Category: Education

MIL-OSI Australia: Greater Bendigo’s transfer stations will now be called Recycling Centres

Source: New South Wales Ministerial News

The City of Greater Bendigo’s transfer stations in Strathfieldsaye, Goornong and Heathcote have a new name and will now be called Recycling Centres.

City of Greater Bendigo Resource Recovery and Education Acting Manager Michelle Wyatt said the City recently undertook a public process with Geographic Names Victoria to change the name of local transfer stations to recycling centres to make their purpose clearer to members of the community.

“Geographic Names Victoria has now gazetted the change and the facilities will now be known as the Strathfieldsaye Recycling Centre, Goornong Recycling Centre and Heathcote Recycling Centre,” Ms Wyatt said.

“We believe the term transfer station no longer reflected the purpose of the facilities and the services they offer and provide to the community.

“The name change to Recycling Centre will help encourage the community to identify reusables and recyclables at home and maximise resource recovery at the three local centres. It will also help promote the Strathfieldsaye and Heathcote centres as places to find and buy items for re-use or re-purposing.

“The City will now undertake a process to update signage at the sites and where it appears on our website and other promotional information to reflect the name change. This could take some time to achieve and there may be a short time where the facilities are still referred to as transfer stations in some promotional material.

“However, the good news is nothing else about how the Recycling Centres operate is changing and it will continue to be business as usual.

“The City remains committed to helping community members rescue, reuse, repurpose, repair and recycle goods and materials wherever possible to reduce waste going to the landfill.

“Many items including E-waste, polystyrene, clean unwanted textiles and shoes, and soft plastics can be dropped for free recycling at the City’s Goornong, Strathfieldsaye and Heathcote Recycling Centres and the Eaglehawk Recycle Shop at the entrance to the Eaglehawk Landfill.”

Public places must be registered with Geographic Names Victoria and the City of Greater Bendigo is a Naming Authority for places that it owns or manages. Registering place names is essential to identify locations for managing emergencies and delivering goods and services in Victoria.

MIL OSI News –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI United Kingdom: £750,000 to break down barriers and get more young people into aviation jobs
Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

Press release

£750,000 to break down barriers and get more young people into aviation jobs

Organisations have until 12 September 2025 to apply for the latest Reach for the Sky Challenge fund.
new funding will break down barriers and help young people from disadvantaged backgrounds into aviation careers

this brings the Reach for the Sky Challenge Fund to over £3 million: helping to secure the pilots, engineers and aviation professionals of the future

this funding will further turbocharge the £20 billion air transport and aerospace sector, supporting its 240,000 UK jobs and delivering growth through our Plan for Change

The next generation of pilots and engineers will benefit from new £750,000 funding to inspire them, support them into jobs and break down barriers to the sector.

Organisations can, from today (20 June 2025), apply for the latest Reach for the Sky Challenge Fund to help deliver aviation outreach programmes targeting disadvantaged young people, including those from ethnic minorities, who may not have considered a career in the sector before.

Now on its fourth round, Reach for the Sky Challenge Fund has already delivered £2.5 million to 40 organisations and has reached over 100,000 young people across the country.

Funding can be used to deliver a range of programmes from career events, mentorship schemes, interactive demonstrations and educational initiatives with schools and universities.

This builds on the government’s promise to secure the long-term success of aviation by growing the workforce of the future. It will also break down the barriers which prevent people from joining the industry, including limited access to education, financial constraints and lack of exposure to career options.

To launch the funding, Aviation Minister Mike Kane visited a careers workshop being held by current funding recipients, The King’s Trust, in a Liverpool youth centre. Young adults, ranging from 16 to 30, met aviation specialists, learning about the job opportunities locally in the industry and how to apply. They also took part in employability workshops focused on developing the practical skills needed for work.

Aviation Minister, Mike Kane, said:

This is exactly what this government is all about – breaking down barriers to opportunity so that everyone, no matter their background, has a decent shot at getting a good career and building a good life.

This funding will enable organisations like The King’s Trust to reach out to disadvantaged kids and support them into careers in aviation.

It also delivers on our promise to help the sector grow, by delivering the pilots, engineers and technicians of the future, boosting jobs and growth across the country as part of the Plan for Change.

Such DfT-funded schemes have already supported over 100,000 young adults across the country to consider joining the industry.

Aspiring aerospace engineer James, 24, from Bath, has struggled to find work since finishing school. Challenges with his mental health impacted his studies and confidence, and he left without the qualifications he wanted.

After completing a King’s Trust ‘Get Ready with Aviation’ programme last November, he successfully applied to study science, engineering and maths at Bristol University and starts in September.

James said:

Before the programme, I felt lost and uncertain about my future. I’d always been interested in space, but didn’t know where to start or what my options were. It felt out of reach. The programme helped me realise that working in the industry is possible and inspired me to apply for university and pursue my dream.

Applications for the fund are now open until 12 September 2025 and applications will be reviewed by a joint panel of  DfT and UK Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) , which administers the fund on DfT’s behalf.

Sophie Jones, STEM Sponsor at the CAA, said:

As the aviation regulator, we are dedicated to inspiring the next generation who will take the sector forward.

The Reach for the Sky Challenge Fund helps reach people making the first step.

By reaching and empowering diverse communities and creating a lasting impact, we are inspiring young people across the UK to explore exciting careers in aviation.

Julia Beaumont, Chief Technology and Programmes Officer at The King’s Trust, said:

During the past 2 years, this funding has been vital in raising awareness of the job opportunities available for young people in the aviation industry, alongside equipping them with the confidence and skills to pursue these roles.

With a rapidly changing jobs market, supporting this generation to overcome the barriers they face in accessing these opportunities is crucial, not only benefiting them, but also their local communities and economy.

Jeni Trice, CEO and Chief Coding Adventurer at Get with the Program, said:

We’re already so pleased by the fantastic impact of our 2024 Reach for the Sky grant, which is helping us inspire 18,000 children aged 5 to 8 to become the aerospace tech innovators of the future.

We know that higher aspirations, skills development, and social mobility opportunities are all vital for the UK’s future economic success and through this grant funding, we’ve been able to deliver initiatives, such as our ‘Moon Landing Coding Adventure’, which exposes children to exciting STEM careers in aerospace.

Mariya Tarabanovska, Founder of Flight Crowd and DfT Aviation Ambassador, said:

Thanks to this funding, Flight Crowd has connected the next generation of talent with the fast-evolving Future Flight sector — delivering outreach, mentoring, 1:1 career support and industry insights that have empowered over 400 students to shape the skies of tomorrow.

As a 2-time recipient and DfT Aviation Ambassador, I know how vital it is to invest in our future workforce. This is an unmissable opportunity for organisations to create real, lasting impact.

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Published 20 June 2025
MIL OSI United Kingdom –
June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Many elite athletes live below the poverty line. Tax-deductible donations won’t solve the problem

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle O’Shea, Senior Lecturer, School of Business, Western Sydney University

Australia’s Jaclyn Narracott competes in the women’s skeleton at the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics. Joe Klamar/AFP via Getty Images

As the end of the 2024-25 financial year nears, the Australian Olympic Committee (AOC), in partnership with the Australian Sports Foundation (ASF), has launched a new joint fundraising initiative allowing Australians to make tax-deductible donations directly to Australia’s Olympians and Paralympians.

The ASF is an “Item 1” Deductible Gift Recipient (DGR) and is the only organisation in Australia that allows a donor to claim a tax deduction for philanthropic donations to sport.

This is because sport is not currently eligible for either DGR or charitable status under Australian law.

But is this new joint fundraising initiative a gold medal idea for our athletes, or one that falls short of a podium finish?

Aussies tax payers and Olympic dreams

The new initiative, named the “Aspiring Australian Olympian Funding program”, means individual donations of A$2 or more made through the ASF are tax-deductible.

Australians can direct funds to a specific athlete, coach or official selected to participate in representative, elite or high performance sport in the Olympic/Paralympic program (summer and winter).

Depending on the donor’s marginal tax rate, the effective cost of a donation may be reduced up to 62% for the highest earners (over $250,000).

For instance, a $1,000 donation could yield a tax refund of up to $470, bringing the net cost down to just $530.

Companies paying the full company tax rate that donate $1,000 would reduce their tax by $300 (30%).

Ahead of the Milano-Cortina 2026 Winter Olympic and Paralympic Games, more than 30 Australian athletes (from disciplines such as alpine skiing, bobsleigh and figure skating) have signed up to use the platform.

However, many Australian athletes are struggling financially, so more financial support is needed.

The brutal reality for many athletes

The ASF’s 2023 “Running on Empty” report found many of Australia’s elite athletes were under significant financial pressure: 46% of those over the age of 18 were earning less than $23,000 per year. This places them below the poverty line at $489 a week.

The report also found 67% of elite athletes said their financial struggles affected their parents and support networks. Also, 42% of elite athletes aged 18-34 reported they were suffering poor mental health as a result of their financial predicament.

The report also found the costs of training, equipment, travel and accommodation continued to rise, resulting in many questioning the sustainability of elite sport funding models both here and abroad.

Pros and cons

The new funding program’s use of tax incentives as a funding carrot is good in principle, but there are potential unintended consequences.

This includes athletes being pitted against one another: there is a danger the athletes best skilled in marketing and public relations will receive more funding.

The current economic climate doesn’t bode well for the program. Many Australians are facing cost-of-living pressures, which means a lot of people may not be able to donate even if they want to.

Also, what happens if an athlete who benefits from the program is injured or found to be a drug cheat, and can’t compete? Can a donor request a refund?

Finally, taxpayers who have the most capacity to donate are likely high income earners, some of whom may donate to sport entities already. Now, their donations will be subsidised by the tax system.

Some alternative ideas

In the United Kingdom, National Lottery revenue plays a significant role in funding Olympic and Paralympic sports. Administered by UK Sport (the UK’s equivalent of the ASC) funds from the lottery are directed to high performance sports programs and athletes.

This approach could be replicated in Australia.

Another idea is to redirect a portion of government taxes collected from sports betting, which could be lucrative given Australia’s love of sports gambling.

Read more:
Gambling in Australia: how bad is the problem, who gets harmed most and where may we be heading?

The federal government could offer a further incentive by matching peoples’ donations dollar for dollar.

As we direct funds to athletes, we need also think about the potential tax impact for them. Will the funds they receive be considered income and be taxed? The government could consider making the payment to the athlete tax free.

If we are going to succeed on the world stage, especially as the 2032 Brisbane Olympic and Paralympic Games approach, we need to financially support our athletes so they can focus on representing their country.

Michelle O’Shea receives funding from the Olympic Studies Centre.

Connie Vitale receives funding from the federal government as part of the National Tax Clinic Program. She is affiliated with the Institute of Public Accountants and Chartered Accountants Australia and New Zealand.

Robert B Whait receives funding from the federal government as part of the National Tax Clinic Program, Financial Literacy Australia (now Ecstra Foundation), ANZ Bank, and the Consumer Policy Research Centre (CPRC). He is affiliated with the Tax Institute of Australia and Chartered Accountants Australia and New Zealand.

– ref. Many elite athletes live below the poverty line. Tax-deductible donations won’t solve the problem – https://theconversation.com/many-elite-athletes-live-below-the-poverty-line-tax-deductible-donations-wont-solve-the-problem-258914

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Nuclear scientists  have long been targets in covert ops – Israel has brought that policy out of the shadows

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jenna Jordan, Associate Professor of International Affairs, Georgia Institute of Technology

Portraits of Iranian military generals and nuclear scientists killed in Israel’s June 13, 2025, attack are displayed on a sign as a plume of heavy smoke and fire rise from an oil refinery in southern Tehran Atta Kenare/AFP via Getty Images

At least 14 nuclear scientists are believed to be among those killed in Israel’s Operation Rising Lion, launched on June 13, 2025, ostensibly to destroy or degrade Iran’s nuclear program and military capabilities.

Deliberately targeting scientists in this way aims to disrupt Iran’s knowledge base and continuity in nuclear expertise. Among those assassinated were Mohammad Mehdi Tehranchi, a theoretical physicist and head of Iran’s Islamic Azad University, and Fereydoun Abbasi-Davani, a nuclear engineer who led Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization.

Collectively, these experts in physics and engineering were potential successors to Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, widely regarded as the architect of the Iranian nuclear program, who was assassinated in a November 2020 attack many blame on Israel.

As two political scientists writing a book about state targeting of scientists as a counterproliferation tool, we understand well that nuclear scientists have been targeted since the nuclear age began. We have gathered data on nearly 100 instances of what we call “scientist targeting” from 1944 through 2025.

The most recent assassination campaign against Iranian scientists is different from many of the earlier episodes in a few key ways. Israel’s recent attack targeted multiple nuclear experts and took place simultaneously with military force to destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities, air defenses and energy infrastructure. Also, unlike previous covert operations, Israel immediately claimed responsibility for the assassinations.

But our research indicates that targeting scientists may not be effective for counterproliferation. While removing individual expertise may delay nuclear acquisition, targeting alone is unlikely to destroy a program outright and could even increase a country’s desire for nuclear weapons. Further, targeting scientists may trigger blowback given concerns regarding legality and morality.

A policy with a long history

Targeting nuclear scientists began during World War II when Allied and Soviet forces raced to capture Nazi scientists, degrade Adolf Hitler’s ability to build a nuclear bomb and use their expertise to advance the U.S. and Soviet nuclear programs.

In our data set, we classified “targeting” as cases in which scientists were captured, threatened, injured or killed as nations tried to prevent adversaries from acquiring weapons of mass destruction. Over time, at least four countries have targeted scientists working on nine national nuclear programs.

The United States and Israel have allegedly carried out the most attacks on nuclear scientists. But the United Kingdom and Soviet Union have also been behind such attacks.

Meanwhile, scientists working for the Egyptian, Iranian and Iraqi nuclear programs have been the most frequent targets since 1950. Since 2007 and prior to the current Israeli operation, 10 scientists involved in the Iranian nuclear program were killed in attacks. Other countries’ nationals have also been targeted: In 1980, Mossad, Israel’s intelligence service, allegedly bombed Italian engineer Mario Fiorelli’s home and his firm, SNIA Techint, as a warning to Europeans involved in the Iraqi nuclear project.

Given this history, the fact that Israel attacked Iran’s nuclear program is not itself surprising. Indeed, it has been a strategic goal of successive Israeli prime ministers to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, and experts had been warning of the increased likelihood of an Israeli military operation since mid-2024, due to regional dynamics and Iranian nuclear development.

The wrecked cars in which four of Iran’s nuclear scientists were assassinated in recent years are displayed on the grounds of a museum in Tehran in 2014.
Scott Peterson/Getty Images

By then, the balance of power in the Middle East had changed dramatically. Israel systematically degraded the leadership and infrastructure of Iranian proxies Hamas and Hezbollah. It later destroyed Iranian air defenses around Tehran and near key nuclear installations. The subsequent fall of Syria’s Assad regime cost Tehran another long-standing ally. Together, these developments have significantly weakened Iran, leaving it vulnerable to external attack and stripped of its once-feared proxy network, which had been expected to retaliate on its behalf in the event of hostilities.

With its proxy “axis of resistance” defanged and conventional military capacity degraded, Iranian leadership may have thought that expanding its enrichment capability was its best bet going forward.

And in the months leading up to Israel’s recent attack, Iran expanded its nuclear production capacity, moving beyond 60% uranium enrichment, a technical step just short of weapons-grade material. During Donald Trump’s first term, the president withdrew the U.S. from a multilateral nonproliferation agreement aimed at curbing Iran’s nuclear program. After being reelected, Trump appeared to change tack by pursuing new diplomacy with Iran, but those talks have so far failed to deliver an agreement – and may be put on hold for the foreseeable future amid the war.

Most recently, the International Atomic Energy Agency board of governors declared Iran in non-compliance with its nuclear-nonproliferation obligations. In response, Iran announced it was further expanding its enrichment capacity by adding advanced centrifuge technology and a third enrichment site.

Even if the international community anticipated the broader attack on Iran, characteristics of the targeting itself are surprising. Historically, states have covertly targeted individual scientists. But the recent multiple-scientist attack occurred openly, with Israel taking responsibility, publicly indicating the attacks’ purpose. Further, while it is not new for a country to use multiple counter-proliferation tools against an adversary over time, that Israel is using both preventive military force against infrastructure and targeting scientists at once is atypical.

Additionally, such attacks against scientists are historically lower tech and low cost, with death or injury stemming from gunmen, car bombs or accidents. In fact, Abbasi – who was killed in the most recent attacks – survived a 2010 car bombing in Tehran. There are outliers, however, including the Fakhrizadeh assassination, which featured a remotely operated machine gun smuggled into Iranian territory.

Israel’s logic in going after scientists

Why target nuclear scientists?

In foreign policy, there are numerous tools available if one state aims to prevent another state from acquiring nuclear weapons. Alongside targeting scientists, there are sanctions, diplomacy, cyberattacks and military force.

Targeting scientists may remove critical scientific expertise and impose costs that increase the difficulty of building nuclear weapons. Proponents argue that targeting these experts may undermine a state’s efforts, deter it from continuing nuclear developments and signal to others the perils of supporting nuclear proliferation.

Countries that target scientists therefore believe that doing so is an effective way to degrade an adversary’s nuclear program. Indeed, the Israel Defense Forces described the most recent attacks as “a significant blow to the regime’s ability to acquire weapons of mass destruction.”

Posters featuring images of Iranian nuclear scientists are displayed in Tehran, Iran, on June 14, 2025.
Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu via Getty Images

Despite Israel’s focus on scientists as sources of critical knowledge, there may be thousands more working inside Iran, calling into question the efficacy of targeting them. Further, there are legal, ethical and moral concerns over targeting scientists.

Moreover, it is a risky option that may fail to disrupt an enemy nuclear program while sparking public outrage and calls for retaliation. This is especially the case if scientists, often regarded as civilians, are elevated as martyrs.

Targeting campaigns may, as a result, reinforce domestic support for a government, which could then redouble efforts toward nuclear development.

Regardless of whether targeting scientists is an effective counter-proliferation tool, it has been around since the start of the nuclear age – and will likely persist as part of the foreign policy toolkit for states aiming to prevent proliferation. In the case of the current Israeli conflict with Iran and its targeting of nuclear scientists, we expect the tactic to continue for the duration of the war and beyond.

Rachel Whitlark is a nonresident senior fellow in the Forward Defense practice of the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security.

Jenna Jordan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Nuclear scientists  have long been targets in covert ops – Israel has brought that policy out of the shadows – https://theconversation.com/nuclear-scientists-have-long-been-targets-in-covert-ops-israel-has-brought-that-policy-out-of-the-shadows-259263

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Submissions: WHO – Global Leaders Unite to Accelerate Cervical Cancer Elimination Efforts

Source: World Health Organization (WHO)

New commitments at Bali Forum drive momentum to save hundreds of thousands of girls and women from cancer

BALI, Indonesia, 19 June 2025 – Governments, donors, multilateral institutions, the private sector, and partners today announced significant policy, programmatic, and financial commitments to eliminate one of the most preventable cancers.

At the 2nd Global Cervical Cancer Elimination Forum, hosted in Bali, Indonesia, on 17-19 June, leaders announced a wave of new investments and policy pledges to expand access to HPV vaccination, screening, and treatment – bringing the world closer to making cervical cancer the first cancer to ever be eliminated.

The Forum is attended by more than 300 participants, among them are high-level delegates, such as Ministers of Health from Fiji, Indonesia, Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Rwanda, Timor-Leste, and Vanuatu, as well as Vice Ministers from Costa Rica, Paraguay, and South Africa, demonstrating strong political commitment from countries across regions.

The Global Strategy for the elimination of cervical cancer sets clear targets for 2030: 90% of girls fully vaccinated with the HPV vaccine by age 15; 70% of women screened with a high-performance test by age 35 and again at 45; and 90% of women identified with cervical disease receiving appropriate treatment. Progress across all three pillars is essential to achieve and sustain elimination.

“In 2018, WHO issued a global call for action to eliminate cervical cancer on the world to act, and the commitments made here in Indonesia show that call is being answered,” said Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General. “But we must go further and faster. Every girl who remains unvaccinated and every woman who lacks access to screening or treatment is a reminder that equity must be at the heart of our elimination strategy. Together, we can consign cervical cancer to the history books.”

Despite being preventable, cervical cancer still claims the life of a woman every two minutes – 94% of them in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Less than five per cent of women in many LMICs receive cervical cancer screening due to health system limitations, cost barriers and logistical challenges.

Vaccination against human papillomavirus (HPV) – the leading cause of cervical cancer – can prevent the vast majority of cases, averting 17.4 deaths for every 1000 girls vaccinated. Combined with screening and treatment—including for precancerous lesions and invasive cancer— it provides a path to elimination. However, as of 2024 only 46 per cent of low-income countries have introduced HPV vaccination nationally, compared to 98 per cent of high-income nations.

The Bali forum builds on momentum from Cartagena, Colombia, where nearly US$ 600 million was committed last year to scale up efforts. 194 countries have adopted WHO’s global strategy to eliminate cervical cancer and 75 countries globally

have adopted the single-dose HPV vaccine, which expands access to the vaccine to even more girls and saves costs. Vaccination coverage is also improving: in Africa, first dose coverage rose from 28% in 2022 to 40% in 2023 – making it the region with the second-highest rate globally and empowering millions of girls to protect their health and realize their potential. There is increased vaccine supply thanks to market shaping efforts by Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance and updated recommendations are helping to make cervical cancer screening and treatment more affordable.

The Ministry of Health of the Republic of Indonesia continues to accelerate the national HPV vaccination program to reduce mortality rates from cervical cancer. Minister of Health Budi Gunadi Sadikin emphasized the urgency of this initiative, as cervical cancer remains one of the leading causes of death among women in Indonesia.

To address this issue, the Ministry of Health is not only expanding free HPV vaccination coverage for school-age girls but also strengthening early detection programs for cervical cancer through DNA HPV test and co-testing with IVA (Visual Inspection with Acetic Acid) at health-care facilities. Additionally, the ministry is collaborating with various stakeholders, including local governments and community organizations, to enhance public education and awareness about the importance of early prevention.

“We cannot rely solely on treatment. Prevention is far more important. Therefore, in addition to HPV vaccination, we strongly encourage regular screening so that cancer can be detected at an early stage before it progresses,” said Minister of Health Budi Gunadi Sadikin.

Early detection significantly increases the chances of recovery and reduces treatment cost. For this reason, combining screening and vaccination is essential for effectively preventing and tackling cervical cancer.

Alongside gains in vaccination, countries are also reporting progress in expanding access to cervical cancer screening and treatment, aligned with WHO recommendations. Innovations such as self-sampling are improving reach and feasibility, especially in low-resource settings. Many countries are scaling up national screening programmes and investing in treatment services to ensure that women who test positive receive timely and appropriate care.

This growing global push, driven by renewed commitments from governments and partners at the Forum shows that it is possible to reverse the tide and prevent annual deaths from rising to over 410 000 by 2030, as currently estimated.

To sustain and accelerate this momentum, donors committed to a future free from cervical cancer are strongly urged to fully fund Gavi, which aims to vaccinate an additional 120 million girls between 2026-2030, saving 1.5 million lives.

“At its heart, this movement is about justice. It’s about ensuring that every girl and every woman, regardless of where she lives or what she earns, has access to basic, lifesaving care,” said Dr Saia Ma’u Piukala, WHO Regional Director for the Western Pacific. “As we build these services, we are not just preventing cancer, we are strengthening the bond between women and the health system. We are breaking down barriers. We are dismantling stigma. We are advancing the broader agenda for women’s health. Let us act now—so that every woman, everywhere, can live a healthy, dignified life.”

