asian country, injecting new impetus into the economic and trade exchanges between the two sides, said the customs.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Hainan sees booming maintenance services for inbound airplanes

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Hainan sees booming maintenance services for inbound airplanes

    Updated: October 23, 2024 07:39 Xinhua
    Workers of HNA Technic remove the original paint on an inbound airplane at the one-stop aircraft maintenance base of Hainan Free Trade Port in Haikou, south China’s Hainan Province, Oct. 21, 2024. Inbound airplanes in Hainan are eligible for preferential treatments of the free trade port including exemption of cash deposite as well as duty-free fuel and maintenance supplies. The comprehensive bonded zone of Haikou Airport reaped more than 20 billion yuan (about 2.81 billion U.S. dollars) worth of bonded maintenance services for these airplanes in the first three quarters of 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Workers of HNA Technic maintain an inbound airplane at the one-stop aircraft maintenance base of Hainan Free Trade Port in Haikou, south China’s Hainan Province, Oct. 21, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Workers of HNA Technic conduct pre-painting cleaning for an inbound airplane at the one-stop aircraft maintenance base of Hainan Free Trade Port in Haikou, south China’s Hainan Province, Oct. 21, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    A worker of HNA Technic maintains an inbound airplane at the one-stop aircraft maintenance base of Hainan Free Trade Port in Haikou, south China’s Hainan Province, Oct. 21, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    A worker of HNA Technic changes an engine part for an inbound airplane at the one-stop aircraft maintenance base of Hainan Free Trade Port in Haikou, south China’s Hainan Province, Oct. 21, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Workers of HNA Technic maintain an inbound airplane at the one-stop aircraft maintenance base of Hainan Free Trade Port in Haikou, south China’s Hainan Province, Oct. 21, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: First batch of exhibits for 7th CIIE arrives in Shanghai

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    First batch of exhibits for 7th CIIE arrives in Shanghai

    Updated: October 23, 2024 07:59 Xinhua
    Workers get the venue ready for the upcoming 7th China International Import Expo (CIIE) at National Exhibition and Convention Center (Shanghai), east China’s Shanghai, Oct. 22, 2024. The first batch of exhibits from five exhibitors arrived at the National Exhibition and Convention Center (Shanghai) on Tuesday. [Photo/Xinhua]
    A truck loaded with exhibits for the upcoming 7th China International Import Expo (CIIE) arrives during an accession ceremony for exhibits at the National Exhibition and Convention Center (Shanghai), the main venue for the CIIE, in east China’s Shanghai, Oct. 22, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    This photo shows a view of the National Exhibition and Convention Center (Shanghai), the main venue for the upcoming 7th China International Import Expo (CIIE), in east China’s Shanghai, Oct. 22, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    A truck loaded with exhibits for the upcoming 7th China International Import Expo (CIIE) is greeted with a water salute during an accession ceremony for exhibits at the National Exhibition and Convention Center (Shanghai), the main venue for the CIIE, in east China’s Shanghai, Oct. 22, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    A screen promoting the upcoming 7th China International Import Expo (CIIE) is pictured at the entrance of National Exhibition and Convention Center (Shanghai), the main venue for the CIIE, in east China’s Shanghai, Oct. 22, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    Representatives of exhibitors for the upcoming 7th China International Import Expo (CIIE) attend an accession ceremony for exhibits at the National Exhibition and Convention Center (Shanghai), the main venue for the CIIE, in east China’s Shanghai, Oct. 22, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]
    A representative of exhibitors for the upcoming 7th China International Import Expo (CIIE) accepts a media interview during an accession ceremony for exhibits at the National Exhibition and Convention Center (Shanghai), the main venue for the CIIE, in east China’s Shanghai, Oct. 22, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Speech by FS at Bloomberg Global Regulatory Forum in New York (English only) (with photos)

