NewzIntel.com

Category: Education

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Population and Development Commission Continues General Discussion, Holds Panel on ‘Ensuring Healthy Lives and Promoting Well-Being for All at All Ages’

    Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council

    Following the continuation of its general discussion in the morning, this afternoon, the Commission on Population and Development heard from Deus Mubangizi, Director of the Health Products Policy and Standards Department and Director ad interim of Innovation and Emerging Technologies Department of the World Health Organization (WHO), and Werner Obermayer, Director of WHO New York Office.

    Their presentations were followed by a multi-stakeholder panel Moderated by Pascale Allotey, Director of the WHO Department of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Research.  The panel featured the following pannelists:  James Sailer, Vice-President and Executive Director, Biomedical Research Center, Population Council; Gloria Langat, Head of Ageing and Development, African Population Health and Research Center; Hugo López-Gatell Ramírez, Professor of Medical Sciences, National Autonomous University of Mexico; Ashley Ambrose, Deputy Director, Health Equity, Clinton Global Initiative; and Hanna Mulugeta, Youth Country Coordinator, RHRN2 Programme Ethiopia, Development Expertise Center.

    The Commission’s fifty-eighth session, held this week from 7 to 11 April, is focusing on the theme “ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages”.

    …

    __________

    * Owing to the liquidity crisis facing our Organization, the 4th through 6th Meetings were not covered.

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: expert reaction to the BARCODE1 trial assessing the use of a polygenic risk score in screening for prostate cancer

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    The results of the BARCODE1 trial, published by The New England Journal of Medicine assesses the use of a polygenic risk score in screening for prostate cancer.

    Prof Michael Inouye, Professor of Systems Genomics & Population Health, University of Cambridge, said:

    “This study is the strongest evidence to date on the clinical utility of a polygenic score for prostate cancer screening. It shows that a polygenic score can improve early detection of clinically significant prostate cancer, including those warranting radical treatment. A large proportion of prostate cancer cases detected using a polygenic score would not have been detected using the current diagnostic pathway. The authors appropriately discuss the study’s limitations and further research required (e.g. cost effectiveness). Taken together, I suspect we will look back on this as a landmark study that really made the clinical case for polygenic scores as a new tool that moved health systems from disease management to early detection and prevention.”

    When asked how long it would take to know if this could be used clinically?

    “This is a big step along the path to clinical implementation, but it is still a long road. Realistically, it will likely be years for the NHS to use polygenic scores routinely. It will require investment in infrastructure, generation of genomic data, training for healthcare practicians and potentially access to counselling for patients. There are more targeted ways to use polygenic scores clinically which may make for good next steps. To me, the study really makes me start to believe that these investments are worth it.”

     

    Mr Ben Lamb, Consultant Urological and Robotic Surgeon, Barts Health and UCLH NHS Trusts, and Clinical Senior Lecturer, Barts Cancer Institute, Queen Mary University of London (QMUL), said:

    “This is a very interesting study that assesses the utility of polygenic risk score in the detection of prostate cancer. The population may not be representative of those most at risk of prostate cancer, or of poorer health outcomes in general (e.g. black men, men in areas of deprivation), and further research is needed to test the results in these populations. Further research is also needed to understand longitudinal risk for men with a higher polygenic risk score i.e. their risk of developing cancer over time.

    “Interestingly, the best rate of detection of significant prostate cancer arose when the saliva test, PSA test and MRI tests were all positive. The saliva test may help to direct resources to those men most likely to have significant prostate cancer, but at present it does not replace these investigations, which we know are powerful tools in reassuring some men and recommending biopsy (and performing a better biopsy) in others.

    “The saliva test is less invasive than a blood test, or an MRI, and may be more acceptable for larger populations.”

    Dr Oliver Pain, Sir Henry Wellcome Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Institute of Psychiatry, Psychology & Neuroscience (IoPPN), King’s College London, said:

    “This study uses solid data and analyses and its findings fit nicely with the previous literature suggesting that polygenic scores can improve estimation of prostate cancer risk. It goes a step further than previous research in this area by providing a direct comparison with the current diagnostic pathway, showing that stratifying individuals by their polygenic score helped to identify people with clinically significant prostate cancer who would have otherwise been missed. As stated by the authors, the main limitation of this study is that it is restricted to individuals of European ancestry. Previous research has shown that the polygenic score they have used performs worse in non-European individuals, limiting the generalisability of this study’s conclusions. However, this is a common limitation of the field, not just this study, and there is progress being made with polygenic scores performing better across ancestral populations as the training data (GWAS) becomes more ancestrally diverse and polygenic scoring methods develop to improve their ability to be transferred across populations. There is evidence that progress is being made in this area for prostate cancer specifically, although there is a lot more work to be done (https://elifesciences.org/articles/78304, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pcbi.1011990).

    “In general, this study fits with others coming out for other diseases, and it is great step forward, but I would say we need research demonstrating the predictive utility of polygenic scores for prostate cancer in a more representative sample before we can start implementing them in the clinical setting.”

    Dr Chantal Babb de Villiiers, Senior Policy Analyst at PHG Foundation, said:

    “The BARCODE study results contribute valuable insights into the use of polygenic scores for risk stratification of prostate cancer, and how they can supplement risk prediction with known risk factors. The follow-up of the entire cohort will provide crucial data for evaluating the clinical and economic impact of using polygenic scores. Whilst some polygenic scores are showing promise in very specific scenarios, it is important to approach their implementation with caution and ensure thorough validation. We need further research to determine the best combination of these risk factors as well as how to effectively implement stratified screening.”

    Professor Rhian Gabe, Professor of Biostatistics and Clinical Trials, Queen Mary University of London (QMUL), said:

    “The test evaluated in this high quality study has exciting results in terms of detection, the hopes for an optimal future prostate cancer screening strategy and deserves larger-scale evaluation. Excitingly, this will happen in the TRANSFORM trial of prostate cancer screening where the test will also be evaluated in terms of acceptance, impact on prostate cancer deaths and incidence by comparing it with other promising strategies involving PSA testing and MRI.”

    Dr Samuel Lambert, Assistant Professor of Health Data Science, University of Cambridge, said:

    “The results of the BARCODE1 study are a major achievement, clearly illustrating the value of targeting prostate cancer screening to individuals defined as high-risk using a polygenic risk score. Targeting screening to the high-polygenic score population identified significant cancers that would not have been detected using existing thresholds, a comparable rate to previous trials targeting screening to individuals with pathogenic BRCA1/2 variants.

    “A current limitation is that the polygenic risk score in this study could only be used in individuals of European ancestry due to limitations in the diversity of available genome-wide association study data. This limitation is likely to be overcome in the long term, with data from new studies like Our Future Health in the UK that have prioritised diversity in their recruitment and linked health records to genetics data. Diverse studies like Our Future Health will allow researchers to better identify the variants associated with disease in all ancestries.”

     

    Prof Dusko Ilic, Professor of Stem Cell Sciences, King’s College London (KCL), said:

    “Polygenic risk scores (PRS) offer moderate discriminatory power when used alone. The study used a score based on 130 SNPs and showed that men in the top 10% of the PRS distribution had significantly higher risk. However, when added to established factors like age, PSA level, and MRI findings, the predicting clinically significant prostate cancer improved only modestly. Notably, further stratification within the top decile (e.g., 90th vs. 99th percentile) did not significantly improve predictive accuracy, suggesting diminishing returns at extreme PRS levels.

    “Furthermore, there is no direct evidence yet that using PRS improves long-term outcomes such as mortality or quality-adjusted life years. Modelling suggests benefit, but empirical confirmation is needed.

    “While the results are promising, especially in identifying significant cancers that would otherwise be missed, major caveats remain:

    • Population limitations: The cohort was self-selected, highly educated, and entirely of European ancestry.
    • Unclear generalizability: The PRS used was only validated in men of European descent.
    • No mortality data: The study doesn’t demonstrate reduced prostate cancer mortality or improved overall survival.
    • Cost-effectiveness: Not yet fully evaluated.

    “So, while PRS could supplement existing screening in high-risk individuals, the evidence is insufficient to recommend a standalone screening program based solely on PRS at this time.”

     

    Dr Britta Stordal, Associate Professor in Cancer Research, Middlesex University, said:

    “McHugh et al show that through the use of their BARCODE1 genetic risk score they are able to identify men who are at a higher risk of prostate cancer. 74 men had their prostate cancer diagnosed as a result of participating in this clinical trial that would not have been detected with current standard care on the NHS. This work is possible due to extensive previous research into genetic risk for prostate cancer in European populations. A similar risk score for men of Black African or Caribbean ancestry is urgently needed as we know that these men have a much higher prostate cancer risk than those of European ancestry.”

     

    ‘Assessment of a Polygenic Risk Score in Screening for Prostate Cancer’ by J.K. McHugh et al. was published in The New England Journal of Medicine at 22:00 UK time Wednesday 9 April 2025. 

    DOI: 10.1056/NEJMoa2407934

    Declared interests

    Prof Michael Inouye: Trustee of the Public Health Genomics (PHG) Foundation, Scientific Advisory Board of Open Targets, and research collaborations with AstraZeneca, Nightingale Health, and Pfizer. All of these are not related to the study. It’s also worth noting that, while the study is obviously driven by the Institute of Cancer Research in London, one of the coauthors (Pashayan) is a colleague at Cambridge.

    Prof Dusko Ilic: I declare no interest.

    Prof Rhian Gabe: I am Co-Lead of the TRANSFORM trial of prostate cancer screening, we are collaborating with Professor Eles to evaluate her PRS test.

    Dr Samuel Lambert: No conflicts of interest to disclose.

    Dr Britta Stordal: No conflicts of interest to declare.

    For all other experts, no reply to our request for DOIs was received.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI USA: NEA files amicus brief with U.S. Supreme Court to ensure inclusive education for all students

    Source: US National Education Union

     WASHINGTON — Today, the National Education Association filed an amicus brief with the U.S. Supreme Court in Mahmoud v. Taylor, a case in which the Court will rule on parents’ religious objections to inclusive education that reflects the diversity of identities in our public schools and communities. At issue in Mahmoud is whether parents have a constitutional right to force public schools to provide advance notice, opt-out procedures, and alternative learning arrangements to deny their children access to books with LGBTQ+ characters or any other content that may offend their religious beliefs. NEA’s brief argues that doing so would hamstring efforts to provide students with a full, engaging and inclusive education.   

    The following statement can be attributed to NEA President Becky Pringle: 

    “An inclusive education is fundamental to public education no matter where students live, who they are, or the language they speak. Public education is founded on the core educational principle of engaging students on a broad range of ideas will bring together disparate elements in our society, prepare them for citizenship, and allow them to become productive members of an increasingly interconnected world. 

    “Students deserve nothing less than to feel supported and valued on that journey. Denying them exposure to diverse perspectives robs them of the opportunity to engage in meaningful conversation, develop empathy, and understand the lived experiences of others. Schools should be a place where students connect, collaborate, and expand their worldview. When that’s taken away, we only limit their creativity, ability to grow, and discover who they are.  

    “The Mahmoud case is looking to ignore the expertise of trained professionals in the classrooms and have federal courts insert themselves into day-to-day educational decisions about what students can learn and what educators can teach. This would have a chilling effect on public education. As a result, educators will self-censor, face book bans, and, more importantly, prevent some students from being seen and acknowledged.”  

    The Supreme Court will hear oral arguments in the case on April 22. 

    Follow us on Bluesky at https://bsky.app/profile/neapresident.bsky.social & https://bsky.app/profile/neatoday.bsky.social  

    # # # 

    The National Education Association is the nation’s largest professional employee organization, representing more than 3 million elementary and secondary teachers, higher education faculty, education support professionals, school administrators, retired educators, students preparing to become teachers, healthcare workers, and public employees. Learn more at www.nea.org.  

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI: LiBama Power Awarded $100,000 SuperBoost Grant to Advance Breakthrough Lithium Metal Anode Technology

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    BINGHAMTON, N.Y., April 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — LiBama Power, a leader in next-generation lithium battery anode technology, has been awarded a $100,000 SuperBoost grant from the NSF Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York. The funding will accelerate the commercialization of LiBama’s Advanced Metal Anodes (AMAs), a transformative lithium-metal technology designed to increase energy density, reduce costs, and enhance battery safety for electric vehicles (EVs), drones, wearables, and power tools.

    LiBama’s patented AMA technology delivers twice the energy density of conventional lithium-ion batteries while reducing cell costs by 30%. Unlike many next-gen battery materials, AMAs are designed for drop-in compatibility with existing manufacturing processes, enabling seamless industry adoption without the need for costly retooling.

    “The energy storage industry is shifting rapidly toward higher-performance, cost-effective solutions, and LiBama Power is leading the way,” said Wentao Li, founder and CTO of LiBama Power. “With this support from the NSF Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York, we are moving quickly to scale and commercialize our Advanced Metal Anodes, enabling safer, more powerful, and more accessible lithium-metal battery solutions.”

    The SuperBoost program, a flagship initiative of the NSF Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York, is designed to accelerate battery technology commercialization, cutting traditional development cycles from five or more years to under two years. By providing funding, access to testbeds, and regional partnerships, SuperBoost helps startups bridge the gap between R&D and market deployment.

    LiBama’s work aligns with the Engine’s broader efforts to position upstate New York as a leader in energy storage innovation. Fernando Gómez-Baquero, translation pillar director for the NSF Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York, noted the significance of LiBama’s advancements: “LiBama Power is redefining what’s possible for lithium battery anodes, combining high energy density with cost efficiency and scalability. By leveraging the Engine’s network of resources, they are positioned to make a rapid transition from prototype to commercial production — exactly what SuperBoost was designed to support.”

    The NSF Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York is committed to building a robust, interconnected ecosystem that strengthens the U.S. battery supply chain. Meera Sampath, CEO of the Engine, highlighted how investments like these drive broader impact. “Our goal is to accelerate the market readiness of transformative battery technologies, ensuring they can scale rapidly and contribute to national energy security,” she said. “SuperBoost provides startups with the critical resources they need to shorten commercialization timelines and position Upstate New York as a global hub for energy storage innovation. LiBama Power exemplifies this mission by bringing breakthrough battery solutions closer to real-world deployment.”

    With this funding, LiBama Power will refine its AMA production process and produce prototype batteries for key applications in EVs, aviation, and grid storage. The investment represents a critical step toward strengthening the domestic energy storage industry, reinforcing the U.S. supply chain, and advancing high-performance, cost-effective battery solutions.

    About LiBama Power

    LiBama Power designs, manufactures, and markets AMAs for lithium-metal batteries. Its patented technology enables higher energy density, faster charging, and lower costs while ensuring compatibility with existing manufacturing infrastructure. With applications in EVs, drones, wearables, and grid storage, LiBama is advancing the next generation of safe and scalable energy storage solutions.

    For more information, visit www.libamapower.com.

    Contact:
    Mark Sperry, CCO
    mark@sperryenergy.com

    About the NSF Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York
    The NSF Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York, led by Binghamton University, is a National Science Foundation-funded, place-based innovation program. The coalition of 40+ academic, industry, nonprofit, state, and community organizations includes Cornell University, Rochester Institute of Technology, Syracuse University, Launch-NY and NY-BEST as core partners. The Engine advances next-gen battery technology development and manufacturing to drive economic growth and bolster national security. Its vision is to transform upstate New York into America’s Battery Capital.

    For more information on the Upstate New York Energy Storage Engine, visit https://upstatenyengine.org/.

    Contact:
    Fernando Gómez-Baquero Ph.D.
    Translation Pillar Director
    NSF Upstate New York Energy Storage Engine
    fernando@cornell.edu

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Our ancestors didn’t eat 3 meals a day. So why do we?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rob Richardson, Senior Lecturer in Culinary Arts & Gastronomy, Auckland University of Technology

    Shutterstock

    Pop quiz: name the world’s most famous trio? If you’re a foodie, then your answer might have been breakfast, lunch and dinner. It’s an almost universally accepted trinity – particularly in the Western world.

    But how did it come about?

    The first meals

    Early humans were nomadic. Forming small communities, they would travel with the seasons, following local food sources.

    While we can only guess what daily mealtimes rhythms looked like, evidence dating back 30,000 years from the South Moravia region, Czech Republic, shows people visited specific settlements time and again. They gathered around hearths, cooking and sharing food: the first signs of human “commensality”, the practice of eating together.