Continued support is also essential for the coordinated efforts of governments, and global partners across the full elimination strategy to help bring us closer to a world where no girl or woman dies from a disease that there is the power to eliminate. Further, the forum calls countries to set ambitious national targets, align with global commitments, and strengthen collective action toward a cervical cancer-free world by 2030 through the Bali Declaration to Reaffirm Commitment to Cervical Cancer Elimination.

Notes:

Country commitments made at the forum include:

Government of Indonesia

Indonesia stands unwavering in its mission to eliminate cervical cancer by 2030, ensuring that every woman, regardless of socioeconomic status, can live free from its threat. With an ambitious national 90-75-90 target, Indonesia is scaling up its efforts and setting a precedent for bold, decisive action.

Recognizing that elimination requires sustained commitment, Indonesia is mobilizing all sectors through evidence-based programming, strong local leadership, and dynamic multi-stakeholder collaboration. We are prioritizing substantial investments in the health system and fortifying the key pillars of progress—governance, financial sustainability, and social outreach—to drive real change.

With the National Cervical Cancer Elimination Plan 2023–2030 launch, Indonesia has solidified a comprehensive partnership ecosystem spanning ministries, local governments, civil society, communities, and international development partners. Significant strides have been made across the three elimination pillars: vaccination, screening, and treatment. To accelerate our impact, Indonesia is advancing the following commitments:

1. HPV Vaccination – Reaching Every Girl, Every Woman

By the end of 2025, Indonesia will transition to a single-dose HPV vaccination schedule, deploying both school-based and community-based platforms to ensure 90% coverage of HPV vaccination among girls and women in all target groups by 2030.

2. Cervical Cancer Screening – Scaling Up and Innovating

Indonesia is dramatically expanding its screening efforts to reach 75% of women aged 30–69 by 2030, using high-performance HPV DNA testing—a globally recognized best practice. Nationwide pilots are already underway, with full-scale adoption targeted by the end of 2025.

3. Treatment and Care – Strengthening Access and Innovation

Indonesia is fortifying its health system by closing diagnostic and treatment services gaps. Key advancements include accelerated procurement of essential diagnostic tools and treatment equipment and expanded access to chemotherapy, immunohistochemistry testing, and cryotherapy across all regions. Additionally, we are upskilling our healthcare workforce to ensure expertise in the latest treatment techniques.

As we move forward, Indonesia is embedding cervical cancer elimination within its broader National Cancer Control Plan 2025–2034, driving continuous monitoring, research, and evidence-based policy refinement to guarantee universal access to preventive and curative services.

Indonesia is fully committed to accelerating progress, ensuring that every woman across the country has access to the services needed for cervical cancer prevention, early detection, and treatment. At this pivotal global forum, Indonesia with the participants of the forum urge countries to set ambitious national targets, align with global commitments, and strengthen collective action toward a cervical cancer-free world by 2030 through the adoption of Bali Declaration to Reaffirm Commitment to Cervical Cancer Elimination.

Other Government commitments

Government of Pakistan

The Ministry of National Health Services, Regulations & Coordination reaffirms Pakistan’s unwavering commitment to cervical cancer elimination, aligning with the WHO’s 2030 targets. With over 5,000 new cases and 3,000 deaths annually, cervical cancer is a public health challenge in Pakistan. We are prioritizing a comprehensive strategy focusing on HPV vaccination for adolescent girls starting in 2025, alongside strengthening screening programs and ensuring timely treatment access.

Our goal is to achieve a future where no woman in Pakistan loses her life to this preventable disease.

Government of Papua New Guinea

Papua New Guinea has committed to eliminate cervical cancer from the country. Integrated cervical cancer screening and treatment has been scaled up and the country plans to introduce HPV vaccine nationally in 2026.

Government of Samoa

Samoa has made major strides:

Over 80% HPV vaccination coverage among girls aged 10–18, supported by ADB and UNICEF.
Our first Cervical Cancer Elimination Strategy was developed in 2023 with UNFPA support.
The National Cancer Policy and Action Plan (2024–2029) was approved by our government last December and was funded with Australian assistance.

Our approach integrates screening into primary care, uses mobile outreach, and embeds community engagement through the Fa’asamoa and “Healthy Islands” principles.

We recognise the challenges—limited resources and workforce—but we remain committed to combining prevention, screening, and partnerships to achieve our goals.

This program is about equity, hope, and action. Every woman in Samoa deserves access to life-saving care. As a Pacific nation and proud Commonwealth member, we are determined to lead by example.

Together, we will eliminate cervical cancer and save lives.
Thank you for the assistance from our Development Partners and the Global Community.

Co-host commitments

Gates Foundation

The Gates Foundation is committed to protecting the next generation of women from cervical cancer by increasing equitable, sustainable access to HPV vaccines in low- and middle-income countries and we are proud to support Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, and countries in the ongoing work to accelerate the introduction and scale-up of HPV vaccines.

We continue in our commitment that supports research on new prophylactic HPV vaccines, further studies investigating the durability of protection of single-dose vaccination, and tools to help countries better understand how vaccines might be used beyond current target populations. And we remain dedicated to our partnerships with governments, non-governmental organizations, multilateral organizations, and the private sector. Working together, we can eliminate cervical cancer.

Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance

Gavi reaffirms its commitment to the Cervical Cancer Elimination Initiative by supporting lower- and middle-income countries to introduce, finance and scale up coverage of HPV vaccines to drive equitable and sustainable access.

In partnership with countries and Alliance partners, Gavi is on track to reach its ambitious goal of protecting 86 million girls with the lifesaving HPV vaccine by the end of 2025. To date, we have supported 45 countries to introduce the HPV vaccine to their routine systems. This effort is expected to prevent more than 1.4 million future deaths from cervical cancer and represents a major step forward in advancing health equity.

In Gavi’s next strategic period 2026–2030, Gavi aims to intensify its efforts by reaching over 120 million additional girls with the HPV vaccine- an initiative that could save 1.5 million more lives. Achieving this goal will depend on a fully funded Gavi for the next strategic period. Gavi’s investment in HPV vaccination programmes provides a strong foundation for elimination initiatives across the pillars of WHO’s Global Strategy for Cervical Cancer Elimination.

Investing in the health of women and girls is essential to unlocking their full potential and building a healthier, more equitable future for all.

UNICEF

At the 2024 Forum, UNICEF announced an investment of USD 10 million towards the HPV vaccine programme (the HPV Plus initiative). Through the HPV Plus initiative and other investments and partnerships, UNICEF supported the vaccination of over 20 million girls across the 21 HPV Plus implementing countries. Importantly, UNICEF forged strong multi-sectoral engagements and partnerships, working directly with over 250,000 stakeholders in the 21 countries to ensure access for key integrated adolescent health services including nutrition, sexual and reproductive health, HIV/AIDs, menstrual hygiene management, and related services to over 490,000 girls – in addition to receiving the HPV vaccine.

In UNICEF’s next strategic plan for 2026-2029 we commit to supporting vaccination of 100 million girls with the HPV vaccine. UNICEF will continue to leverage its programmatic and multi-sectoral footprint to advance effective initiatives including integrated HPV vaccination and adolescent health services and strengthening effective delivery platforms including school-based vaccination. We will also continue to generate and share evidence to help build stronger immunization and health programmes that advance the wellbeing of adolescent girls.

UNICEF will also leverage its Maternal, Newborn, and Child Health (MNCH) program alongside its cervical cancer diagnostic toolkit to shape markets and to create linkages for the screening and treatment pillars of the cervical cancer elimination strategy. Through key programmatic touchpoints, we will raise awareness among country stakeholders and partners about effective screening and treatment options, while providing technical support where feasible.

Unitaid

Unitaid has been a leading investor in the secondary prevention of cervical cancer for over six years and ever since the WHO launched the call to action in 2018. This long-standing engagement reflects Unitaid’s dedication to closing the prevention gap for millions of women worldwide who are not eligible for or able to access the HPV vaccination.

Building on this foundation, Unitaid will invest an additional US$50 million over the next two years to accelerate access to screening and pre-cancer treatment, resulting in a cumulative commitment now reaching US$130 million. This includes an immediate US$18 million investment to directly support 18 countries across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America, and the Caribbean in establishing and scaling national programs. These efforts will prioritize the rapid uptake of HPV testing and pre-cancer treatment devices, decentralized screening models to reach underserved populations, and the integration of services into health systems in ways that are both sustainable and cost-effective.

In addition to country-level support, Unitaid will strengthen regional mechanisms that benefit a broader set of countries. This includes expanding supply options to improve access to affordable commodities and fostering South-South learning structures that promote local innovation and experience sharing. Through these efforts, Unitaid aims to help countries accelerate progress toward their national cervical cancer elimination goals and contribute meaningfully to the global 90-70-90 targets.

Civil Society Organisations

African Cervical Health Alliance (ACHA)

As a network of grassroots civil society organisations, activists and allies committed to advancing the health and wellbeing of African women, thus safeguarding the fabric of our communities, and nations, the African Cervical Health Alliance (ACHA) remains committed to using our knowledge of the community, our collective voices, experiences, and skills as cervical cancer survivors, caregivers and allies, in our advocacy with and for our women and girls, in the achievement of the WHO 90/70/90 targets by 2030.

ACHA will continue scaling up the use of our evidence based, customisable IEC materials to reach at least 150,000 adolescent girls, women, parents, and community leaders across underserved communities with culturally appropriate and age-specific messages about HPV, the importance of HPV vaccination for all eligible girls, routine cervical cancer screening and access to treatment.

We will also continue to advocate for increased HPV vaccine uptake by integrating cervical health messages into at least 100 advocacy and community engagement activities annually with key populations, including but not limited to school health programs, youth forums, and faith-based initiatives.

We are also committed to supporting government-led efforts in our respective member countries, through technical input, stakeholder engagement, and community mobilization to adopt WHO’s recommendation for single-dose HPV vaccine schedule for our girls, and to expand access to high performance screening tests for all women, especially in rural and hard-to-reach areas.

We stand firm in our commitment to building the advocacy capacity of grassroots champions and cancer survivors, by training at least 200 advocates by June 2026 to lead awareness campaigns, reduce stigma, and foster demand for cervical cancer prevention services.

Our commitments remain resolute, in accelerating the elimination of cervical cancer as a public health problem across Africa, with a focus on underserved populations, and advocating for the integration of preventive services at all levels of implementation. We therefore pledge to use our unified voice, networks, and tools to catalyse political will, drive accountability, and ensure no woman or girl is left behind in the journey to a cervical cancer free Africa.

Association for Mothers and Newborns (AMAN)

The Association for Mothers and Newborns (AMAN) reaffirms its commitment to cervical cancer elimination, in alignment with the WHO’s 90-70-90 targets and as a national health priority of Pakistan.

As a community-rooted professional organization, AMAN recognizes that demand generation, social mobilisation, and evidence-based advocacy are essential pillars to increase the uptake of HPV vaccination and cervical cancer screening services, particularly in underserved and marginalized communities. AMAN also provides professional training in Screening methods (Cytology, VIA), and treatment with Colposcopy, LLETZ and Surgical management.

Through its GAVI-funded advocacy project in Sindh province (2025–26), AMAN is addressing vaccine hesitancy, countering misconceptions, and mobilizing families, community leaders, teachers, and caregivers to support HPV vaccination for adolescent girls. The initiative aims to reach over 400,000 adolescent girls, parents, and teachers via community awareness sessions, health camps, and digital outreach. It has also successfully engaged local influencers, health workers, and peer educators as advocates for cervical cancer prevention and health equity.

AMAN pledges to collaborate with public health authorities, civil society, and global partners to amplify local voices, remove barriers, and accelerate Pakistan’s progress toward the global goal of eliminating cervical cancer as a public health problem. Together, with a multipronged approach, we can end cervical cancer.

Cancer Awareness, Prevention and Early Detection Trust (CAPED)

As a founding member of the Cervical Cancer Elimination Consortium – India (CCEC-I), CAPED commits to being the community engagement partner and extending outreach through its 48 partner organizations and their extended networks to support the rollout of HPV vaccination and a national cervical cancer screening program.

By June 2026, we will coordinate efforts to:
• Develop a national preparedness map and readiness report using real-time grassroots data, reflecting local realities on awareness, access, and health system readiness.
• Collect and document human interest stories from communities to highlight both challenges and successes in cancer prevention efforts.
• Create and disseminate contextually relevant communication materials that resonate with diverse audiences and address stigma, misinformation, and fear.

These efforts will help ground national strategies in lived experiences and ensure that civil society plays a central role in advancing equitable, people-centred cervical cancer elimination in India.

Girls and Women Health Initiative (GWHI)

GWHI commits to double its impacts in advocacy for HPV vaccination, cervical cancer screening and treatment, along with disseminating the findings from the first ever situation analysis commissioned by the Ministry of National Health Services Regulation and Coordination, Pakistan and WHO.

GWHI has also created the Pakistan Alliance for Cervical Cancer Elimination (PACCE), a platform to bring together all partners, governmental and non-governmental, working in Pakistan for cervical cancer elimination, to amplify efforts and impact.

Union for International Cancer Control

The Union for International Cancer Control is committed to working alongside its 1,150 members across 172 countries and territories to address inequities and drive global action towards the elimination of cervical cancer. With a strong reputation in global advocacy, a rich history of delivering initiatives to support national action, and flagship convening platforms that facilitate peer-to-peer exchange and foster collaboration, UICC continues to champion efforts that improve access to care, sustain progress, and lessen the impact of cervical cancer on individuals, their families and communities.

As part of its new three-year business plan, UICC will further strengthen its engagement—including through its role in the ‘Elimination Partnership in the Indo-Pacific for Cervical Cancer’, ongoing support for cervical cancer programmes in Francophone Africa, and initiatives that amplify the voices of those with lived experience, including as part of its current three-year World Cancer Day campaign – United by Unique. A core focus of this work will be to mobilise and equip civil society to advocate for the elimination of cervical cancer—ensuring communities are heard, policies are strengthened, and accountability is upheld.

UICC is rooted in its belief that everyone experiencing cancer should have access to quality treatment and care, and no one should die from a preventable cancer. To achieve this, UICC will leverage its established learning and knowledge-sharing opportunities, its broad multi-sectoral network, and continued advocacy to further progress and ensure that health systems are equipped to improve cancer control, and eliminate cervical cancer.

Private sector

Becton Dickinson

Becton Dickinson HPV Access Pricing Initiative: Becton Dickinson (BD) proudly commits to a Global Access Price for our advanced HPV Screening Solution, featuring integrated Extended Genotyping and a self-collection option to expand equitable access to life-saving diagnostics globally. This all-inclusive “Price per Patient Result” will be available to governments and non-governmental organizations advancing public sector programs in 73 Low and Low-Middle Income Countries. Through multi-stakeholder collaboration, we aim to expand access, improve patient management, and help public sector programs implement high-quality, sustainable, and scalable screening programs for effective cervical cancer prevention.

The Ministry of Health Indonesia and Becton Dickinson (BD) are partnering to expand cervical cancer screening in West Java, aiming to reach 300,000 women in three years. Building on a successful pilot in Papua, the initiative supports Indonesia’s National Action Plan, improving patient management and long-term cost-effectiveness through HPV DNA testing, self-collection, and extended genotyping.

Roche

Roche commits to expand affordable pricing for its cobas® HPV DNA test to 17 additional countries, bringing the total to 106 countries, with the potential to positively impact more than 600 million women worldwide. The decision reflects Roche’s unwavering dedication to continuous innovation and advancing equitable access to cervical cancer screening, a critical step in supporting countries as they work towards their elimination goals. Roche’s commitment ext

MIL OSI – Submitted News –

June 20, 2025

MIL-OSI: Diversified Royalty Corp. Announces Results of Annual General Meeting

Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

VANCOUVER, British Columbia, June 19, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Diversified Royalty Corp. (TSX: DIV and DIV.DB) (the “Corporation” or “DIV”) is pleased to announce that at its annual general meeting of shareholders held on June 19, 2025 (the “Meeting”), all directors nominated as listed in DIV’s information circular dated May 8, 2025 were elected for the ensuing year. As a ballot was not required, the number of votes disclosed in the below table reflects only the proxies received by management of DIV in advance of the Meeting:

Director	Votes For		Votes Withheld
Director	Number	Percentage	Number	Percentage
Paula Rogers	35,302,456	91.94%	3,095,368	8.06%
Roger Chouinard	33,033,674	86.03%	5,364,151	13.97%
Johnny Ciampi	35,286,125	91.90%	3,111,700	8.10%
Garry Herdler	35,281,252	91.88%	3,116,573	8.12%
Sherry McNeil	38,198,336	99.48%	199,488	0.52%
Sean Morrison	35,310,525	91.96%	3,087,300	8.04%
Kevin Smith	35,295,529	91.92%	3,102,296	8.08%

DIV has also filed a report of voting results of all resolutions voted on at the Meeting on SEDAR+ at www.sedarplus.com.

About Diversified Royalty Corp.

DIV is a multi-royalty corporation, engaged in the business of acquiring top-line royalties from well-managed multi-location businesses and franchisors in North America. DIV’s objective is to acquire predictable, growing royalty streams from a diverse group of multi-location businesses and franchisors.

DIV currently owns the Mr. Lube + Tires, AIR MILES®, Sutton, Mr. Mikes, Nurse Next Door, Oxford Learning Centres, Stratus Building Solutions, BarBurrito and Cheba Hut trademarks. Mr. Lube + Tires is the leading quick lube service business in Canada, with locations across Canada. AIR MILES® is Canada’s largest coalition loyalty program. Sutton is among the leading residential real estate brokerage franchisor businesses in Canada. Mr. Mikes operates casual steakhouse restaurants primarily in western Canadian communities. Nurse Next Door is a home care provider with locations across Canada and the United States as well as in Australia. Oxford Learning Centres is one of Canada’s leading franchisee supplemental education services. Stratus Building Solutions is a leading commercial cleaning service franchise company providing comprehensive building cleaning, and office cleaning services primarily in the United States. BarBurrito is the largest quick service Mexican restaurant food chain in Canada. Cheba Hut is a fast casual toasted sub sandwich franchise with locations across 19 U.S. states.

DIV’s objective is to increase cash flow per share by making accretive royalty purchases and through the growth of purchased royalties. DIV intends to continue to pay a predictable and stable monthly dividend to shareholders and increase the dividend over time, in each case as cash flow per share allows.

Forward Looking Statements

Certain statements contained in this news release may constitute “forward-looking information” within the meaning of applicable securities laws that involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors which may cause the actual results, performance or achievements to be materially different from any future results, performance or achievements expressed or implied by such forward-looking information. The use of any of the words “anticipate”, “continue”, “estimate”, “expect”, “intend”, “may”, “will”, ”project”, “should”, “believe”, “confident”, “plan” and “intends” and similar expressions are intended to identify forward-looking information, although not all forward-looking information contains these identifying words. Specifically, forward-looking information in this news release includes, but is not limited to, statements made in relation to: DIV’s objective to continue to pay predictable and stable monthly dividends to shareholders; and DIV’s corporate objectives. These statements involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors that may cause actual results or events, performance, or achievements of DIV to differ materially from those anticipated or implied by such forward-looking information. DIV believes that the expectations reflected in the forward-looking information included in this news release are reasonable but no assurance can be given that these expectations will prove to be correct. In particular there can be no assurance that: DIV will be able to make monthly dividend payments to the holders of its common shares; or DIV will achieve any of its corporate objectives. Given these uncertainties, readers are cautioned that forward-looking information included in this news release are not guarantees of future performance, and such forward-looking information should not be unduly relied upon. More information about the risks and uncertainties affecting DIV’s business and the businesses of its royalty partners can be found in the “Risk Factors” section of its Annual Information Form dated March 24, 2025 and in its most recent Management’s Discussion and Analysis, copies of each of which are available under DIV’s profile on SEDAR+ at www.sedarplus.com.

In formulating the forward-looking information contained herein, management has assumed that, among other things, DIV will generate sufficient cash flows from its royalties to service its debt and pay dividends to shareholders; the businesses of DIV’s respective royalty partners will not suffer any material adverse effect; and the business and economic conditions affecting DIV and its royalty partners will continue substantially in the ordinary course, including without limitation with respect to general industry conditions, general levels of economic activity and regulations. These assumptions, although considered reasonable by management at the time of preparation, may prove to be incorrect.

All of the forward-looking statements made in this news release are qualified by these cautionary statements and other cautionary statements or factors contained herein, and there can be no assurance that the actual results or developments will be realized or, even if substantially realized, that they will have the expected consequences to, or effects on, DIV. The forward-looking information included in this news release is presented as of the date of this news release and DIV assumes no obligation to publicly update or revise such information to reflect new events or circumstances, except as may be required by applicable law.

THE TORONTO STOCK EXCHANGE HAS NOT REVIEWED AND DOES NOT ACCEPT RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE ADEQUACY OR THE ACCURACY OF THIS RELEASE.

Additional Information

Additional information relating to the Corporation and other public filings, is available on SEDAR at www.sedar.com.

Contact:
Sean Morrison, President and Chief Executive Officer
Diversified Royalty Corp.
(236) 521-8470

Greg Gutmanis, Chief Financial Officer and VP Acquisitions
Diversified Royalty Corp.
(236) 521-8471

The MIL Network –

June 20, 2025

MIL-OSI Canada: Registration open for training grant that supports in-demand jobs
Source: Government of Canada regional news

People hoping to build better careers will continue to have access to a popular grant program, as registration for StrongerBC future skills grant funded programming opens for the fall semester.

People living in British Columbia can continue to access grants for eligible short-term training programs at public post-secondary institutions, giving them more opportunities to gain new skills for in-demand jobs. The grant covers up to $3,500 and is open to B.C. residents over age 19.

“British Columbia is the engine of Canada’s new economy, but it’s the strength of our workforce that drives the machine,” said Anne Kang, Minister of Post-Secondary Education and Future Skills. “The StrongerBC future skills grant removes barriers so more people can get the skills they need to start or advance their careers. By helping more people get into the workforce, we’re closing the skills gap and building a more robust economy.”

Since its launch in fall 2023, more than 10,000 people have benefited from the grant, which plays a pivotal role in preparing people for current and emerging job markets.

“I’m grateful for the opportunity that the future skills grant has given me to complete a risk management professional certificate from Simon Fraser University,” said Erica Commons, recent grant recipient and current student. “This training is already benefiting me in my current role as an enterprise risk manager, and the certificate satisfies the education requirements for the Canadian Risk Management designation, which is highly valued by employers. Obtaining this designation will help advance my career.”

More than 300 programs are eligible for the grant at 24 public post-secondary institutions throughout B.C. The eligible programs address the province’s labour market needs and government priorities, including training opportunities in high-demand sectors, such as health care, construction and mining.

“The StrongerBC future skills grant made it possible for me to enrol in Simon Fraser University’s climate action certificate, training I needed to retool my communications career for the climate future we all face,” said Michelle Gaudet, recent grant recipient and program graduate. “This grant allowed me to gain essential skills without taking on debt. Accessible education funding like this is key to helping people pursue meaningful learning opportunities.”

Course offerings from participating post-secondary institutions will be released daily throughout the months of June and July. Those interested should check Education Planner BC or the post-secondary institution they plan to attend frequently for updates and program additions.

Learning opportunities include in-person, online or hybrid delivery, making it easier for people throughout B.C. to find training that fits. Types of training that are supported include:
- health-care training, such as medical terminology, emergency medical responder and dental office administration;
- trades and firefighting training, such as construction, automotive (electric vehicle) repair services, and wildfire fighting;
- professional, scientific and technical training, such as cybersecurity training and digital marketing; and
- other certificates and micro-credentials across many industries, including education, mining and marine transportation, finance and more.
The StrongerBC: Future Ready Action Plan is a cross-government plan to make education and training more accessible, affordable and relevant to help prepare the people of B.C. for the jobs of today and tomorrow.