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

         Following is the speech by the Financial Secretary, Mr Paul Chan, at the Bloomberg Global Regulatory Forum in New York, yesterday (October 22, New York time): Mike (Founder of Bloomberg L.P. & Bloomberg Philanthropies, Mr Michael Bloomberg), Mr Cotzias (Global Head of External Relations of Bloomberg, Mr Constantin Cotzias), distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,     Good afternoon. I’m pleased to be here, in New York City, in fall. And delighted to hear that baseball, more than politics, is still the talk of the town.      Well, baseball and finance. For that, for hosting today’s Global Regulatory Forum, for consistently driving high-powered discussion on the future of global finance, my thanks to Bloomberg.     Last year’s Forum took place for the first time in Hong Kong, when we discussed how to navigate complexity and unlock opportunities. A year on, many things in the financial world have changed, and I’m pleased to bring you some positive updates about our city.Hong Kong: strong fundamentals     Despite several challenging years, from social violence to the pandemic, Hong Kong is back, back once again with a stable, welcoming and promising business environment.      Our strong fundamentals continue to be internationally recognised. Hong Kong ranks once again among the top three global financial centres, behind only New York and London.      Canada’s Fraser Institute has again ranked Hong Kong the world’s freest economy.      The International Monetary Fund and credit-rating agencies have reaffirmed Hong Kong’s institutional framework, our quality regulation and economic and financial resilience.      These commendations are echoed by the global investor community. Total banking deposits in Hong Kong, for example, have grown 5 per cent, or US$100 billion, this year to date, reaching more than US$2 trillion.      Our asset-and-wealth-management sector is also growing. We are managing over US$4 trillion in assets, and over half of that value was sourced from investors outside Hong Kong and the Chinese Mainland.      Coupled with easing interest rate cycles and the Mainland’s stimulus package to inject liquidity to the banking sector and provide more support to the real estate sector, our stock market has gone on a rally, rising some 15 per cent in the past month or so.       From late September to early October, we have seen strong net buys from American and European investors, constituting some 85 per cent of the buy side by value. And 90 per cent of those investors are long-term fund managers and investment banks.     International investors have good reason to be confident in Hong Kong. Our singular “one country, two systems” arrangement is here to stay, here for the long term.      That clear and compelling commitment has been reiterated, time and again, by President Xi Jinping. Indeed, the arrangement was designed not for short-term expediency but for the long-term interests of our country. It is clear that the Mainland is fully embracing high-level opening up, evident in the conclusions of state and party meetings in Beijing in the past year or so. The Mainland will support Hong Kong in remaining as a “super connector”, to assist in realising the country’s vision.      We can, and will, continue to do just that, thanks to the advantages that define Hong Kong’s international character: our common law tradition, a judiciary that exercises powers independently; the free flow of goods, capital, talent and information; a currency pegged to the US dollar; and business practices that align with the best international standards.     For so long, we have built our success as an international financial, trade and shipping centre on these merits, and they will continue to underpin Hong Kong’s development in the future.      Robust financial regulation     But still, Hong Kong is a small, fully open and externally-oriented economy. That means we are prone to external shocks and volatility. The trials and tribulations in the Asian Financial Crisis in 1998, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008, and the market squeeze during the onset of the COVID pandemic, are good lessons to learn.      Each time we weathered a crisis, we grew more resilient, but the take home message for us is clear: first, we need to identify systemic weaknesses and vulnerabilities, and address them. Second, establish multi-sectoral risk detection and monitoring systems to raise alarm against potential crises. Third, build in a strong buffer to allow us to respond to the unknowns.       This is particularly valid for Hong Kong which implements a linked exchange rate system. Hong Kong dollar is pegged to the US dollar, and therefore we must have sufficient monetary depth to enforce our convertibility undertakings and defend our currency board system. To ensure we have ample liquidity as we need it, we have a foreign exchange reserve of more than US$420 billion at our disposal.      In light of rising geopolitical and economic challenges, we’ve established a high-level, cross-market, co-ordinated and round-the-clock monitoring mechanism. It covers all sectors of the financial market and gathers all financial regulators, allowing us to detect looming risks.     