    One of the best-preserved hunter-gatherer sites we’ve found is Ohalo II – located on the shores of the modern-day Sea of Galilee (also called Lake Tiberias or Lake Kinneret) in Israel, and dating back some 23,000 years.

    In addition to several small dwellings with hearths, it provides evidence of diverse food sources, including more than 140 types of seeds and nuts, and various birds, fish and mammals.

    The development of agricultural knowledge some 12,000 years ago gave rise to permanent settlements. The earliest were in the Levant region (across modern-day Iraq, southwestern Iran and eastern Turkey), in an area called the “Fertile Crescent”.

    The fertile crescent covers the rich, biodiverse valleys of the Tigris, Euphrates and Jordan rivers.
    Shutterstock

    Permanent agriculture led to the production of a surplus of food. The ability to stay in one place with food on-hand meant the time it took to cook no longer mattered as much.

    It quickly became common to eat one light meal early in the day, followed by a larger hearth-prepared meal later on. The specific timings would have varied between groups.

    Eating together as a rule

    The communal nature of foraging and hunting, and later farming, meant humans almost always ate their meals in the company of others. In the ancient city-state of Sparta, in the 4th century BCE, these practices were codified as common main meals called syssitia (meaning “eating together”).

    These meals were consumed at the end of the day in communal dining halls. Food was served by young boys to tables of 15 or so men who lived together and fought in the same military division. The men gradually shared generational knowledge with the young boys, who themselves would join the tables by age 20.

    In the 5th century BCE, Greek historian Herodotus wrote about how syssitia evolved from a Spartan military practice to having deep political meaning in society. Similarly, Plato wrote common meals were an integral component of civil society, and that missing a meal without good reason was a civic offence.

    By dining in full view of the rest of society, citizens were compelled to maintain self-discipline. Mealtime was also an opportunity for social linkage, and important discussions ranging from business deals to politics.

    The eating habits of Spartan women are missing in the texts, although it is implied they ate at home.

    Bunches of lunches

    Counter to the tough Spartan way of life, the Romans enjoyed their main meal, cena, earlier in the day, followed by a lighter meal just before bed.

    The northern European tribes tended towards two larger meals per day, as more sustenance is required in colder climes. To the Vikings, these meals were known as dagmal and nattmal, or day meal and night meal. Nattmal was the cooked evening meal, while dagmal usually consisted of leftover nattmal with the addition of bread and beer or mead.

    In Australia, evidence suggests Aboriginal peoples tended toward a daily single meal, which aligns with the predominant method of cookery: slow-cooking with hot coals or rocks in an earth oven. This underground oven, used by Aboriginal and also Torres Strait Islander communities, was referred to as a kup murri or kap mauri by some groups.

    This is similar to other Indigenous preparations throughout the Pacific, such as the New Zealand Māori hāngī, Hawaiian imu, Fijian lovo, and even the Mayan píib.

    The once-daily meal would have been supplemented with snacks throughout the day.

    Three’s the magic number

    The timing of meals was heavily influenced by class structure, local climate and people’s daily activities. Practicality also played a part. Without reliable lighting, meals had to be prepared and eaten before dark. In settled parts of Northern Europe, this could be as early as 3pm.

    So how did we go from one or two main meals, to three? The answer may lie with the British Royal Navy.

    Since its inception in the 16th century, the navy served three regular meals to align with the shipboard routine. This included a simple breakfast of ship’s biscuits, lunch as the main meal, and dinner as more of a light supper.

    Some sources suggest the term “square meal” may have come from the square wooden trays meals were served in.

    Initially, sailors recieved a daily gallon of beer with meals. This was later changed to watered-down rum, the infamous ‘grog’, which is being handed out in this 1940 photo taken aboard HMS King George V.
    Imperial War Museums, CC BY-NC

    The Industrial Revolution, which started around 1760, arguably also played a role in formalising the concept of three specific mealtimes across the Western world.

    The cadence of breakfast, lunch and dinner matched the routine of the longer, standardised workdays. Workers ate breakfast and dinner at home, before and after work, while lunch was eaten with coworkers at a set time.

    With minimal breaks, and no time for snacking, three substantial meals became necessary.

    The fall of the holy trinity

    Today, many factors impact the time and frequency of our meals, from long work commutes to juggling hobbies and social obligations.

    The ways in which we eat and share food continue to evolve alongside our societies and cultures.
    Shutterstock

    The COVID pandemic also impacted how and what we eat, leading us to eat larger amounts of higher calorie foods. The rapid growth of delivery services also means a meal is no more than a few minutes away from most people.

    All of this has resulted in mealtimes becoming less rigid, with social meals such as brunch, elevenses and afternoon teas expanding how we connect over food. And mealtimes will continue to evolve as our schedules become ever more complicated.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Our ancestors didn’t eat 3 meals a day. So why do we? – https://theconversation.com/our-ancestors-didnt-eat-3-meals-a-day-so-why-do-we-250773

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Here’s how a ‘silent’ tax hike is balancing the budget – with the heaviest burden on the lowest paid

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Murphy, Visiting Fellow, Economics (modelling), Australian National University

    With just over three weeks to go until the federal election, both major parties are trying to position themselves as Australia’s better economic managers.

    Labor was able to hand down two consecutive budget surpluses in its current term. But the most recent federal budget shows a return to deficit this financial year.

    After the deficit peaks – at 1.5% of gross domestic product (GDP) next financial year – it will then take a decade to balance the budget. My own economic forecasts also imply the budget can return to balance in this time frame.

    However, this slow budget repair work is done silently by “bracket creep”, not by policy actions of the government.

    Under a progressive tax system, as incomes rise with inflation, the additional income is taxed more heavily.

    For example, a worker on average, annual wages of A$79,000 pays 20.3% of that in tax. But they pay tax of 32% (including the medicare levy) on any wage increases, even if those wage increases are only just enough to keep pace with inflation.

    The higher tax rate on additional wages pushes up average tax rates – known as bracket creep. This piece explains it well.

    Bracket creep has the political advantage of being a silent way of gradually increasing average tax rates. Both major parties are heavily relying on it. But is it good economic policy?

    The ‘silent’ tax hike

    Though Australia’s personal income tax system is progressive, it’s possible to work out the average tax rate faced by Australians collectively. This is total personal income tax paid as a percentage of total taxable income.

    In the first two decades of this century, personal income tax accounted for an average of 22.9% of taxable incomes. There was no clear trend.

    Since then, the trend has been up, because announced tax cuts haven’t been enough to offset silent bracket creep.

    The average tax rate this financial year, 2024-25, is estimated to be 24.3%.

    In the latest budget, the government reduced the lowest marginal tax rate – from 16% to 15% in 2026-27, then to 14% in 2027-28 and beyond.

    This almost stabilises the average tax rate for two years. However, it then resumes its upward trend under the silent influence of bracket creep, reaching 28.1% in 2035-36.

    This will be an all-time high average tax rate. Living standards will be squeezed and incentives to work and save will diminish.

    Some countries limit bracket creep by indexing personal income tax brackets to price inflation. This stops price inflation alone pushing workers into higher tax brackets.

    To illustrate how indexing could work, if inflation was 2%, all of the tax thresholds would move up by 2%. For example, the tax free threshold of $18,200 would increase to $18,564.

    A worker whose pay had increased by 2% would similarly pay only 2% extra tax, keeping their average tax rate unchanged.

    However, most of the time wages rise faster than prices because of productivity growth.

    Why bracket creep is unfair

    The unfairness of bracket creep can be illustrated with examples.

    Under the budget, the average rate of tax (for everyone) rises over the next 11 years by 3.8% points of income.

    The average wage earner with an annual income of $79,000 fares a little better. Their average tax rate goes from 20.3% in 2024-25 to 23.6% in 2035-36, an increase of 3.3% points of income, as noted in the recent budget.

    However, a low wage earner, with an annual income of $45,000 fares worse. Their average tax rate jumps from 10.8% to 17.3%, an increase of 6.5% points of income.

    Do we think it is fair that someone with an annual income of only $45,000 today should have to pay about 17% of their income in income tax in 11 years time?

    While this is an extreme example, it illustrates the fact that bracket creep is regressive and has serious unintended consequences.

    Less of a “Robin Hood” effect

    All of this has implications for the fairness of our tax system overall.

    To measure how much a country’s personal income tax system reduces inequality in income distribution, economists use something called the “Reynolds-Smolensky redistribution index”. Let’s call it the “R” index.

    A higher R index for a country means a stronger “Robin Hood” element in its tax system – that the system is doing more to redistribute income.

    Bracket creep disproportionately affects those on low incomes.
    muse studio/Shutterstock

    The International Monetary Fund reports that in 2018, the R index for Australia was 6.8%, compared to the average for OECD countries of under 5%. In 2024-25, the Australian R index is already a little lower at 6.5%.

    The R index can also be used to measure how benefits reduce inequality, but here, we’re only using it for personal income tax.

    Without any budget measures, the regressive nature of bracket creep would have caused the R index to fall further to a value of 6.3% in 2035-36.

    However, this budget’s “top-up tax cut” to the lowest marginal tax rate limited this fall to 6.4%, because it was a progressive tax change.

    Time for indexation

    Politicians from both major parties should stop relying so much on their silent partner, bracket creep, to slowly repair budget deficits.

    Instead of misleading announcements of tax cuts in only some budgets, my modelling shows how we could benefit from automatically indexing the tax brackets to prices in every budget.

    This will mean that the average rate of personal income tax will rise more modestly over the next 11 years, from 24.3% to 25.5%, instead of to 28.1%. Indexation also limits the fall in the R index to a value of 6.4%.

    The resulting revenue shortfall could be filled in ways that are more transparent, efficient and fairer than bracket creep.

    Possible ways include better priorities and higher efficiency in government spending, more reliance on indirect taxes such as the GST and expanding the tax base itself through reforms to boost productivity.

    Chris Murphy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Here’s how a ‘silent’ tax hike is balancing the budget – with the heaviest burden on the lowest paid – https://theconversation.com/heres-how-a-silent-tax-hike-is-balancing-the-budget-with-the-heaviest-burden-on-the-lowest-paid-253442

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: 1 in 10 tunnel workers could develop silicosis, our new research shows

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate Cole, Occupational Hygienist, PhD Candidate, University of Sydney

    Around 10% of underground tunnel workers in Queensland could develop silicosis, our new study has found.

    Silicosis is a serious, incurable lung disease caused by inhaling small particles of silica dust. You might have heard about it in people who work with engineered stone. But silica is more widespread.

    Silica is found in rocks and concrete, so workers in industries such as construction, mining and tunnelling are at high risk if proper safety measures aren’t in place.

    When silica dust is breathed in, it gets trapped in the lungs, causing inflammation and scarring. Over time, this scarring makes it harder to breathe and can be fatal.

    As symptoms of silicosis can take decades to appear, workers may not realise they’re sick until long after they’ve started working, or even after they stop.

    But silicosis is preventable.

    When silica dust is breathed in, it gets trapped in the lungs in tiny air sacs (the alveoli), causing inflammation and scarring.
    Pikovit/Shutterstock

    How does silicosis affect tunnel workers?

    Thousands of people are involved in tunnelling projects in Australia.

    Tunnelling involves breaking up large amounts of silica-containing rock with heavy machinery.

    Tunnel workers rely on advanced ventilation systems to provide fresh air underground, water systems to keep the rocks wet and suppress dust, and they wear respirators on their face to keep the air they breathe clean. But some people have raised concerns these measures do not always work properly.

    There are also national legal limits in place for silica dust exposure, currently 0.05 milligrams per cubic metre over an eight-hour work day.

    However, a media investigation last November revealed one-third of air monitoring tests from a Sydney tunnel project were above legal limits.

    While air monitoring tests are required by law, the results of routine air monitoring tests are often not made public.

    An expert taskforce has recently been set up in New South Wales to address the silica-related health risks for tunnel workers, promising to make high silica results above legal limits publicly available.

    But while attention has been focused on tunnel workers in Sydney, the problem of lung disease in underground workers is more widespread.

    Our Queensland study

    The results of air monitoring tests are important because they show whether legal silica dust limits are being adhered to.

    Another valuable use of this data is it can help us predict future disease risk. Instead of waiting to see how many workers develop silica-related diseases such as silicosis and lung cancer, this data can be used to estimate cases in advance.

    In 2017, a Queensland parliamentary inquiry raised concerns about the health of Brisbane’s tunnel workers, particularly regarding the harmful effects of exposure to silica dust.

    We worked through the parliamentary inquiry documents to uncover the results of hundreds of individual air monitoring tests conducted on three major Queensland tunnel projects between 2007 and 2013.

    We analysed this data to estimate how many workers were exposed to silica dust and at what levels. We then modelled how many cases of silicosis and lung cancer would occur over the workers’ lifetimes.

    We estimated that in a group of around 2,000 workers involved in these Queensland tunnel projects, 200 to 300 would develop silicosis over their lifetime as a result of silica dust exposure (roughly one in every ten workers).

    We also estimated between 20 to 30 workers would develop lung cancer due to their exposure.

    We had limited information on workplace conditions in the specific projects, so we made a number of assumptions based on publicly available information and our own experience. These included assumptions around the use and protective nature of masks. The fact we had to make some assumptions could be a limitation of our study. Due to the lack of data transparency we don’t know if these figures apply more broadly to tunnel workers throughout Australia.

    Silicosis can appear decades after occupational exposure.
    Marco Di Stefano/Shutterstock

    Our projected rate of silicosis, 10%, is the same as the rate of silicosis recorded by a government inquiry in 1924 which investigated silicosis among workers who built Sydney’s sewers.

    So it doesn’t seem things are any better in terms of silicosis risk in underground work than a century ago.

    We need to do more to protect tunnel workers

    Continued secrecy around silica dust data reduces our ability to understand the scale of the problem and respond effectively. Nonetheless, the small amount of data that has been made available supports the need for urgent action.

    With Australia’s ongoing infrastructure expansion, policymakers must act now. This should include enforcing stricter legal limits for silica dust exposure. There is concern among health experts that current limits don’t sufficiently protect workers’ health.

    Policymakers should also ensure protective measures such as advanced ventilation and dust suppression systems are in place for all tunnel projects, set up national tunnel worker health surveillance, and make exposure data available to workers and the public.

    There are several examples where things are done better. Internationally, Norway and Switzerland have strong systems to protect tunnel workers’ health such as air and health monitoring being conducted by an independent government agency. In Switzerland, this agency also insures the project. Noncompliance results in higher insurance premiums or, in some cases, the withdrawal of insurance, effectively stopping the project.

    Nationally, Australia’s mining industry is more heavily regulated than tunnelling, with stricter enforcement of compliance.

    Without immediate intervention, thousands of tunnel workers will continue to face serious health risks and Australia will face a growing wave of preventable occupational diseases.

    Kate Cole receives higher degree by research funding from The University of Sydney; is a member of the Asbestos and Silica Safety Eradication Council; the NSW Dust Diseases Board; the Chair of the External Affairs Committee for the Australian Institute of Occupational Hygienists; and acts as an expert witness for law firms concerning silica-related diseases in tunnel workers.

    Renee Carey has previously received funding from the Australian Council of Trade Unions. She is a member of the Occupational Lung Disease Network Steering Committee formed by Lung Foundation Australia.

    Tim Driscoll has acted as an expert witness, and written government reports, in relation to silica exposure but not specifically connected to tunnelling. He chairs the Occupational and Environmental Cancer Committee of Cancer Council Australia and chairs the Occupational Lung Disease Network Steering Committee of Lung Foundation Australia.

    – ref. 1 in 10 tunnel workers could develop silicosis, our new research shows – https://theconversation.com/1-in-10-tunnel-workers-could-develop-silicosis-our-new-research-shows-252186

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia urgently needs to get serious about long-term climate policy – but there’s no sign of that in the election campaign

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Jotzo, Professor, Crawford School of Public Policy and Head of Energy, Institute for Climate Energy and Disaster Solutions, Australian National University

    The federal election should be an earnest contest over the fundamentals of Australia’s climate and energy policies.