Learn More:

To explore and register for eligible programs as they are rolled out over June and July, visit Education Planner BC: https://www.educationplannerbc.ca/future-skills-grant (can01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com)

For general information about the future skills grant, visit: https://www.workbc.ca/find-loans-and-grants/students-and-adult-learners/strongerbc-future-skills-grant

To learn more about the StrongerBC: Future Ready Action Plan, visit: https://strongerbc.gov.bc.ca/jobs-and-training/

A backgrounder follows.

MIL OSI Canada News –
June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Jaws at 50: the first summer blockbuster is still a film that bites – even when the shark didn’t work

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Will Jeffery, Sessional Academic, Discipline of Film Studies, University of Sydney

Photo by Sunset Boulevard/Corbis via Getty Images

When I was eight years old, on a Saturday night before surf lifesaving training, my dad put on the film Jaws and it changed my life forever.

Unlike the generations of filmgoers who were afraid of sharks and going into the water during its initial release in 1975, I fell in love with the water and sharks.

Steven Spielberg’s film was the first summer blockbuster, received Academy Awards for sound, editing and music, and became the first film to earn US$100 million at the United States box office.

It was only the third film for the 28-year-old Steven Spielberg, and his second theatrical release (his first film, Duel, was made for TV), and success arrived only after much trouble.

Jaws was only the second feature film for Spielberg, pictured here on set.
Photo by Sunset Boulevard/Corbis via Getty Image

A marketed behemoth

Chief of Police Martin Brody (Roy Scheider) has recently moved from New York City to Amity Island with his wife, Ellen (Lorriane Gary), and their two children. As the small town prepares for its crucial 4th of July celebrations, a series of shark attacks threatens the festivities – and the town’s summer economy.

Mayor Larry Vaughan (Murray Hamilton) insists on keeping the beaches open for “summer dollars”. When the shark strikes again, local fisherman Quint (Robert Shaw) is hired to hunt it down. Brody and visiting marine biologist Matt Hooper (Richard Dreyfuss) insist on joining the expedition to save the island.

The film was advertised as a suspense and horror monster movie. In what director Spielberg described as a marketing “blitzkrieg” campaign, Jaws, was released in the summer – peak swimming season.

Universal Pictures made sure every household knew about the film. There were multiple TV spots, a cover on Time Magazine, talk show appearances from cast and crew, and a wave of merchandise. It was the most money the company had ever spent on a film’s pre-release marketing.

The first American film released in more than 400 theatres at once, Jaws found its audience with overwhelmingly positive reviews and word of mouth – because Jaws was also extremely well made.

Wrangling the shark

Peter Benchley was hired to adapt his novel, but another screenwriter, Carl Gottlieb, was brought in to redraft Benchley’s more serious narrative and provide comic relief.

Jaws was initially planned for 55 days of shooting, but ballooned to 159 days and $8 million over budget. The main reason: the shark.

Apart from one scene using real underwater shark footage from Australians Ron and Valerie Taylor, the shark was mechanical. There were three sharks made for the film, all nicknamed “Bruce” after Spielberg’s lawyer.

Martha’s Vineyard in Massachusetts depicted the fictional Amity Island, and much of the second half was shot in water.

Much of the second half of the film was shot on the water.
Photo by Universal Studios/Courtesy of Getty Images

The mechanical shark sank … a lot. No wonder Spielberg named the temperamental and unreliable shark after his lawyer.

With the lack of a functioning shark, Spielberg made the artistic decision – echoing Alfred Hitchcock – to suggest the shark’s presence rather than show it outright in the film’s first half.

Spielberg even quotes Hitchcock’s Vertigo shot (a dolly zoom) in the scene when Brody realises a shark attack is unfolding under his watch.

Even without appearing onscreen, the shark has an overwhelming presence and effect on the audience, thanks to John Williams’ music: most of the film’s cues are associated with the shark.

Tension onscreen

One of my favourite moments in the film is in the aftermath of an attack on the young Alex Kintner (and poor dog Pippet!). Brody is slapped in the face by the mother of the slain Alex – but this is followed by a cute and wholesome encounter between Chief Brody and his son Sean.

As a father, Brody’s failure to prevent the attack on Alex reflects his loss of authority to capitalism. The water is the island’s summer revenue, and the hungry shark swims in it.

The film could have seen an early shark attack and immediately launched a shark hunt. However, the shark doesn’t appear much at all for a monster movie due to its malfunctioning. This worked in the film’s favour.

Instead, the film relied on good writing and strong performances to heighten the tension and build anticipation for the rare moments the shark has onscreen.

A lot of the film’s success comes from the dynamic and well-written trio of Brody, Hooper and Quint. In the final act set at sea with just the three leads on a boat surrounded by the shark, they needed to deliver – and they did, arguably stealing the movie from the shark.

Possibly the most famous scene in the entire film comes when the shark is fully revealed for the first time. Startled by its size, Brody backs into the cabin and delivers an improvised line: “you’re gonna need a bigger boat”.

Dreyfuss and Shaw famously didn’t get along in real life. You can see that tension play out onscreen. It arguably enhances their performances.

Still, one of the most iconic moments comes when Dreyfuss’s Hooper is left speechless by Quint’s USS Indianapolis monologue, describing being in the water with sharks after the warship was torpedoed.

The monologue was scripted, but Shaw improvised much of it.

A cinema classic

Jaws is now a cinema classic.

It launched Spielberg’s illustrious career, scared an entire generation from going into the water, and also inspired a new generation of marine activists – such as myself – who love sharks and the ocean.

I hope you’ll join me in revisiting Amity Island one more time to watch this timeless film that, apart from its mechanical shark, completely works.

Will Jeffery does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Jaws at 50: the first summer blockbuster is still a film that bites – even when the shark didn’t work – https://theconversation.com/jaws-at-50-the-first-summer-blockbuster-is-still-a-film-that-bites-even-when-the-shark-didnt-work-246247

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Jaws at 50: the first summer blockbuster is still a film that bites – even when the shark didn’t work

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Will Jeffery, Sessional Academic, Discipline of Film Studies, University of Sydney

Photo by Sunset Boulevard/Corbis via Getty Images

When I was eight years old, on a Saturday night before surf lifesaving training, my dad put on the film Jaws and it changed my life forever.

Unlike the generations of filmgoers who were afraid of sharks and going into the water during its initial release in 1975, I fell in love with the water and sharks.

Steven Spielberg’s film was the first summer blockbuster, received Academy Awards for sound, editing and music, and became the first film to earn US$100 million at the United States box office.

It was only the third film for the 28-year-old Steven Spielberg, and his second theatrical release (his first film, Duel, was made for TV), and success arrived only after much trouble.

Jaws was only the second feature film for Spielberg, pictured here on set.
Photo by Sunset Boulevard/Corbis via Getty Image

A marketed behemoth

Chief of Police Martin Brody (Roy Scheider) has recently moved from New York City to Amity Island with his wife, Ellen (Lorriane Gary), and their two children. As the small town prepares for its crucial 4th of July celebrations, a series of shark attacks threatens the festivities – and the town’s summer economy.

Mayor Larry Vaughan (Murray Hamilton) insists on keeping the beaches open for “summer dollars”. When the shark strikes again, local fisherman Quint (Robert Shaw) is hired to hunt it down. Brody and visiting marine biologist Matt Hooper (Richard Dreyfuss) insist on joining the expedition to save the island.

The film was advertised as a suspense and horror monster movie. In what director Spielberg described as a marketing “blitzkrieg” campaign, Jaws, was released in the summer – peak swimming season.

Universal Pictures made sure every household knew about the film. There were multiple TV spots, a cover on Time Magazine, talk show appearances from cast and crew, and a wave of merchandise. It was the most money the company had ever spent on a film’s pre-release marketing.

The first American film released in more than 400 theatres at once, Jaws found its audience with overwhelmingly positive reviews and word of mouth – because Jaws was also extremely well made.

Wrangling the shark

Peter Benchley was hired to adapt his novel, but another screenwriter, Carl Gottlieb, was brought in to redraft Benchley’s more serious narrative and provide comic relief.

Jaws was initially planned for 55 days of shooting, but ballooned to 159 days and $8 million over budget. The main reason: the shark.

Apart from one scene using real underwater shark footage from Australians Ron and Valerie Taylor, the shark was mechanical. There were three sharks made for the film, all nicknamed “Bruce” after Spielberg’s lawyer.

Martha’s Vineyard in Massachusetts depicted the fictional Amity Island, and much of the second half was shot in water.

Much of the second half of the film was shot on the water.
Photo by Universal Studios/Courtesy of Getty Images

The mechanical shark sank … a lot. No wonder Spielberg named the temperamental and unreliable shark after his lawyer.

With the lack of a functioning shark, Spielberg made the artistic decision – echoing Alfred Hitchcock – to suggest the shark’s presence rather than show it outright in the film’s first half.

Spielberg even quotes Hitchcock’s Vertigo shot (a dolly zoom) in the scene when Brody realises a shark attack is unfolding under his watch.

Even without appearing onscreen, the shark has an overwhelming presence and effect on the audience, thanks to John Williams’ music: most of the film’s cues are associated with the shark.

Tension onscreen

One of my favourite moments in the film is in the aftermath of an attack on the young Alex Kintner (and poor dog Pippet!). Brody is slapped in the face by the mother of the slain Alex – but this is followed by a cute and wholesome encounter between Chief Brody and his son Sean.

As a father, Brody’s failure to prevent the attack on Alex reflects his loss of authority to capitalism. The water is the island’s summer revenue, and the hungry shark swims in it.

The film could have seen an early shark attack and immediately launched a shark hunt. However, the shark doesn’t appear much at all for a monster movie due to its malfunctioning. This worked in the film’s favour.

Instead, the film relied on good writing and strong performances to heighten the tension and build anticipation for the rare moments the shark has onscreen.

A lot of the film’s success comes from the dynamic and well-written trio of Brody, Hooper and Quint. In the final act set at sea with just the three leads on a boat surrounded by the shark, they needed to deliver – and they did, arguably stealing the movie from the shark.

Possibly the most famous scene in the entire film comes when the shark is fully revealed for the first time. Startled by its size, Brody backs into the cabin and delivers an improvised line: “you’re gonna need a bigger boat”.

Dreyfuss and Shaw famously didn’t get along in real life. You can see that tension play out onscreen. It arguably enhances their performances.

Still, one of the most iconic moments comes when Dreyfuss’s Hooper is left speechless by Quint’s USS Indianapolis monologue, describing being in the water with sharks after the warship was torpedoed.

The monologue was scripted, but Shaw improvised much of it.

A cinema classic

Jaws is now a cinema classic.

It launched Spielberg’s illustrious career, scared an entire generation from going into the water, and also inspired a new generation of marine activists – such as myself – who love sharks and the ocean.

I hope you’ll join me in revisiting Amity Island one more time to watch this timeless film that, apart from its mechanical shark, completely works.

Will Jeffery does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Jaws at 50: the first summer blockbuster is still a film that bites – even when the shark didn’t work – https://theconversation.com/jaws-at-50-the-first-summer-blockbuster-is-still-a-film-that-bites-even-when-the-shark-didnt-work-246247

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Is there any hope for a fairer carve-up of the GST between the states?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Saul Eslake, Vice-Chancellor’s Fellow, University of Tasmania

When the Western Australian state government handed down its state budget on Thursday, it showed a balance sheet solidly in the black with a A$2.5 billion surplus. But, as it has for seven years, the state has received an outsized boost to its coffers from the federal government.

In 2018, the Morrison government – with the full support of the then Labor opposition – handed WA a special deal for the distribution of income from the goods and service tax (GST).

Under the deal, WA gets a much greater share of the centrally collected GST revenue than it would have been entitled to under the methods previously used by the Commonwealth Grants Commission.

So what can be done to ensure a return to a fairer distribution of the GST revenue?

How the GST carve-up is supposed to work

The 2018 deal upended a principle known as “horizontal fiscal equalisation”. This principle seeks to ensure each state and territory has the fiscal capacity to provide its residents with a broadly similar range and quality of public services, while levying a similar level of state taxes. This applies to states with different populations and needs.

That principle is the main reason why the quality of health care, schooling and policing in your community depends much less on which state you happen to live in, compared with other countries with a federal system. Just think of the United States.

But that principle was jettisoned in the pursuit, by both major parties, of seats from WA in the House of Representatives, which in effect determined the outcome of the 2016, 2019 and 2022 elections.

WA gets a much greater share of GST revenue than under methods once used by the Commonwealth Grants Commission.

Holding onto the mineral wealth

During the mining boom starting in 2000, WA became rich. While it previously received extra grants from other states, it was now having to share income from mining royalties with other states.

But the 2018 amendment changed how the GST revenue is distributed. Instead of equalising all states to have the fiscal strength of the strongest state (such as WA during the boom), funds were now equalised to the stronger of New South Wales or Victoria. States are also guaranteed a minimum per capita share of revenue.

The only state that benefits from these changes is Australia’s richest state: WA. Since 2018-19 it has received A$24.2 billion more than it would have done had the 2018 changes not been made.

Combined with the $58.3 billion it has collected in mineral royalties over the past seven years, that has enabled WA to rack up cash surpluses totalling more than $18 billion. Every other state and territory recorded cash deficits over that time.

Over the next four years, WA will receive $26.3 billion more from the carve-up of GST revenues than it would otherwise have done.

No one worse off?

To cajole the other states and territories into accepting this “deal”, the Morrison government agreed to “top up” the revenue from the GST to ensure none would be any worse off than if the long-standing system had remained in place.

It estimated this “No Worse Off guarantee” (or NoWO as it is now called) would cost the federal budget $8 billion over the nine years to 2026-27, when NoWO would expire.

To avoid expected pushback from the other states, the Albanese government agreed in 2023 to extend NoWO by another three years. It is now expected it will have cost the federal budget almost $60 billion by its scheduled expiry in 2029-30.

This is the biggest blow-out in the cost of any single policy decision, with the exception of the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). This $52 billion blowout from the GST carve-up represents a massive drain on the federal budget, at a time when it is forecast to be in deficit for the next ten years, to appease the greed of Australia’s richest, and luckiest, state.

A government that truly believed in equity, and was committed to prudent and responsible budget outcomes, would scrap this appalling piece of public policy. And an Opposition that was sincere in its claims to stand for fiscal responsibility would support any move by the government to do so.

The system is not working as intended

The 2018 legislation requires the Productivity Commission to report, by the end of 2026, on whether the new system is working “efficiently, effectively and as intended”. Since it clearly wasn’t intended for the changes to cost anywhere near as much as they have done, the answer to that question must surely be a resounding “no”.

But rather than giving it such a narrow remit, the Treasurer could, and should, task the Productivity Commission with devising a way of achieving the long-standing objective of “horizontal fiscal equalisation” in a simpler, more transparent and more predictable way.

This should be possible by reference to fewer than a dozen readily available economic, demographic and social indicators. These could replace the “black box” processes currently used by the Commonwealth Grants Commission to allocate GST. WA has been able to exploit this lack of transparency in pursuit of its claims on an unjustified share of GST revenue.

Steven Kennedy, in his new role as head of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, is reportedly open to considering controversial tax changes, including the GST carve-up. Hopefully he will be making this suggestion to the Prime Minister.

An inquiry by the Productivity Commission along these lines would enable the government to step away from the 2018 changes in the 2027-28 budget. That would, in turn, represent a substantial contribution towards the task of budget repair. And it would reinstate a principle that has helped make Australia a fairer, and better, country than it would otherwise have been.

Saul Eslake does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is there any hope for a fairer carve-up of the GST between the states? – https://theconversation.com/is-there-any-hope-for-a-fairer-carve-up-of-the-gst-between-the-states-258913

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Is there any hope for a fairer carve-up of the GST between the states?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Saul Eslake, Vice-Chancellor’s Fellow, University of Tasmania

When the Western Australian state government handed down its state budget on Thursday, it showed a balance sheet solidly in the black with a A$2.5 billion surplus. But, as it has for seven years, the state has received an outsized boost to its coffers from the federal government.

In 2018, the Morrison government – with the full support of the then Labor opposition – handed WA a special deal for the distribution of income from the goods and service tax (GST).

Under the deal, WA gets a much greater share of the centrally collected GST revenue than it would have been entitled to under the methods previously used by the Commonwealth Grants Commission.

So what can be done to ensure a return to a fairer distribution of the GST revenue?

How the GST carve-up is supposed to work

The 2018 deal upended a principle known as “horizontal fiscal equalisation”. This principle seeks to ensure each state and territory has the fiscal capacity to provide its residents with a broadly similar range and quality of public services, while levying a similar level of state taxes. This applies to states with different populations and needs.

That principle is the main reason why the quality of health care, schooling and policing in your community depends much less on which state you happen to live in, compared with other countries with a federal system. Just think of the United States.

But that principle was jettisoned in the pursuit, by both major parties, of seats from WA in the House of Representatives, which in effect determined the outcome of the 2016, 2019 and 2022 elections.

WA gets a much greater share of GST revenue than under methods once used by the Commonwealth Grants Commission.

Holding onto the mineral wealth

During the mining boom starting in 2000, WA became rich. While it previously received extra grants from other states, it was now having to share income from mining royalties with other states.

But the 2018 amendment changed how the GST revenue is distributed. Instead of equalising all states to have the fiscal strength of the strongest state (such as WA during the boom), funds were now equalised to the stronger of New South Wales or Victoria. States are also guaranteed a minimum per capita share of revenue.

The only state that benefits from these changes is Australia’s richest state: WA. Since 2018-19 it has received A$24.2 billion more than it would have done had the 2018 changes not been made.

Combined with the $58.3 billion it has collected in mineral royalties over the past seven years, that has enabled WA to rack up cash surpluses totalling more than $18 billion. Every other state and territory recorded cash deficits over that time.

Over the next four years, WA will receive $26.3 billion more from the carve-up of GST revenues than it would otherwise have done.

No one worse off?

To cajole the other states and territories into accepting this “deal”, the Morrison government agreed to “top up” the revenue from the GST to ensure none would be any worse off than if the long-standing system had remained in place.

It estimated this “No Worse Off guarantee” (or NoWO as it is now called) would cost the federal budget $8 billion over the nine years to 2026-27, when NoWO would expire.

To avoid expected pushback from the other states, the Albanese government agreed in 2023 to extend NoWO by another three years. It is now expected it will have cost the federal budget almost $60 billion by its scheduled expiry in 2029-30.

This is the biggest blow-out in the cost of any single policy decision, with the exception of the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). This $52 billion blowout from the GST carve-up represents a massive drain on the federal budget, at a time when it is forecast to be in deficit for the next ten years, to appease the greed of Australia’s richest, and luckiest, state.

A government that truly believed in equity, and was committed to prudent and responsible budget outcomes, would scrap this appalling piece of public policy. And an Opposition that was sincere in its claims to stand for fiscal responsibility would support any move by the government to do so.

The system is not working as intended

The 2018 legislation requires the Productivity Commission to report, by the end of 2026, on whether the new system is working “efficiently, effectively and as intended”. Since it clearly wasn’t intended for the changes to cost anywhere near as much as they have done, the answer to that question must surely be a resounding “no”.

But rather than giving it such a narrow remit, the Treasurer could, and should, task the Productivity Commission with devising a way of achieving the long-standing objective of “horizontal fiscal equalisation” in a simpler, more transparent and more predictable way.

This should be possible by reference to fewer than a dozen readily available economic, demographic and social indicators. These could replace the “black box” processes currently used by the Commonwealth Grants Commission to allocate GST. WA has been able to exploit this lack of transparency in pursuit of its claims on an unjustified share of GST revenue.

Steven Kennedy, in his new role as head of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, is reportedly open to considering controversial tax changes, including the GST carve-up. Hopefully he will be making this suggestion to the Prime Minister.

An inquiry by the Productivity Commission along these lines would enable the government to step away from the 2018 changes in the 2027-28 budget. That would, in turn, represent a substantial contribution towards the task of budget repair. And it would reinstate a principle that has helped make Australia a fairer, and better, country than it would otherwise have been.

Saul Eslake does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Is there any hope for a fairer carve-up of the GST between the states? – https://theconversation.com/is-there-any-hope-for-a-fairer-carve-up-of-the-gst-between-the-states-258913

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Despite decades of cost cutting, governments spend more than ever. How can we make sense of this?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Lovering, Lecturer in International Relations, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Getty Images

Recent controversies over New Zealand’s Ka Ora, Ka Ako school lunch program have revolved around the apparent shortcomings of the food and its delivery. Stories of inedible meals, scalding packaging and general waste have dominated headlines.

But the story is also a window into the wider debate about the politics of “fiscal responsibility” and austerity politics.

As part of the mission to “cut waste” in government spending, ACT leader and Associate Education Minister David Seymour replaced the school-based scheme with a centralised program run by a catering corporation. The result was said to have delivered “saving for taxpayers” of $130 million – in line with the government’s overall drive for efficiency and cost cutting.

While Finance Minister Nicola Willis dislikes the term “austerity”, her May budget cut the government’s operating allowance in half, to $1.3 billion. This came on top of budget cuts last year of around $4 billion.

Similar policy doctrines have been subscribed to by governments of all political persuasions for decades. As economic growth (and the tax revenue it brings) has been harder for OECD countries to achieve over the past 50 years, governments have looked to make savings.

What is strange, though, is that despite decades of austerity policies reducing welfare and outsourcing public services to the most competitive corporate bidder, state spending has kept increasing.

New Zealand’s public expense as a percentage of GDP increased from 25.9% in 1972 to 35.9% in 2022. And this wasn’t unusual. The OECD as a whole saw an increase from 18.9% in 1972 to 29.9% in 2022.

How can we make sense of so-called austerity when, despite decades of cost cutting, governments spend more than ever?

Austerity and managerialism

In a recent paper, I argued that the politics of austerity is not only about how much governments spend. It is also about who gets to decide how public money is used.

Austerity sounds like it is about spending less, finding efficiencies or living within your means. But ever rising budgets mean it is about more than that.

In particular, austerity is shaped by a centralising system that locks in corporate and bureaucratic control over public expenditure, while locking out people and communities affected by spending decisions. In other words, austerity is about democracy as much as economics.

We typically turn to the ideology of neoliberalism – “Rogernomics” being the New Zealand variant – to explain the history of this. The familiar story is of a revolutionary clique taking over a bloated postwar state, reorienting it towards the global market, and making it run more like a business.

Depending on your political persuasion, the contradiction of austerity’s growing cost reflects either the short-sightedness of market utopianism or the stubbornness of the public sector to reform.

But while the 1980s neoliberal revolution was important, the roots of austerity’s managerial dimension go back further. And it was shaped less by a concern that spending was too high, and more by a desire to centralise control over a growing budget.

Godfather of ‘rational’ budgeting: US Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara at a Vietnam War briefing in 1964.
Getty Images

Many of the managerial techniques that have arrived in the public sector over the austerity years – such as results-based pay, corporate contracting, performance management or evaluation culture – have their origins in a budgetary revolution that took place in the 1960s at the US Department of Defense.

In the early 1960s, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara was frustrated with being nominally in charge of budgeting but having to mediate between the seemingly arbitrary demands of military leaders for more tanks, submarines or missiles.

In response, he called on the RAND Corporation, a US think tank and consultancy, to remake the Defense Department’s budgetary process to give the secretary greater capacity to plan.