I’m glad to report that over the past few years, our financial markets have been functioning in an orderly manner, despite volatility that might appear from time to time. The role of regulators in market development     Good regulation, of course, is only half the story. For the ultimate goal of regulation is to promote the healthy and sustainable development of the financial market. Good market development, in my view, is equally important, and it is the best means to future-proof our financial systems.      This requires the regulatory regime be agile and forward-looking. This requires the regime to respond to market and economic changes, embrace and empower technological innovation, and create the conditions for markets to thrive.      It’s why in Hong Kong, regulators have been given a dual mandate, serving both as regulators and market enablers.      Our listing regime reform is a good case in point. Back in 2018, the Government and the financial regulators made bold decisions to allow pre-profit or pre-revenue biotech companies, and new economy companies with weighted voting rights structures, to list on our stock exchange. The idea was met with doubt initially. But today the facts speak for themselves: new economy companies constitute only 13 per cent of the total number of listed companies, but their capitalisation accounts for 26 per cent. These reforms have not only broadened our market’s appeal but also put Hong Kong as a leading listing hub for innovative enterprises.     Reform is an ongoing process. For instance, last year we introduced a new Chapter in our listing rules to facilitate the listing of specialist technology companies.     Looking ahead, two key areas will be vital for Hong Kong’s financial future: enhancing our financial connectivity with the world, and embracing innovation.Enhancing Connectivity      Connectivity has always been the trump card of Hong Kong – although “trump” may be a word that you may now love or hate. For long, we have been the premier listing platform for Mainland companies going global. The launch of the “Stock Connect” 10 years ago was a landmark in forging close connectivity between the two markets. Its very significance was to allow foreign investors to make use of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and all the regimes, regulation and practices with which they are familiar, to access the Mainland’s stock market. Today, over 70 per cent of the A-share holdings by foreign investors were acquired through the Stock Connect. The Scheme has been continuously expanding, now covering bonds, ETFs, derivatives such as swap contracts.      Just in April this year, the China Securities Regulatory Commission announced four further measures to expand the Connect Schemes, including enlarging the scope of ETFs Connect, covering REITs in Stock Connect, and more. Meanwhile, it also made clear that they will support leading Mainland companies to list on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. Obviously our IPO market has seen a rebound. In the first nine months this year, we raised more than US$7.1 billion, ranking fourth globally thus far.       Looking ahead, Hong Kong is also strengthening connections with other markets in the ASEAN countries, the Middle East and the Belt and Road countries. For instance, next week, we will be seeing the launch of two ETFs on the Saudi Stock Exchange investing in the Hong Kong Stock market.     So Hong Kong’s role as a connector of markets will only grow stronger. And with this, our financial regulators will continue to make it their strategic priorities to enhance collaboration with regulatory counterparts for timely and effective responses. Embracing innovation      Ladies and gentlemen, another area essential to our future is innovation.      In Hong Kong, we’re taking a balanced regulatory approach to enable financial innovation.      For example, last year, we introduced a regulatory regime for digital assets, along the principle of “same activity, same risks, same regulation”. The key feature is to put in place guardrails for investor protection, while enabling financial innovation to thrive in a responsible and sustainable manner.      So far, three firms have been issued with virtual asset trading platform licences, and we are expecting more in the next couple of months.      Besides, legislation will be introduced later this year for the regulation of stablecoins.      Then there’s also AI (artificial intelligence), which is reshaping the financial services industry, driving new products and services that enhance efficiency, security and customer experience.      Like blockchain and other new technologies, we must address the potential challenges of AI, such as cybersecurity, data privacy and the protection of intellectual property rights.      To that end, we will publish a policy statement next week. We will work to provide a clear supervisory framework and create a conducive and sustainable market environment.      Concluding remarks     Ladies and gentlemen, alongside changing global financial landscape comes far-reaching opportunity. Judging from Hong Kong’s experience, capturing such opportunities calls for the mentality of policy makers to focus not just on regulation compliance but also market development. For some, this may require a paradigm shift. But in our view, it will be an essential path to future-proof our financial markets, ensuring their long-term sustainable growth.      Finally, I wish to convey my thanks again to Bloomberg for inviting me to this Forum. I wish you all the best of business and health in the coming year. Thank you.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Let’s tax carbon: Ross Garnaut on why the time is right for a second shot at carbon pricing