    Strong global action on climate change is clearly in Australia’s long-term national interest. But it has fallen prey to US President Donald Trump’s disruption of the world order, which has drained global attention from other crucial issues, including climate change.

    The Trump administration’s anti-climate actions might energise some to counteract it, but its overall affect will be chilling.

    Election reality

    A comprehensive platform to strengthen and broaden Australian climate policy towards net zero is needed more than ever.

    But the political reality playing out in the election campaign is very different, with the overriding focus on the cost of living, and the usual emphasis on electoral tactics rather than long-term strategies.

    Even a policy like Labor’s subsidised home batteries is being framed as a hip-pocket measure, rather than as a small contribution to energy infrastructure.

    Likewise, the Coalition’s pledge to halve fuel excise is aimed squarely at easing price pressures at the pump. In fact, the policy would slightly delay progress towards low emissions transport.

    The vexed question of how to ensure sufficient gas supplies for south eastern Australia is also cloaked in energy affordability. We are already seeing industry push back against the Coalition’s policy to require gas companies to withhold a share of production for the domestic market.

    Off target

    Regardless of who wins the election, Australia’s 43% emissions reduction target by 2030 will be difficult to achieve unless there is a change of pace.

    The government’s projections assume sharp
    cuts during 2027–30. But national emissions have flatlined at around 28% below 2005 levels for four years.

    Labor will subsidise the cost of solar batteries if its re-elected on May 4.
    Kathie Nichols/Shutterstock

    Under the Paris Agreement, a 2035 target commitment is required this year. The Climate Change Authority will give its advice to the new government after the election. It has previously floated a reduction range of 65–75%

    This would be compatible with the global goal of keeping warming below 2°C. Yet it might look highly ambitious under current political and international circumstances.

    Renewables reloaded

    The shift from coal to clean energy sources in the power sector is well underway. In 2024, renewables accounted for 39% of the national energy market, three times the share a decade ago.

    But progress has slowed at the same time as older coal plants have become unreliable and costly to run.

    It is clear that the future of an affordable, secure power supply in Australia is mostly wind and solar, supported by energy storage and some gas.

    But progress needs to be much faster. Many renewable projects, transmission lines and also Snowy 2 energy storage, are behind schedule. This is due to supply chain constraints, regulatory clogging and community opposition.

    Blueprint for action

    Deep emission reductions can still be achieved over the next ten years, but only if we pull out all the stops. That would mean:

    • going much faster on electricity transition
    • strengthening incentives and regulation to cut industrial and resource sector emissions
    • getting serious about a transition to clean transport
    • meaningful action towards low-emissions agriculture including changes to land use.

    A re-elected Labor government would likely do more on renewable power, while also strengthening action on industrial and resource emissions through the Safeguard Mechanism.

    But more will be needed to prepare for the 2030s. If the Teals hold the balance of power in a hung parliament, they would push Labor to be more ambitious.

    By contrast, a Dutton government might dial back the existing ambition and adopt a lower 2035 target than labor.

    Nuclear means more coal

    The initial focus of the Coalition’s energy policy going into the campaign has been to build nuclear power stations.

    Nuclear power would be far more expensive than the alternatives, costing hundreds of billions of dollars for only a small share of future power supply. It would need enormous subsidies, probably through government ownership.

    Deployment would inevitably be a very long time off. The near term affect would be to delay the transition to more renewable energy.

    The Coalition’s modelling assumes ageing coal-fired power plants would keep running beyond their announced closure dates. That would mean burning more coal and keeping Australia’s national carbon emissions higher for longer.

    The future of resource exports is green

    Australia’s intrinsic interest in limiting climate change remains urgent. Our opportunity as a green commodity producer and exporter remains solid.

    Green industry policy has been on the rise under the Albanese government, through support for green hydrogen and green iron. But we will not be able to subsidise our way to greatness in clean export industries.

    What is needed is international green commodity markets for Australian supplies of green ammonia, iron and other products. This is best achieved through carbon pricing in commodity importing countries, coupled with border carbon adjustments which give exporters of cleanly produced products an edge in those markets.

    A strong Australian 2035 emissions target would help send a signal to investors and overseas markets that we are serious about the transition.

    A COP in Australia

    Australia has a strong chance of hosting the 2026 UN climate conference. Labor wants it, but the Coalition doesn’t.

    COP31 would be a big chance for Australia to demonstrate positive leadership. It would also create pressure to do more for developing countries, given the conference would be hosted jointly with Pacific island states.

    Disappointment is likely, as rich countries will probably fail to meet expectations. In any case, Australia will be pushed by our Pacific neighbours to do more on climate change.

    We could do with the encouragement.

    This is the fourth article in our special series, Australia’s Policy Challenges. You can read the other articles here

    Frank Jotzo leads various research projects on climate policy. He is a commissioner with the NSW Net Zero Commission, chairs the Queensland Clean Economy Expert Panel and led the federal government’s Carbon Leakage Review.

    – ref. Australia urgently needs to get serious about long-term climate policy – but there’s no sign of that in the election campaign – https://theconversation.com/australia-urgently-needs-to-get-serious-about-long-term-climate-policy-but-theres-no-sign-of-that-in-the-election-campaign-250637

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Labor made plenty of promises at the last election. Did they deliver?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frank Rindert Algra-Maschio, PhD Candidate, Social and Political Sciences, Monash University

    Election promises are a mainstay of contemporary politics. Governments cite kept commitments as proof they can be trusted, while oppositions pounce on any failure to deliver.

    But beyond the politics, campaign pledges are also central to representative democracy. They telegraph what to expect from a party in government and create a moral obligation for it to follow through.

    Democratic governments across the globe fulfil, on average, roughly two-thirds of their promises, but most voters believe it is far fewer. Since voters will punish governments for breaking promises, it’s vital they have accurate information on their government’s record.

    We set out to provide Australians with that information through RMIT’s Election Promise Tracker. We assessed 66 major promises made by Labor before the last election.

    By presenting evidence through an interactive timeline that follows all the twists and turns since 2022, the tracker allows voters to form their own judgements during the 2025 campaign.

    Tracking election promises

    Our team compiled a long list of promises during the last election campaign by scouring public statements made by both major parties.

    For this, we kept to the definition of an “election promise” used by the Comparative Pledges Project, a research network that employs a common approach to studying promises.

    After the election, we narrowed Labor’s list to 66 promises — based on newsworthiness, coverage of policy areas and, later, feedback from the audience of ABC News.

    The tracker was originally launched as a project of RMIT ABC Fact Check, and it applies a methodology of fact-check journalism that prioritises impartiality and transparency.

    We laid out, from the start, the criteria by which we would eventually assess each promise, to ensure only those that could be assessed by the end of the electoral term were included.

    Three years on, we determined whether those criteria had been met, marking promises as “delivered”, “thwarted” or “broken”. In a few cases, some remain “in progress” or “stalled”.

    Mostly good news for the government

    Overall, the government delivered at least 46 of the promises (roughly 70%) we tracked. Many of these are in areas typically seen as Labor strengths.

    These include key promises in health and aged care, such as funding pay rises for aged care workers, requiring aged care homes to keep a registered nurse on site 24/7, and mandating minimum “care minutes” for their residents.

    On education, employment and social services, the government boosted childcare subsidies and increased workplace protections for gig workers. It also delivered funding for 450,000 fee-free TAFE places and for the states to hire 500 support workers for women in crisis.

    Integrity was a key theme of the 2022 election, and the government has since followed through on establishing an anti-corruption commission, delivering a royal commission into Robodebt and implementing all the recommendations of the Respect@Work report that fell within its remit.

    And on the all-important cost of living, Labor cut the maximum price for Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) scripts, boosted payments for disabled veterans, increased the low-and-middle income tax offset by $420 and – following a Senate standoff with the Greens and Coalition — established a $10 billion Housing Australia Future Fund.

    And some bad news

    But it was not all smooth sailing for the government. It failed to deliver on at least 14 pledges (roughly 20%), including a promise to increase real wages above pre-election levels. It’s pledged to address real wages through a submission to the Fair Work Commission this time around.

    Arguably, it was unlucky on defence spending. Despite injecting $10 billion over its first three years, Labor is poised to miss its target of spending “at least” 2% of gross domestic product on defence, due to an uptick in GDP.

    In other cases, the government never really got close. After promising to deliver 450 gigalitres of environmental water under the Murray Darling Basin Plan, it only managed 27.5GL.

    And some deadlines were simply missed, with the government belatedly establishing 50 urgent care clinics and introducing a new Pacific Engagement Visa.

    Among the most controversial issues was Labor’s restructuring of the stage three tax cuts, having previously pledged to implement the cuts exactly as the Coalition had formulated them. But polling showed voters may forgive the “breaking” of a pledge if they agree with the outcome.

    The government also retreated from its promise to establish a Makarrata Commission following the defeated Voice referendum, providing an example of how changed political circumstances can come to haunt promises made years earlier.

    Not always an easy answer

    Despite the best intentions, some promises don’t fit neatly into the “delivered” or “broken” binary.

    For example, Labor promised Australia would make a joint bid with Pacific Island countries to host a United Nations climate conference. But the government can’t formally submit a bid unless Turkey bows out of the race, meaning this pledge has been “thwarted”.

    And it remains to be seen whether households will receive a much-touted $275 cut to their annual electricity bill (on 2021 levels) by mid-2025. The necessary data won’t arrive until after the election, and Labor’s energy rebates have complicated the picture.

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese may not have delivered on “every single thing” he promised, but of the promises we tracked, far more were kept than broken.

    This suggests the Albanese government has performed on a fairly level footing with other comparative countries, as well as with the Gillard Labor government.

    But voters will have different views on which promises are most important, so as ever, it’s the details that matter.

    Lisa Waller receives funding from The Australian Research Council

    David Campbell and Frank Rindert Algra-Maschio do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Labor made plenty of promises at the last election. Did they deliver? – https://theconversation.com/labor-made-plenty-of-promises-at-the-last-election-did-they-deliver-251481

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How the small autonomous region of Puntland found success in battling Islamic State in Somalia

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ido Levy, PhD Candidate, School of International Service, American University

    Soldiers with the Puntland Defense Forces. Photo by Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post via Getty Images

    On Feb. 24, 2025, members of the Puntland Defense Forces posed next to a sign in Arabic that proclaimed the mountain town of Sheebaab as a “province” of the Islamic State group. The town, located in Somalia’s autonomous northeastern region of Puntland, was one of numerous areas that soldiers from the regional government have taken back during Operation Hilaac, an ongoing campaign against fighters from the Islamic State in Somalia – the local branch of the terrorist network – which began in late November 2024.

    Puntland’s success in combating a growing Islamic State group presence in the northeastern region is particularly notable given the relative lack of success of the central Somali government’s confrontation with the al-Qaida-affiliated group Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahidin – more commonly known as al-Shabab – which for about two decades has waged war against federal forces.

    In contrast, security forces in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland have, with some key support from international partners, united to repel the Islamic State group’s advance.

    The Islamic State group’s rise in Somalia

    Islamist groups have been part of Somalia’s fractured political landscape since the country’s descent into civil war in the 1980s.

    They tapped into profound local dissatisfaction with warlordism, tribalism and corruption, as well as a reaction to foreign intervention by Ethiopia, the United States and other international actors.

    Al-Shabab and later the Islamic State in Somalia are the most extreme manifestations of this trend.

    Islamic State in Somalia emerged in 2015 when a small group of al-Shabab members led by Abdulqadir Mumin – an extremist Somali preacher who previously lived in Sweden and the United Kingdom, where he acquired citizenship – pledged allegiance to then-Islamic State group leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Having formed as a local branch – or “province” in the group’s self conception as a global entity intent on expanding territory – Islamic State in Somalia launched its first major operation in October 2016, briefly seizing the port town of Qandala in Puntland.

    Thereafter, the group retreated to its strongholds in the mountain regions inside Puntland amid pressure from both the regional government and al-Shabab, which has cracked down on Islamic State supporters in its ranks.

    Yet from the Puntland mountains, Islamic State in Somalia grew into a key node of the terrorist group’s global network. It is now a hub for transferring funds and drawing recruits from across Africa and elsewhere via the regional coordination office it operates known as al-Karrar.

    One notable Sudan-born operative killed in a 2023 U.S. raid in Puntland, Bilal al-Sudani, was known as a key foreign fighter, facilitator and financier who developed Islamic State funding networks in South Africa and helped fund the group’s branch in Afghanistan.

    An NBC News report from mid-2024 cited U.S. officials who believed Mumin, head of Islamic State in Somalia, was acting as the network’s overall leader, or caliph, though other analysts have suggested he holds a top role close to caliph.

    In any case, Islamic State in Somalia’s ranks have increased steadily, from an estimated 200-300 fighters in 2016 to about 1,000 as of February 2025, according to reports.

    Puntland pushes back

    Puntland declared itself an autonomous region of Somalia in 1998 amid the ongoing Somali civil war and has since achieved relative stability compared with the other parts of the country, which have generally been marked by decades of sectarian division and weak central governance.

    Puntland is no stranger to divisions in a country that often hinges on clan loyalties, but it has achieved a greater degree of unity and has regularly raised security forces to defeat external threats, often with considerable foreign support.

    The dominance of a single clan, the Majeerteen, has in part likely helped facilitate this unity. In the current operations against Islamic State in Somalia, the autonomous Puntland government under President Said Abdullahi Deni has gathered several disparate regional forces under the “Puntland Defense Forces” banner, including clan militias, the Puntland Darawish – a regional paramilitary unit – and the Puntland Maritime Police Force.

    Soldiers with the Puntland Defense Forces stand at a base formerly held by the Islamic State group’s Somali affiliate in January 2025 in Puntland, Somalia.
    Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post via Getty Images

    The Puntland Maritime Police Force in particular has evolved into a well-trained and experienced counterterrorism unit. Founded with United Arab Emirates money and mentored by private South African military contractors to address growing piracy, it has turned to fighting al-Shabab and Islamic State in Somalia in the mountain regions. Indeed, it played a leading role in taking Qandala from Islamic State control in 2016. It also cooperated effectively with other forces to defeat a 2016 al-Shabab attempt to attack Puntland from the sea.

    The U.S. and UAE have supported the Puntland government’s campaign. In February 2025, the U.S. launched two airstrikes on Islamic State fighters, with one on Feb. 1, 2025, killing Omani-born Ahmed Maeleninine, a key recruiter, financier and facilitator. The United States claimed another airstrike on March 25.

    The UAE has conducted airstrikes too, likely from the large UAE-funded Puntland Maritime Police Force headquarters base in the major port city of Bosaso.

    The Puntland government has claimed that through its latest operation it has advanced through 315 kilometers, clearing numerous villages and outposts in the mountains.

    On Feb. 11, 2025, The Washington Post reported that regional security forces had killed more than 150 Islamic State members, mostly foreign fighters from countries including Morocco, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia and Yemen, illustrating the group’s significance as a global hub for the network. In fact, one analyst counted 118 dead fighters from a single encounter in early February, indicating a possibly higher death toll. In any case, it represents heavy losses for Islamic State in Somalia, though it is not defeated yet and still numbers fighters in the hundreds.

    The risk of outside interference

    All in all, Puntland has leveraged past success fighting jihadist groups in making remarkable progress in its fight against Islamic State in Somalia.

    It shows how local and substate forces can be more effective at fighting armed nonstate groups than the federal authorities, despite limited resources.

    No doubt, support from the United States and UAE has aided Puntland’s anti-Islamic State push. But reliance on outside sources risks creating dependence on them when local forces must ultimately take ownership of the fight themselves.

    And less patient foreign supporters have been known to spoil the elite units they build. This occurred with the Puntland Security Force, a U.S.-created special forces unit that splintered during a brief withdrawal of U.S. forces from Somalia in 2021 and 2022.

    There are also risks that partner forces will behave badly. While the Emirati mission in Puntland – as well as in Afghanistan and Yemen – has proven effective in fighting jihadists, in Sudan it has been arguably disastrous. There, the UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces paramilitary unit helped to ignite an ongoing civil war in 2023 during which its members perpetrated alleged atrocities.

    Ultimately, it will be up to Puntlanders themselves to keep fighting. Indeed, foreign support would have little impact without effective local forces on the ground with the political will to sustain the campaign. Just as Puntland has done before, so too is it now demonstrating that it is determined to fight the threat posed by jihadist groups like Islamic State in Somalia.