The outcome was called the Planning Programming Budgeting System. Its goal was to create a “rational” budget where policy objectives were clearly specified in quantified terms, the possible means to achieve them were fully costed, and performance indicators measuring progress were able to be reviewed.

This approach might have made sense for strategic military purposes. But what happens when you apply the same logic to planning public spending in healthcare, education, housing – or school lunches? The past 50 years have largely been a process of finding out.

What began as a set of techniques to help McNamara get control of military spending gradually diffused into social policy. These ideas travelled from the US and came to be known as the “New Public Management” framework that transformed state sectors all over the world.

What are budgets for?

Dramatic moments of spending cuts – such as the 1991 “Mother of all Budgets” in New Zealand or Elon Musk’s recent DOGE crusade in the US – stand out as major exercises in austerity. And fiscal responsibility is a firmly held conviction within mainstream political thinking.

Nevertheless, government spending has become a major component of OECD economies. If we are to make sense of austerity in this world of permanent mass expenditure, we need a broader idea of what public spending is about.

Budgets are classically thought to do three things. For economists, they are a tool of macroeconomic stabilisation: if growth goes down, “automatic stabilisers” inject public money into the economy to pick it back up.

For social reformers, the budget is a means of progressively redistributing resources through tax and welfare systems. For accountants, the budget is a means of cost accountability: it holds a record of public spending and signals a society’s future commitments.

But budgeting as described here also fulfils a fourth function – managerial planning. Decades of reform have made a significant portion of the state budget a managerial instrument for the pursuit of policy objectives.

From this perspective, underlying common austerity rhetoric about eliminating waste, or achieving value for money, is a deeper political struggle over who decides how that public money is used.

To return to New Zealand’s school lunch program, any savings achieved should not distract from the more significant democratic question of who should plan school lunches – and public spending more broadly.

Should it be the chief executives of corporatised public organisations and outsourced conglomerates managing to KPIs on nutritional values and price per meal, serving the directives of government ministers? Or should it be those cooking, serving and eating the lunches?

Ian Lovering is affiliated with the Tertiary Education Union Te Hautū Kahurangi o Aotearoa.

– ref. Despite decades of cost cutting, governments spend more than ever. How can we make sense of this? – https://theconversation.com/despite-decades-of-cost-cutting-governments-spend-more-than-ever-how-can-we-make-sense-of-this-258902

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Despite decades of cost cutting, governments spend more than ever. How can we make sense of this?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Lovering, Lecturer in International Relations, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

Getty Images

Recent controversies over New Zealand’s Ka Ora, Ka Ako school lunch program have revolved around the apparent shortcomings of the food and its delivery. Stories of inedible meals, scalding packaging and general waste have dominated headlines.

But the story is also a window into the wider debate about the politics of “fiscal responsibility” and austerity politics.

As part of the mission to “cut waste” in government spending, ACT leader and Associate Education Minister David Seymour replaced the school-based scheme with a centralised program run by a catering corporation. The result was said to have delivered “saving for taxpayers” of $130 million – in line with the government’s overall drive for efficiency and cost cutting.

While Finance Minister Nicola Willis dislikes the term “austerity”, her May budget cut the government’s operating allowance in half, to $1.3 billion. This came on top of budget cuts last year of around $4 billion.

Similar policy doctrines have been subscribed to by governments of all political persuasions for decades. As economic growth (and the tax revenue it brings) has been harder for OECD countries to achieve over the past 50 years, governments have looked to make savings.

What is strange, though, is that despite decades of austerity policies reducing welfare and outsourcing public services to the most competitive corporate bidder, state spending has kept increasing.

New Zealand’s public expense as a percentage of GDP increased from 25.9% in 1972 to 35.9% in 2022. And this wasn’t unusual. The OECD as a whole saw an increase from 18.9% in 1972 to 29.9% in 2022.

How can we make sense of so-called austerity when, despite decades of cost cutting, governments spend more than ever?

Austerity and managerialism

In a recent paper, I argued that the politics of austerity is not only about how much governments spend. It is also about who gets to decide how public money is used.

Austerity sounds like it is about spending less, finding efficiencies or living within your means. But ever rising budgets mean it is about more than that.

In particular, austerity is shaped by a centralising system that locks in corporate and bureaucratic control over public expenditure, while locking out people and communities affected by spending decisions. In other words, austerity is about democracy as much as economics.

We typically turn to the ideology of neoliberalism – “Rogernomics” being the New Zealand variant – to explain the history of this. The familiar story is of a revolutionary clique taking over a bloated postwar state, reorienting it towards the global market, and making it run more like a business.

Depending on your political persuasion, the contradiction of austerity’s growing cost reflects either the short-sightedness of market utopianism or the stubbornness of the public sector to reform.

But while the 1980s neoliberal revolution was important, the roots of austerity’s managerial dimension go back further. And it was shaped less by a concern that spending was too high, and more by a desire to centralise control over a growing budget.

Godfather of ‘rational’ budgeting: US Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara at a Vietnam War briefing in 1964.
Getty Images

Many of the managerial techniques that have arrived in the public sector over the austerity years – such as results-based pay, corporate contracting, performance management or evaluation culture – have their origins in a budgetary revolution that took place in the 1960s at the US Department of Defense.

In the early 1960s, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara was frustrated with being nominally in charge of budgeting but having to mediate between the seemingly arbitrary demands of military leaders for more tanks, submarines or missiles.

In response, he called on the RAND Corporation, a US think tank and consultancy, to remake the Defense Department’s budgetary process to give the secretary greater capacity to plan.

The outcome was called the Planning Programming Budgeting System. Its goal was to create a “rational” budget where policy objectives were clearly specified in quantified terms, the possible means to achieve them were fully costed, and performance indicators measuring progress were able to be reviewed.

This approach might have made sense for strategic military purposes. But what happens when you apply the same logic to planning public spending in healthcare, education, housing – or school lunches? The past 50 years have largely been a process of finding out.

What began as a set of techniques to help McNamara get control of military spending gradually diffused into social policy. These ideas travelled from the US and came to be known as the “New Public Management” framework that transformed state sectors all over the world.

What are budgets for?

Dramatic moments of spending cuts – such as the 1991 “Mother of all Budgets” in New Zealand or Elon Musk’s recent DOGE crusade in the US – stand out as major exercises in austerity. And fiscal responsibility is a firmly held conviction within mainstream political thinking.

Nevertheless, government spending has become a major component of OECD economies. If we are to make sense of austerity in this world of permanent mass expenditure, we need a broader idea of what public spending is about.

Budgets are classically thought to do three things. For economists, they are a tool of macroeconomic stabilisation: if growth goes down, “automatic stabilisers” inject public money into the economy to pick it back up.

For social reformers, the budget is a means of progressively redistributing resources through tax and welfare systems. For accountants, the budget is a means of cost accountability: it holds a record of public spending and signals a society’s future commitments.

But budgeting as described here also fulfils a fourth function – managerial planning. Decades of reform have made a significant portion of the state budget a managerial instrument for the pursuit of policy objectives.

From this perspective, underlying common austerity rhetoric about eliminating waste, or achieving value for money, is a deeper political struggle over who decides how that public money is used.

To return to New Zealand’s school lunch program, any savings achieved should not distract from the more significant democratic question of who should plan school lunches – and public spending more broadly.

Should it be the chief executives of corporatised public organisations and outsourced conglomerates managing to KPIs on nutritional values and price per meal, serving the directives of government ministers? Or should it be those cooking, serving and eating the lunches?

Ian Lovering is affiliated with the Tertiary Education Union Te Hautū Kahurangi o Aotearoa.

– ref. Despite decades of cost cutting, governments spend more than ever. How can we make sense of this? – https://theconversation.com/despite-decades-of-cost-cutting-governments-spend-more-than-ever-how-can-we-make-sense-of-this-258902

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Bribe or community benefit? Sweeteners smoothing the way for renewables projects need to be done right
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hugh Breakey, Deputy Director, Institute for Ethics, Governance & Law, Griffith University

Louise Beaumont/Getty

When a renewable energy developer announces a new project, there’s one big question mark – how will nearby communities react?

Community pushback has scuttled many renewables projects. Sometimes, communities are angry landowners hosting infrastructure will be paid, but neighbours and those further afield may not.

As a result, renewable projects often involve schemes where the developer gives funding or resources to local community initiatives.

Australia has dozens of these schemes, with many more to come as the clean energy transition accelerates. The Clean Energy Council estimates developers contribute about A$1,050 to communities for every megawatt of wind and about $850 for solar.

The problem is, research shows poorly designed schemes can look a lot like bribery. Developers dish out money to gain community acceptance. Our new research points to a clear solution: design these schemes carefully.

How do these schemes work?

Renewable developers usually structure community-benefit schemes in one of three ways:
- community funds, where a developer offers a one-time or ongoing payment for local infrastructure such as roads, services or community projects
- in-kind benefits, such as investment in local sports fields or tourism initiatives
- local ownership models, such as offering community members preferential access to shares in the company or a community co-ownership model of the project.
In Australia, a number of community schemes are already established or planned.

More are on their way. The Queensland government has introduced laws which require wind and solar farm developers enter into community benefit agreements.

Worldwide, offshore wind farms have for many years involved community benefit sharing. Australia is very likely to follow suit as this industry emerges.

Developers will sometimes set up more targeted neighbour payment schemes where funding is given to nearby landowners.

What are they for?

There are three reasons why benefit sharing can be a good idea overall. They are:

1. Impact on locals: solar farms take up large areas of land, while wind farms on land or sea draw the eye and can compete with other uses of the space. Community benefit schemes can help counterbalance these impacts.

2. Benefits are centralised: solar, wind and battery developments generate significant economic value. But this is largely captured by the developer. Benefit schemes can make residents feel the deal is fairer.

3. Acceptance: change of any kind is often hard. Offering incentives to towns and communities can make the change easier.

Payments to communities hosting renewable projects can look like bribes if not done carefully.
myphotobank.com.au/Shutterstock

Straying into bribery?

The definition of a bribe is a benefit which influences or intends to influence a person to violate their role-based obligations. Offering money to a police officer to avoid losing your licence would count as a bribe.

Community benefit sharing isn’t a bribe in a strict legal sense. But the payments can resemble bribes if they influence community members to accept the new development. Improving community acceptance is often a central goal of such schemes.

The accusation is common. In the United Kingdom, researchers observe these schemes are regularly seen:

as an attempt by local developers to ‘bribe’ local communities to ‘buy’ support for their wind farm development.

Community members may decry a scheme as a “paltry bribe” or “shut up candy”. Some insist their “principles are not for sale”.

Developers recognise this too. As one says:

you don’t just turn up in a community and say, don’t worry, we’ll buy you a new rugby pitch […] because it really does look like you’re trying to buy them off.

But do local communities have obligations which accepting a renewables project might violate?

As part of a democracy, residents have civic obligations to make public-spirited decisions, evaluating policies and developments based not on self-interest but in a principled way.

This is why it’s illegal to pay someone to vote for a particular candidate in an election, for instance.

Offering money for community initiatives isn’t intrinsically wrong. As a community objector to a wind farm proposal put it:

Of course it is a relevant planning consideration if a wind power company is offering to pour significant sums of money into a community for the life of a wind farm […] Why should that not be recognised as a good thing?

But any economic boon to a town must be considered alongside other important concerns, rather than wiping them away.

If these schemes operate by influencing citizens to ignore their civic duties, that’s intrinsically wrong. Worse still, it risks a backlash from offended community members.

In the worst cases, benefit sharing operates as a pay-off, where uneasy communities are given money to reduce their resistance.

Offshore wind farm developers overseas often set up community benefit schemes.
Tupungato/Shutterstock

Achieving fairness, avoiding bribery

The solutions are straightfoward: design these schemes strategically so they are fair and avoid eroding civic obligations. Here are four aims:

1. Minimise self-interest. Schemes should avoid large up-front payments and focus on in-kind benefits.

2. Respect the community. Employ and contract local staff, keep the community informed and respond transparently to complaints.

3. Encourage community involvement. Big renewable projects should stack up on energy, environmental, economic and community grounds. Robust and genuine community consultation should be used when designing any benefit scheme.

4. Ensure integrity. Development and implementation of any scheme should be genuine, transparent and accountable.

Getting it right

As climate change intensifies, Australia’s clean energy transition has a clear moral urgency. But this cannot be done by steamrolling local residents or buying them off with cash for community projects.

When community benefit schemes are sensibly designed with local input, it will boost both climate action and civic legitimacy.

Hugh Breakey receives funding from the Blue Economy CRC. This research was funded through the project ‘Pre-conditions for the Development of Offshore Wind Energy in Australia’ by the Blue Economy Cooperative Research Centre.

Charles Sampford receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Professional Services Council and the Blue Economy CRC.

Larelle Bossi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Bribe or community benefit? Sweeteners smoothing the way for renewables projects need to be done right – https://theconversation.com/bribe-or-community-benefit-sweeteners-smoothing-the-way-for-renewables-projects-need-to-be-done-right-258903
MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –
June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Bribe or community benefit? Sweeteners smoothing the way for renewables projects need to be done right
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hugh Breakey, Deputy Director, Institute for Ethics, Governance & Law, Griffith University

Louise Beaumont/Getty

When a renewable energy developer announces a new project, there’s one big question mark – how will nearby communities react?

Community pushback has scuttled many renewables projects. Sometimes, communities are angry landowners hosting infrastructure will be paid, but neighbours and those further afield may not.

As a result, renewable projects often involve schemes where the developer gives funding or resources to local community initiatives.

Australia has dozens of these schemes, with many more to come as the clean energy transition accelerates. The Clean Energy Council estimates developers contribute about A$1,050 to communities for every megawatt of wind and about $850 for solar.

The problem is, research shows poorly designed schemes can look a lot like bribery. Developers dish out money to gain community acceptance. Our new research points to a clear solution: design these schemes carefully.

How do these schemes work?

Renewable developers usually structure community-benefit schemes in one of three ways:
- community funds, where a developer offers a one-time or ongoing payment for local infrastructure such as roads, services or community projects
- in-kind benefits, such as investment in local sports fields or tourism initiatives
- local ownership models, such as offering community members preferential access to shares in the company or a community co-ownership model of the project.
In Australia, a number of community schemes are already established or planned.

More are on their way. The Queensland government has introduced laws which require wind and solar farm developers enter into community benefit agreements.

Worldwide, offshore wind farms have for many years involved community benefit sharing. Australia is very likely to follow suit as this industry emerges.

Developers will sometimes set up more targeted neighbour payment schemes where funding is given to nearby landowners.

What are they for?

There are three reasons why benefit sharing can be a good idea overall. They are:

1. Impact on locals: solar farms take up large areas of land, while wind farms on land or sea draw the eye and can compete with other uses of the space. Community benefit schemes can help counterbalance these impacts.

2. Benefits are centralised: solar, wind and battery developments generate significant economic value. But this is largely captured by the developer. Benefit schemes can make residents feel the deal is fairer.

3. Acceptance: change of any kind is often hard. Offering incentives to towns and communities can make the change easier.

Payments to communities hosting renewable projects can look like bribes if not done carefully.
myphotobank.com.au/Shutterstock

Straying into bribery?

The definition of a bribe is a benefit which influences or intends to influence a person to violate their role-based obligations. Offering money to a police officer to avoid losing your licence would count as a bribe.

Community benefit sharing isn’t a bribe in a strict legal sense. But the payments can resemble bribes if they influence community members to accept the new development. Improving community acceptance is often a central goal of such schemes.

The accusation is common. In the United Kingdom, researchers observe these schemes are regularly seen:

as an attempt by local developers to ‘bribe’ local communities to ‘buy’ support for their wind farm development.

Community members may decry a scheme as a “paltry bribe” or “shut up candy”. Some insist their “principles are not for sale”.

Developers recognise this too. As one says:

you don’t just turn up in a community and say, don’t worry, we’ll buy you a new rugby pitch […] because it really does look like you’re trying to buy them off.

But do local communities have obligations which accepting a renewables project might violate?

As part of a democracy, residents have civic obligations to make public-spirited decisions, evaluating policies and developments based not on self-interest but in a principled way.

This is why it’s illegal to pay someone to vote for a particular candidate in an election, for instance.

Offering money for community initiatives isn’t intrinsically wrong. As a community objector to a wind farm proposal put it:

Of course it is a relevant planning consideration if a wind power company is offering to pour significant sums of money into a community for the life of a wind farm […] Why should that not be recognised as a good thing?

But any economic boon to a town must be considered alongside other important concerns, rather than wiping them away.

If these schemes operate by influencing citizens to ignore their civic duties, that’s intrinsically wrong. Worse still, it risks a backlash from offended community members.

In the worst cases, benefit sharing operates as a pay-off, where uneasy communities are given money to reduce their resistance.

Offshore wind farm developers overseas often set up community benefit schemes.
Tupungato/Shutterstock

Achieving fairness, avoiding bribery

The solutions are straightfoward: design these schemes strategically so they are fair and avoid eroding civic obligations. Here are four aims:

1. Minimise self-interest. Schemes should avoid large up-front payments and focus on in-kind benefits.

2. Respect the community. Employ and contract local staff, keep the community informed and respond transparently to complaints.

3. Encourage community involvement. Big renewable projects should stack up on energy, environmental, economic and community grounds. Robust and genuine community consultation should be used when designing any benefit scheme.

4. Ensure integrity. Development and implementation of any scheme should be genuine, transparent and accountable.

Getting it right

As climate change intensifies, Australia’s clean energy transition has a clear moral urgency. But this cannot be done by steamrolling local residents or buying them off with cash for community projects.

When community benefit schemes are sensibly designed with local input, it will boost both climate action and civic legitimacy.

Hugh Breakey receives funding from the Blue Economy CRC. This research was funded through the project ‘Pre-conditions for the Development of Offshore Wind Energy in Australia’ by the Blue Economy Cooperative Research Centre.

Charles Sampford receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Professional Services Council and the Blue Economy CRC.

Larelle Bossi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Bribe or community benefit? Sweeteners smoothing the way for renewables projects need to be done right – https://theconversation.com/bribe-or-community-benefit-sweeteners-smoothing-the-way-for-renewables-projects-need-to-be-done-right-258903
MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –
June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: New cases of meningococcal disease have been detected. What are the symptoms? And who can get vaccinated?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Archana Koirala, Paediatrician and Infectious Diseases Specialist; Clinical Researcher, University of Sydney

Two Tasmanian women have been hospitalised with invasive meningococcal disease, bringing the number of cases nationally so far this year to 48. Health authorities are urging people to watch for symptoms and to check if they’re eligible for vaccination.

Invasive meningococcal disease is a rare but life-threatening illness caused by the bacteria Neisseria meningitidis. Invasive means the infection spreads rapidly through the blood and into your organs.

Early emergency medical care is important for survival and to reduce the chance of long-term complications. Even in those who survive, up to 30% suffer permanent cognitive, physical or psychological disabilities.

Thankfully, vaccines are available to protect against it.

How do you catch it?

Around one in ten people carry the meningococcal bacteria in their nose or throats.

The bacteria does not easily pass from person to person by breathing the same air or sharing drinks or food – and the bacteria do not survive well outside the human body.

It is spread through close and prolonged contact of oral and respiratory secretions, such as saliva, from others who live in your household or through deep, intimate kissing.

There is no way to know if you carry the bacteria, as carriers don’t have symptoms.

Who is most at risk?

Meningococcal disease can affect anyone.

But infants under one, adolescents and young adults aged 15–25 years, and people without a spleen or who are immunosuppressed are at a higher risk of developing invasive disease.

Meningococcal disease notifications by age and sex

Babies and teens are more likely to contract the disease than other age groups.
National Notifiable Disease Surveillance System

Although sensitive to common antibiotics such as penicillin, the meningococcal bacteria can cause severe infection and death in a matter of hours. The difficulty in picking up meningococcal disease early is that, early on, it can mimic common viral illnesses that people would recover from without any treatment.

Most people experience a sudden onset of fever, difficulty looking at light and/or a rash. The rash is non-blanching, meaning it doesn’t fade when you apply pressure to it. But early in the illness, it can start out as a blanching rash that fades with pressure.

Young infants may also become irritable, have difficulty waking up, or refuse to feed.

The bacteria usually causes a meningitis – inflammation of the lining around the brain and spinal cord – or a bloodstream infection, called septicemia or sepsis. But sometimes it can cause an infection of the bone, lungs (pneumonia) or eyes (conjunctivitis).

Protection against different strains

There are 13 types of meningococcal bacteria that cause invasive disease, but types A, B, C, W and Y cause the most illness.

The rapid disease progression occurs because the bacteria has a sugar capsule which allows it to evade the immune system.

But each of the 13 types has its own unique capsule. So immunity to one strain does not offer immunity to other strains.

Currently, two types of vaccines are available: a vaccine that protects against meningococcal A, C, W and Y (MenACWY); and another vaccine that protects against meningococcal B.

The vaccines are manufactured differently and therefore have different mechanisms of protection.

The MenACWY vaccine uses parts of the sugar capsule within each of the bacteria and joins them to a protein. This is called a “conjugate vaccine” and allows for a better immune response, especially in young infants.

The MenB vaccine does not contain the sugar capsule but includes four other proteins from the surface of the meningococcal B bacteria.

Both vaccines are registered for all people aged six months and older, and are safe for immunocompromised people.

The vaccines can be given from six months.
lavizzara/Shutterstock

MenACWY vaccine

The MenACWY vaccine is funded under the National Immunisation Program, and given for free, to all infants aged 12 months. There is also a free catch-up program for teens in Year 10.

The MenACWY vaccine protects against disease and also decreases the bacteria load in the throat, reducing the likelihood of transmission to others.

MenB vaccine

The MenB vaccine recommended for all infants aged six weeks or more. But it’s only available for free to infants in South Australia and Queensland, through state-based programs, and to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infants nationally, via the National Immunisation Program.

Parents of non-Indigenous infants in other states will pay around A$220–270 for two doses of the MenB vaccine.

The MenB vaccine is highly protective against invasive disease for the person who receives the vaccine. But it does not eradicate the bacteria from the throat, nor does it decrease spread of the bacteria to others.

Reducing meningococcal disease

Other people who are at high risk of meningococcal exposure are also recommended for vaccination: people without a functional spleen, those with certain immunocompromising conditions, certain travellers and some lab workers.

Since the rollout of the conjugate MenC vaccine in 2001 and the MenACWY in 2018, rates of invasive meningococcal disease have dropped dramatically, from 684 cases in 2002, to 136 cases in 2024. The most common strain to cause disease is now meningococcal B.

Meningococcal notifications by jurisdiction

Vaccination has reduced case numbers.
National Notifiable Disease Surveillance System

Another reason for adults to get vaccinated

The MenB vaccine has also been shown to lower rates of another bacterial infection, gonorrhoea, by 33–47%. This is because the gonococcal bacteria is closely related and shares similar surface protein structures to meningococcal bacteria.

In Australia, rates of gonorrhea have doubled over the past ten years , with higher rates among young Aboriginal and Torres Islander people.

The Northern Territory began offering the vaccine to people aged 14 to 19 last year as part of a research trial.

Further research is underway in Australia to better understand the meningococcal bacteria, its capability to evade the immune system and the cross protection against gonorrhoea.

Archana Koirala has worked on research funded by the Australian Department of Health and Aged Care and NSW health. She is the chair of the Vaccination Special Interest Group through the Australasian Society for Infectious Diseases.

– ref. New cases of meningococcal disease have been detected. What are the symptoms? And who can get vaccinated? – https://theconversation.com/new-cases-of-meningococcal-disease-have-been-detected-what-are-the-symptoms-and-who-can-get-vaccinated-259049

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: New cases of meningococcal disease have been detected. What are the symptoms? And who can get vaccinated?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Archana Koirala, Paediatrician and Infectious Diseases Specialist; Clinical Researcher, University of Sydney

Two Tasmanian women have been hospitalised with invasive meningococcal disease, bringing the number of cases nationally so far this year to 48. Health authorities are urging people to watch for symptoms and to check if they’re eligible for vaccination.