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ross Garnaut, Professorial Research Fellow in Economics, The University of Melbourne

    Damitha Jayawardena/Shutterstock

    Australia now has a government and parliament wanting timely transition to net zero. We have a government and parliament wanting to build Australia as the renewable energy superpower of the zero-carbon world economy. For the time being, we have favourable international settings for using our opportunity.

    The government of Australia has embraced this superpower narrative, taken some big steps towards supporting its emergence, and articulated sound principles for guiding further policy development.

    But Australians in business and the community wanting to make large efforts to turn opportunity into reality find themselves in a tangle of policy uncertainty and contradiction.

    The source of the problem is the abolition of carbon pricing in 2014. Since then, the Commonwealth government has worked within constraints that rule out success.

    We can make a start towards net zero and becoming a renewable energy superpower without moving the constraints, but we can’t get far. This is a problem for any government of Australia, and not only for the current Labor government. We will not rise sustainably out of the post-pandemic dog days until we get energy policy right.

    Striking the right balance

    Striking the right balance between state intervention and market exchange is always essential for successful economic development, in all places.

    The market generally delivers goods and services more cost-effectively than the state where there is genuine competition among suppliers and purchasers of goods and services.

    The difference is especially large and important at a time of structural change and uncertainty. State decisions inevitably tend towards continuation on established paths and slow response to new opportunities.

    Australia will not make use of more than a small fraction of the superpower opportunities available to it without immense contributions from an innovative, competitive private business sector.

    So we have to design energy and related markets that provide the widest possible scope for competition among enterprises within clear rules understood in advance of investment decisions by all market participants.

    The state has to do well the things that only the state can do. Because government capacity is a finite resource, it is much more likely that it will do the essential things well if it doesn’t try to do the things that markets do well.

    The state must define the boundaries between the services that it delivers and those to be delivered by the market.

    In the electricity sector, government must take responsibility for design of the market rules and compliance with them. It must provide the natural monopoly services of electricity transmission and hydrogen transportation and storage. It must take ultimate responsibility for system security and reliability.

    For any market to work, individual market participants must be blocked by regulation from damaging others through their business decisions, or subject to a tax equal to the costs they impose on others. And they must be rewarded for large benefits that they confer on others.

    This is essential economics. Its understatement in Productivity Commission and financial media commentary on energy and climate policy discussion over the past decade reveals the debasement of Australian political culture that gave us the dog days.

    It has been politically incorrect to tell the truth out loud.

    It’s time for carbon pricing

    A crucial element of post-2030 market design is introduction of a green premium for zero-carbon energy.

    It is obviously necessary for low-cost decarbonisation and expansion of the electricity sector and building Australia as a renewable energy superpower. The green premium is crucial for securing international market access for the zero-carbon export industries.

    One of the dog days constraints on policy is that there should be no mandatory demands on private investors. Those constraints must be broken for the green premium to reflect the social cost of carbon, as it must if we are to achieve net zero by 2050 and build Australia as the renewable energy superpower.

    The economically efficient way of achieving the premium is carbon pricing. It would be most efficient within an economy-wide system, although it could be introduced initially for the electricity sector and extended to other industries later.

    Investors now need to know soon that there will be a premium reasonably related to the social cost of carbon after the Renewable Energy Target ends in 2030.

    What matters for the superpower industries is the green premiums for which they are eligible in other countries. Pending the emergence of appropriate premiums, the Commonwealth is proposing payments from the budget.

    That is appropriate. It can get the early movers started. It would be expensive if it continued for long. The superpower industries will grow rapidly if they have access to premiums corresponding to the social cost of carbon. Over time, payments from the Australian budget will be replaced by market premiums in destination countries.

    There are several possible forms of carbon pricing. The system operating in Australia from 2012 to 2014 was economically and environmentally efficient.

    It would have been linked to the EU Emissions Trading System from July 1 2014 if it had not been abolished the day before. The Australian carbon price would be equal to the European price. We would be introducing a European-type Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism to ensure that Australian producers were not disadvantaged by competition in the domestic market from suppliers who were not subject to similar carbon constraints. The ETS (emissions trading scheme) would be contributing around 2% of GDP to public revenues – going a substantial part of the way to answering the daunting budget challenge to restoration of Australian prosperity.

    Part of that increased revenue could support payments to power users to ensure there was no increase in power prices to users until expansion of renewable generation and storage had brought costs down – along the lines of the A$300 per household introduced in the 2024 budget, but larger.

    The arrangements would provide automatic access for zero-carbon Australian goods to the high-priced European market. There would be no need to provide for a green premium for sales to Europe from the Australian market. The green premiums in other markets would at first need to be covered, as they are now, from the Australian public revenue.

    A carbon solutions levy

    Rod Sims (former chair of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission) and I have suggested a carbon solutions levy. It is administratively simpler than the ETS. It would initially raise much more revenue.

    We propose exemption for coal and gas exports to countries in which Australian zero-carbon exports attract a premium comparable to the EU carbon price, even if it is not generated through an ETS.

    We would hope that if the carbon solutions levy were to be introduced from 2030, our major trading partners would by that time have introduced green premiums that justify exemption from the levy for coal and gas exports to those countries.

    The European Union would be exempt from the beginning. The Northeast Asian economies are moving towards eventual justification of exemption. China now has a country-wide emissions trading system.

    The carbon price in July 2024 is about A$21 per tonne, having increased by 50% since early in the year. The price is expected to continue rising until it is playing a major role in transformation of Chinese industry.

    Incidentally, China undertook to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change that its emissions would peak by 2030, but its rapid expansion of renewable energy generation, electric vehicles and zero-carbon industrial technologies suggest that the peak may have come in 2023.