    Ido Levy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How the small autonomous region of Puntland found success in battling Islamic State in Somalia – https://theconversation.com/how-the-small-autonomous-region-of-puntland-found-success-in-battling-islamic-state-in-somalia-251775

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI USA: UConn Health Expands Comprehensive Concussion Care

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    A neurosurgeon with specialized training is leading a new concussion clinic at UConn Health.

    Dr. Brian Kelley, in the roles of neurosurgeon and neurointensivist, seeks to offer an outpatient setting where those who’ve suffered a traumatic brain injury (TBI) can progress with their recovery following their initial acute care.

    Dr. Bryan Kelley is a UConn Health neurosurgeon with specialty training in neurotrauma and neurocritical care. (Tina Encarnacion/UConn Health photo)

    “There are ongoing processes inside your head that are not necessarily surgical problems, but still very much contribute to the overall pathology,” Kelley says. “There are several aspects related to traumatic brain injury that deal not only with surgical issues, but also with what are called secondary mechanisms of injury. These are processes like hypoxia, free radical formation, or pathologic enzyme activity that happen in a delayed fashion.”

    Free radicals are unstable molecules that can harm cells. Hypoxia refers to when the body’s oxygen levels are low.

    Kelley joined UConn Health in 2022, after completing a fellowship in neurocritical care at the University of Pennsylvania that followed his neurosurgical training. In addition to treating brain-injured patients surgically, he’s interested in coordinating services to help patients transition into longer-term care needs.

    “TBI patients often have long-term neurologic issues, be it cognitive or motor function, and they need resources and a place to go where someone with expertise in the field may not be able to necessarily fix everything but can steer them in the proper direction,” Kelley says. “The ultimate goal of the concussion clinic is to integrate neurotrauma care with physical, occupational, and speech therapies, as well as cognitive treatment down the line. That’s in addition to dealing with any potential surgical or postoperative issues.”

    Kelley envisions a comprehensive model for patients to access interdisciplinary care unique to their needs. His concussion clinic opened March 30 at the Brain and Spine Institute at UConn Health, just off its main campus in Farmington at 5 Munson Road.

    “The concussion clinic is born out of building an academic practice focused on head trauma,” he says. “Post-concussive syndrome can be a little bit of a nebulous diagnosis. Not everybody fits nicely into a box, but if you can drill down on a patient’s chief complaint, then at the very least, we can make sure they’re seeing the right groups of people.”

    Of note, Kelley’s clinic is separate and distinct from Neurosport, which is part of UConn Health’s orthopedics and sports medicine practice and provides comprehensive care for athletes who suffer head injuries.

    To start, Kelley expects most of his referrals to come from the UConn John Dempsey Hospital Emergency Department, with an eye toward cultivating the clinic’s reputation as a resource for community physicians to send their patients who may be struggling with the aftereffects of brain injury.

    “There are patients who suffer what you might think is a fairly innocuous event, but they’re left with fairly significant neurologic issues and kind of stuck,” he says. “They’re not sick enough to be in the hospital, but they can’t go back to work or they’re not enjoying the quality of life they want. The idea is to perform a neurologic exam, provide them with a head-to-toe assessment of what’s going on, and give them the resources to help mitigate some of the ongoing TBI effects.”

    Dr. Ketan Bulsara, chair of UConn Health’s Department of Neurosurgery, says, “Dr. Kelley’s training and expertise uniquely position him to provide a great service to help a large group of post-concussive patients. Combined with his research interest in understanding the pathophysiology of brain trauma, he is also uniquely positioned to help advance treatments for this group of patients.”

    Learn more about UConn Health’s Department of Neurosurgery, or call 860-679-8080 to schedule a consultation.

    Learn more about the Brain and Spine Institute at UConn Health.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Tripped at the first hurdle: fees-free changes could put some students off tertiary study altogether

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wendy Ann Alabaster, PhD candidate, University of Canterbury

    skynesher/Getty Images

    The door to tertiary education will likely close for some students now changes have kicked in for the fees-free policy.

    In 2017, the Labour government introduced a fee holiday for students’ first year of academic study, or two years of training in a work-based setting. This was meant to help those who had been put off tertiary study because of the cost. It was also intended to boost the number of people going into higher education.

    But students who started university or other tertiary training in 2025 will instead have to wait until their final year for the fees holiday under a policy change by the current coalition government.

    According to Tertiary Education Minister Penny Simmonds, the goal was to incentivise “hard working learners, businesses and tertiary providers” and help those “most in need of support to access tertiary education and training”.

    However, my research suggests the change will likely compound existing inequalities in access to tertiary education for students from low-income backgrounds.

    Through repeated in-depth interviews with students throughout their first year of study, I examined the impact of the fees free policy on their attitudes and behaviours. What I found is for students from low-income backgrounds, the policy is going to make entering study harder.

    Fees free as an entry point

    My study focused on ten students from low-income backgrounds or who were first in their family to undertake tertiary study. They were interviewed three times: on enrolment, mid-year and at the end of their first year.

    Five of the ten students said they could not have imagined beginning their studies without the first year fees-free support. One student said,

    If it had cost, I wouldn’t have gone.

    Another said,

    I don’t think I would have [studied], to be honest.

    And a third said,

    I’m definitely not one to have debt. No, I don’t think I would have [studied].

    The students in my study were also worried about the debt associated with a student loan. As of December 2024, the total student loan debt in New Zealand was around NZ$15.6 billion, with the median loan balance being $17,949.

    One student said she did not want the debt from a student loan. Another commented,

    It was always the thought that, oh, uni, there’s a massive student loan that you’re going to end up with later down the line. I don’t want to end up stuck in debt and then, you know, never be able to pay off things like that.

    A third said,

    It’s daunting because it was only recently that my mum’s paid off her student loan or her debt.

    Throughout the interviews, the students suggested other changes that could help how low-income students approached tertiary study.

    These included improving access to career education advice, assistance and mentoring in navigating the tertiary environment (including application processes), and increased health and wellbeing support.

    Despite Labour’s fees-free policy, there has been a persistent decline in the number of students from low socioeconomic backgrounds entering tertiary study.
    Phil Walter/Getty Images

    The participants in this study found it difficult to access help with scholarship and enrolment applications. One student commented,

    [High school staff] were very passionate about people to go to uni so it looked good on their reports, but not like helping people apply or anything like that. So it was quite one sided.

    Another student was frustrated with trying to navigate Studylink, the student loan and assistance provider. She said,

    I don’t know why [Studylink] make it so hard for everybody.

    It was difficult for low-income and first-in-family students to communicate with their families about their struggles. One student said,

    Coming from a low-income family meant I was the first in my family to attend tertiary study. It was hard to communicate to my family the struggles of tertiary education and I found it difficult to connect with them and feel like they understood my experience.

    Ongoing unequal access

    Despite the fees free policy, there has been a persistent disparity in the background of students who go on to study at university or other tertiary institutions.

    In 2021, the proportion of students undertaking tertiary study from decile one schools (those with the highest number of students from low-income backgrounds) was under 4%. The proportion from decile 10 schools was closer to 16%. (The decile system has since been replaced by the Schooling Equity Index).

    Regardless of the fees free programme’s original goals, the percentage of students accessing tertiary education from the schools with the lowest five deciles has decreased from 38% in 2017 to 28% in 2021. At the same time, the number of students from the highest five decile schools has increased from 62% to 72%.

    Improving access for students

    Research in 2019 and 2020 revealed that students who were more influenced by the fees-free policy may need extra support to complete qualifications and have a successful tertiary experience.

    The students who were more influenced by the fees-free policy were approximately 1.67 times more likely to struggle during the transition to university and show an interest in early departure within the first few weeks of study.

    My study suggests free fees in the first year allowed students from low-income families to feel they had a right to study.

    Rather than being a reward for students at the end of their study, it is more likely the shift of the fees-free year will discourage low-income students from taking the risk to commit to study at the tertiary level.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Tripped at the first hurdle: fees-free changes could put some students off tertiary study altogether – https://theconversation.com/tripped-at-the-first-hurdle-fees-free-changes-could-put-some-students-off-tertiary-study-altogether-253613

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI USA: SCHUMER SOUNDS ALARM ON ‘DOGE’ PLANS TO SLASH UPSTATE NY’S MANUFACTURERING FEDERAL SUPPORT PROGRAM, CUTTING MILLIONS FOR UPSTATE’S SMALL BIZ & WORKFORCE TRAINING, DEMANDS TRUMP ADMIN REVERSE CUTS AND…

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New York Charles E Schumer

    NY’s Manufacturing Extension Partnership (MEP) Centers – Including NextCorps in Rochester, Center For Economic Growth & FuzeHub In Capital Region, Insyte In Western NY, And More – Rely On Fed Investment To Support Small Businesses And Create New Jobs

    Senator Says These Centers Are One Of The Best Tools To Grow Upstate’s Economy – And Is Especially Needed As We Make Major Investments Thanks To His CHIPS & Science Law- And Cutting Support Now Would Be Double Whammy For Businesses Already Reeling From Trump’s Trade War

    Schumer: Cutting Off Support For Upstate NY Businesses Is Not How You Rebuild American Manufacturing

    After the Trump administration canceled funding for Manufacturing Extension Partnership (MEP) Centers across America and those in Upstate NY are fearing they are next, U.S. Senator Chuck Schumer today sounded the alarm to protect MEP centers that have helped hundreds of small manufacturers grow and create thousands of good-paying jobs in every region of New York. The senator said cutting off federal investment for Upstate NY manufacturing would hinder the growth the region is seeing thanks to his CHIPS & Science Law and threaten the next generation of American manufacturing and jobs across New York. Schumer called on the Trump administration to immediately reverse these cuts and keep MEP investments flowing for Upstate NY.

    “Trump and ‘DOGE’ are threatening to defund a main federal support program for growing Upstate NY manufacturing. We cannot cut off this mainstay program for helping small businesses, attracting new supply chains, and creating new jobs just as we are seeing tremendous manufacturing growth across Upstate NY thanks to my CHIPS & Science Law,” said Senator Schumer. “From Buffalo to Albany, MEP Centers have proven to be one of the best bangs for your buck investments the federal government can make helping create thousands of new good-paying jobs and billions in new investment throughout New York. These centers are how we attract new supply chains, get workers the hands-on training they need, and bring back jobs from overseas. Trump can’t be ushering in the Golden Age of American manufacturing while simultaneously decimating the program that helps American manufacturers thrive. Trump’s haphazard trade war against allies like Canada is already wreaking havoc on New York’s economy and small manufacturers. These Trump cuts to manufacturing centers will only add to that chaos. These cuts are wrong, illegal, and should be immediately reversed.”

    The Manufacturing Extension Program is authorized and appropriated by Congress, and Schumer said cutting these contracts without Congressional approval is most likely illegal. The MEP has a long track record of successfully boosting small American manufacturers in New York and across the country.

    The New York Manufacturing Extension Partnership (NY MEP) is a network of 11 independent nonprofit organizations that help smaller manufacturers grow and create jobs. As a result of the federally-funded NY MEP network, over 32,000 manufacturing jobs in New York have been created or saved between 2019 and 2023. More than 4,400 projects have been completed between NY MEP and manufacturers in every region of the state to help those companies succeed and grow, increasing their sales by $1 billion, helping reduce costs by nearly $40 million, and increasing new investments by nearly $190 million, all in FY2024 alone.

    Schumer explained the rising cost of foreign goods due to Trump’s tariffs is hurting small manufacturers that often already operate on razor-thin margins and ripping away this vital federal MEP assistance is just further insult to injury and threatens the jobs and growth of manufacturers across the state and country. According to WIRED, the U.S. Department of Commerce said they would not pay out nearly $13 million across ten MEP agreements because they were “no longer aligned with the priorities of the department,” and no clarity or certainty has been provided that the contract cuts won’t continue to happen across the country, including in New York, as the deadlines approach for contracts to be renewed.

    A breakdown of contracts in New York State can be found below:

    Recipient 

    Region

    MEP Federal Investment Per Year

    Alliance for Manufacturing and Technology

    Southern Tier

    $380,000

    Center for Economic Growth

    Capital Region

    $380,000

     CITEC

    North Country

    $380,000

    Central New York Technology Development Organization

    Central New York

    $380,000

    Insyte

    Western NY

    $560,000

    NextCorps

    Rochester-Finger Lakes

    $560,000

    Manufacturing & Technology Enterprise Center

    Hudson Valley

    $560,000

    Industrial & Technology Assistance Corporation

    New York City

    $635,000

    Stony Brook

    Long Island

    $635,000

    Mohawk Valley Community College

    Mohawk Valley

    $380,000

    FuzeHub

    Statewide

    $1,135,194

    Empire State Development

    Statewide

    $892,766
       

    $6,877,960

    Every year, the Department spends nearly $200 million annually on MEP nationally. Though states also contribute to MEP programs, it will be difficult for them to compensate for the loss of federal funding. Schumer said cutting these contracts will prevent the United States from establishing manufacturing leadership and could lead to nationwide job losses. In a letter to U.S. Department of Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, Schumer highlighted the importance of MEP in supporting the growth of small manufacturers and demanded certainty that funding for New York’s MEP centers would not be cut.

    “Saying that these critical investments are not aligned with the Department of Commerce’s priorities just doesn’t add up. Trump claims to care a lot about maintaining American manufacturing leadership, but his actions are doing the opposite. The MEP has delivered manufacturing growth in New York and America for years. We need to double down on investment in proven programs like this, not eliminate it,” Schumer added.

    Elena Garuc, Executive Director of FuzeHub, the statewide NY MEP center, said, “The New York MEP serves as an economic engine for communities across our state. Local manufacturers rely on us as a vital resource to become more competitive, adopt new technologies, and create jobs. Occasionally we even step in as a safety net to help manufacturers solve tough challenges and protect their operations. When manufacturing leaders don’t know where to turn, they turn to us. Looking out on the economic horizon, I believe the New York MEP is needed now more than ever.  We’re grateful to Senator Schumer for recognizing the economic impact we deliver and for his determined advocacy for this essential program that strengthens American manufacturing and creates good-paying local jobs.”

    “Small manufacturers are vital to the economy, driving innovation, creating high-quality jobs, and strengthening local and regional supply chains. In New York City, rising operational costs present added challenges. The success of the MEP program, both locally and nationally, lies in its ability to produce tangible results—whether by helping manufacturers adopt technologies tailored to their unique needs and resources, or by implementing strategies that enhance efficiency, reduce costs, and boost profitability,” said Kinda Younes, Executive Director of ITAC, New York City’s NY-MEP Center.

    “LIMEP, operating out of Stony Brook University,  works with the many small and medium-sized manufacturers on Long Island supplying key Department of Defense programs.  By leveraging the NIST MEP resources in cyber security, technical resources and hands-on manufacturing engineering support with Stony Brook University’s vast research capabilities, manufacturers on Long Island are able to accelerate the development and adoption of advanced technologies that support DoD programs.  Our Long Island region helps to sustain the DoD supply chain that is so vital to our nation.  LIMEP is actively working with our regional manufacturers and the Bell Flight & Textron team to make the LI Supply Chain an important spoke in the national defense industrial base and the V-280 Valor Tiltrotor Program,” said Amy Erickson, Executive Director of the Long Island Manufacturing Extension Partnership Program.

    “If you look at our mission statement “To grow and strengthen manufacturing in the Capital Region”, that is why we exist and have taken great pride in it for over 20 years. Many manufacturing CEO’s have to come to rely on the MEP network for assistance with finding domestic supply chain partners, workforce challenges, Industry 4.0 adoption, operational excellence… and the list goes on. Bipartisan support including that from Congressman Schumer has been a hallmark of the MEP program because by any measure we have delivered results,” said Don Weisenforth, President of Center for Economic Growth, the Capital Region’s NY-MEP center.

    “Small manufacturers have been in the forefront of Buffalo’s and Western New York’s renaissance, with NYMEP providing critical support ranging from advanced technology and cybersecurity to workforce and supply chain.  We couldn’t provide these vital services without the MEP Program funding and bipartisan support provided by our Congressional Delegation, led by Senator Schumer,” said Ben Rand, President of Insyte Consulting, Western New York’s NY-MEP center.