Invasive meningococcal disease is a rare but life-threatening illness caused by the bacteria Neisseria meningitidis. Invasive means the infection spreads rapidly through the blood and into your organs.

Early emergency medical care is important for survival and to reduce the chance of long-term complications. Even in those who survive, up to 30% suffer permanent cognitive, physical or psychological disabilities.

Thankfully, vaccines are available to protect against it.

How do you catch it?

Around one in ten people carry the meningococcal bacteria in their nose or throats.

The bacteria does not easily pass from person to person by breathing the same air or sharing drinks or food – and the bacteria do not survive well outside the human body.

It is spread through close and prolonged contact of oral and respiratory secretions, such as saliva, from others who live in your household or through deep, intimate kissing.

There is no way to know if you carry the bacteria, as carriers don’t have symptoms.

Who is most at risk?

Meningococcal disease can affect anyone.

But infants under one, adolescents and young adults aged 15–25 years, and people without a spleen or who are immunosuppressed are at a higher risk of developing invasive disease.

Meningococcal disease notifications by age and sex

Babies and teens are more likely to contract the disease than other age groups.
National Notifiable Disease Surveillance System

Although sensitive to common antibiotics such as penicillin, the meningococcal bacteria can cause severe infection and death in a matter of hours. The difficulty in picking up meningococcal disease early is that, early on, it can mimic common viral illnesses that people would recover from without any treatment.

Most people experience a sudden onset of fever, difficulty looking at light and/or a rash. The rash is non-blanching, meaning it doesn’t fade when you apply pressure to it. But early in the illness, it can start out as a blanching rash that fades with pressure.

Young infants may also become irritable, have difficulty waking up, or refuse to feed.

The bacteria usually causes a meningitis – inflammation of the lining around the brain and spinal cord – or a bloodstream infection, called septicemia or sepsis. But sometimes it can cause an infection of the bone, lungs (pneumonia) or eyes (conjunctivitis).

Protection against different strains

There are 13 types of meningococcal bacteria that cause invasive disease, but types A, B, C, W and Y cause the most illness.

The rapid disease progression occurs because the bacteria has a sugar capsule which allows it to evade the immune system.

But each of the 13 types has its own unique capsule. So immunity to one strain does not offer immunity to other strains.

Currently, two types of vaccines are available: a vaccine that protects against meningococcal A, C, W and Y (MenACWY); and another vaccine that protects against meningococcal B.

The vaccines are manufactured differently and therefore have different mechanisms of protection.

The MenACWY vaccine uses parts of the sugar capsule within each of the bacteria and joins them to a protein. This is called a “conjugate vaccine” and allows for a better immune response, especially in young infants.

The MenB vaccine does not contain the sugar capsule but includes four other proteins from the surface of the meningococcal B bacteria.

Both vaccines are registered for all people aged six months and older, and are safe for immunocompromised people.

The vaccines can be given from six months.
lavizzara/Shutterstock

MenACWY vaccine

The MenACWY vaccine is funded under the National Immunisation Program, and given for free, to all infants aged 12 months. There is also a free catch-up program for teens in Year 10.

The MenACWY vaccine protects against disease and also decreases the bacteria load in the throat, reducing the likelihood of transmission to others.

MenB vaccine

The MenB vaccine recommended for all infants aged six weeks or more. But it’s only available for free to infants in South Australia and Queensland, through state-based programs, and to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infants nationally, via the National Immunisation Program.

Parents of non-Indigenous infants in other states will pay around A$220–270 for two doses of the MenB vaccine.

The MenB vaccine is highly protective against invasive disease for the person who receives the vaccine. But it does not eradicate the bacteria from the throat, nor does it decrease spread of the bacteria to others.

Reducing meningococcal disease

Other people who are at high risk of meningococcal exposure are also recommended for vaccination: people without a functional spleen, those with certain immunocompromising conditions, certain travellers and some lab workers.

Since the rollout of the conjugate MenC vaccine in 2001 and the MenACWY in 2018, rates of invasive meningococcal disease have dropped dramatically, from 684 cases in 2002, to 136 cases in 2024. The most common strain to cause disease is now meningococcal B.

Meningococcal notifications by jurisdiction

Vaccination has reduced case numbers.
National Notifiable Disease Surveillance System

Another reason for adults to get vaccinated

The MenB vaccine has also been shown to lower rates of another bacterial infection, gonorrhoea, by 33–47%. This is because the gonococcal bacteria is closely related and shares similar surface protein structures to meningococcal bacteria.

In Australia, rates of gonorrhea have doubled over the past ten years , with higher rates among young Aboriginal and Torres Islander people.

The Northern Territory began offering the vaccine to people aged 14 to 19 last year as part of a research trial.

Further research is underway in Australia to better understand the meningococcal bacteria, its capability to evade the immune system and the cross protection against gonorrhoea.

Archana Koirala has worked on research funded by the Australian Department of Health and Aged Care and NSW health. She is the chair of the Vaccination Special Interest Group through the Australasian Society for Infectious Diseases.

– ref. New cases of meningococcal disease have been detected. What are the symptoms? And who can get vaccinated? – https://theconversation.com/new-cases-of-meningococcal-disease-have-been-detected-what-are-the-symptoms-and-who-can-get-vaccinated-259049

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: How to stay safe during heat waves – and the heat stroke warning signs to watch for
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Brian Bossak, Professor of Public Health, College of Charleston

Extreme heat can become lethal quickly. A young man cools off at Washington, D.C.’s Yards Park during a heat wave in 2021. Olivier Douliery/AFP via Getty Images

Beach trips, cookouts and other outdoor activities are in full swing as summer heats up and the first widespread heat wave of 2025 arrives.

For many people, summer is their favorite time of year. However, summer also brings the risk of dangerously high temperatures that can become lethal.

In the U.S., hundreds of people working or playing outside – even those who seem healthy – succumb to heat-related illnesses each year. Older adults and people in areas that historically haven’t needed air conditioning tend to see the highest rates of illnesses during heat waves, as Chicago saw in 1995 when at least 700 people died in a heat wave.

Even in places where heat is recognized as a dangerous health threat, people can be caught off guard as the thermometer creeps higher, on average, each year. In some cases, dangerous heat can arise quickly. In 2021, a young family died of heat stroke on a California trail after setting out for a hike when temperatures were still in the 70s Fahrenheit (low to mid 20s Celsius).

I study health risks in a warming climate as a professor of public health, and I’ve seen heat become a growing concern. Here are some of the key warning signs to watch for when temperatures rise – and ways to keep cool when the heat and humidity get too high.

Signs of heat-related illness to watch for

Heat-related illnesses occur across a spectrum, and mild heat stress can quickly progress to life-threatening heat stroke if a person is exposed to dangerous conditions for too long.

Mild forms of heat-related illness include heat cramps and heat rash, both of which can be caused by extensive sweating during hot conditions. Cooling the body and drinking cool fluids can help.

When heat-related illnesses progress into heat exhaustion, the situation is more serious. Heat exhaustion includes symptoms such as dizziness, nausea, excessive sweating, feeling weak, thirst and getting a headache.

Construction workers are often out in the heat for long periods of time while wearing long sleeves, durable long pants, gloves and hard hats considered necessary to stay safe. This worker faces a heat wave in Los Angeles in July 2024.
Etienne Laurent/AFP via Getty Images

Heat exhaustion is a signal that the body is losing its ability to maintain a stable core temperature. Immediate action such as moving to a cool, ideally air-conditioned space, drinking liquids, loosening clothes and applying wet cloths are some of the recommended steps that can help keep heat exhaustion from progressing to the most dangerous form of heat-related illness, heat stroke.

Heat stroke is a medical emergency. At this point, the body can no longer maintain a stable core temperature. A body with heat stroke can reach 106 degrees Fahrenheit or higher rapidly, and that heat can quickly damage the brain, heart and kidneys.

Signs of heat exhaustion and heat stroke, from the National Weather Service and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
NOAA/CDC

Typically, someone suffering heat stroke has exhausted their reserves of sweat and salt to stay cool, so sweating eventually stops during heat stroke. Their cognitive ability fails, and they cannot remove themselves from danger. Heat stroke can cause seizures or put someone into a coma as their core temperature rises. If the condition is not treated immediately, and the core temperature continues to rise, heat stroke becomes fatal.

Because heat exhaustion can lead to heat stroke, addressing heat-related illnesses before they progress is vital.

How to tell when the heat is too high

Heat risk isn’t just about temperature – humidity also increases the risk of heat-related illnesses because it affects how well sweating will cool the human body when it gets hot.

Instead of just looking at temperature when planning outdoor activities, check the heat index, which accounts for heat illness risk associated with temperature and relative humidity.

It doesn’t take very high temperatures or very high humidity for the heat index to enter dangerous territory.

A heat index chart shows how heat and humidity combine for dangerous conditions.
NOAA

However, the heat index is still a conservative measure of the impact of heat on humans, particularly for outdoor workers and athletes at summer practices. This is because temperature measurements used in weather forecasting are taken in the shade and are not exposed to direct sunlight. If someone is outside and exposed to the direct sun, the actual heat index can be as much as 15 F higher than the heat index chart indicates.

A more sophisticated measurement of heat effects on human health is what’s known as the wet-bulb globe temperature, which takes into account other variables, such as wind speed and cloud cover. Neither takes into account a person’s physical exertion, which also raises their body temperature, whether working at a construction site or playing soccer.

Tips for staying safe in a heat wave

How can you stay cool when heat waves set in? The answer depends in part on where you are, but the main points are the same:
- Avoid strenuous outdoor activities in high temperatures if possible. If you start to feel symptoms of heat-related illnesses, drink fluids that will hydrate you. Find shade, rest, and use cool, damp cloths to lower your body temperature. If you see signs of heat stroke in someone else, call for medical help.
- Be careful with fans. Fans can be useful if the temperature isn’t too high because they wick sweat away from the body and induce evaporative cooling. But at very high temperatures, they can accelerate heat buildup in the body and lead to dangerous conditions. If indoor temperatures reaches 95 degrees or higher, using fans can actually be dangerous and raise the risk of heat-related illnesses.
- Find a cooling center, library or community center where you can get inside and rest in an air-conditioned space in the hottest hours. In places such as Phoenix, where high temperatures are a regular hazard, cooling centers are typically opened in summer. Northern cities are also opening cooling centers as heat waves occur there more frequently than they did in the past. Urban areas with a lot of pavement and buildings – known as heat islands – can have temperatures well above the city’s average.
- Hydrate, hydrate, hydrate! Drink plenty of fluids, and don’t forget about the importance of electrolytes. Heat-related dehydration can occur when people sweat excessively, losing water and necessary salts from the body. Some sports drinks or rehydration fluids restore electrolytes and hydration levels.
Older adults and people with disabilities often face higher risks from heat waves, particularly if they can’t easily move to a cooler environment. Communities and neighbors can help protect vulnerable populations by providing cooling centers and bottled water and making regular wellness checks during high heat.

Summer can be a season of fun. Just remember the risks, keep an eye on your friends and neighbors when temperatures rise, and plan ahead so you can beat the heat.

Brian Bossak is not currently receiving relevant external funding for heat-related illness research. In 2017-2019, he served as a consultant on a heat-related research award from the Southeastern Coastal Center for Agricultural Health and
Safety at the University of Florida.

– ref. How to stay safe during heat waves – and the heat stroke warning signs to watch for – https://theconversation.com/how-to-stay-safe-during-heat-waves-and-the-heat-stroke-warning-signs-to-watch-for-257708
MIL OSI – Global Reports –
June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Banking: Independent Petroleum Association of America Awards Highest Honor to Midland’s Don Sparks of Discovery Operating, Inc.

Source: Independent Petroleum Association of America

Headline: Independent Petroleum Association of America Awards Highest Honor to Midland’s Don Sparks of Discovery Operating, Inc.

Jun 19, 2025 Independent Petroleum Association of America Awards Highest Honor to Midland’s Don Sparks of Discovery Operating, Inc.

Posted at 14:49h in Press Releases by Jennifer Pett

66th Annual Oil & Gas Lifetime Achievement Award Presented to Discovery Operating, Inc. Chairman and Cofounder

WILLIAMSBURG, VA – At the 96th Annual Meeting of the Independent Petroleum Association of America (IPAA) in Williamsburg, VA, Don Sparks the cofounder and chairman of the board of Discovery Operating, Inc. was presented with the 2025 Chief Roughneck Award.

IPAA represents thousands of independent businesses that develop 91 percent of America’s oil and natural gas wells. The Chief Roughneck honor dates back to 1955 and has included pioneers in the industry. Sparks was selected by industry peers as the 66th recipient of the award. Past winners of the Chief Roughneck Award can view viewed on the American Oil & Gas Historical Society website.

The Chief Roughneck Award recognizes one individual whose accomplishments and character represented the highest ideals of the U.S. oil and natural gas industry. The award is considered one of the most meaningful honors in the industry; the award and the character behind it – Joe Roughneck – symbolize the spirit, determination, leadership and integrity of individuals who have made a lasting impression on the energy industry.

Jeff Eshelman, IPAA President and CEO: “It is the IPAA leadership’s honor to present the Chief Roughneck Award to Don Sparks. Don has made his mark on Midland, mark on the industry and mark on the country. We are immensely grateful to have had him and his family active in IPAA and our advocacy for decades. His technical consulting and independent producing background enables him to be especially sensitive to the particular needs of independent producers, along with working interest participants and royalty interest owners. He’s a true patriot and has played a significant role in our country achieving energy dominance. Don and the Sparks family are the embodiment of this award, and we wish them and Discovery Operating, Inc. success for many more years and generations.”

Don Sparks, cofounder and Chairman of the Board of Discovery Operating, Inc.: “I’ve been very blessed to work in an industry that I truly believe helps this world and all the people in it and I’m proud to be a part of it. I thank those that helped me get here, it was not by myself. It was one of my dreams to build a family company; My wife has been in partnership in Discovery Operating, Inc. with me from the beginning, and I’ve been blessed to have my sons and three grandchildren involved. I’ve been blessed with the guys that work with me in the field; they go out there everyday and put their bodies and their time and energy into making sure this industry survives and gets by no matter the oil price. Thank you to the IPAA for this recognition.”

Don Sparks was born in Pampa, Texas, raised in Amarillo, Texas, and received his bachelor’s degree in petroleum engineering from The University of Texas at Austin in 1962. After graduation, Sparks served as an officer in the U.S. Navy for four years and worked in various engineering and consulting capacities for Bailey, Sipes, Williamson and Runyan; Freeport Oil Company; and Shell Oil Company. He co-founded Discovery Operating, Inc. (DOI) in 1973. More than five decades later, Discovery Operating has evolved into a classic small family owned and operated independent oil and gas company with 31 full-time employees. Discovery operates approximately 420 wells located within a 300-400 mile radius of Midland. Today with the horizontal shale play, DOI’s operated production is over 15,000 BOPD and 35 million cubic feet per day of natural gas. He has been influential in the development of the Wolfcamp and Spraberry shales, and the logging suite and analysis he helped establish has been the basis for picking the landing zones in the horizontal wells drilled and completed in the Midland Basin today. Sparks also cofounded Platt, Sparks & Associates with Ronald Platt which evaluates properties, performs reservoir studies and provides expert testimony for hearings and litigations in Midland and Austin; both men retired from the firm in 2014.

Sparks is a registered professional engineer and a renowned member of the petroleum engineering community. He has received numerous awards in recognition of his accomplishments, including the IPAA’s Leadership Award, the University of Texas Cockrell School of Engineering Distinguished Graduate Award and the Hearst Lifetime Achievement Energy Award. He previously served as president of the Permian Basin Chapter of the Society of Petroleum Engineers, director of the Permian Basin Petroleum Association and regional vice president, governor and executive committee member of the IPAA. He also served as a member of the U.S. Department of Energy Unconventional Resources Technology Advisory Committee. He is an active member of the National Society of Petroleum Engineers, American Association of Drilling Engineers and Texas Alliance of Energy Producers. Don also served on the Executive Committee and as chairman of the Mountain States Legal Foundation Executive Board.

Sparks currently resides in Midland, Texas, with his wife, Gwyndolyn. They have three sons, eleven grandchildren and twelve great-grandchildren. All three of his children are partners in Discovery Operating, Inc. William Jeffrey Sparks is Chief Operating Officer, Kevin Don Sparks is Chief Executive Officer and Christopher Todd Sparks is Chief Financial Officer and takes care of outside investments. Gwyn Sparks works at Discovery in accounting.

About the Independent Petroleum Association of America

The Independent Petroleum Association of America (IPAA) is a national upstream trade association representing thousands of independent oil and natural gas producers and service companies across the United States. Independent producers develop 91 percent of the nation’s oil and natural gas wells. These companies account for 83 percent of America’s oil production, 90 percent of its natural gas and natural gas liquids (NGL) production, and support over 4.5 million American jobs. Learn more about IPAA by visiting www.ipaa.org and following @IPAAaccess on Twitter.

About Discovery Operating Company

Founded in 1973, Discovery Operating, Inc. is a family owned, independent exploration and production company located in Midland, Texas with 31 employees. The company currently operates over 400 wells across Texas.

MIL OSI Global Banks –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women Commend Thailand on Gender Inclusive Climate Action, Ask about Combatting Patriarchal Stereotypes and Ensuring Education for Marginalised Girls

Source: United Nations – Geneva

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women today concluded its consideration of the eighth periodic report of Thailand, with Committee Experts commending Thailand on its climate change master plan, which was gender inclusive, while raising questions about how the State was combatting patriarchal stereotypes and ensuring the right to education for marginalised girls.

A Committee Expert congratulated Thailand on the steps being taken to revise the climate change master plan which focused on gender and social inclusive climate action, including climate finance, adaptation and mitigation, recognising that women and girls experienced disproportionately greater loss and damage from the impacts of climate change.

Another Expert said Thailand remained a patriarchal society where women were expected to be caregivers while men were seen as leaders, which was reinforced in the media and other avenues. What programmes were in place to dismantle harmful gender stereotypes? Were there programmes to engage men and boys in efforts to transform discriminatory social norms? What mechanisms were in place to ensure that women from all communities could access justice and public services without stigma or discrimination?

A Committee Expert said the Committee was concerned about the high dropout rates among stateless and refugee girls and the fact that Patani Malay girls were discouraged from continuing their education due to early marriage and lack of education in Malay. Were there policies specifically targeted for expanding education to minorities? What steps were being taken to ensure the safety of girls living in the Southern Border Provinces?

The delegation said Thailand was aware that gender stereotypes were ingrained, and this would take a lifetime effort to overcome. Currently, changing the mindset of the people was difficult. It was important to raise awareness and re-learn what was appropriate. The Department of Women’s Affairs coordinated with academics to work with young people on a project to identify sexist language in textbooks in schools. A guidebook had been created and distributed to teachers to provide guidance on how to combat harmful gender stereotypes in schools.

The delegation said there were mechanisms in place to ensure women from marginalised groups received education. There were schools established in the Southern Border Provinces, with border patrol officers teaching the students. The State provided safety in all areas to prevent threats to students. A religious school, supported by the Government, was located in the Southern Border Provinces, providing additional opportunities for students.

Introducing the report, Ramrung Worawat, Director-General of the Department of Women’s Affairs and Family Development, Ministry of Social Development and Human Security of Thailand, head of the delegation, said the act amending the Civil and Commercial Code (no. 24) or the equal marriage act came into force in January 2025. The act raised the minimum marriage age from 17 to 18 years old, adopted gender-neutral terms on marriage, permitted child adoption by same-sex couples, and ensured inheritance rights to them. Recent results of the general election in 2023 reflected a notable increase in the number of women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex individuals elected to leadership positions. The current cabinet included eight females at ministerial rank, the highest number in Thailand’s political history.

In closing remarks, Ms. Worawat said the discussion with the Committee had been very fruitful. The State would aim to take forward the Committee’s recommendations, with a will to transform them into concrete actions.

In her closing remarks, Nahla Haidar, Committee Chair, thanked Thailand for the constructive dialogue which had provided further insight into the situation of women and girls in the country.

The delegation of Thailand was comprised of representatives of the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security; the Ministry of Public Health; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Administrative Centre of the Southern Border Provinces; the Royal Thai Police; the Office of the Attorney General; the National Institute of Development Administration; and the Permanent Mission of Thailand to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s ninety-first session is being held from 16 June to 4 July. All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage. Meeting summary releases can be found here. The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

The Committee will next meet at 10 a.m. on Friday, 20 June to begin its consideration of the eighth periodic report of Ireland (CEDAW/C/IRL/8).

Report

The Committee has before it the eighth periodic report of Thailand (CEDAW/C/THA/8).

Presentation of Report

RAMRUNG WORAWAT, Director-General of the Department of Women’s Affairs and Family Development, Ministry of Social Development and Human Security of Thailand, head of the delegation, said women made up just over half of Thailand’s population and almost 70 per cent of those were women between 15 to 59 years of age. Since the submission of Thailand’s last report in 2017, Thailand had been revising and drafting laws to further promote women’s rights, gender equality, and the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women.

The act amending the Civil and Commercial Code (no. 24) or the equal marriage act came into force in January 2025. The act raised the minimum marriage age from 17 to 18 years old, adopted gender-neutral terms on marriage, permitted child adoption by same-sex couples, and ensured inheritance rights to them. In addition, the gender equality act was being reviewed to ensure it further aligned with international standards.

The draft anti-discrimination act would strengthen the legal basis for the elimination of discrimination on all grounds, including sex and gender, and address situations of multiple and intersecting discrimination. Furthermore, the draft act on the protection and promotion of the way of life of ethnic groups was being considered by the Parliament. The act focused on eliminating discrimination and promoting equality based on cultural diversity. The plan of action on women’s development (2023-2027) was developed to ensure women’s participation in socio-economic development and to promote their leadership in public spaces.

The National Women’s Development Policy and Strategy Committee and the Committee for the Promotion of Gender Equality were responsible for setting and driving gender equality policies. A substantial budget was allocated for the main agencies, with an additional budget allocated to assist specific groups of women and advance gender equality in an integrated manner. A strategic plan for the promotion and protection of children and youth in the use of online media was being developed, and a coordinating centre, Child Online Protection Action Thailand, was established to lead collaborative efforts with partners.

Thailand continued its policy of inclusive education and provided 15 years of free education for all children without discrimination. The country supported royal-initiated “Phiengluang Schools” for special target groups in border or underserved areas with limited access to rights and social welfare. An online teacher training programme aimed to help schools and teachers plan inclusive sexuality education.

Economic empowerment measures had been introduced to protect both formal and informal female workers. The Women’s Role Development Fund was established to enable women to pursue careers and income opportunities, improve women’s access to financial resources, and expand childcare services for children under three years old to promote equality in family responsibilities. The child support grant programme and the state welfare card programme provided monthly allowances and financial assistance to support low-income households.

Women were increasingly taking part in politics at the national and local levels and within the public administration. Recent results of the general election in 2023 reflected a notable increase in the number of women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex individuals elected to leadership positions. The current cabinet included eight females at ministerial rank, the highest number in Thailand’s political history. There were currently 15 female provincial governors, including the appointment of the first Muslim female governor of Pattani Province in 2022.