    Japan is working on direct budgetary support for importers of zero-carbon products which could pass through into a premium for zero-carbon exports from Australia.

    During a visit in April 2024, I was advised that the Japanese government is working towards issue of “green bonds” to pay for the premium. A carbon tax from 2035 would meet the cost of servicing and retiring the bonds.

    Korea and Taiwan are introducing their own mechanisms for supporting premiums for zero-carbon imports.

    One initial criticism of the carbon solutions levy is that it would cause leakage of Australian exports to competing suppliers of gas and coal. There would be some leakage, alongside substantial transfers from rents to the public revenues, and for metallurgical coal in particular, some increase in export prices.

    The price increase would introduce an element of green premium for Australian green iron exports. The Superpower Institute (a non-profit research organisation founded by Sims and I) has commissioned the Centre of Policy Studies at Victoria University to quantify the extent of leakage, transfers from rent and higher export prices. The results will be available for public discussion early in 2025. The study will also calculate the effect of the levy on Australian public finances, real incomes and real consumption.

    Regional considerations

    Australia’s main competitor in regional coal markets is Indonesia. Its main competitors in gas markets are Papua New Guinea, East Timor, Indonesia, Brunei and the Middle East petroleum producers.

    No informed person would suggest that there could be an economic problem with leakage to the Middle East: Saudi Arabia and the small Gulf states extract revenue from petroleum exports at much higher rates per dollar than Australia would after imposition of the levy.

    There is a case in the Australian national interest for not seeing expansion of export sales from Papua New Guinea and East Timor as being entirely a waste.

    But in their national interest and ours, I suggest that we seek to negotiate a four-way agreement on climate and energy with Indonesia, East Timor and Papua New Guinea.

    We would all impose carbon solutions levy-type levies at similar rates. This would be a major source of revenue for all of us.

    Participation of Indonesia removes leakage of coal exports. Indonesia already has an emissions trading scheme, although it generates a carbon price of only a few dollars per tonne.

    It may choose to remove other imposts on fossil carbon exports at the time of introduction of new carbon-related measures – such as the requirement to make 35% of coal exports available at prices well below international prices for domestic power generation.

    Participation of the four countries removes the leakage issue for gas. The four neighbours would cooperate in major development programs based on expansion of zero-carbon energy supply and goods production.

    There is active discussion in Indonesia of archipelago-wide electricity transmission infrastructure to allow the superior renewable energy resources of the outer islands – Papua, Nusa Tenggara, Sulawesi, Kalimantan, Sumatra – to contribute to decarbonisation and growth of zero-carbon industry everywhere, including in the Java heartland.

    The Indonesian grid would run close to neighbouring Australia, Papua New Guinea, East Timor, East and West Malaysia and the Philippines. It would be the geopolitically practical means of linking Australia and Singapore, as envisaged in the SunCable project in the Northern Territory.

    The Indonesian national grid could link to the Australian Sungrid discussed in my book The Superpower Transformation in Darwin and the Pilbara.

    The alternatives to carbon pricing are weak

    The alternatives to economy-wide carbon pricing are likely to turn out to be short-lived expedients that lead sooner rather than later to the return of today’s incoherence and underperformance in energy and climate policy and performance.

    The state must provide reliability of power supply to the general population.

    The Commonwealth government can do this without distorting competitive electricity markets by establishing an energy reserve I have proposed in my book The Superpower Transformation.

    The superpower industries depend on electricity and hydrogen markets operating efficiently and embodying carbon prices. Otherwise the market design issues relevant to their development are similar to those for electricity.

    Negative carbon externalities need to be corrected by taxation or alternative carbon pricing mechanisms. Positive externalities from innovation should be rewarded.

    Positive innovation externalities are important in the introduction of new industries, technologies and business models for the zero-carbon economy.

    Economy-wide carbon pricing at the social cost of carbon is essential to getting the balance right between state intervention and market exchange.

    Once it is in place with fiscal rewards for innovation, the government can let businesses decide which new industries and technologies warrant investment.

    Once carbon pricing is known to be coming into place reasonably soon, there is no further need for government underwriting of investment in power generation.

    There is no need to include a climate trigger in assessment of a project of any kind: if it emits carbon, it will pay for the climate damage it does.

    There is no need for government to take a view on climate grounds about the merits of nuclear power generation. It is zero-emissions generation and, like renewable energy, not subject to the carbon price. If it can compete with other forms of generation, it will find a place in private investment decisions on the energy mix.