    “The NIST Manufacturing Extension Partnership (MEP) program is a cornerstone of American manufacturing, empowering small and mid-sized manufacturers with the tools, expertise, and resources they need to compete, grow, and innovate. These companies are the backbone of our economy and the heart of our communities. We are grateful for Senator Schumer’s leadership in urging the administration to restore full funding to this critical program—because investing in MEP is investing in jobs, resilience, and the future of U.S. manufacturing,” said James Senall, President of NextCorps, the Rochester/Finger Lakes Region’s NY-MEP center.

    “The Manufacturing Extension Partnership (MEP) program is a critical resource for small and medium-sized manufacturers, especially in Central New York. No other program has MEP’s track record, documented history of success, or independently verified impacts. CNYTDO wouldn’t be able to provide these vital services without the MEP Program funding and bipartisan support provided by our Congressional Delegation, led by Senator Schumer,” said James A. D’Agostino, Center Director of CNYTDO, Central New York’s NY-MEP center.

    “The MEP National Network is a critical driver of America’s manufacturing resurgence, directly supporting the administration’s efforts to rebuild our industrial base. The Alliance for Manufacturing & Technology, part of the NY MEP, delivers that impact in the Southern Tier of NY – helping small and mid-sized manufacturers increase productivity, adopt advanced technologies, and address workforce and supply chain challenges head-on. Cutting the MEP program would have immediate consequences, including job losses and hindered growth at a time when these businesses are critical to America’s future in manufacturing. We deeply appreciate Senator Schumer’s leadership in championing this vital program and his unwavering commitment to strengthening American manufacturing,” said Carol Miller, Executive Director of the Alliance for Manufacturing and Technology, the Southern Tier’s NY-MEP center.

    “We must continue supporting Hudson Valley manufacturers with the tools they need to compete globally—not just nationally. After more than 30 years working alongside global manufacturers, I’ve seen firsthand how aggressive and integrated their supply chains can be. If we’re serious about reshoring, we must invest in the smaller manufacturers that form the backbone of those supply chains—while also strengthening workforce, cybersecurity, and technology readiness. The MEP program is critical to this work and deserves continued bipartisan support,” said David Carter, Executive Director of MTEC, the Hudson Valley’s NY-MEP center.

    “The NIST Manufacturing Extension Partnership Program is critical to the success of Mohawk Valley Regional manufacturers. This investment and parentship has allowed for MVCC’s Advanced Institute for Manufacturing to assist more than 200 manufacturers and create and retain more than 2,900 Mohawk Valley advanced manufacturing jobs. We extend our deepest gratitude to Senator Schumer for advocating for this essential investment. This initiative underscores our dedication to innovation and community collaboration, promising a transformative influence on our workforce and students in the entire six-county region,” said Cory Albrecht, Director of Advanced Institute for Manufacturing, the Mohawk Valleys NY-MEP Center.

    “On behalf of CITEC and North Country Manufacturing I would like to thank Senator Schumer in his efforts to save the MEP system. As part of the NY MEP, CITEC can leverage the strength and resources of the entire national network to bring world class expertise to small and medium manufacturers in our remote rural region. CITEC raises the level of our expertise, of our talent, of our skills,” said Jay Ward, President and CEO of Ward Lumber in Jay, NY. “I would highly recommend CITEC for gaining skills and expertise and improving the overall operation of most any company I can think of, certainly ours.”

    Schumer and colleagues wrote a letter urging Commerce Secretary Lutnick not to cancel funding for ten MEP Centers across the country, which is creating uncertainty for all MEP centers. The Trump administration’s action cutting MEP came on April 1, one day before Trump announced sweeping tariffs on imports, which tanked the stock market and raised warnings from experts of a recession.  

    Schumer led to passage of the bipartisan CHIPS & Science Law, which included $2.23 billion for the Manufacturing Extension Partnership program over five years. The CHIPS & Science Law also established a pilot program of expansion awards for MEP Centers to provide services for workforce development, resiliency of domestic supply chains, and expanded support for adopting advanced technology upgrades at small and medium manufacturers. The Law also established a voluntary national supply chain database under MEP.

    Schumer’s letter to Commerce Secretary Lutnick can be found below:

    Dear Secretary Lutnick,

    We write to express our deep concern regarding the Department of Commerce’s recent decision to cancel future funding for ten National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) Hollings Manufacturing Extension Partnership (MEP) Centers in Delaware, Hawaii, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Mississippi, Nevada, New Mexico, North Dakota, and Wyoming. This decision has raised widespread concern across the entire national network of MEP Centers, prompting fears about whether these initial cancellations are the first step in a broader effort to dismantle the program and eliminate federal funding for all 51 centers, with centers in Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Maryland, Michigan, New York, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Oregon, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, Washington, and Wisconsin expected to be notified about their status shortly. Given the MEP program’s long-standing, bipartisan support in strengthening small and medium-sized American manufacturers, we share these concerns and urge you to provide clarity and certainty on your plans for the future of the MEP program.

    According to the National Association of Manufacturers, 93% of manufacturers have fewer than 100 employees, while 75% have fewer than 20 employees. Small manufacturers rely on MEP Centers for essential support in adopting the latest advanced technologies, updating their cybersecurity, navigating supply chain challenges, and accessing workforce training—resources that are often out of reach for small businesses without this dedicated assistance. These centers drive innovation, boost productivity, and create high-quality jobs, strengthening both local economies and America’s global competitiveness. Without this critical federal support, MEP Centers—especially those with the fewest resources, and those serving rural and underserved communities—will be at the greatest risk of closure.

    Dismantling this program would not only disrupt benefits for small businesses but also undermine decades of federal investment in domestic manufacturing resilience, which Congress prioritized in the MEP program in the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988. Congress also reauthorized the MEP program in the CHIPS and Science Act of 2022. NIST was provided $175 million in Fiscal Year (FY) 2025 to fund the MEP Centers. In FY2024 alone, the MEP National Network resulted in $2.6 billion in cost savings, $15 billion in new and retained sales, $5 billion in new client investments, and over 108,000 jobs created or retained. Additionally, a report by Summit Consulting and the Upjohn Institute found that the MEP program generated a substantial economic and financial return ratio of more than 17:1 for the $175 million funding invested by the federal government in FY2023. The study also determined that MEP Center projects contributed to an overall increase of nearly 309,000 jobs across the United States.

    Given these benefits and the funding in the FY 2025 Continuing Resolution, we request a full explanation of the rationale behind this funding decision and ask that you promptly reconsider. Additionally, we urge the Department of Commerce to provide Congress with an impact assessment detailing how this decision will affect manufacturers in the affected states and regions. This action has caused tremendous uncertainty for all MEP Centers and the thousands of American manufacturing companies and their workers.  Therefore, to better understand your plans for renewals across other states in the future, we request a briefing on the way ahead for the overall MEP program prior to making any final non-renewal decisions by April 30, 2025. 

    Eliminating federal support for MEP Centers would hamper American small and medium-sized manufacturers. We urge you to take immediate action to protect the MEP program and the manufacturers that rely on it. We look forward to your response no later than April 30, 2025, and are ready to work with you to find solutions that maintain and enhance the MEP program’s ability to serve America’s manufacturing sector.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: New York Stands With Survivors

    Source: US State of New York

    uring National Crime Victims’ Rights Week, and Child Abuse Prevention Month, Governor Kathy Hochul today announced 14 State landmarks will be lit blue tonight to raise awareness of the state’s prevention efforts to protect children and families. Governor Hochul previously issued a proclamation recognizing April as Child Abuse Prevention Month in New York State.

    “My top priority is ensuring the safety and wellbeing of all New Yorkers – especially our children,” Governor Hochul said. “By working together, we can ensure every child has the opportunity to thrive in a safe and nurturing environment. I am committed to elevating the voices of survivors, and supporting families and advocates, as well as law enforcement, as we work to advance bold initiatives to prevent child abuse in New York State.”

    This year’s theme for the month is “Supporting Child and Family Well-Being” to highlight key prevention tools that can help assist and strengthen families, ultimately preventing child abuse and neglect. Among those tools are Family Opportunity Centers and Family Resource Centers located throughout New York State, and the OCFS HEARS helpline.

    Office of Children and Family Services Commissioner Dr. DaMia Harris-Madden said, “OCFS is dedicated to supporting evidence-based and innovative initiatives to prevent child abuse through prevention services and supports that fortify families and foster healthy environments for children. We are fortunate to live in a state where our Governor proactively leads from the heart and mind, unequivocally supporting the protection of all New Yorkers, particularly those who are the most vulnerable. Governor Hochul’s many commitments include investments in the Family Opportunity Centers and Family Resource Centers, located throughout the state. These centers are intended to empower families and improve protective factors such as parental resilience, social connections, and access to resources.”

    In addition to issuing the proclamation, Governor Hochul directed that 14 State landmarks and buildings be illuminated in recognition of Child Abuse Prevention Month.

    The landmarks and buildings illuminated tonight, April 9, include:

    • One World Trade Center
    • Governor Mario M. Cuomo Bridge
    • Kosciuszko Bridge
    • The H. Carl McCall SUNY Building
    • State Education Building
    • Alfred E. Smith State Office Building
    • Empire State Plaza
    • State Fairgrounds – Main Gate & Expo Center
    • Niagara Falls
    • The “Franklin D. Roosevelt” Mid-Hudson Bridge
    • Albany International Airport Gateway
    • MTA LIRR – East End Gateway at Penn Station
    • Fairport Lift Bridge over the Erie Canal
    • Moynihan Train Hall

    Governor Hochul continues to support family and childhood initiatives designed to increase protective factors that reduce the risk of child abuse or maltreatment. In her 2025-2026 Executive Budget, Governor Hochul proposed a $9.2 million increase in funding for the New York State Child Advocacy Centers (CACs) – more than double the previous annual funding. Child Advocacy Centers provide a child-friendly, safe, supportive environment for child victims of abuse/neglect and their non-offending caretakers.

    Additionally, New York State has continued to support Family Opportunity Centers and Family Resource Centers, which are located at nonprofit social services organizations and public schools and aim to improve family well-being by enhancing social connections, knowledge of parenting and child development, and parental resilience, and by providing concrete supports such as food assistance, housing support and connections to quality physical and mental health care. The Family Opportunity Centers launched through a collaboration between OCFS and the New York State Education Department (NYSED).

    In addition, another key prevention and family strengthening tool is the OCFS HEARS line (Help, Empower, Advocate, Reassure and Support), which is designed to connect families to community resources offering help with housing, food, health care and more. Anyone can call 1-888-55HEARS (1-888-554-3277) Monday through Friday from 8:30 a.m.– 4:30 p.m.

    About the New York State Office of Children and Family Services
    The Office of Children and Family Services serves New York’s public by promoting the safety, permanency and well-being of children, families and communities. The agency provides a system of family support, juvenile justice, youth development, child care and child welfare services and is responsible for programs and services involving foster care, adoption and adoption assistance, child protective services, preventive services for children and families, and protective programs for vulnerable adults.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Universities in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union thought giving in to government demands would save their independence

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Iveta Silova, Professor of Comparative and International Education, Arizona State University

    Columbia University has been in the crosshairs of the Trump administration.
     Rudi Von Briel/Photodisc via Getty Images

    Many American universities, widely seen globally as beacons of academic integrity and free speech, are giving in to demands from the Trump administration, which has been targeting academia since it took office.

    In one of his first acts, President Donald Trump branded diversity, equity and inclusion programs as discriminatory. His administration also launched federal investigations into more than 50 universities, from smaller regional schools such as Grand Valley State University in Michigan and the New England College of Optometry in Massachusetts to elite private universities such as Harvard and Yale.

    Trump ramped up the pressure by threatening university research funding and targeting specific schools. In one example, the Trump administration revoked US$400 million in grants to Columbia University over its alleged failures to curb antisemitic harassment on campus. The school later agreed to most of Trump’s demands, from tightening student protest policies to placing an entire academic department under administrative oversight – though the funding remains frozen.

    Cornell, Northwestern, Princeton, Brown and the University of Pennsylvania have also recently had grants frozen. Harvard was sent a list of demands in order to keep $9 billion in federal funding.

    Now, across the United States, many universities are trying to avoid being Trump’s next target. Administrators are dismantling DEI initiatives – closing and rebranding offices, eliminating positions, revising training programs and sanitizing diversity statements – while professors are preemptively self-censoring.

    Not all institutions are complying. Some schools, such as Wesleyan, have refused to abandon their diversity principles. And organizations including the American Association of University Professors have filed lawsuits challenging Trump’s executive orders, arguing they violate academic freedom and the First Amendment.

    But these remain exceptions, as the broader trend leans toward institutional caution and retreat.

    As a scholar of comparative and international education, I study how academic institutions respond to authoritarian pressure – across political systems, cultural contexts and historical moments. While some universities may believe that compliance with the administration will protect their funding and independence, a few historical parallels suggest otherwise.

    Students and other Nazi supporters gather at Humboldt University in Berlin in 1933.
    AP Photo

    German universities: A lesson

    In the 1975 book “The Abuse of Learning: The Failure of German Universities,” historian Frederic Lilge chronicles how German universities, which entered the 20th century in a golden age of global intellectual influence, did not resist the Nazi regime but instead adapted to it.

    Even before seizing national power in 1933, the Nazi Party was closely monitoring German universities through nationalist student groups and sympathetic faculty, flagging professors deemed politically unreliable – particularly Jews, Marxists, liberals and pacifists.

    After Hitler took office in 1933, his regime moved swiftly to purge academic institutions of Jews and political opponents. The 1933 Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service mandated the firing of Jewish and other “non-Aryan” professors and members of the faculty deemed politically suspect.

    Soon after, professors were required to swear loyalty to Hitler, curricula were overhauled to emphasize “national defense” and “racial science” – a pseudoscientific framework used to justify antisemitism and Aryan supremacy – and entire departments were restructured to serve Nazi ideology.

    Some institutions, such as the Technische Hochschule Stuttgart, even rushed to honor Hitler with an honorary doctorate within weeks of his rise to power. He declined the offer, though the gesture signaled the university’s eagerness to align with the regime. Professional associations, such as the Association of German Universities, stayed silent, ignoring key opportunities to resist before universities lost their autonomy and became subservient to the Nazi state.

    As linguist Max Weinreich wrote in his 1999 book “Hitler’s Professors,” many academics didn’t just comply, they enabled the regime by reshaping their research. This legitimized state doctrine, helping build the intellectual framework of the regime.

    A few academics resisted and were dismissed, exiled or executed. Most did not.

    The transformation of German academia was not a slow drift but a swift and systemic overhaul. But what made Hitler’s orders stick was the eagerness of many academic leaders to comply, justify and normalize the new order. Each decision – each erased name, each revised syllabus, each closed program and department – was framed as necessary, even patriotic. Within a few years, German universities no longer served knowledge – they served power.

    It would take more than a decade after the war, through denazification, reinvestment and international reintegration, for West German universities to begin regaining their intellectual standing and academic credibility.

    Under Stalin, dissenting scholars were purged and history rewritten to glorify the Communist Party. Moscow State University opened in 1953 with murals such as this one depicting Soviet symbols.
    AP Photo/Zander Hollander

    USSR and fascist Italy suffer similar fate

    Other countries that have fallen under authoritarian regimes followed similar trajectories.

    In fascist Italy, the shift began not with violence but with a signature. In 1931, the Mussolini regime required all university professors to swear an oath of loyalty to the state. Out of more than 1,200, only 12 refused.

    Many justified their compliance by insisting the oath had no bearing on their teaching or research. But by publicly affirming loyalty and offering no organized resistance, the academic community signaled its willingness to accommodate the regime. This lack of opposition allowed the fascist government to tighten control over universities and use them to advance its ideological agenda.

    In the Soviet Union, this control was not limited to symbolic gestures – it reshaped the entire academic system.

    After the Russian Revolution in 1917, the Bolsheviks oscillated between wanting to abolish universities as “feudal relics” and repurposing them to serve a socialist state, as historians John Connelly and Michael Grüttner explain in their book “Universities Under Dictatorship.” Ultimately, they chose the latter, remaking universities as instruments of ideological education and technical training, tightly aligned with Marxist-Leninist goals.