The Thai Government promoted universal access to public health services and implemented measures to ensure that vulnerable women, including informal female workers and registered migrant women, could access healthcare. All women and girls were guaranteed equal access to health services under the Universal Health Coverage Scheme. The most challenging task for Thai Government agencies was advanced and disaggregated data collection. Enhanced data collection would enable Thailand to better implement policies and undertake targeted actions to empower specific groups.

In October 2024, the Cabinet approved guidelines to accelerate the resolution of nationality and legal status issues for long-term migrants and their children born in Thailand, to ensure the legal recognition and integration of stateless individuals who had lived in the Kingdom for extended periods, as well as their Thai-born descendants.

The draft policy on administration and development in the Southern Border Provinces (2025-2027) was developed to support vulnerable groups, strengthen family and community roles in problem-solving, and develop networks of women and youth to foster peace at the family and community level. The Coordination Centre for Women and Children in the Southern Border Provinces was established as a joint mechanism between the Government and civil society, serving as a platform to coordinate and mobilise resources, receive complaints, and resolve issues involving women and children.

Thailand had developed a national adaptation plan for climate change, with a strong emphasis on gender dimensions at every stage, from planning and decision-making to community participation. The country was committed to promoting gender equality and to upholding and protecting the human rights of women, girls, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex individuals, and those facing multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. Thailand’s progress in gender equality was not just a matter of fulfilling international obligations, but a national priority.

Statement by the National Human Rights Institution

PORNPRAPAI GANJANARINTR, Chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand, said while the Thai Government had made efforts to promote gender equality, many women, especially those from vulnerable groups, continued to face serious barriers in accessing their basic rights. Women with disabilities faced violence and barriers in accessing the justice system, were subjected to forced sterilisation and abortion, and were excluded from decision-making processes. Ethnic women remained without legal status and were not protected under the law. Women in detention faced overcrowding, with 46 per cent of women’s detention facilities in Thailand exceeding their capacity, leading to poor hygiene, limited space, and mental health issues.

These cases illustrated that many women were still blocked from accessing basic rights due to deep-rooted discrimination. The National Human Rights Commission of Thailand believed that the structural reform needed action in three key areas: inclusive participation in policymaking bodies at different levels; legal reform and proper enforcement; and the empowerment of women. It was vital to ensure that every woman, regardless of her background, could fully enjoy her rights.

Questions by a Committee Expert

RANGITA DE SILVA DE ALWIS, Committee Expert and Country Rapporteur,

signalled two significant law reform initiatives. Thailand was the first country in Southeast Asia to guarantee same sex marriage in 2024. The marriage equality bill had helped bend the arch of justice toward all. The organic act on anti-corruption (No. 2) included provisions to protect those who reported corruption.

The Committee looked forward to the expedited revision of the domestic violence law and the new sex worker protection law. Thailand’s national artificial intelligence strategy must remain vigilant as this was an important new frontier for gender justice and women’s leadership. Thailand was encouraged to cite the Convention as an authoritative tool in all jurisprudence.

How would Thailand broaden the civic space for female journalists and female human rights defenders? How did Thailand provide protection from arbitrary arrest for women human rights defenders? How were they ensured the right to a fair trial? How were they protected from online crimes and cyber harassment? How did the Safe Internet Coalition address hate speech and tech-facilitated gender-based violence? How was free speech for women guaranteed in politics?

Despite the de facto moratorium on the death penalty, Thailand had one of the largest proportions of women on death row, predominately for drug-related offenses. Many of these women had faced numerous stressors throughout their lives, including mental health problems. Would Thailand consider reviewing mandatory sentencing guidelines so that specific exculpatory or mitigatory factors such as homelessness and metal health were considered?

Thailand should be lauded for its women, peace and security plan, which addressed both traditional and non-traditional security challenges. Not citing the Convention in relation to climate change was a missed opportunity. How were Muslim women, indigenous women, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex women engaged as peacemakers? Would cyber security be considered in the women, peace and security plan?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said pregnant women were entitled to paid maternity leave, to protect the health and safety of mothers and children. This was considered a form of positive discrimination. Male, female and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex inmates were separated in prisons to ensure their rights. Thailand recognised the important role of women human rights defenders, and they had been identified as a key target group under the national human rights plan. The plan included special provisions for developing laws and mechanisms to protect this group. Thailand had been forced to strengthen its legislative framework to create a safe and enabling environment for human rights defenders. The anti-corruption act aimed to protect whistleblowers reporting corruption or public misconduct.

A course had been developed to promote internet awareness among children, youth and older persons. In Thailand, most victims of online scams were older persons. The implementation of the training was carried out in collaboration with public and private companies, academics and non-governmental organizations. The training fostered skills to ensure safe and secure internet use. Work to strengthen child and youth protection mechanisms on online media was driven by child protection committees and child protection centres.

The Department of Corrections was fully committed to ensuring the protection of the rights of all women in custody. Special attention was given to the emotional wellbeing of women prisoners and their accompanying children. Women were subject to non-invasive scans to avoid invasive strip searches. Women prisoners underwent initial screenings by medical staff upon entry, and were ensured that their specific health needs were fulfilled. Counselling services were provided to female inmates at least one month, and those who required further psychological support were identified.

Female death row inmates benefitted from the right to communicate with their family. For pregnant women facing capital punishment, the sentence would be suspended until three years after the child was born. The human rights of female death row inmates were ensured, while also upholding legal and ethical safeguards.

Thailand had participated in many United Nations peacekeeping operations for several decades, and believed female peacekeepers helped foster trust within the communities. The State was committed to providing more female peacekeepers. Thailand was finalising the national action plan on women, peace and security for 2024 to 2027, which would focus on women affected by conflict-affected situations. It was expected to be launched by the end of 2025. Gender initiatives had been integrated into several aspects of the peacekeeping module, including training courses.

The Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre had established the subdistrict Peace Councils in 317 subdistricts. Thailand’s climate change response aimed to allocate a budget for funding assistance to support women engaging in climate change and revise laws which created barriers for women’s participation.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert recognised important advances, including the marriage equality act, and the adoption of a national strategy on this issue. What measures had the State party adopted to ensure the territorialised adoption of gender policies in areas affected by armed conflict? What measures had been taken to harmonise religious and customary laws with State legislation and gender equality? How was it ensured that data collected reflected the multiple inequalities by marginalised groups?

Another Expert said the Committee was happy to note that the Government had improved relevant policies and regulations and formulated a national action plan for women’s development. During the pandemic, the Government took a variety of measures to improve women’s working measures and legal provisions. Would the State party adopt temporary special measures to address the persistent underrepresentation of women in the public and private sectors?

Would special measures be adopted to address intersecting forms of discrimination faced by women from marginalised groups, including indigenous women and elderly women? Would temporary special measures be adopted to further reduce poverty and levels of violence for women in Southern Border Provinces, including female genital mutilation? Would these measures be coupled with capacity building to ensure their effectiveness?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said Thailand had established gender-responsive budgeting. Seminars had been organised by Government officials and representatives of the private sector to ensure that gender-responsive budgeting was understood, and that women and girls could benefit from the national budget. The private business sector cooperated with United Nations Women to integrate gender-responsive budgeting into business operations.

A study had been conducted which focused on the allocation of quotas for women and gender diverse individuals at national and local levels of politics. The Government encouraged political parties to include women proportionally to men in their candidate lists. Thailand’s number of female candidates had dramatically increased since 2019 and was on a positive trend.

Under the application of Islamic law in certain provinces, the Islamic family law was currently applied to Muslim citizens in the Southern Border Provinces. A hybrid court system was responsible for handling cases involving disputes with family cases. Muslim women who were victims of domestic violence and sexual violence could seek assistance through alternative avenues. Marriages were regulated under the Central Islamic Committee, which prohibited marriage for anyone under the age of 17. Most of the Southern Border Provinces were Muslim. There were also channels for grievances for Islamic women, including remedies for victims affected by the conduct of officials. Assistance had been provided to more than 3,000 victims, and remedy was also provided to those affected by violence in the Southern Border Provinces. Scholarships and education support was provided to children affected by the unrest.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert said patriarchal practices continued to drive high rates of gender-based violence. Current frameworks prioritised family reunification over the protection of the survivors. How was it ensured that survivor centred protection and legal remedies were available to all victims, including those in conflict-affected areas? Were there plans to enact comprehensive legislation which criminalised online violence against women? How was it ensured that survivors could report cases of violence safely without fear of reprisals? How were gender-based violence policies being monitored and evaluated?

Thailand remained a patriarchal society where women were expected to be caregivers while men were seen as leaders, which was reinforced in the media and other avenues. What programmes were in place to dismantle harmful gender stereotypes? Were there programmes to engage men and boys in efforts to transform discriminatory social norms? What mechanisms were in place to ensure that women from all communities could access justice and public services without stigma or discrimination? What steps was the State party taking to explicitly criminalise and eliminate harmful practices such as female genital mutilation and bride abduction, and to conduct awareness campaigns on their impact on women’s rights?

Another Expert asked what steps the State party would take to effectively combat labour trafficking of women? The anti-trafficking act allowed courts to waive punishments for parents who forced their children into labour due to extreme poverty and other extenuating circumstances; this was unacceptable. How did the State party intend to ensure the protection of the girl child from being trafficked by her parents? What steps was the State party taking to ensure the effective implementation of the national referral mechanism throughout the country.

The Committee commended the State party for the significant efforts made to bring the perpetrators of trafficking in persons to justice, including corrupt officials who protected traffickers. While training was provided to police, immigration and labour officials, and prosecutors and judges, it was not mandatory for new judges. What steps would be taken to ensure all those responsible for trafficking cases and prosecutions were adequately trained? How did the State party envisage regulating prostitution in the future? Would sex workers be decriminalised and prostitution be legal?

Another Expert asked what the State was doing to combat cyber trafficking, which was an increasingly prevalent issue?

RANGITA DE SILVA DE ALWIS, Committee Expert and Country Rapporteur, said the Thai President had been the victim of a voice scam. How were scams tackled in the context of women in political and public life?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said the domestic violence protection act was approved in 2025. The Ministry of Public Health in Thailand opposed female genital mutilation and recognised it as a grave violation of human rights. Thailand was committed to eliminating this harmful practice in all its forms and was focused on providing education about its potential health consequences. This effort was carried out in collaboration with community networks.

During the period 2021–2023, there were no violations found by labour inspectorates. Thailand maintained proactive oversight through the labour inspectorate system. Thailand aimed to conduct awareness raising among children and youth on trafficking and had developed youth focused education and training in this regard.

Thailand was aware that gender stereotypes were ingrained, and this would take a lifetime effort to overcome. Currently, changing the mindset of the people was difficult. It was important to raise awareness and re-learn what was appropriate. The Department of Women’s Affairs coordinated with academics to work with young people on a project to identify sexist language in textbooks in schools. A guidebook had been created and distributed to teachers to provide guidance on how to combat harmful gender stereotypes in schools. While gender stereotypes were the key focus currently, the States pledged to eventually address all kinds of stereotypes.

The country operated under the premise that sex work was not considered a crime and that sex workers should have access to appropriate justice avenues if required.

Questions by Committee Experts

An Expert acknowledged the second female Prime Minister of Thailand, who was historically the youngest. The Committee was concerned about the low levels of women’s representation in political institutions. Cultural norms and stereotypes actively discouraged women from entering politics. What legislative measures were being taken to combat issues such as gender hate speech and harmful stereotypes which deterred women from participating in public life? Were there plans to address workplace bullying in parliament? What was the level of representation of Muslim women in politics?

Women appeared to be underrepresented in the Foreign Office, comprising just 15 per cent of ambassadors. What steps were being taken by the State party to ensure this underrepresentation of women was rectified, including minorities such as women from the deep south and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex women? The Committee commended the Thai Government for increasing the protection of human rights defenders. How many recommendations from the fourth and fifth national human rights plan targeting human rights defenders had been implemented? Were there plans to address the small number of female military personnel? How was it ensured that civil society could participate in multilateral environments?

A Committee Expert said Thailand had over half a million registered stateless persons in January 2022, many of whom were ethnic minorities in remote areas who were unaware of their rights. Thailand had not ratified key United Nations Conventions on statelessness. There were differences when it came to men and women obtaining Thai nationality. Would the State plan to make amendments to the national act, providing equality on citizenship for men and women? What measures had been taken to decrease the number of stateless women and children? How did the Government plan to support refugee women, including Rohingya women?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said female police officers could advance to the Commissioner rank through examinations. Female police officers occupied the highest rank within the Thai police. The representation of women in the Superintendent rank rose from 13 per cent in 2021 to 16.7 per cent in 2025. Approximately 66 per cent of Thai diplomats were women, and around 36 per cent of Thai ambassadors were women. Measures including maternity leave were put in place to ensure the support of female staff. Women were encouraged to participate in multilateral fora.

For decades, the Thai Government had continually adopted policies and measures to improve the protection of stateless persons in the country. Their access to public services had been increased. In 2024, a cabinet solution was adopted to expedite the process to nationality acquisition to a large group of the population. This would allow stateless children to obtain Thai nationality.

It was important to analyse data to determine how to counter the trend of violence against female political candidates.

Comprehensive health access was ensured for all migrants, including women. The migrant health insurance scheme was a voluntarily contributory scheme utilised by migrant workers in the informal sector, prior to national health insurance enrolment. Public health care was actively working to address the needs of unregistered migrants. Although Thailand was not party to the 1951 Convention relating to the protection of refugees, the State had taken other steps to ensure their rights were upheld. For instance, a memorandum of understanding had been developed to ensure children and their mothers were placed in child protection centres, instead of being held in immigration centres.

Recent steps showed that 80 per cent of Thai women wished to start their own business, with 45 per cent of Thai women considering themselves to be entrepreneurs.

The delegation said within the fourth national human rights action plan (2019-2022), there were several recommendations for human rights defenders, including strengthening the protection act, studying best practices on the protection of freedom of assembly, and allocating more funding, among others. The fifth national human rights action plan also contained three specific recommendations for human rights defenders, including acceding to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, which came into effect in Thailand in 2024.

The Committee for the Promotion of Gender Equality was responsible for formulating policies, measures and operational plans to promote gender equality across all sectors.

Questions by a Committee Expert

A Committee Expert said the Committee noted with satisfaction the adoption of the national education act of 1999 which guaranteed all children equal rights and opportunities to receive free and compulsory basic education. The Committee encouraged the State party to continue efforts aimed at reaching gender parity in primary and secondary school enrolment. Despite these efforts, the Committee was concerned about the high dropout rates among stateless and refugee girls and the fact that Patani Malay girls were discouraged from continuing their education due to early marriage and lack of education in Malay.

Were there policies specifically targeted for expanding education to minorities? What steps were being taken to ensure the safety of girls living in the Southern Border Provinces? How was cyber bullying against transgender students being addressed in schools and universities?

Thailand was commended for leading in science, technology, engineering and mathematics fields; how was it ensured these translated into employment opportunities for young women? What steps was the State party taking to ensure age-appropriate sexual reproductive education in schools?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said there were mechanisms in place to ensure girls from marginalised groups received education. There were schools established in the Southern Border Provinces, with border patrol officers teaching the students. Schools in rural areas faced disadvantages; however, there were no discriminatory practices for migrant girls to access schools. The current school graduation rates showed a higher percentage of girls compared to boys. The State provided safety in all areas to prevent threats to students. A religious school, supported by the Government, was located in the Southern Border Provinces, providing additional opportunities for students.

Bullying stemmed from stereotypes, and the Ministry of Education was aware of this issue. Work had been undertaken to combat bullying of transgender students, including launching a digital platform for reporting on school safety. At risk students, including victims and perpetrators, were identified, and activities were conducted to encourage friendship and positive interaction. Support was strengthened for teachers to enable them to identify early warning signs and respond in a timely fashion. The development of science and technology projects had provided scholarships to students of all genders. Thailand was committed to providing age-appropriate sexual and reproductive education in schools. The protest “One School One Hospital” encouraged hospitals to provide advice on sexual health and contraception directly to students.

Questions by a Committee Expert

A Committee Expert said the gender pay gap remained at around 11 per cent in Thailand, and around 66 per cent of female workers in the agricultural sector earned below the minimum wage. Had the equal pay act been adequately enforced? What was being done to address noncompliance? What measures were being taken to ensure women in the domestic sector and migrant workers were covered under social protection schemes?

How was the effective protection of pregnant women ensured, particularly in small businesses? Was there a plan to introduce mandated paternity leave? What steps had been taken to ensure sexual harassment protections extended to all sectors? What mechanisms were in place to monitor sexual harassment? Were there any plans to formalise the employment pathway for migrant workers?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said the labour protection act mandated that employers paid equal wages for equal work, regardless of a person’s gender. Thailand was developing a draft act to facilitate the empowerment of informal workers. Thailand provided compensation for women migrant workers, including paid maternity leave and protection against dismissal due to pregnancy. Thailand had enacted legislation which prohibited sexual harassment in all workplaces. Steps were being taken to bring informal migrant workers into the formal system. The State provided legal guidance on rights and duties under the law, including regarding labour disputes.

Questions by a Committee Expert

A Committee Expert said according to the Criminal Court, abortion could be interrupted up to the twelfth week, but after this time period, a pregnant woman was required to have a consultation with a doctor, and faced a sanction and fine if she proceeded with an abortion. Did the State plan to amend its Criminal Code to fully decriminalise abortion and abolish the need for consultations after the 12-week mark? How was the State combatting the stigma of abortion by health staff? The number of forced sterilisation and coercive abortions of persons with disabilities was concerning. What was being done to end these damaging practices? What mechanisms were put in place to ensure appropriate measures were taken in this area? Would the State provide reparations to victims?

Women in the Southern Border Provinces faced further issues, including female genital mutilation and unsafe abortions, as well as mental health issues due to the violence they experienced. How was the State addressing these issues? What steps was it taking to combat female genital mutilation, ensuring Muslim women could access care appropriate to their religious beliefs? The Committee had heard that women living with HIV were subject to tests without their consent and were pressured to undergo sterilisation. What steps were being taken to ensure these tests were carried out without coercive pressure? What was being done to ensure full access to HIV therapy for the most vulnerable groups? How was the right to health guaranteed for women in the prison system?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said a woman could fully terminate her pregnancy under 12 weeks without criminal liability. Between 12 and 20 weeks, abortion services were accessible following certified consultations with public health professionals and based on medical grounds. Medical personnel received specialised training to enhance their expertise in abortion care. The current national reproductive health policy aimed to ensure equitable and inclusive births, including for persons with disabilities.

Any HIV treatment was provided based on consent, and testing without consent was considered a violation of a patient’s rights. Sterilisation could only be performed with an individual’s free and informed consent. Women and others living with HIV were only treated if they gave their informed consent; there were no practices of forced testing, and any allegations of such cases were investigated. Thailand focused on improving standardised medical treatment for females who were incarcerated. Screenings were carried out for cancers and other diseases. The Universal Health Coverage Scheme also covered the border areas, as did the mental health programme.

Questions by a Committee Expert

A Committee Expert asked how the State party planned to reduce gender disparity in social security, particularly for refugees and migrants residing in camps? Initiatives supporting women’s entrepreneurship were welcomed, including the Women’s Empowerment Fund. However, women in rural communities faced issues in accessing services. What policies were in place for ensuring equal access to financial services for women in all areas? What measures were in place to promote disadvantaged women in sports and culture?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said the Human Development Fund was available to provide opportunities for women to access funds for businesses and economic empowerment. Currently, there were around 17 million female members of this Fund. By 2024, 17-million-baht worth of loans had been provided to females across the country. Work needed to be done to provide larger loans to women.

Questions by a Committee Expert

A Committee Expert asked what concrete steps the State party was taking to ensure the protection and empowerment of marginalised women and girls? What was being done to effectively advance the rights of these women and girls? How was the State party effectively implementing the international standards for the treatment of prisoners as provided for in the Nelson Mandela Rules and the Bangkok Rules?

The Expert congratulated the State party on the steps being taken to revise the climate change master plan which focused on gender and social inclusive climate action, including climate finance, adaptation and mitigation, recognising that women and girls experienced disproportionately greater loss and damage from the impacts of climate change. What concrete steps was the State party taking to ensure that climate financing, adaptation and mitigation strategies met the specific needs of women and girls?

What steps was the State party taking to ensure that the blue economy and agriculture were sustainable, inclusive, and resilient to climate change, to meet the specific needs of women and girls? What measures was the State party taking to ensure the protection of all women and girls from the disproportionate impacts of air pollution?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said inmates in the prison system received three nutritious meals daily which respected local, cultural and religious practices, and drinking water was supplied in adequate quantities. To address overcrowding concerns, the Department of Corrections could authorise inmates to be moved to alternative custody alternatives. A committee had been established to manage this process.

A national adaptation plan on climate change had been developed, aligning with global adaptation goals. The plan emphasised the importance of gender equality in planning, decision making and public participation. Measures in the plan included enhancing early warning systems, developing adaptation guidelines for vulnerable farming communities, and gender-responsive budgets, among other measures.

Questions by a Committee Expert

A Committee Expert commended the State party for raising the minimum age of marriage to 18 years. In addition, Thailand had become the first country in Southeast Asia to legalise same-sex marriage. However, child marriage persisted in Thailand, particularly in lower income areas. Polygamy was prohibited under the Civil Code, but it was still practiced. What enforcement mechanisms were in place to eradicate exceptions permitting marriage under the age of 18? What progress was being envisaged in harmonising Islamic family and inheritance law? What was the body specifically assigned for this important task? How was the State party addressing systemic barriers that Muslim women faced in accessing divorce? What concrete steps were being taken to eradicate polygamous unions?

Responses by the Delegation

The delegation said Islamic family law was currently provided to Muslim citizens in the Southern Border Provinces. Government authorities had supported the application of the use of Islamic family law in line with human rights and standards. The Administrative Centre of the Southern Border Provinces had disseminated a family law handbook on inheritance and other laws. After divorce, women were required under the Civil Code to wait for a certain number of days before remarrying. They could remarry earlier, if they could provide a certificate from a doctor which stated they were not pregnant. Door to door outreach was conducted to screen populations at risk of air pollution, including pregnant women.

Closing Remarks

RAMRUNG WORAWAT, Director-General of the Department of Women’s Affairs and Family Development, Ministry of Social Development and Human Security of Thailand, head of the delegation, said the discussion with the Committee had been very fruitful. The State would aim to take forward the Committee’s recommendations, with a will to transform them into concrete actions. Thailand wished to maintain the dialogue with the Committee and advance this important agenda at the international level.

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chair, thanked Thailand for the constructive dialogue which had provided further insight into the situation of women and girls in the country.

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Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media;
not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

CEDAW25.014E

MIL OSI United Nations News –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Catholic school board’s regressive flag policy sets back reconciliation in a post-Papal visit Canada

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Erenna Morrison, PhD Candidate, Curriculum and Pedagogy, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto

Following the release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s 94 Calls to Action in 2015, some Catholic school boards have made commitments to reconciliation in education. These boards include the Dufferin-Peel Catholic District School Board (DPCDSB).

However, the DPCDSB — located in the Greater Toronto area — has also introduced a flag policy that raises serious questions about a commitment to the wider progress being made in welcoming all students and promoting reconciliation.

On Jan. 28, 2025 — following advocacy in different parts of Ontario and the country against the presence of the Pride flag — the board’s trustees voted in nine to one to add more restrictions to its flag policies. These restrictions stipulated that only flags representing Canada, the provinces, territories and the school board can be be displayed inside schools or other DPCDSB facilities.

Acts of erasure

The developments in Peel Region follow earlier policy changes to restrict the presence of the Pride flag and other flags at schools.

Advocates from the board defending flag restrictions have said that in Catholic schools, the icon of the cross is the only symbol that should be promoted and that this represents inclusion and acceptance of all.