    There is no need for government investment in nuclear power generation. Private investors will have the same incentives to invest in nuclear as in other zero-carbon generation technologies.

    There will be no need for the government to take a view on incentives for carbon capture and storage. If it is effective and emissions are actually reduced, carbon payments will be correspondingly reduced.

    The carbon price will allow private investors to get on with the job of expanding renewable energy supply at a rapid pace and decarbonising the economy more generally.


    This is an edited extract from Ross Garnaut’s new book, Let’s Tax Carbon: And Other Ideas for a Better Australia.

    Ross Garnaut is a Director and shareholder of Zen Energy. Together with Rod Sims, Ross is a co-founder and Director of The Superpower Institute, a not for profit think tank.

    ref. Let’s tax carbon: Ross Garnaut on why the time is right for a second shot at carbon pricing – https://theconversation.com/lets-tax-carbon-ross-garnaut-on-why-the-time-is-right-for-a-second-shot-at-carbon-pricing-241806

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI China: China prepares to launch Shenzhou-19 crewed spaceship

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    This photo taken on Oct. 22, 2024 shows the combination of the Shenzhou-19 crewed spaceship and a Long March-2F carrier rocket being transferred to the launch area. [Photo/Xinhua]
    The combination of the Shenzhou-19 crewed spaceship and a Long March-2F carrier rocket has been transferred to the launch area, the China Manned Space Agency (CMSA) said on Tuesday.
    According to the CMSA, facilities and equipment at the launch site are in good condition, while various pre-launch function checks and joint tests will be carried out as planned.
    The spaceship will be launched at an appropriate time in the near future, the CMSA said.

    This photo taken on Oct. 22, 2024 shows the combination of the Shenzhou-19 crewed spaceship and a Long March-2F carrier rocket being transferred to the launch area. [Photo/Xinhua]

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: China’s dark energy detector granted SKA pathfinder status

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    This undated file photo shows an array of China’s Tianlai Experiment, a project aimed to test key technologies for detecting dark energy, in the Kazak Autonomous County of Barkol in northwest China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. [Photo/National Astronomical Observatories of the Chinese Academy of Sciences]
    China’s Tianlai Experiment, a scientific project aimed at detecting dark energy using a radio telescope array, has been officially granted “pathfinder” status by the Square Kilometre Array (SKA) Observatory, according to the National Astronomical Observatories (NAOC) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences.
    The SKA is a next-generation giant radio telescope array that is under construction. Once completed, it will be the world’s largest radio telescope array. China, South Africa, the United Kingdom, Australia and six other nations make up the project’s official membership.
    Facilities involved in SKA-related science and technology studies are called SKA pathfinders or SKA precursors. Several radio telescopes around the world have been certified as SKA pathfinders, said Chen Xuelei, chief scientist of the Tianlai Experiment and a researcher at the NAOC, which operates the project.
    The latest discoveries from these pathfinders can provide new scientific exploration opportunities for the SKA, and their related technologies may be applied to the construction of the SKA and future radio telescopes, Chen said.
    Located in the Kazak Autonomous County of Barkol in northwest China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, the Tianlai Experiment consists of two arrays: the Tianlai cylinder array, which has three adjacent cylindrical reflectors with a total of 96 receivers, and the Tianlai dish array, which consists of 16 dishes, each six meters in diameter.
    The project aims to test key technologies for detecting dark energy, which is thought to make up about 70 percent of the cosmos and drive the acceleration of its expansion.
    Dark energy cannot be detected directly, but its abundance and properties can be analyzed by observing how the expansion rate of the universe changes over time. The “sound” of the Big Bang left an imprint on the matter distribution in the early universe that has now grown into large-scale structures. By studying the large-scale matter distribution, astronomers can derive these “baryon acoustic oscillations” and determine the cosmic expansion rate over time.
    Tianlai, which literally means “heavenly sounds,” aims to detect these acoustic oscillations. It will search for the 21-centimeter signals emitted by hydrogen atoms, with hydrogen being the most abundant element in the universe. As the universe is expanding, these 21-centimeter signals have gradually shifted to longer wavelengths in a process referred to as “redshift.”
    The Tianlai Experiment will cover a range of radio wavelengths — thereby also covering redshifted signals — to generate a map of the three-dimensional distribution of matter in the universe, Chen said.
    The Tianlai research team is composed of scholars and graduate students at the NAOC and other Chinese universities, as well as experts and scholars from foreign research institutions. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Chinese private rocket company completes static fire test of ZQ-2E rocket