    Under Josef Stalin, academic survival depended less on scholarly merit than on conformity to official doctrine. Dissenting scholars were purged or exiled, history was rewritten to glorify the Communist Party, and entire disciplines such as genetics were reshaped to fit political orthodoxy.

    This model was exported across Eastern and Central Europe during the Cold War. In East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Poland, ministries dictated curricula, Marxism-Leninism became mandatory across disciplines, and admissions were reengineered to favor students from loyalist backgrounds. In some contexts, adherents to older intellectual traditions pushed back, especially in Poland, where resistance slowed though could not prevent the imposition of ideological control.

    By the early 1950s, universities across the region had become what Connelly calls “captive institutions,” stripped of independence and recast to serve the state.

    A more recent example is Turkey, where, following the failed 2016 coup, more than 6,000 academics were dismissed, universities were shuttered and research deemed “subversive” was banned.

    History’s warning

    The Trump administration’s early and direct intervention into higher education governance echoes historical attempts to bring universities under state influence or control.

    The administration says it is doing so to eradicate “discrimatory” DEI policies and fight what it sees as antisemitism on college campuses. But by withholding federal funding, the administration is also trying to force universities into ideological conformity – by dictating whose knowledge counts but also whose presence and perspectives are permissible on campus.

    Columbia’s reaction to Trump’s demands sent a clear message: Resistance is risky, but compliance may be rewarded – though the $400 million has yet to be restored. The speed and scope of its concessions set a precedent, signaling to other universities that avoiding political fallout now may mean rewriting policies, reshaping departments and retreating from controversy, perhaps before anyone even asks.

    The Trump administration has already moved on to other universities, including the University of Pennsylvania over its transgender policies, Princeton for its climate programs and Harvard over alleged antisemitism. The question is which school is next.

    The Department of Education has launched investigations into over 50 institutions, accusing them of using “racial preferences and stereotypes in education programs and activities.” How these institutions choose to respond may determine whether higher education remains a space for open inquiry.

    The pressure to conform is not just financial – it is also cultural. Faculty at some institutions are being advised not to use “DEI” in emails and public communication, with warnings to not be a target. Academics are removing pronouns from their email signatures and asking their students to comply, too. I’ve been on the receiving end of those warnings, and so have my counterparts at other institutions. And students on visas are being warned not to travel outside the U.S. after several were deported or denied reentry due to alleged involvement in protests.

    Meanwhile, people inside and outside academia are combing websites, syllabi, presentations and public writing in search of what they consider ideological infractions. This type of peer surveillance can reward silence, incentivize erasure and turn institutions against their own.

    When universities start regulating not just what they say but what they teach, support and stand for – driven by fear rather than principle – they are no longer just reacting to political threats, they are internalizing them. And as history has shown, that may mark the beginning of the end of their academic independence.

    This article does not represent the views of Arizona State University.

    – ref. Universities in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union thought giving in to government demands would save their independence – https://theconversation.com/universities-in-nazi-germany-and-the-soviet-union-thought-giving-in-to-government-demands-would-save-their-independence-252888

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Supreme Court’s decision on deportations gave both the Trump administration and ACLU reasons to claim a victory − but noncitizens clearly lost

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rebecca Hamlin, Professor of Legal Studies and Political Science, UMass Amherst

    A prison officer guards a gate at the Terrorism Confinement Center in El Salvador, where hundreds of migrants from the United States were deported by the Trump administration. Alex Pena/Anadolu via Getty Images

    President Donald Trump has claimed victory at the Supreme Court in his campaign to deport Venezuelan migrants accused by the government of being part of a foreign terrorist organization.

    “The Supreme Court has upheld the Rule of Law in our Nation by allowing a President, whoever that may be, to be able to secure our Borders, and protect our families and our Country, itself,” Trump posted on April 7, 2025, calling it, “A GREAT DAY FOR JUSTICE IN AMERICA!”

    A 5-4 majority of the U.S. Supreme Court had just overruled a lower court that had temporarily barred the deportations, deciding the U.S. could move ahead with its plans to send those Venezuelans to a prison in El Salvador.

    Eight minutes after Trump’s post, the American Civil Liberties Union, Democracy Forward and the ACLU of the District of Columbia, three advocacy groups that represented the Venezuelan nationals in the case, also claimed the decision was a win.

    In a press release, lawyers from these organizations said that the case was “an important victory” in which the court determined that the “Trump administration acted unlawfully when it removed people from this nation with no process.”

    Can both sides legitimately say they won a Supreme Court victory?

    As professors of legal studies, we study the Supreme Court, including how the court approaches cases involving immigration law and presidential power.

    Here’s why both sides are claiming a win in the case known as Trump v. J.G.G., what the court’s opinion actually said, and what you can take away from it.

    The Supreme Court decision lifted the temporary restraining order blocking the deportations imposed by James Boasberg, chief judge of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.
    Drew Angerer/AFP via Getty Images

    Why both sides are claiming victory

    The complexity of the court’s per curiam opinion – an unsigned opinion of a majority of the court – allows the Trump administration and the ACLU to view the ruling in Trump v. J.G.G. from different perspectives.

    This has led them both to claim victory.

    Trump sees the case as a win because the justices vacated a lower court decision that had temporarily barred the deportation of the Venezuelans. This means that the federal government was victorious in the case: His administration does not have to immediately stop deporting Venezuelan nationals.

    At the same time, the ACLU claims the case is a victory for them because the Supreme Court’s opinion said that the government must give people the opportunity to challenge their removal under the Alien Enemies Act – which the government had not done. The Venezuelans’ right to due process was one of the key arguments advanced by the ACLU and its partners.

    On April 9, judges in New York and Texas agreed, just two days after the Supreme Court’s decision, temporarily halting the deportation of five Venezuelans until the government can clarify what type of notice it will be giving to people it intends to deport.

    Eventually, the Supreme Court will need to speak definitively about whether the Trump administration can use the Alien Enemies Act to deport those it alleges to be part of a foreign terrorist organization. The court has not yet addressed that issue.

    This means the court will have to deal with some tricky questions down the road. These include whether a drug cartel can be said to be engaging in an “invasion” or “predatory incursion” into the United States, which the Alien Enemies Act requires if it is to be invoked. Another issue is the extent to which the Alien Enemies Act can be used when Congress hasn’t declared war.

    And a big unanswered question is whether the Supreme Court, or any court, should even answer these questions at all. The political questions doctrine, which dates to 1803, is a principle saying that courts should avoid tackling thorny political questions that are best left to Congress or the president.

    Venezuelans deported from the U.S. sit aboard the plane as they arrive at Simon Bolivar International Airport in Maiquetia, Venezuela, on March 28, 2025.
    Jesus Vargas/picture alliance via Getty Images

    What the court decided and what it means for noncitizens’ rights

    The court’s brief opinion, to which five members signed on, repeats the very basic constitutional premise that noncitizens are entitled to due process of law, even as they are being removed from the United States. Most significantly, due process includes the ability to protest their deportations before a court of law.

    Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s concurrence emphasized the idea that the disagreement between the majority and the dissents is not about whether the noncitizens should have the opportunity to challenge their removal; all nine justices agree they have that right. Rather, Kavanaugh said, the justices disagreed on the question of venue, meaning the location in which these challenges should occur.

    Kavanaugh’s focus on venue obscures the fact that what the justices granted to potential deportees is a significantly less robust type of judicial review than the one they were asking for.

    The Venezuelans were challenging their removal as a class, because Trump had declared in a presidential proclamation that all Venezuelans over the age of 14 who were believed to be members of the Tren de Aragua cartel “are subject to immediate apprehension, detention, and removal.”

    The Supreme Court majority made a group-based approach much more difficult in its April 7 ruling. It allowed for only individual, case-by-case appeals in which each potential deportee must retain legal counsel, file what’s known as a habeas corpus petition challenging their detention, and then try to convince a judge in the district where they are being held that they are not a member of Tren de Aragua in order to prevent their removal.

    For most detainees, that would mean filing a petition in the Southern District of Texas, in the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, known as the most conservative federal circuit in the country.

    Unless more courts step in to prevent it, the impact of the decision will be more removals to El Salvador’s notorious CECOT prison, perhaps of people who are not actually gang members, or even Venezuelan. This has already happened in the previous round of removals under this program.

    Further, at least 200 people have already been flown out of the U.S. to CECOT. Because they’ve been accused of no crime in El Salvador, they have no right to due process or legal counsel there, and no trial date set where they might prove their innocence. A recent CBS exposé also found that three-quarters of them had no criminal record in the United States either.

    In the meantime, there is a separate but related case of a man, Kilmar Abrego Garcia, wrongly deported to El Salvador, despite having legal protection in the U.S. preventing his removal to his home country of El Salvador. The Trump administration is currently arguing before the Supreme Court that when it makes an error in the process of carrying out these removals, it does not have to correct it.

    Not all due process is created equal. The court’s April 7 decision allowing the bare minimum process protecting people being removed makes errors more likely and thus raises the stakes for the outcome of the Abrego Garcia case tremendously.

    Many parties have claimed victory in the Trump v. J.G.G. decision, but one thing is clear: It was a defeat for the rights of noncitizens in the United States.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Supreme Court’s decision on deportations gave both the Trump administration and ACLU reasons to claim a victory − but noncitizens clearly lost – https://theconversation.com/supreme-courts-decision-on-deportations-gave-both-the-trump-administration-and-aclu-reasons-to-claim-a-victory-but-noncitizens-clearly-lost-254153

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Murray, Senate Democratic Caucus Send Letter Demanding Trump Rescind Illegal Executive Order Threatening Federal Employee Collective Bargaining Agreements

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Washington State Patty Murray

    Washington, D.C. — U.S. Senator Patty Murray (D-WA), Vice Chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, joined Senators Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Alsobrooks, Schumer, Kaine, and Warner and the entire Senate Democratic Caucus this week in urging President Trump to rescind his March 27 executive order to end collective bargaining agreements between public employee unions and dozens of federal agencies and bureaus. In their letter, the senators blasted the move as a “gross overreach” of presidential authority, asserting that the executive order is a clear attempt to gut the federal merit-based civil service and implement a system of political cronyism. They stressed that the order poses a grave threat to the ability of over 1 million federal workers to carry out their missions and deliver important services for the American people—and should be rescinded immediately.

    “We write today in outrage over your recent executive order entitled Exclusions from Federal Labor-Management Relations Programs… This order is an insult to the hardworking public servants who go to work on behalf of the American people,” the senators began.

    “The executive order effectively classifies two thirds of the federal workforce as having national security missions, a blatant misuse of a limited authority intended to provide operational flexibility to address legitimate security needs,” they continued. “There is no evidence that the long-standing collective bargaining agreements at these agencies have jeopardized our nation’s security in any way; to the contrary, the protection collective bargaining has provided for employees allows them to conduct their work on behalf of the American people—including blowing the whistle on fraud or abuse—without political interference.”

    “This Administration clearly does not have even a basic understanding of the legally binding nature of federal collective bargaining agreements and is actively trying to bend the law to undermine protections for federal civil servants. We urge you to immediately rescind this illegal executive order so that our dedicated public servants can continue to work on behalf of the American public without fear for their job or political retribution,” the senators concluded.

    The senators’ letter is endorsed by the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), National Treasury Employees Union (NTEU), International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers (IFPTE), and Service Employees International Union (SEIU).

    A copy of the letter is available here and below.

    Dear President Trump: 

    We write today in outrage over your recent executive order entitled Exclusions from Federal Labor-Management Relations Programs, a gross overreach of the authority granted in the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 (CSRA). 

    This order is an insult to the hardworking public servants who go to work on behalf of the American people. They care for our veterans, deliver disaster assistance, prevent wildfires, help farmers improve crop yields, manage health benefits for 9/11 first responders, research treatments and cures for diseases, keep air travel safe, process tax returns, staff our national parks and much, much more. Nearly one third of these dedicated civil servants are veterans seeking to continue their service to our country out of uniform.  

    The executive order effectively classifies two thirds of the federal workforce as having national security missions, a blatant misuse of a limited authority intended to provide operational flexibility to address legitimate security needs. The national security exemption has existed for nearly 50 years and has been used only sparingly by Republican and Democratic Administrations—including during your first term—to exclude federal offices with an unquestionable core function in intelligence, counterintelligence, or national security. There is no evidence that the long-standing collective bargaining agreements at these agencies have jeopardized our nation’s security in any way; to the contrary, the protection collective bargaining has provided for employees allows them to conduct their work on behalf of the American people—including blowing the whistle on fraud or abuse—without political interference. 

    Federal employees’ collective bargaining agreements are critical to ensuring they continue to serve the American people with the peace of mind that comes with being protected from unfair labor practices. Unlike in the private sector, federal employee unions in most cases cannot negotiate pay or benefits, which are set by Congress, and they are legally prohibited from striking. The federal collective bargaining agreements do, however, protect federal employees from illegal firings, retaliation, and discrimination. They also promote resources for whistleblowers and veterans. These federal union contracts give employees in the civil service protections from retaliation so they can serve the American people fairly and effectively without partisan political interference.  

    This executive order, which ruthlessly strips collective bargaining agreements for over one million federal workers, is the most recent attack your Administration has levied against our merit-based civil service in the effort to cut the workforce and replace them with political cronies. While the CSRA does give the president the authority to limit collective bargaining agreements due to national security concerns, the executive order’s direction to terminate mass swaths of federal employee collective bargaining agreements is clearly intended to broadly dismantle the CSRA, which is specifically designed to grant federal employees the right to collective bargaining as a means to resolve workplace issues while maintaining the smooth functioning of government operations.  

    When the Secretary of Labor testified in February in front of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, Members of Congress asked her both in-person and through questions for the record whether she and the Administration would commit to honoring all legally binding collective bargaining agreements signed by federal agencies and labor unions, and whether federal employees have the right to organize and collectively bargain without fear of retaliation. The Secretary answered, “if confirmed, I will follow the law and work with the experts at the Department to understand the collective bargaining process at the Department and the terms and conditions of the collective bargaining agreements in place.” This Administration clearly does not have even a basic understanding of the legally binding nature of federal collective bargaining agreements and is actively trying to bend the law to undermine protections for federal civil servants.  

    We urge you to immediately rescind this illegal executive order so that our dedicated public servants can continue to work on behalf of the American public without fear for their job or political retribution.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Mike Drury: A 40-Year Legacy of Precision

    Source: NASA

    Deputy Integration and Testing Manager – Goddard Space Flight Center
    Mike Drury began at NASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center in Greenbelt, Maryland, as a temporary technician — a contractor hired for six weeks to set up High Capacity Centrifuge tests. Six weeks then turned into three months and, eventually, over 40 years.

    Now, Mike is the deputy integration and testing manager for NASA’s Nancy Grace Roman Space Telescope. In this role, Mike oversees both Roman’s assembly and the many verification processes that ensure it is ready for launch.
    “It’s a privilege to work here. There’s really no regrets,” Mike says. “This is a big place, and it is what you make it. You can really spread your wings and go into a lot of different areas and do different things.”
    When Mike first began at Goddard, only government-employed technicians could work on space flight hardware. However, times were changing. The “old-timers,” as Mike affectionately calls them, soon began training a small group of contractors, including Mike, for flight hardware work. Mike credits these “old-timers” for the mindset he still carries decades later.
    “They taught me how to approach things and execute, and that helped me through my entire career,” Mike says. “It’s that approach — making sure things are done right, without cutting any corners — that I always liked about working here.”
    Not everyone can say that they worked on space missions while in college, but Mike can. Mike took advantage of a program through his contract that paid for classes. For 10 years, Mike studied at Anne Arundel Community College while continuing full-time work at Goddard, eventually earning an associate’s degree in mathematics. 
    While in community college, Mike also stocked up on several physics and calculus credits which helped prepare him to study thermal engineering at Johns Hopkins University. After seven more years of night classes, Mike completed a bachelor’s degree in mechanical engineering. 
    “Night school was really difficult between full-time work and traveling because I was working on several missions,” Mike says. “You needed that perseverance to just keep going and working away at it. So I just hung in there.”