However, members of the 2SLGBTQI+ community and opponents of restrictive flag policies argue that the Pride flag is needed to signal a welcoming environment. They say its removal is an act of erasure and that it calls into question how the board affirms the rights, dignity and visibility of 2SLGBTQI+ people and how it fosters their safety. The board says, and believes, its practices and policies comply with the Ontario human rights code, adding that supports are available for students who identify as 2SLGBTQI.

The erasure of the Pride flag has the simultaneous effect of banning other important flags, such as Every Child Matters flags, Indigenous Nation flags and MMIWG2S flags (drawing attention to ending violence, disappearance and murder of First Nations women, girls and two-spirit people).

In our analysis, this restrictive flag policy expresses colonial violence. We rely on the work of Sandra Styres, researcher of Iethi’nihsténha Ohwentsia’kékha (Land), Resurgence, Reconciliation and the Politics of Education, who examines how colonial violence is expressed in academic settings through “micro-aggressions, purposeful ignorance, structural racism, lateral violence, isolation” and also in “representations and spaces.”

Crucial time for righting relationships

Our concern is informed by our combined research and personal engagement focused around reconciliatory education in elementary Catholic schools (Erenna) and Anishinaabe Catholic expressions of self-determination in the Church (Noah). Erenna is a settler and Noah is a member of Michipicoten First Nation.

We are married writing partners who travelled to Québec City in July 2022 to witness the long-awaited penitential pilgrimage of the late Pope Francis. We left with an awareness that this is a critical time for the righting of relationships that have been severely fractured by a Church complicit in genocide.

The DPCDSB flag policy speaks to an unwillingness of many to sever emotional attachments to the white imperialism that preserves a western way of thinking, doing and being, in the name of faith.

When a major Catholic entity like the DPCDSB introduces policies that may cause harm, concerned people, regardless of creed, must pay attention to such injustices.

Revised flag policy

Delegate Melanie Cormier, representing the DPCSB’s Indigenous Education Network, shared a statement relaying that the board’s restrictive flag policy fails to acknowledge the Mississaugas of the Credit First Nation whose traditional and treaty territory where the board resides. She states: “Your flag policy is in violation of our jurisdiction. To say that any of our flags can not be flown in our own territories is unacceptable.”

Brea Corbet, the only trustee with voting power who did not vote to restrict the Pride flag, told an earlier bylaw policies meeting: “When we remove rainbow flags and heritage flags, we are not protecting our Catholic identity; we are revealing institutional fragility. The Pride flag does not threaten Catholic education, policies of exclusion do.”

Three student trustees also opposed the restrictive policy, but their votes unfortunately aren’t counted. We argue this too speaks to the suppression of student voice within the board.

This fragility disproportionately threatens the safety of Indigenous, 2SLGBTQI+ and marginalized students and staff as they are overlooked and dismissed by the flag policy.

Read more:
New Brunswick’s LGBTQ+ safe schools debate makes false opponents of parents and teachers

Nurturing all students

Kanienʼkehá:ka (Mohawk) education professor Frank Deer speaks of educational programming “that is congruent with the identity of the local community.” This programming, he writes, must go beyond curricula to address the school environment as well. Student safety, inclusion and identity affirmation must be prioritized in all aspects of school life.

Jennifer Brant, a Kanienʼkehà:ka interdisciplinary scholar, speaks in depth about how silence during times like these equates to complicity in accepting injustices that are taking place within “the communities in which we live, the broader society and global communities.”

Inaction in response to this policy is negligent.

Detrimental ramifications may also extend to reconciliation efforts in religious spaces more generally. This regressive policy poses lingering questions about the longevity of Catholic schools if they fail to protect and nurture all students.

Impacts on reconciliation

The primary target of the DPCDSB’s sweeping flag policy is the 2SLGBTQI+ community. In addition, the flag ban attacks Indigenous sovereignty and Anishinaabek nationhood, perpetuating attitudes tied to the Doctrine of Discovery still present in the Catholic ethos.

Read more:
The Vatican just renounced a 500-year-old doctrine that justified colonial land theft … Now what? — Podcast

Flying the flags of First Nations (at their request) is not only a matter of inclusion, it is a matter of respect — respect for the land, the people and the treaties that connect us.

In denying this step towards relationality, this governing body of a Catholic school board sets back the Church’s reconciliation efforts riding on the momentum of the papal visit.

Read more:
Pope Francis showed in deeds and words he wanted to face the truth in Canada

The board’s ignorance of how this policy risks damaging relationships with students, families and staff at the board, as well as the broader public, partly reflects an indifference that Pope Francis warned Catholics about during his visit:

“I trust and pray that Christians and civil society in this land may grow in the ability to accept and respect the identity and the experience of the Indigenous Peoples. It is my hope that concrete ways can be found to make those peoples better known and esteemed, so that all may learn to walk together.”

Walking together in solidarity

As we write this piece, we can see through the window a local Toronto Catholic Distric School Board elementary school, where an Every Child Matters flag is flown alongside a Pride and Canadian flag.

Catholic education, despite its sordid history and contested perspectives about interpreting and practising Church doctrine, can be a tool to drive reconciliation.

Catholics cannot let a narrow vision overshadow Pope Francis’s pilgrimage and the global Church movement he, the Church’s bishops and Catholic lay people have participated in — via a global synod — to respond to the call to walk together in solidarity with Indigenous, 2SLGBTQI+ and other marginalized people.

Counter-narratives of hope and possibility

We wish to continue to hear counter-narratives of hope and possibility for Catholic education. We wish to see active changes that move the DPCDSB, as scholar Sheila Cote-Meek of the Teme-Augama Anishinabai, writes, “to a drastically different way of being, doing and working.”

As other Catholic boards in Ontario initiate flag debates of their own, we are left with the lingering question. What is the future of Catholic education if it’s not intended to support the physical, emotional, mental and spiritual well-being of all those entrusted to its care?

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Catholic school board’s regressive flag policy sets back reconciliation in a post-Papal visit Canada – https://theconversation.com/catholic-school-boards-regressive-flag-policy-sets-back-reconciliation-in-a-post-papal-visit-canada-256765

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Catholic school board’s regressive flag policy sets back reconciliation in a post-Papal visit Canada

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Erenna Morrison, PhD Candidate, Curriculum and Pedagogy, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto

Following the release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s 94 Calls to Action in 2015, some Catholic school boards have made commitments to reconciliation in education. These boards include the Dufferin-Peel Catholic District School Board (DPCDSB).

However, the DPCDSB — located in the Greater Toronto area — has also introduced a flag policy that raises serious questions about a commitment to the wider progress being made in welcoming all students and promoting reconciliation.

On Jan. 28, 2025 — following advocacy in different parts of Ontario and the country against the presence of the Pride flag — the board’s trustees voted in nine to one to add more restrictions to its flag policies. These restrictions stipulated that only flags representing Canada, the provinces, territories and the school board can be be displayed inside schools or other DPCDSB facilities.

Acts of erasure

The developments in Peel Region follow earlier policy changes to restrict the presence of the Pride flag and other flags at schools.

Advocates from the board defending flag restrictions have said that in Catholic schools, the icon of the cross is the only symbol that should be promoted and that this represents inclusion and acceptance of all.

However, members of the 2SLGBTQI+ community and opponents of restrictive flag policies argue that the Pride flag is needed to signal a welcoming environment. They say its removal is an act of erasure and that it calls into question how the board affirms the rights, dignity and visibility of 2SLGBTQI+ people and how it fosters their safety. The board says, and believes, its practices and policies comply with the Ontario human rights code, adding that supports are available for students who identify as 2SLGBTQI.

The erasure of the Pride flag has the simultaneous effect of banning other important flags, such as Every Child Matters flags, Indigenous Nation flags and MMIWG2S flags (drawing attention to ending violence, disappearance and murder of First Nations women, girls and two-spirit people).

In our analysis, this restrictive flag policy expresses colonial violence. We rely on the work of Sandra Styres, researcher of Iethi’nihsténha Ohwentsia’kékha (Land), Resurgence, Reconciliation and the Politics of Education, who examines how colonial violence is expressed in academic settings through “micro-aggressions, purposeful ignorance, structural racism, lateral violence, isolation” and also in “representations and spaces.”

Crucial time for righting relationships

Our concern is informed by our combined research and personal engagement focused around reconciliatory education in elementary Catholic schools (Erenna) and Anishinaabe Catholic expressions of self-determination in the Church (Noah). Erenna is a settler and Noah is a member of Michipicoten First Nation.

We are married writing partners who travelled to Québec City in July 2022 to witness the long-awaited penitential pilgrimage of the late Pope Francis. We left with an awareness that this is a critical time for the righting of relationships that have been severely fractured by a Church complicit in genocide.

The DPCDSB flag policy speaks to an unwillingness of many to sever emotional attachments to the white imperialism that preserves a western way of thinking, doing and being, in the name of faith.

When a major Catholic entity like the DPCDSB introduces policies that may cause harm, concerned people, regardless of creed, must pay attention to such injustices.

Revised flag policy

Delegate Melanie Cormier, representing the DPCSB’s Indigenous Education Network, shared a statement relaying that the board’s restrictive flag policy fails to acknowledge the Mississaugas of the Credit First Nation whose traditional and treaty territory where the board resides. She states: “Your flag policy is in violation of our jurisdiction. To say that any of our flags can not be flown in our own territories is unacceptable.”

Brea Corbet, the only trustee with voting power who did not vote to restrict the Pride flag, told an earlier bylaw policies meeting: “When we remove rainbow flags and heritage flags, we are not protecting our Catholic identity; we are revealing institutional fragility. The Pride flag does not threaten Catholic education, policies of exclusion do.”

Three student trustees also opposed the restrictive policy, but their votes unfortunately aren’t counted. We argue this too speaks to the suppression of student voice within the board.

This fragility disproportionately threatens the safety of Indigenous, 2SLGBTQI+ and marginalized students and staff as they are overlooked and dismissed by the flag policy.

Read more:
New Brunswick’s LGBTQ+ safe schools debate makes false opponents of parents and teachers

Nurturing all students

Kanienʼkehá:ka (Mohawk) education professor Frank Deer speaks of educational programming “that is congruent with the identity of the local community.” This programming, he writes, must go beyond curricula to address the school environment as well. Student safety, inclusion and identity affirmation must be prioritized in all aspects of school life.

Jennifer Brant, a Kanienʼkehà:ka interdisciplinary scholar, speaks in depth about how silence during times like these equates to complicity in accepting injustices that are taking place within “the communities in which we live, the broader society and global communities.”

Inaction in response to this policy is negligent.

Detrimental ramifications may also extend to reconciliation efforts in religious spaces more generally. This regressive policy poses lingering questions about the longevity of Catholic schools if they fail to protect and nurture all students.

Impacts on reconciliation

The primary target of the DPCDSB’s sweeping flag policy is the 2SLGBTQI+ community. In addition, the flag ban attacks Indigenous sovereignty and Anishinaabek nationhood, perpetuating attitudes tied to the Doctrine of Discovery still present in the Catholic ethos.

Read more:
The Vatican just renounced a 500-year-old doctrine that justified colonial land theft … Now what? — Podcast

Flying the flags of First Nations (at their request) is not only a matter of inclusion, it is a matter of respect — respect for the land, the people and the treaties that connect us.

In denying this step towards relationality, this governing body of a Catholic school board sets back the Church’s reconciliation efforts riding on the momentum of the papal visit.

Read more:
Pope Francis showed in deeds and words he wanted to face the truth in Canada

The board’s ignorance of how this policy risks damaging relationships with students, families and staff at the board, as well as the broader public, partly reflects an indifference that Pope Francis warned Catholics about during his visit:

“I trust and pray that Christians and civil society in this land may grow in the ability to accept and respect the identity and the experience of the Indigenous Peoples. It is my hope that concrete ways can be found to make those peoples better known and esteemed, so that all may learn to walk together.”

Walking together in solidarity

As we write this piece, we can see through the window a local Toronto Catholic Distric School Board elementary school, where an Every Child Matters flag is flown alongside a Pride and Canadian flag.

Catholic education, despite its sordid history and contested perspectives about interpreting and practising Church doctrine, can be a tool to drive reconciliation.

Catholics cannot let a narrow vision overshadow Pope Francis’s pilgrimage and the global Church movement he, the Church’s bishops and Catholic lay people have participated in — via a global synod — to respond to the call to walk together in solidarity with Indigenous, 2SLGBTQI+ and other marginalized people.

Counter-narratives of hope and possibility

We wish to continue to hear counter-narratives of hope and possibility for Catholic education. We wish to see active changes that move the DPCDSB, as scholar Sheila Cote-Meek of the Teme-Augama Anishinabai, writes, “to a drastically different way of being, doing and working.”

As other Catholic boards in Ontario initiate flag debates of their own, we are left with the lingering question. What is the future of Catholic education if it’s not intended to support the physical, emotional, mental and spiritual well-being of all those entrusted to its care?

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Catholic school board’s regressive flag policy sets back reconciliation in a post-Papal visit Canada – https://theconversation.com/catholic-school-boards-regressive-flag-policy-sets-back-reconciliation-in-a-post-papal-visit-canada-256765

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Light-powered reactions could make the chemical manufacturing industry more energy-efficient

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Arindam Sau, Ph.D. Candidate in Chemistry, University of Colorado Boulder

Plants use light to make energy – and a team of scientists is using the same principle to power chemical reactions. fhm/Moment via Getty Images

Manufactured chemicals and materials are necessary for practically every aspect of daily life, from life-saving pharmaceuticals to plastics, fuels and fertilizers. Yet manufacturing these important chemicals comes at a steep energy cost.

Many of these industrial chemicals are derived primarily from fossil fuel-based materials. These compounds are typically very stable, making it difficult to transform them into useful products without applying harsh and energy-demanding reaction conditions.

As a result, transforming these stubborn materials contributes significantly to the world’s overall energy use. In 2022, the industrial sector consumed 37% of the world’s total energy, with the chemical industry responsible for approximately 12% of that demand.

Conventional chemical manufacturing processes use heat to generate the energy needed for reactions that take place at high temperatures and pressures. An approach that uses light instead of heat could lower energy demands and allow reactions to be run under gentler conditions — like at room temperature instead of extreme heat.

Sunlight represents one of the most abundant yet underutilized energy sources on Earth. In nature, this energy is captured through photosynthesis, where plants convert light into chemical energy. Inspired by this process, our team of chemists at the Center for Sustainable Photoredox Catalysis, a research center funded by the National Science Foundation, has been working on a system that uses light to power reactions commonly used in the chemical manufacturing industry. We published our results in the journal Science in June 2025.

We hope that this method could provide a more economical route for creating industrial chemicals out of fossil fuels. At the same time, since it doesn’t rely on super-high temperatures or pressures, the process is safer, with fewer chances for accidents.

Plants capture sunlight to convert carbon dioxide from the air into carbohydrates, or sugars.
Wattcle, Nefronus/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

How does our system work?

The photoredox catalyst system that our team has developed is powered by simple LEDs, and it operates efficiently at room temperature.

At the core of our system is an organic photoredox catalyst: a specialized molecule that we know accelerates chemical reactions when exposed to light, without being consumed in the process.

Much like how plants rely on pigments to harvest sunlight for photosynthesis, our photoredox catalyst absorbs multiple particles of light, called photons, in a sequence.

These photons provide bursts of energy, which the catalyst stores and then uses to kick-start reactions. This “multi-photon” harvesting builds up enough energy to force very stubborn molecules into undergoing reactions that would otherwise need highly reactive metals. Once the reaction is complete, the photocatalyst resets itself, ready to harvest more light and keep the process going without creating extra waste.

Designing molecules that can absorb multiple photons and react with stubborn molecules is tough. One big challenge is that after a molecule absorbs a photon, it only has a tiny window of time before that energy fades away or gets lost. Plus, making sure the molecule uses that energy the right way is not easy. The good news is we’ve found that our catalyst can do this efficiently at room temperature.

Center for Sustainable Photoredox Catalysis researcher Amreen Bains performs a light-driven photoredox catalyzed reaction.
John Cline, Colorado State University Photography

Enabling greener chemical manufacturing

Our work points toward a future where chemicals are made using light instead of heat. For example, our catalyst can turn benzene — a simple component of crude oil — into a form called cyclohexadienes. This is a key step in making the building blocks for nylon. Improving this part of the process could reduce the carbon footprint of nylon production.

Imagine manufacturers using LED reactors or even sunlight to power the production of essential chemicals. LEDs still use electricity, but they need far less energy compared with the traditional heating methods used in chemical manufacturing. As we scale things up, we’re also figuring out ways to harness sunlight directly, making the entire process even more sustainable and energy-efficient.

Right now, we’re using our photoredox catalysts successfully in small lab experiments — producing just milligrams at a time. But to move into commercial manufacturing, we’ll need to show that these catalysts can also work efficiently at a much larger scale, making kilograms or even tons of product. Testing them in these bigger reactions will ensure that they’re reliable and cost-effective enough for real-world chemical manufacturing.

Similarly, scaling up this process would require large-scale reactors that use light efficiently. Building those will first require designing new types of reactors that let light reach deeper inside. They’ll need to be more transparent or built differently so the light can easily get to all parts of the reaction.

Our team plans to keep developing new light-driven techniques inspired by nature’s efficiency. Sunlight is a plentiful resource, and by finding better ways to tap into it, we hope to make it easier and cleaner to produce the chemicals and materials that modern life depends on.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Light-powered reactions could make the chemical manufacturing industry more energy-efficient – https://theconversation.com/light-powered-reactions-could-make-the-chemical-manufacturing-industry-more-energy-efficient-257796

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Light-powered reactions could make the chemical manufacturing industry more energy-efficient

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Arindam Sau, Ph.D. Candidate in Chemistry, University of Colorado Boulder

Plants use light to make energy – and a team of scientists is using the same principle to power chemical reactions. fhm/Moment via Getty Images

Manufactured chemicals and materials are necessary for practically every aspect of daily life, from life-saving pharmaceuticals to plastics, fuels and fertilizers. Yet manufacturing these important chemicals comes at a steep energy cost.

Many of these industrial chemicals are derived primarily from fossil fuel-based materials. These compounds are typically very stable, making it difficult to transform them into useful products without applying harsh and energy-demanding reaction conditions.

As a result, transforming these stubborn materials contributes significantly to the world’s overall energy use. In 2022, the industrial sector consumed 37% of the world’s total energy, with the chemical industry responsible for approximately 12% of that demand.

Conventional chemical manufacturing processes use heat to generate the energy needed for reactions that take place at high temperatures and pressures. An approach that uses light instead of heat could lower energy demands and allow reactions to be run under gentler conditions — like at room temperature instead of extreme heat.

Sunlight represents one of the most abundant yet underutilized energy sources on Earth. In nature, this energy is captured through photosynthesis, where plants convert light into chemical energy. Inspired by this process, our team of chemists at the Center for Sustainable Photoredox Catalysis, a research center funded by the National Science Foundation, has been working on a system that uses light to power reactions commonly used in the chemical manufacturing industry. We published our results in the journal Science in June 2025.

We hope that this method could provide a more economical route for creating industrial chemicals out of fossil fuels. At the same time, since it doesn’t rely on super-high temperatures or pressures, the process is safer, with fewer chances for accidents.

Plants capture sunlight to convert carbon dioxide from the air into carbohydrates, or sugars.
Wattcle, Nefronus/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

How does our system work?

The photoredox catalyst system that our team has developed is powered by simple LEDs, and it operates efficiently at room temperature.

At the core of our system is an organic photoredox catalyst: a specialized molecule that we know accelerates chemical reactions when exposed to light, without being consumed in the process.

Much like how plants rely on pigments to harvest sunlight for photosynthesis, our photoredox catalyst absorbs multiple particles of light, called photons, in a sequence.

These photons provide bursts of energy, which the catalyst stores and then uses to kick-start reactions. This “multi-photon” harvesting builds up enough energy to force very stubborn molecules into undergoing reactions that would otherwise need highly reactive metals. Once the reaction is complete, the photocatalyst resets itself, ready to harvest more light and keep the process going without creating extra waste.

Designing molecules that can absorb multiple photons and react with stubborn molecules is tough. One big challenge is that after a molecule absorbs a photon, it only has a tiny window of time before that energy fades away or gets lost. Plus, making sure the molecule uses that energy the right way is not easy. The good news is we’ve found that our catalyst can do this efficiently at room temperature.

Center for Sustainable Photoredox Catalysis researcher Amreen Bains performs a light-driven photoredox catalyzed reaction.
John Cline, Colorado State University Photography

Enabling greener chemical manufacturing

Our work points toward a future where chemicals are made using light instead of heat. For example, our catalyst can turn benzene — a simple component of crude oil — into a form called cyclohexadienes. This is a key step in making the building blocks for nylon. Improving this part of the process could reduce the carbon footprint of nylon production.

Imagine manufacturers using LED reactors or even sunlight to power the production of essential chemicals. LEDs still use electricity, but they need far less energy compared with the traditional heating methods used in chemical manufacturing. As we scale things up, we’re also figuring out ways to harness sunlight directly, making the entire process even more sustainable and energy-efficient.

Right now, we’re using our photoredox catalysts successfully in small lab experiments — producing just milligrams at a time. But to move into commercial manufacturing, we’ll need to show that these catalysts can also work efficiently at a much larger scale, making kilograms or even tons of product. Testing them in these bigger reactions will ensure that they’re reliable and cost-effective enough for real-world chemical manufacturing.

Similarly, scaling up this process would require large-scale reactors that use light efficiently. Building those will first require designing new types of reactors that let light reach deeper inside. They’ll need to be more transparent or built differently so the light can easily get to all parts of the reaction.

Our team plans to keep developing new light-driven techniques inspired by nature’s efficiency. Sunlight is a plentiful resource, and by finding better ways to tap into it, we hope to make it easier and cleaner to produce the chemicals and materials that modern life depends on.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Light-powered reactions could make the chemical manufacturing industry more energy-efficient – https://theconversation.com/light-powered-reactions-could-make-the-chemical-manufacturing-industry-more-energy-efficient-257796

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Russia: HSE and RHB sign cooperation agreement

Translation. Region: Russian Federal

Source: State University Higher School of Economics – State University Higher School of Economics –

On June 19, as part of the St. Petersburg International Forum, Rector of the Higher School of Economics Nikita Anisimov and the founder of Wildberries, head of the RBB (United Company Wildberries

The company will give vouchers to the Summer Economic School “I Love Economics” (SES) to 10 talented schoolchildren from 10 regions of Russia: Penza, Voronezh, Moscow, Irkutsk, Ulyanovsk, Saratov, Tambov regions, St. Petersburg, Kaliningrad and the Chuvash Republic. SES is the largest Olympiad visiting economic school in Russia, organized with the participation of HSE.

“Our partnership with the Higher School of Economics opens up new opportunities for synergy between education, science and business. For us, this is an opportunity not just to share experience, but to provide HSE students with a real base for their research and ideas – access to our platforms, data, technologies and experts. I am confident that practice on real projects, where you can test the theory and immediately see the result, is the best way to prepare sought-after specialists,” said Tatyana Kim.

The cooperation between a large IT company and a university with a fundamental research base, a leader among Russian universities for talented and creative youth, will allow both parties to significantly expand their capabilities and competencies in educational and scientific activities, as well as in the field of development and support of professional personnel.

As part of the agreement, the Higher School of Economics and RVC plan to launch and develop joint educational programs, internships for university students within the walls of the united company, conduct joint scientific and educational events, organize scientific research, and support talented students and schoolchildren.