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    The Chinese private rocket company LandSpace successfully conducted the static fire test on the second stage of the Zhuque-2E (ZQ-2E) carrier rocket on Monday.
    The test conditions covered typical flight situations, verified the correctness of the overall and subsystem design of the ZQ-2E second stage, and examined the matching of the interfaces and operations between systems, according to the company.
    ZQ-2E is a modified version of the company’s self-developed ZQ-2 carrier rocket, which is the world’s first liquid oxygen-methane rocket to enter into orbit, a breakthrough in the application of new low-cost liquid propellant for China’s launch vehicles.
    According to the LandSpace, the ZQ-2E is a medium-class liquid-fueled carrier rocket with liquid oxygen and methane as propellant.
    This test provided important data and technical support for the future first flight test mission and regular launch missions of the ZQ-2E carrier rocket, the company said. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: China’s air, water quality improves in first three quarters

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    New data has shown a steady improvement in China’s air and water quality in the first nine months of this year.
    During the January-September 2024 period, the average density of PM2.5 in 339 Chinese cities at or above the prefecture level stood at 27 micrograms per cubic meter, down 3.6 percent year on year, Pei Xiaofei, spokesperson for the Ministry of Ecology and Environment, told a press conference on Tuesday.
    The proportion of days with good air quality in these cities during this period was 85.8 percent, up 1.6 percentage points from the same period last year, Pei said.
    Pei added that 88.5 percent of monitored sections had “fairly good” surface water quality — at or above Grade III in the country’s five-tier water quality system, an increase of 1.4 percentage points year on year.
    The share of surface water at Grade V, the lowest level, stood at 0.7 percent, remaining flat compared with a year earlier, according to the spokesperson.
    China has steadfastly advanced its “Beautiful China” initiative, emphasizing ecological and environmental protection as a top priority in its social and economic development.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Beijing, Chengdu top China’s sci-fi city index

    Source: China State Council Information Office 3

    On Oct. 18, China’s latest science fiction city index was released, with Beijing and Chengdu topping the list, providing a reference for Chinese cities to develop their sci-fi industries and learn from each other.

    Professor Wu Yan speaks at the release of the 2024 China Science Fiction City Index Report in Chengdu, Sichuan province, Oct. 18, 2024. [Photo courtesy of China Science Fiction Research Center]

    The 2024 China Science Fiction City Index Report, compiled by the China Science Fiction Research Center, Chengdu Institute for High-Quality Development, and Shenzhen Science and Fantasy Growth Foundation, considers various factors such as economic foundation, technological innovation, cultural consumption and policy environment. The report evaluated 26 cities in China, each with a GDP exceeding 1 trillion yuan in 2023.

    “We hope to build a scientific evaluation index system to comprehensively and objectively reveal the differences and characteristics of different cities in terms of sci-fi development, providing a reference for cities to develop sci-fi and learn from each other,” said Wu Yan, a Chinese sci-fi pioneer, scholar, writer and professor at the Southern University of Science and Technology’s Center for the Humanities. Wu presented the report on behalf of the project team during the 2024 TianWen Chinese Science Fiction Literature Contest awards ceremony, which was held last weekend in Chengdu, Sichuan province.

    In designing the indicators, the project team followed four major principles: “scientific and practical,” “stable and dynamic,” “measurable and comparable” and “comprehensive and representative.” Based on the core concepts and strategic orientation of evaluation, they crafted three primary indicators: “industry development,” “cultural dissemination” and “fusion capabilities.”

    Each primary indicator was composed of secondary indicators, such as the intensity of sci-fi film and TV consumption, and the number of sci-fi related policy documents, sci-fi writers, sci-fi books published and sci-fi events. The selection of secondary indicators focused on measurability and representativeness, aiming to systematically assess the level of sci-fi development in cities in a multi-dimensional manner.

    The top 10 cities according to the selection criteria were: Beijing, Chengdu, Shanghai, Nanjing, Shenzhen, Hangzhou, Chongqing, Guangzhou, Wuhan and Changsha.

    Beijing, the capital of China and the city with the most resources, scored 81.01. The city has developed a sci-fi industry that encompasses content creation, IP conversion, special effects production, hard technology and immersive experiences. In 2020, the China Association for Science and Technology and the Beijing municipal government agreed to establish a sci-fi industry cluster at Shougang Park. The following year, Shijingshan district, where the park is located, launched measures to support and fund the formation of the nation’s sci-fi industry consortium.