    In his 17 years of night school, Mike worked on seven missions, expanding his skill set from test set-up, to clean room tech work, to training astronauts. While working on the Hubble Space Telescope, Mike helped to train astronauts for their in-orbit tech work to install various instruments. 
    “Every mission I’ve worked on I’ve learned something,” Mike says. “Every test you learn more and more about other disciplines.”
    After graduating from Johns Hopkins, Mike worked for a short time as an engineer before becoming an integration supervisor. In 2006, Mike took on the position of James Webb Space Telescope ISIM (Integrated Science Instrument Module) integration and test manager. After Webb’s ISIM was integrated with the Optical Telescope Element, Mike became the OTIS (Optical Telescope Element and Integrated Science Instrument Module) integration and testing manager.
    “It was a tough eight to 10 years of work,” Mike says. “Loading the OTIS into the shipping container to be sent to NASA’s Johnson Space Center in Houston for further testing was a great accomplishment.” 
    To ensure that Webb’s ISIM would thrive in space, Mike was involved in more than three months of round-the-clock thermal vacuum testing. During this time, a blizzard stranded Mike and others on-site at Goddard for three days. Mike spent his nights overseeing thermal vacuum tests and his days driving test directors and operators to their nearby hotel rooms with his four-wheel-drive truck — a winter storm savior in short supply.

    For Mike, the hard work behind space missions is well worth it.
    “As humans, we want to discover new things and see things. That’s what keeps me coming back — the thought of discovery and space flight,” Mike says. “I get excited talking to some of the Hubble or Webb scientists about the discoveries they’ve made. They answer questions but they also find themselves asking new ones.”
    Some of these new questions opened by Hubble and Webb will be addressed by Mike’s current project — Roman.
    “This team I would say is the best I’ve ever worked with. I say that because it’s the Goddard family. Everyone here on Roman has the same agenda, and that’s a successful, on-time launch,” Mike says. “My ultimate goal is to be staying on the beach in Florida after watching Roman blast off. That would be all the icing on the cake.”
    Mike is also focusing on laying the groundwork for the next era at Goddard. He works hard to instill a sense of import, intention, and precision in his successors, just as the “old-timers” instilled in him 40 years ago.
    “I talk to a lot of my colleagues that I’ve worked with for years, and we’re all excited to hand it off to the next generation,” Mike says. “It’s so exciting to see. I’m the old guy now.”
    By Laine HavensNASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Peters Reintroduces Bipartisan Legislation to Make Higher Education More Affordable & Accessible

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Michigan Gary Peters

    WASHINGTON, DC – U.S. Senator Gary Peters (MI) reintroduced bipartisan legislation to help more high school students earn college credit while making higher education more affordable and accessible. The Making Education Affordable and Accessible Act (MEAA) – which Peters reintroduced with U.S. Senator John Boozman (R-AR) – would expand the use of existing federal grants to support dual enrollment, concurrent enrollment, and early college high school programs.

    “To meet our current workforce needs, we must expand access to the higher education and skills training opportunities that help prepare our young people to land good, in-demand jobs,” said Senator Peters. “This bipartisan bill would give high school students the chance to get a head start working towards a four-year college or associate’s degree to begin building their future without the financial burden of taking on student loans.”

    The MEAA would expand the allowable uses of funding from the Higher Education Act Title VII Fund for the Improvement of Postsecondary Education (FIPSE) to help colleges and universities strengthen early college access programs. Under this bill, institutions of higher education could use FIPSE funding to:

    • Carry out dual or concurrent enrollment programs as well as early college high school programming;
    • Provide educators, principals, counselors and other school leaders in these programs with professional development;
    • Assist students in the program in covering education-related costs such as tuition and fees, books, and transportation; and
    • Support activities such as course design, course approval processes, community outreach, student counseling, and support services.

    These programs give high school students a valuable head start on obtaining a college education. Concurrent enrollment allows students to take college-credit courses taught by qualified high school teachers approved by partner colleges. Dual enrollment programs enable students to be enrolled in and earn credit from both their high school and a college institution. Early college high schools, which are typically located on or near college campuses or embedded within high schools, allow students to work toward an associate’s degree while completing their high school diploma—often extending into a 13th year to ensure degree completion.

    By supporting these proven models, Peters’ MEAA aims to reduce barriers to higher education, lower student debt, and create stronger academic pathways from high school to college and beyond.

    “Dual enrollment opportunities for high school students have proven to significantly improve student success and degree completion. Investing to expand these programs makes college more accessible and affordable while providing clear, achievable pathways to careers,” said James O. Sawyer IV, President, Macomb Community College.

    “Creating seamless pathways from high school to college is a priority at Mott Community College. The Making Education Affordable and Accessible Act will ensure that more students can gain valuable college credits early, reducing the financial burden of higher education and increasing their chances of completing a degree,” said Shaunda Richardson-Snell, Interim President, Mott Community College.

    “School leaders recognize that college accessibility does more than just create opportunities for students—it strengthens our entire education workforce,” said Ronn Nozoe, CEO of the National Association of Secondary School Principals (NASSP). “This critical legislation tackles the financial obstacles confronting future teachers, making certification attainable during an era when higher education costs dramatically exceed educator compensation.”

    “The Making Education Affordable and Accessible Act (MEAA) would expand opportunities for dual and concurrent enrollment and early college high schools—both key to the success and connections between our secondary education, postsecondary education and workforce systems,” said Association for Career and Technical Education (ACTE) Executive Director LeAnn Curry. “ACTE is proud to endorse the bill, and we are grateful to Sens. Gary Peters (D-MI) and John Boozman (R-AR) for introducing the legislation. Their bipartisan commitment provides Congress with an opportunity to expand access to early postsecondary credit and increase opportunities for CTE students pursuing these pathways into successful careers.”

    Peters has long supported efforts to increase access to affordable higher education and skills training opportunities. In 2018, Peters authored bipartisan provisions signed into law as part of larger legislation to close workforce skills gaps by strengthening career and technical education (CTE). Peters’ provisions helped expand school counselor training and awareness of CTE to help them inform students of post-high school education opportunities outside of the traditional four-year college degree. Peters also authored bipartisan legislation into law to allow more veterans to use their GI bill benefits toward securing a registered apprenticeship.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Committee against Torture Commend Monaco’s Ratification of International Human Rights Treaties, Ask about Efforts to Revise Torture Laws and the Transfer of Prisoners to France

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee against Torture today concluded its consideration of the seventh periodic report of Monaco under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, with Committee Experts praising Monaco’s ratification of United Nations and European human rights treaties, while raising questions about efforts to bring legislation on torture in line with the Convention and the transfer of prisoners to France.

    Abderrazak Rouwane, Committee Vice-Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, congratulated Monaco on having ratified a significant number of United Nations and Council of Europe human rights instruments. Why had the State party decided not to ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture?

    Mr. Rouwane asked about measures the State party had taken to harmonise national legislation on torture with the Convention.  The Committee was concerned about the statute of limitations on torture crimes, the lack of specific provisions in the Criminal Code imposing an absolute prohibition of torture, and the lack of clear mechanisms protecting subordinates from being forced to carry out unlawful orders.

    Erdogan Iscan, Committee Vice-Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, said some inmates in Monaco continued to be transferred to French prisons, and the State 

    party lacked oversight of places of deprivation of liberty in France.  Would a formal legal procedure for recording prisoners’ consent to transfers be created?  Which State was responsible for ensuring legal safeguards for these prisoners?

    Introducing the report, Samuel Vuelta Simon, Secretary of State for Justice of Monaco, Director of Judicial Services and head of the delegation, said Monaco ensured that its legal framework was fully in line with its international commitments and that its texts were regularly adapted to better meet the requirements of the fight against torture and inhuman treatment.

    Mr. Vuelta Simon said the Criminal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure allowed for severe punishment for any act resembling torture or inhuman treatment.  Also, a legislative proposal currently being prepared would ensure that the crime of torture was imprescriptible and would also ensure the unenforceability of any hierarchical order invoked to justify it.

    The delegation said the Convention against Torture had been rendered executory by a sovereign ordinance.  It took precedence over domestic legislation. The State party was also considering domestic legislation that would define torture in line with the Convention.

    The delegation said an impact study on the Optional Protocol to the Convention had been carried out, and the State party was not closing the door on ratification.  However, it attached greater importance to the main international human rights instruments.  There was only one detention facility in Monaco, which was already reviewed by international monitoring mechanisms.

    The delegation also said that Monaco’s territory was only two square kilometres.  Its small size made it necessary to turn to France for assistance in managing prisoners.  Transfer requests to French prisons were made by detainees who were French citizens. The State party would consider formalising this procedure.  French authorities cooperated with transfer procedures and guaranteed detainees’ rights. There was no transfer of citizens of Monaco to foreign prisons.

    In closing remarks, Claude Heller, Committee Chair, said that the dialogue had been fruitful and frank.  The Committee would develop concluding observations based on the dialogue, which would aid the State in the implementation of the Convention.

    In his concluding remarks, Mr. Vuelta Simon said that Monaco was a small State that tried to do things properly, on the same level as larger countries.  Some issues had been raised in the dialogue that the State party could make rapid progress on to promote the well-being of human beings, including detainees.  Monaco hoped to demonstrate this progress in its next review with the Committee.

    The delegation of Monaco consisted of representatives from the Directorate of Public Safety; Department of External Relations and Cooperation; Directorate of Legal Affairs; Directorate of Judicial Services; and the Permanent Mission of Monaco to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Committee will issue concluding observations on the report of Monaco at the end of its eighty-second session on 2 May.  Those, and other documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, will be available on the session’s webpage.  Summaries of the public meetings of the Committee can be found here, and webcasts of the public meetings can be found here.

    The Committee will next meet in public on Thursday, 10 April at 3 p.m. to continue its examination of the fifth periodic report of Mauritius (CAT/C/MUS/5).

    Report

    The Committee has before it the seventh periodic report of Monaco (CAT/C/MCO/7).

    Presentation of Report

    SAMUEL VUELTA SIMON, Secretary of State for Justice, Director of Judicial Services of Mexico and head of the delegation, said human dignity was an absolute value that the Principality of Monaco was committed to protecting with determination. Monaco was committed to constantly improving its mechanisms for preventing and protecting against torture and inhuman treatment.  Since the submission of its first report in 1994, Monaco had continued its efforts to strengthen its legal and institutional framework, which had led to significant progress, both in terms of legislation and the implementation of concrete measures to guarantee ever more effective protection against all forms of violence.

    Monaco ensured that the legal framework was fully in line with its international commitments and that its texts were regularly adapted to better meet the requirements of the fight against torture and inhuman treatment.  The Constitution explicitly guaranteed respect for human dignity and prohibited any cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.  This absolute prohibition was reinforced by several provisions of the Criminal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure, which allowed for severe punishment for any act resembling torture or inhuman treatment. 

    The Principality had begun an in-depth study to incorporate into its domestic law a definition of torture that was fully in line with article one of the Convention. A legislative proposal currently being prepared would ensure that the crime of torture was imprescriptible.  It would also ensure the unenforceability of any hierarchical order invoked to justify it, and the absolute inadmissibility of evidence obtained under duress.  These measures would complement an already strict legal arsenal which severely punished acts of violence, especially when committed by a public official.

    Monaco also attached particular importance to supporting and providing reparation to victims. In 2023, it adopted an unprecedented compensation scheme for victims of serious crimes, including domestic violence and misdemeanours and crimes against minors, guaranteeing rapid and effective compensation to victims when the perpetrators were insolvent.  Courts had an obligation to inform victims of this possibility.

    In recent years, significant improvements had been made to Monaco’s prison to provide a more suitable living environment for inmates.  The renovation of the cells had made it possible to bring in more natural light, while a new exercise yard and an activity room had been set up.  A body scanner had recently been introduced to limit the use of body searches.  The visiting regime had been significantly improved, allowing inmates to benefit from three 90-minute visits per week, in addition to two daily 45-minute visits.

    The incarceration of minors remained an exceptional measure in Monaco.  Recent reforms had strengthened the juvenile justice system to promote the reintegration and well-being of young people in conflict with the law.  Anyone in police custody had the immediate right to information and the assistance of a lawyer, permanent judicial supervision, and audio-visual recording of interrogations, thus ensuring the transparency of proceedings.  Since 2022, the right to the assistance of a lawyer had been strengthened in the event of an extension of police custody. 

    The Monegasque Institute for the Training of the Judicial Professions, in collaboration with other specialised institutions, provided regular training to public security forces on international standards for the respect of fundamental rights. The public security forces were thus regularly made aware of good practices, particularly regarding the treatment of persons deprived of their liberty.

    Monaco ensured that respect for fundamental rights within its prison system was monitored. The Office of the High Commissioner for the Protection of Rights, Freedoms and Mediation played a key role in this system by providing detainees with direct access to report any allegations of ill-treatment.  Since the last review, a new right had been introduced allowing detainees to call the Office of the High Commissioner directly once a day, including when they were in a disciplinary cell.

    Monaco reaffirmed its total commitment to the fight against torture and inhuman or degrading treatment.  While there was still room for improvement, the legislative, judicial and institutional advances put in place in recent years had made it possible to considerably strengthen the prevention, control and punishment of abuses.  Monaco would continue its efforts with determination to ensure that respect for human dignity was never compromised.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    ABDERRAZAK ROUWANE, Committee Vice-Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, expressed regret regarding the absence of civil society participants in the dialogue.  Why were they absent?  What measures had the State party taken to harmonise national legislation on torture with the Convention?  The Committee had called on the State party to do so in each of its last six reviews. Could the delegation give some examples of court cases that had referenced the Convention or other United Nations human rights treaties?  The Committee was concerned about the statute of limitations on torture crimes, the lack of specific provisions in the Criminal Code imposing an absolute prohibition of torture, and the lack of clear mechanisms protecting subordinates from being forced to carry out unlawful orders.

    What measures had been taken to ensure that detainees enjoyed all basic legal rights from the outset of deprivation of liberty?  The Committee had called on the State party to amend legislation that allowed police officers to prevent detainees from contacting a family member if such communication was considered detrimental to investigations.  Had this been done?  Did victims benefit from legal aid in cases involving allegations of torture or ill-treatment?

    What steps had been taken to promote the accreditation of the Office of the High Commissioner for the Protection of Rights, Freedoms and Mediation under the Paris Principles?  The Office did not have a specific mandate to protect against human rights violations, including torture and ill-treatment, and it did not have the competence to conduct investigations, publish studies or formulate opinions on draft legislation on its own initiative.  Could the delegation comment on this?  Why had the State party decided not to ratify the Optional Protocol and set up a national preventive mechanism against torture?

    The Committee congratulated Monaco on having ratified a significant number of human rights instruments within the framework of the United Nations system and the Council of Europe.  Would it ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and the Convention for the Protection of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families?

    The Committee noted positive amendments to the law on the status of the judiciary to strengthen the Supreme Council of the Judiciary, which had enabled the Council to take up disciplinary matters on its own.  However, the Council’s role in appointing judges had not been increased and its activity report was not made public.  The Director of Judicial Services, part of the executive, chaired the High Council and could appoint and suspend judges and magistrates directly.  The Prosecutor General and the magistrates of the Public Prosecutor’s Office were also under the direct authority of the Director. Was this not interference by the executive in the affairs of justice?  How would the State party ensure the full independence of the judiciary, including in matters related to appointment and disciplinary measures?

    Could the State party provide updated data on extraditions, asylum applications, and the number of appeals against asylum decisions?  The Committee noted that refugees enjoyed the rights provided for in the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees.  However, there was a lack of clarity regarding the asylum process and safeguards offered, and uncertainty surrounding the procedure for cooperation between the State party and the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons.  Would the State party implement a mechanism to follow up on asylum seekers’ cases with the Office?  What measures were in place to domesticate an asylum assessment procedure?  Could the State party provide information on extradition cases and requests made for mutual legal assistance related to international cases involving torture?

    A large number of foreigners living in neighbouring countries were working informally in Monaco and were at risk of trafficking.  How was the State party combatting trafficking in persons, raising awareness of the issue, and training the judiciary on it?  What measures were in place to strengthen the identification of trafficking victims?  What tools were available to public officials to guide the identification of child victims of trafficking?

    The Committee had previously called for the strengthening of training for the judiciary and prison officials on the Convention and the revised Istanbul Protocol of 2022.  What measures would the State party take to train officials who were in contact with persons deprived of liberty on the absolute prohibition of torture?  Were there any monitoring mechanisms in places of deprivation of liberty?