“The Higher School of Economics traditionally strives to provide the highest possible quality of education for its students through partnerships with the country’s industrial leaders. In the person of Wildberries

Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

MIL OSI Russia News –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s unpredictable approach to Iran could seriously backfire

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michelle Bentley, Professor of International Relations, Royal Holloway University of London

US president Donald Trump has now publicly approved a plan of attack against Iran, which includes a strike against its underground nuclear facility at Fordow (though, at the time of writing, a final decision to go ahead hasn’t been made).

The world is now waiting to see whether Trump will put this plan into action. And that’s exactly what Trump wants. This is not a case of indecision or buying time. Trump has long based his foreign policy on being unpredictable. Iran is another example of his strategy to be as elusive as possible. Yet, his approach has always been difficult – and now threatens to destabilise an already fractious conflict.

One interpretation of Trump’s new public threat towards Iran could be deterrence. Trump is warning Iran that there would be significant consequences if they do not reverse their nuclear ambitions. Change or you will regret it.

If this is Trump’s plan, then he is doing it badly. Successful deterrence relies on clearly communicating the exact penalties of not complying. While Trump has specified a possible attack on Fordow, the rest of the plan is extremely hazy. Trump said he wants “better than a ceasefire”.

Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

But what does that mean? Just Fordow? Boots on the ground? Regime change? His ambiguity creates problems for deterrence because if your adversary doesn’t know what the outcomes of their actions will be, they can’t formulate a response or will think you just aren’t serious.

But current US foreign policy on Iran is more than bad deterrence. Trump’s vague rhetoric and his refusal to commit reflects his long-standing strategy of being unreliable when it comes to foreign policy.

Trump’s prevarication has all the hallmarks of his unpredictability doctrine – which states that you should never let anyone know what you will do. The doctrine is also about uncertainty. The idea being that you unnerve your opponents by making them unsure, allowing you to take the advantage while they have no idea what to do themselves.

Trump’s rhetoric on Iran reflects that unpredictability doctrine. Trump actively said of his future action: “I mean, nobody knows what I’m going to do.”

This would not be the first time he has used unpredictability in relation to Iran. In 2018, Trump withdrew the US from the joint comprehensive plan of action (JCPOA). This agreement – signed by the US, France, Germany, the UK, China, Russia and the EU – was designed to limit Iran’s nuclear activity in return for sanctions relief. The US withdrawal was seen as disruptive and creating unnecessary uncertainty, not just for Iran but also US allies.

Will the strategy work?

Being unpredictable is a dangerous way of doing foreign policy. Stable international politics depends on knowing what everyone else will do. You can’t do that with Trump.

The downsides of unpredictability will be even worse in a conflict. In the case of Iran, adding even more uncertainty to a fragile situation will only add fuel to what is already a massive fire.

Read more:
China positions itself as a stable economic partner and alternative to ‘unpredictable’ Trump

Trump’s refusal to specify exactly what the US response would be is more proverbial petrol. The insinuation that this could escalate to regime change may be true or not (or just unpredictable bluster).

It’s also the case that only 14% of Americans support military intervention and so a more aggressive policy may not be realistic. But if Iran is led to think that Trump is directly threatening their state, this could encourage them to hunker down as opposed to changing their nuclear policy – risking greater military action on both sides.

Donald Trump being unclear about whether the US is going to bomb Iran.

Even just the implicit threat of US military intervention will damage what little relations there are between America and Iran. Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has said: “Any US military intervention will undoubtedly cause irreparable damage.” Unpredictability then undermines any diplomatic negotiations or solution to the crisis.

Trump is also risking his foreign policy relations beyond Iran. While preventing a new member of the nuclear club is a laudable aim, any US attack on a state over weapons of mass destruction (WMD) will lie in the difficult shadow of the “war on terror”, the US-led military campaign launched after 9/11.

With the International Atomic Energy Agency questioning Iran’s capacity to build a nuclear bomb, the US’s legacy of intervention over the WMD in Iraq that never were still looms large. Trump will need to be fully transparent and clear if any action over nuclear arms is going to be seen as legitimate. Unpredictability does not allow for that.

Trump’s fellow state leaders are going to feel disrupted by yet another example of unpredictability. Even if they support curbing Iran, they may find it difficult to back someone they simply can’t depend on. And if they feel cautious about the Iran situation because they can’t rely on Trump, Trump needs to start asking whether he can rely on them for support in whatever his next move is.

Michelle Bentley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Trump’s unpredictable approach to Iran could seriously backfire – https://theconversation.com/trumps-unpredictable-approach-to-iran-could-seriously-backfire-259399

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s unpredictable approach to Iran could seriously backfire

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michelle Bentley, Professor of International Relations, Royal Holloway University of London

US president Donald Trump has now publicly approved a plan of attack against Iran, which includes a strike against its underground nuclear facility at Fordow (though, at the time of writing, a final decision to go ahead hasn’t been made).

The world is now waiting to see whether Trump will put this plan into action. And that’s exactly what Trump wants. This is not a case of indecision or buying time. Trump has long based his foreign policy on being unpredictable. Iran is another example of his strategy to be as elusive as possible. Yet, his approach has always been difficult – and now threatens to destabilise an already fractious conflict.

One interpretation of Trump’s new public threat towards Iran could be deterrence. Trump is warning Iran that there would be significant consequences if they do not reverse their nuclear ambitions. Change or you will regret it.

If this is Trump’s plan, then he is doing it badly. Successful deterrence relies on clearly communicating the exact penalties of not complying. While Trump has specified a possible attack on Fordow, the rest of the plan is extremely hazy. Trump said he wants “better than a ceasefire”.

Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

But what does that mean? Just Fordow? Boots on the ground? Regime change? His ambiguity creates problems for deterrence because if your adversary doesn’t know what the outcomes of their actions will be, they can’t formulate a response or will think you just aren’t serious.

But current US foreign policy on Iran is more than bad deterrence. Trump’s vague rhetoric and his refusal to commit reflects his long-standing strategy of being unreliable when it comes to foreign policy.

Trump’s prevarication has all the hallmarks of his unpredictability doctrine – which states that you should never let anyone know what you will do. The doctrine is also about uncertainty. The idea being that you unnerve your opponents by making them unsure, allowing you to take the advantage while they have no idea what to do themselves.

Trump’s rhetoric on Iran reflects that unpredictability doctrine. Trump actively said of his future action: “I mean, nobody knows what I’m going to do.”

This would not be the first time he has used unpredictability in relation to Iran. In 2018, Trump withdrew the US from the joint comprehensive plan of action (JCPOA). This agreement – signed by the US, France, Germany, the UK, China, Russia and the EU – was designed to limit Iran’s nuclear activity in return for sanctions relief. The US withdrawal was seen as disruptive and creating unnecessary uncertainty, not just for Iran but also US allies.

Will the strategy work?

Being unpredictable is a dangerous way of doing foreign policy. Stable international politics depends on knowing what everyone else will do. You can’t do that with Trump.

The downsides of unpredictability will be even worse in a conflict. In the case of Iran, adding even more uncertainty to a fragile situation will only add fuel to what is already a massive fire.

Read more:
China positions itself as a stable economic partner and alternative to ‘unpredictable’ Trump

Trump’s refusal to specify exactly what the US response would be is more proverbial petrol. The insinuation that this could escalate to regime change may be true or not (or just unpredictable bluster).

It’s also the case that only 14% of Americans support military intervention and so a more aggressive policy may not be realistic. But if Iran is led to think that Trump is directly threatening their state, this could encourage them to hunker down as opposed to changing their nuclear policy – risking greater military action on both sides.

Donald Trump being unclear about whether the US is going to bomb Iran.

Even just the implicit threat of US military intervention will damage what little relations there are between America and Iran. Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has said: “Any US military intervention will undoubtedly cause irreparable damage.” Unpredictability then undermines any diplomatic negotiations or solution to the crisis.

Trump is also risking his foreign policy relations beyond Iran. While preventing a new member of the nuclear club is a laudable aim, any US attack on a state over weapons of mass destruction (WMD) will lie in the difficult shadow of the “war on terror”, the US-led military campaign launched after 9/11.

With the International Atomic Energy Agency questioning Iran’s capacity to build a nuclear bomb, the US’s legacy of intervention over the WMD in Iraq that never were still looms large. Trump will need to be fully transparent and clear if any action over nuclear arms is going to be seen as legitimate. Unpredictability does not allow for that.

Trump’s fellow state leaders are going to feel disrupted by yet another example of unpredictability. Even if they support curbing Iran, they may find it difficult to back someone they simply can’t depend on. And if they feel cautious about the Iran situation because they can’t rely on Trump, Trump needs to start asking whether he can rely on them for support in whatever his next move is.

Michelle Bentley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Trump’s unpredictable approach to Iran could seriously backfire – https://theconversation.com/trumps-unpredictable-approach-to-iran-could-seriously-backfire-259399

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Israel’s attacks have exposed weaknesses in Iran, but it’s in little danger of collapsing

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Farhang Morady, Principal Lecturer in International Development, University of Westminster

The Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has said that his country’s campaign in Iran “could certainly” lead to regime change. In an interview with Fox News on June 15, he called the government in Tehran “very weak” and added that, given the opportunity, “80% of the [Iranian] people would throw these theological thugs out”.

Israel’s military actions so far indicate that its goals probably do extend beyond eliminating Iran’s nuclear programme. Airstrikes have targeted military leadership, internal security facilities and the headquarters of Iran’s state broadcaster. Israel’s aim is seemingly to destabilise the regime by inciting a popular uprising and fragmenting elite support.

Tehran, meanwhile, has been eager to project an image of strength and stability. It has sought to illustrate its resilience and unity through constant coverage by state media, highlighting its military readiness while also broadcasting public displays of loyalty. Government officials have also visited affected regions.

This raises the question: is more than four decades of theocratic rule in Iran really as close to collapse as Netanyahu says it is?

Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

The Israeli attacks have exposed weaknesses in the Iranian state. Several senior military officials and top nuclear scientists have been killed, while Israel has been able to strike targets in the Iranian capital, Tehran, with relative ease after crippling Iran’s air defences.

Strategic sites in Iran have proven vulnerable, with nuclear sites and military command headquarters hit hard. Many residents of Tehran have fled to other cities fearful that the situation will worsen.

However, despite inflicting significant damage, the strikes have not caused the downfall of the regime’s core institutions. The deaths of at least 20 key commanders prompted the Iranian supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, to reshuffle Iran’s military leadership to maintain stability and control. New appointments were made swiftly.

And, at least publicly, the Iranian elite is maintaining its position that the country can endure the crisis without giving in to foreign pressure. Khamenei has even warned the US president, Donald Trump, that the US will “face irreparable harm” should it become involved in the conflict.

Diplomatic manoeuvres behind the scenes, however, suggest the regime is demonstrating a willingness to compromise to ensure its survival. An unverified Iranian diplomatic statement on June 16 even indicated that the regime would be willing to suspend uranium enrichment to maintain itself.

The Iranian government is probably displaying confidence in public as a strategic move to prevent domestic unrest. Iran is facing significant economic, political and social challenges. Over 60% of its population is under 30 years old, and this demographic is increasingly disconnected from the principles promoted by the regime.

Widespread protests erupted in 2022 following the death of a young woman called Mahsa Amini while she was in police custody for allegedly violating hijab regulations. The protests demonstrated deep-seated discontent with the regime and its morality laws that dictate women’s attire and public behaviour.

The protests were suppressed, but underlying discontent remains. Israeli leaders hope that striking Iran might start a chain reaction leading to an uprising that topples the Islamic Republic. Israel’s defence minister, Israel Katz, hinted as much on June 19. He said the military has been instructed to intensify strikes on targets in Tehran in order to destabilise the “Ayatollah regime”.

No imminent collapse

Despite immense pressure, the collapse of Iran’s theocratic regime is not imminent. It continues to hold authority over its military and controls the media. The regime sustains itself through its powerful institutional base rather than public approval.

Opposition movements are also fragmented and lack an organised structure. Groups like Mojahedin-e-Khalq and the movement led by Reza Pahlavi, the exiled eldest son of the last shah of Iran, have sought to gain influence with western support. However, they lack popular backing within Iran.

The Islamic Republic appears to be on a path of gradual deterioration rather than complete collapse. However, Trump does appear to be warming to the idea of helping Israel overthrow the government in Tehran. And any US involvement would intensify pressure on the regime significantly.

On June 17, Trump described Khamenei as an “easy target” who is safe only “for now”. Trump has since said his patience with Iran had run out, saying “I may do it, I may not do it” when asked a question about US involvement in Iran.

The US possesses the 30,000-pound “bunker buster” bomb capable of damaging Iran’s deep-lying uranium enrichment facilities and the B-2 stealth bomber to carry it. And it has been moving military assets to its bases in the Middle East.

It is uncertain whether these actions represent direct provocation or simply an attempt by Trump to exert more pressure on Iran to negotiate an end to the conflict.

Trump’s camp is split over potential US involvement in Iran. Some US military and intelligence officials – including the director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard – have expressed concerns about a direct confrontation.

It is also possible that Israeli and US attempts to impose a change of government in Iran could even unite the regime. The Islamic Republic has a history of using foreign pressure to justify domestic crackdowns and increase its domestic control.

The external efforts to accelerate the collapse of the regime could, somewhat counterintuitively, help the regime survive in the short-term while deeper internal problems continue to exist.

Farhang Morady does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Israel’s attacks have exposed weaknesses in Iran, but it’s in little danger of collapsing – https://theconversation.com/israels-attacks-have-exposed-weaknesses-in-iran-but-its-in-little-danger-of-collapsing-259230

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Israel’s attacks have exposed weaknesses in Iran, but it’s in little danger of collapsing

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Farhang Morady, Principal Lecturer in International Development, University of Westminster

The Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has said that his country’s campaign in Iran “could certainly” lead to regime change. In an interview with Fox News on June 15, he called the government in Tehran “very weak” and added that, given the opportunity, “80% of the [Iranian] people would throw these theological thugs out”.

Israel’s military actions so far indicate that its goals probably do extend beyond eliminating Iran’s nuclear programme. Airstrikes have targeted military leadership, internal security facilities and the headquarters of Iran’s state broadcaster. Israel’s aim is seemingly to destabilise the regime by inciting a popular uprising and fragmenting elite support.

Tehran, meanwhile, has been eager to project an image of strength and stability. It has sought to illustrate its resilience and unity through constant coverage by state media, highlighting its military readiness while also broadcasting public displays of loyalty. Government officials have also visited affected regions.

This raises the question: is more than four decades of theocratic rule in Iran really as close to collapse as Netanyahu says it is?

Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

The Israeli attacks have exposed weaknesses in the Iranian state. Several senior military officials and top nuclear scientists have been killed, while Israel has been able to strike targets in the Iranian capital, Tehran, with relative ease after crippling Iran’s air defences.

Strategic sites in Iran have proven vulnerable, with nuclear sites and military command headquarters hit hard. Many residents of Tehran have fled to other cities fearful that the situation will worsen.

However, despite inflicting significant damage, the strikes have not caused the downfall of the regime’s core institutions. The deaths of at least 20 key commanders prompted the Iranian supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, to reshuffle Iran’s military leadership to maintain stability and control. New appointments were made swiftly.

And, at least publicly, the Iranian elite is maintaining its position that the country can endure the crisis without giving in to foreign pressure. Khamenei has even warned the US president, Donald Trump, that the US will “face irreparable harm” should it become involved in the conflict.

Diplomatic manoeuvres behind the scenes, however, suggest the regime is demonstrating a willingness to compromise to ensure its survival. An unverified Iranian diplomatic statement on June 16 even indicated that the regime would be willing to suspend uranium enrichment to maintain itself.

The Iranian government is probably displaying confidence in public as a strategic move to prevent domestic unrest. Iran is facing significant economic, political and social challenges. Over 60% of its population is under 30 years old, and this demographic is increasingly disconnected from the principles promoted by the regime.

Widespread protests erupted in 2022 following the death of a young woman called Mahsa Amini while she was in police custody for allegedly violating hijab regulations. The protests demonstrated deep-seated discontent with the regime and its morality laws that dictate women’s attire and public behaviour.

The protests were suppressed, but underlying discontent remains. Israeli leaders hope that striking Iran might start a chain reaction leading to an uprising that topples the Islamic Republic. Israel’s defence minister, Israel Katz, hinted as much on June 19. He said the military has been instructed to intensify strikes on targets in Tehran in order to destabilise the “Ayatollah regime”.

No imminent collapse

Despite immense pressure, the collapse of Iran’s theocratic regime is not imminent. It continues to hold authority over its military and controls the media. The regime sustains itself through its powerful institutional base rather than public approval.

Opposition movements are also fragmented and lack an organised structure. Groups like Mojahedin-e-Khalq and the movement led by Reza Pahlavi, the exiled eldest son of the last shah of Iran, have sought to gain influence with western support. However, they lack popular backing within Iran.

The Islamic Republic appears to be on a path of gradual deterioration rather than complete collapse. However, Trump does appear to be warming to the idea of helping Israel overthrow the government in Tehran. And any US involvement would intensify pressure on the regime significantly.

On June 17, Trump described Khamenei as an “easy target” who is safe only “for now”. Trump has since said his patience with Iran had run out, saying “I may do it, I may not do it” when asked a question about US involvement in Iran.

The US possesses the 30,000-pound “bunker buster” bomb capable of damaging Iran’s deep-lying uranium enrichment facilities and the B-2 stealth bomber to carry it. And it has been moving military assets to its bases in the Middle East.

It is uncertain whether these actions represent direct provocation or simply an attempt by Trump to exert more pressure on Iran to negotiate an end to the conflict.

Trump’s camp is split over potential US involvement in Iran. Some US military and intelligence officials – including the director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard – have expressed concerns about a direct confrontation.

It is also possible that Israeli and US attempts to impose a change of government in Iran could even unite the regime. The Islamic Republic has a history of using foreign pressure to justify domestic crackdowns and increase its domestic control.

The external efforts to accelerate the collapse of the regime could, somewhat counterintuitively, help the regime survive in the short-term while deeper internal problems continue to exist.

Farhang Morady does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Israel’s attacks have exposed weaknesses in Iran, but it’s in little danger of collapsing – https://theconversation.com/israels-attacks-have-exposed-weaknesses-in-iran-but-its-in-little-danger-of-collapsing-259230

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Jaws helped spur a fishing frenzy – so how have the world’s sharks fared since the 1975 release?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Sims, Professor of Marine Ecology, University of Southampton

Steven Spielberg’s Jaws opened across North America on June 20 1975, and immediately tapped into the primal human fear of being hunted by a huge, savvy predator.

Set on a fictional island off the coast of New England, the film depicts an epic battle between three men on a boat and an enormous great white shark. Jaws was hugely popular, grossing a record US$100 million in its first 59 days.

Young and already mad about sharks, I left the film wanting to know more about their behaviour and ecology. But films affect people in different ways, and the movie has since spawned what social scientists call “the Jaws effect”.

This contended that sharks became widely demonised as a result of the film’s depiction of them as relentless killers obsessed with attacking humans. Director Spielberg’s inspired use of fleeting glimpses of the shark’s fin knifing through the water, accompanied by the film’s sinister and unforgettable music, heightened those feelings. That’s how Jaws affected us. But 50 years on, how have shark populations fared?

Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

Both Spielberg and Peter Benchley, Jaws author and screenplay contributor, regretted the film’s influence on public perception of sharks. Indeed, Benchley became an advocate for shark conservation who enjoyed working with scientists (I was invited onto his radio show to discuss my research satellite-tracking basking sharks).

In the years following the film’s release, increasing numbers of sharks – including the movie’s great white – were reportedly killed in shark fishing tournaments that had risen in popularity.

Sharks grow slowly, take a long time to reach sexual maturity and have relatively few offspring. This makes many species vulnerable to overfishing. Fishing at this level removes too many sharks from the population too quickly, such that the remaining sharks cannot replace them fast enough, and the population declines. A recorded decline can be relatively large if the starting population size is already small, like that of top predators such as the great white shark.

Several data sources, including rod-and-reel and longline fishing, indicate a significant decline in the abundance of white sharks in the 1970s and 1980s along the US east coast where the film is set. The Jaws effect in action?

Actually, rapid declines were not limited to US waters. White shark catches in bather protection nets off the southeast coast of Australia recorded a similarly large decrease in the mid-1970s. And this particular source suggests white shark populations had begun declining from the mid-1950s, 20 years before Jaws.

Additional factors, such as commercial overfishing, were obviously at play. The film’s influence probably exacerbated white shark declines that were already happening.

Globally, the white shark has been assessed as vulnerable by conservationists, with a decreasing population trend. Fortunately, there are signs of recovery.

National protection measures for white sharks were implemented in the 1990s where these animals were formerly abundant, like the US, South Africa and Australia, and worldwide protections came a few years later.

Since the 1990s, there have been apparent increases in abundance off the US east coast (when populations are so small and data so sparse, a short-term increase may not be a lasting trend). Welcome signs that measures such as prohibiting catches in 1997 are having a positive effect following decades of over-exploitation. But this species is still vulnerable to incidental capture, so protection measures must be maintained and enforced to sustain any recoveries.

The Jaws effect was not limited to great white sharks. Many other large sharks were captured and killed in shark fishing tournaments that became more common following the film. Unfortunately, the killing continues in remaining US tournaments today.

But over the past few decades the overwhelming cause of large shark declines globally, particularly in the open ocean far from shore, has been the expansion of industrial-scale commercial fisheries targeting sharks for their fins and meat.

It was estimated in 2024 that fishing vessels are killing around 100 million sharks a year – a number that rose during the last decade. Nearly a third of shark species are now threatened with extinction.

It was estimated in 2021 that the global abundance of shark and ray species which prowl the open ocean (such as the oceanic whitetip or shortfin mako) has declined by an average of 71% since 1970 due to rocketing fishing pressure on the high seas (areas beyond national jurisdictions).

My own research analysing shark satellite tracks in collaboration with over 150 shark scientists, showed that 24% of the space used by these sharks each month on average falls under the footprint of surface longline fisheries. These include vessels that can deploy lines 100km-long carrying 1,000 baited hooks for up to 24 hours. We found the overlap was even greater, about 75%, for commercially valuable species such as the blue shark.

More sharks die in these overlap hotspots than in adjacent areas, according to more recent research.

Demystifying Jaws

Are there any signs of recovery for these species under existing management measures? For many oceanic sharks, the answer is still no.

At present, measures in place (if any) on the high seas are insufficient to safeguard populations. There is very little or no protection of shark activity hotspots. And some of the measures, such as shark finning bans, have been shown to be ineffective.

My colleagues and I revealed that catches of internationally protected species are sometimes 90 times greater than official reports.

So there is still a very long way to go to rebuild global shark populations.

Jaws helped promote a negative image of sharks that has no basis in reality. Rather, shark behaviour appears as complex in some cases as that of birds and mammals.

Tracking sharks revealed they can migrate thousands of kilometres to feed in specific remote habitats, before returning to the very same place they left months before. Some prefer to hang out with familiar individuals, and sharks even form persistent social networks. Giant basking sharks take part in speed-dating-like behaviour when they form courtship swimming circles at the end of summer.

The serial killer image has probably made it harder to convince people to sympathise with the plight of sharks. Jaws came at a time when very little was known about sharks, so fiction filled the void.

But there are now more shark scientists thanks to Jaws. Demystifying these creatures has been the first step to their potential recovery.

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David Sims has received funding from the European Research Council, the European Commission’s Horizon Europe programme and the UK Natural Environment Research Council.

– ref. Jaws helped spur a fishing frenzy – so how have the world’s sharks fared since the 1975 release? – https://theconversation.com/jaws-helped-spur-a-fishing-frenzy-so-how-have-the-worlds-sharks-fared-since-the-1975-release-255444

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

June 20, 2025

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