    Chengdu, known as the “capital of Chinese sci-fi” and host of the 81st World Science Fiction Convention in 2023, scored 78.44. The magazine Science Fiction World, a leading global sci-fi publication for over 40 years which is headquartered in the city, has launched the careers of numerous prominent writers, including Liu Cixin. The city also holds prestigious awards such as the Galaxy Awards and the Chinese Nebula Awards.

    In 2023, Chengdu’s sci-fi industry revenue hit 23.52 billion yuan, up by 17.49% from the previous year, showcasing robust growth. Chen Ling, secretary general of the China Science Writers Association and executive deputy director of the China Science Fiction Research Center, highlighted the crucial role Chengdu’s sci-fi industry plays in national development, adding that the city excels in reading, gaming and merchandise.

    Another city worth noting is Shenzhen, which ranked first in terms of sci-fi integration capability. Over the years, the city’s substantial economic resources, robust innovation environment and talent attraction have laid a solid foundation for integrating various industries with sci-fi. Notably, in sci-fi infused technological innovation and urban construction, Shenzhen has demonstrated significant leadership.

    San Feng, a sci-fi researcher and project leader of the report, explained to China.org.cn that after Beijing and Chengdu, the other eight cities in the top 10 features cities from the Yangtze River Delta and the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, benefiting from unique geographical advantages and supportive policies that enhance their competitiveness and potential for sci-fi development. Cities like Shanghai, Nanjing and Hangzhou in the Yangtze River Delta are notable for their sci-fi content industry and leisure tourism, with significant advancements in sci-fi films and games. Meanwhile, the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area has shown strong growth in sci-fi animation, games and merchandise manufacturing.

    Other cities’ sci-fi development has not yet achieved economies of scale. However, as national policies expand and regional economies develop synergistically, by leveraging local characteristics and resources, they can enhance sci-fi development, San said.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Mainland official meets with Taiwan cultural circle personages in Beijing

    Source: China State Council Information Office 3

    A mainland Taiwan affairs official on Tuesday met with personages of Taiwan’s cultural circle who have traveled to Beijing to attend the first Cross-Strait Chinese Culture Summit.

    Song Tao, head of both the Taiwan Work Office of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council, met with personages including Liu Chao-Shiuan, chairman of the Foundation of Chinese Culture for Sustainable Development, ahead of the three-day summit which is set to open on Wednesday.

    During the meeting, Song called for enhancing cultural exchange across the Taiwan Strait and joint efforts to promote Chinese culture.

    He said that both sides of the Strait belong to one China, and that people on both sides share the Chinese culture.

    Song voiced support for the cultural circle in Taiwan to counter “Taiwan independence in culture.”

    He also called for closer bonds to be forged between compatriots from both sides of the Strait, and for confidence in Chinese culture to be solidified to build a more powerful source of inspiration, with the aim of realizing national rejuvenation and securing new successes in the development of Chinese culture on the journey toward national reunification.

    Noting that Chinese culture is the most fundamental connection between the two sides of the Strait, Liu expressed the hope for deepening cultural exchange and mutual understanding, carrying forward the values and wisdom of Chinese culture, and enhancing the foundation for peaceful cross-Strait development. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Hong Kong museum displays early Chinese photography collection

    Source: China State Council Information Office 3

    Over 500 photographs taken in the late Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) and early 20th century will be on display at the Hong Kong Museum of History from Wednesday, selected from over 24,000 photographs in a collection donated by the Moonchu Foundation on Tuesday.

    The exhibits captured moments of major historical events such as the Second Opium War (1856-1860) and the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895), and provided records of the urban landscapes, historic buildings and people’s livelihood in those days. Most of the exhibits have never been publicly displayed before.

    Highlights include a picture taken 180 years ago of Nam Van in Macao, which is one of the earliest photographs of China in existence today. Notable works like stereoscopic photos taken by American photographer James Ricalton in 1900 and landscape photographs taken by famous Chinese photographer Lai Fong are on display.

    Exhibition goers can also find photos known as “Cartes de visite” in the size of a calling card, which were popular for exchanges in social gatherings during the 19th century.

    The donation provides excellent materials for studying modern Chinese society and increasing the public’s understanding of Chinese history from a century ago, said Kevin Yeung, secretary for culture, sports and tourism of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government when addressing Tuesday’s opening ceremony.

    Established in 2007, Moonchu Foundation is dedicated to supporting culture and education-related research, publications and talks.

    The exhibition is one of the events of the 4th Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area Culture and Arts Festival. It will run through Feb. 3 next year.

    MIL OSI China News