    ERDOGAN ISCAN, Committee Vice-Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, commended the recent progress by the State presented in the opening statement.  The Committee noted that the remand prison of Monaco had recently been extended, its facilities upgraded, and the visit regime improved.  However, there were limits to the extent to which the prison could be expanded due to its location, and the prison reportedly remained unsuitable for prolonged detention due to its limited natural light and lack of space for activities.  What further steps would be taken to improve prison conditions?

    Some inmates continued to be transferred to French prisons, and the State party lacked oversight of places of deprivation of liberty in France.  There was no formalised legal procedure for recording prisoners’ consent and requests regarding transfers.  Would one be created?  How many Monegasque prisoners were currently serving sentences in French prisons? Which State was responsible for ensuring legal safeguards for these prisoners?  Did they have access to lawyers and could they maintain social connections in Monaco?  How would the State party ensure this right?  Which State conducted investigations in cases of complaints by these prisoners?  Had the State party considered expanding the capacity of its prison system to allow inmates to remain in Monaco?

    Did current legislation prohibit corporal punishment in all settings, including homes and educational institutions? Were awareness raising campaigns or training programmes on corporal punishment for parents and childcare professionals planned?  Minors under age 13 could not be detained but could be held in police custody for up to 24 hours in criminal cases.  Could the delegation provide data on minors in police custody?  Would the State party consider revising legislation to raise the minimum age of criminal responsibility to at least 14 years of age?

    Had the State party made progress in adopting legislation that provided full redress to victims of torture? Would it consider scaling up its support to the United Nations Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture, and had it updated legislation to ensure that statements obtained through torture were made null and void?

    The Committee noted with satisfaction measures taken by the State party to prevent and combat violence against women, including revision of the Criminal Code and awareness raising campaigns. What protection measures were in place for foreign women who were victims of violence, and what resources were devoted to programmes and measures to combat violence against women?

    Reportedly, conditions in closed psychiatric units in the Princess Grace Hospital were good, but improvements were needed regarding prolonged hospitalisation and treatment of minors and detainees requiring psychiatric care.  Was the State party addressing this?

    Another Committee Expert asked whether the Convention was directly applicable in Monaco.  How were potential conflicts between the Convention and domestic legislation resolved?

    One Committee Expert asked how many prisoners were serving in Monaco.  What happened to prisoners who did not consent to being transferred to French prisons?  Could the delegation clarify whether consent was needed to conduct transfers?

    A Committee Expert said domestic law on trafficking was sound, but the State party needed to strengthen the training of law enforcement officials, social workers, medical staff and the public on identifying victims of trafficking.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the Director of Judicial Services was also the Secretary of State for Justice, which, as a member of the judiciary, was not part of the executive branch of Government but fell under the authority of the Prince.  The judiciary was guaranteed security of tenure and independence.  The Secretary of State for Justice gave generalised guidance to the judiciary that was consistent with State policies, but prosecutors were free to speak independently in carrying out their work.

    Monaco’s territory was only two square kilometres.  Its small size made it necessary to turn to France for assistance for managing prisoners. There were only six prosecutors and 22 jurists who worked with legislators to develop legal texts.  Some 39,000 people lived in Monaco but only 9,000 had citizenship.

    The Supreme Council of the Judiciary was made up of two elected judges and five judges appointed by the Council itself.  Both the Secretary of State for Justice and the Supreme Council could take up cases of discipline of judges.  The Supreme Council selected candidates for judicial posts and had a special budget guaranteeing its independence.  Training was provided to newly appointed judges and prosecutors through French institutions; approximately two-thirds of judges had been seconded from France.  A draft law had been developed that would create a reserve pool of judges to strengthen the domestic availability of judges.

    Monaco had a dualist system.  The Prince signed and ratified international treaties, with authorisation by the National Council.  Sovereign ordinances were used to allow for international treaties to be directly invoked before national courts.  There were cases in which the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention of Human Rights had been invoked. The Constitution had the highest status in the domestic legal order, followed by international treaties, which took precedence over domestic legislation.

    The Constitution expressly prohibited torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.  Acts of torture committed in offences of sexual aggression, terrorism and abduction were considered to be aggravated crimes. Monaco’s judicial services had limited capacity, but aimed to establish a stand-alone offence of torture in line with article one of the Convention through a draft law that was currently before the legislature.  Serious crimes committed against minors had a statute of limitations of 30 years, which started when the victim reached the age of majority.  Monaco’s law imposed an absolute prohibition of torture; it was impossible to justify acts of torture in any circumstances.  Hierarchical superiors were held accountable for illegal orders to carry out acts of torture, as were agents who carried out such orders.  Subordinates who refused to obey illegal orders were not disciplined or considered to have committed a crime.

    There was one case of trafficking against a minor in which the court had referenced the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime in its ruling.  The scope of the criminalisation of trafficking had been broadened to address domestic trafficking cases that did not involve organised crime.  Trafficking that endangered victims’ lives, trafficking of minors, and trafficking by public officials or members of organised criminal groups were considered aggravating circumstances.

    Police custody was always recorded and was subject to court oversight; examining magistrates could end police custody at any point.  All persons in police custody were informed of the reasons of their detention and their rights, including the right to access a lawyer from the beginning of custody. All persons who earned less than 20,000 euros per year were entitled to free legal aid.  Detainees could request a medical examination at any point.  The State party intended to regulate the grounds under which the Prosecutor General could restrict detainees’ right to contact a relative.  Hearings were filmed and could be conducted in the presence of a legal counsel. Criminal investigative officers needed to record the time of detention and other details relating to the detention, including reasons for refusals of detainees’ rights.

    Minors under 13 could not be placed in police custody unless they committed an offence that carried a five-year prison sentence.  Hearings of minors needed to be conducted with a lawyer present.  Police custody of minors was typically 12 hours but could be extended to 24 hours in criminal cases with the permission of a judge.

    Legislation on the High Commissioner for the Protection of Rights and Mediation had been revised to bring the institution in line with the Paris Principles.  The law allowed the High Commissioner to carry out surveys and provide recommendations related to combatting discrimination, protecting human rights, and implementing international conventions.  It also strengthened the High Commissioner’s investigative powers and gave the body powers to defend the rights of the child. Steps had been taken to promote registration of the institution by the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions.  Since 2022, detainees were able to contact the High Commissioner directly by telephone, in addition to through written communications.  Monaco had installed a body scanning machine in its prison after detainees’ complaints to the High Commissioner regarding body searches.

    Civil society in Monaco was very active. As there had been no demonstrated cases of torture in the State for almost a century, there were no non-governmental organizations working on the issue.  The High Commissioner’s mandate had recently been expanded and it was now recruiting staff to address its new functions.  In future, the High Commissioner could be able to participate in reviews by the Committee.

    Ratifying the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance was not a priority for the State.  The State party tried to align its legislation with international instruments before ratifying them, which caused delays in ratification.  There were no cases of enforced disappearance in Monaco. 

    An impact study on the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture had been carried out.  There was only one detention facility in Monaco, which was already reviewed by international monitoring mechanisms. There had been no complaints regarding ill-treatment or poor conditions.  Ratifying the Optional Protocol was not a top priority for the Government but could be done in future.  Monaco made voluntary contributions to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, but did not envisage providing contributions to the Voluntary Fund for the Victims of Torture.

    Refugees fell under ordinary law for entry and stay in Monaco.  They received 10-year residence permits.  The State currently hosted 23 refugees.  Monaco respected the principle of non-refoulement.  Asylum seekers whose claims were rejected were not immediately removed, unless they posed a threat to public safety.  The Government called on the relevant French authority to assess asylum claims.  Refusals of asylum claims were always explained and could be appealed before the relevant court.  The overseas diplomatic presence of Monaco in countries of origin for asylum seekers was limited.

    When the Ukraine conflict began in 2022, Monaco established a system providing temporary protection for Ukrainian citizens who had lived in Monaco prior to the establishment of the system. Currently, around 50 Ukrainians held the temporary protection permit, which allowed them to access health, education and other social services.  Many holders of this permit had since gained residency permits.

    The State party had not received any requests for mutual legal assistance or handled any international cases involving torture.  It had received one extradition request, which Monaco’s court of appeal rejected due to concerns about human rights protections.

    In 2020, two people were transferred to French prisons, while one person was transferred in 2023 and another in 2024; there were two requests in 2025 that were being assessed.  Transfer requests to France were typically made by French citizens.  All requests for prison transfers were made in writing by the detainees themselves. The State party would consider formalising this procedure.  There were no difficulties in transfers to France; French authorities cooperated with transfer procedures and guaranteed detainees’ rights.  Requests for transfers to other countries were considered based on respect for detainees’ rights.

    The national human rights institution received and investigated written complaints from detainees.  There was also an internal oversight body within the police force that could be called on by the judiciary to investigate police officers accused of human rights violations.  Complaints made to the Prosecutor-General triggered judicial proceedings.  Legal assistance was available for persons who filed for civil damages.  A compensation mechanism had been set up for victims of serious offences who could not be compensated by the perpetrator. Compensation covered damages and court costs.  State compensation could also be provided to persons who were placed in pre-trial detention before being released or acquitted.

    The State party had adopted a law on school bullying and harassment, and the Criminal Code prohibited and punished corporal punishment, including in school and family settings.  Teaching staff and other school staff underwent annual training on identifying and addressing harassment of children. Schools needed to implement awareness raising initiatives to combat harassment and bullying.

    Incarceration and pre-trial detention of children were last resort measures.  Judges could determine alternatives to prosecution of minor offenders, including provisional releases, reparation for victims, community service, and training within social health institutions.  Judges could also order minors to be placed in the Foyer d’Enfance, from which they were free to come and go.  In 2020, five minors were charged, of whom none were detained; in 2021, seven minors were charged and only one was placed in pre-trial detention for one month and 20 days; and in 2022, out of the 15 minors who were charged, only two were placed in pre-trial detention.

    The age of criminal responsibility in Monaco was 13 years.  None of the 15 minor offenders in 2022 were aged 13.  The State party would consider raising the age threshold and revising the legal status of minors in the country.

    Considerable progress had been made since 2020 in improving the detention facility.  The State had installed cells with better access to natural light, a games room, a new exercise yard, and air conditioning and heating facilities within cells.  Exercise and folding laundry were no longer mandatory, televisions did not need to be switched off at certain times, and the State no longer imposed solitary confinement on detainees.

    Women and child victims of violence were supported by the Directorate for Social Assistance.  A protocol for care of victims of domestic violence had been established.  Health care professionals were trained in caring for victims and managing perpetrators when they accompanied them.  Victims were provided with shelter in emergencies when they could not stay with friends or family.  They were entitled to medical care, psychological assistance, and legal advice.

    The employment service verified working conditions for migrant workers and the labour inspectorate carried out numerous checks to ensure that workers’ rights were being respected.  Officials held interviews with applicants for residence and work permits to detect risks of trafficking.  To date, 96 public officials had received training on identifying and treating victims of trafficking.

    Members of the judiciary were obliged to attend at least five days of training per year either locally or in France, which addressed human rights and international and European norms.  The State sought to ensure that the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights were incorporated in domestic legislation as soon as possible.

    Training of police officers lasted 10 months.  It stressed the rights of apprehended persons, including the right to be protected from violence, inhumane and degrading treatment.  All police officers had to abide by the code of professional ethnics and respect the dignity of persons.  They were trained on ethical means of restraint, bodily searches, the use of reasonable force, and the prohibition of torture.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    ABDERRAZAK ROUWANE, Committee Vice-Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, said the Committee welcomed that there were no cases of torture in Monaco, but this could not be used as an excuse for not ratifying the Optional Protocol to the Convention.  Crimes needed to be legislated for regardless of their prevalence. A national preventive mechanism would be mandated to investigate all places of deprivation of liberty, including the psychiatric hospital and airports.  It would be fantastic if a European country could ratify the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.  Many of the 63,000 workers in Monaco were migrant workers who needed legal protection.

    Could detainees from Monaco be transferred to French prisons?  When there were criminal prosecutions of perpetrators, were alleged victims entitled to legal assistance?  Did the State party intend to provide the Supreme Council of the Judiciary with further independence?

    ERDOGAN ISCAN, Committee Vice-Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, said the dialogue had been constructive. Even if there was limited scope for implementing the Optional Protocol, ratification would set a positive example for other States.  Some 42 of the 46 members of the Council of Europe had ratified the Optional Protocol. Did the State party plan to remove its reservation to article 30 of the Convention.  Member States needed to continue to support the treaty body system in a sustainable manner.  What was Monaco’s position on this?

    Another Committee Expert asked whether Monaco had adopted measures addressing trade in equipment used to inflict pain and suffering.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the State party was not closing the door on ratifying the Optional Protocol; it was still considering the option.  However, it attached greater importance to the main international human rights instruments.  Impact assessment studies on these instruments took time due to the State’s limited resources.

    There were around 60,000 cross-border workers travelling from France or Italy to Monaco every day.  They were entitled to the rights embodied by Monaco’s labour laws.

    The Convention against Torture had been rendered executory by a sovereign ordinance.  It took precedence over domestic legislation.  The State party was also considering domestic legislation that would define torture in line with the Convention.

    Legal aid lasted from the beginning to the end of legal proceedings.

    There was no transfer of Monaco citizens to foreign prisons.  Transfers were only for foreign detainees who had requested a transfer back to their country of origin; such transfers were essentially humanitarian.

    The Supreme Council of the Judiciary promoted the independence of the judiciary.  It drew mostly on the French model.  The Secretary of State for Justice was responsible for appointing and promoting judges, but the Supreme Council approved appointments and promotions and could take up disciplinary cases on its own initiative.

    Concluding Remarks

    CLAUDE HELLER, Committee Chair, said that the dialogue had been fruitful and frank.  The Committee would develop concluding observations based on the dialogue, which would aid the State in the implementation of the Convention. The Committee did not judge States based on their size; it treated them all equally.

    SAMUEL VUELTA SIMON, Secretary of State for Justice of Monaco, Director of Judicial Services and head of the delegation, thanked the Committee for the dialogue.  Monaco was a small State that tried to do things properly, on the same level as larger countries, though staff numbers made this difficult.  The State tried to respond as best it could to its realities.  Monaco welcomed the Committee’s advice and relevant questions. Some issues had been raised that the State party could make rapid progress on to promote the well-being of human beings, including detainees.  Monaco hoped to demonstrate this progress in its next review with the Committee.

    ___________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CAT25.002E

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Functioning of the European Schools – E-000433/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    1. The Board of Governors (BoG), the top decision-making body of the European Schools (ES), addressed the Parliament’s resolution with an Action Plan, adopted in April 2024. This plan is available on the website of the Office of the Secretary-General of the European Schools[1]. Its actions are currently being implemented according to the agreed schedule. Bruxelles-Argenteuil is currently the only accredited European School (AES) in the Brussels area. If Belgian authorities request accreditation for more schools, the Commission will explore signing new contribution agreements.

    2. The EU’s financial contribution is adjusted annually to support the expanding ES population and needs. The draft budget for 2026 was discussed in the ES Budgetary Committee on 12-13 March 2025 and will be submitted for a decision of the BoG in early April 2025.

    3. The host country is responsible for the 5th Brussels-based European school in Neder-Over-Heembeek (ESB5). Initially set for 2028, its opening has been deferred to 2030. Belgian authorities plan to expand ESB2, Woluwe site, to accommodate an additional 200-300 pupils to manage the growing Brussels ES population until ESB5 opens. According to the BoG decision of December 2022, the new ESB5 should have five language sections: French, Dutch and Italian (relocated from ESB4, Laeken), Greek (relocation of satellite classes from ESB1, Berkendael site), and, if justified by pupil numbers, English.

    • [1] https://www.eursc.eu/Documents/2024-01-D-30-en-4.pdf
    Last updated: 9 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News –

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Judicial appointments increase Albertans access to justice

    Source: Government of Canada regional news (2)

    MIL OSI Canada News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Top 10 finalists of Innovate2Educate: Handheld Device Design Challenge announced ahead of WAVES 2025

    Source: Government of India

    Posted On: 09 APR 2025 6:20PM by PIB Mumbai

    Mumbai, 9 April 2025

     

    The Indian Digital Gaming Society (IDGS) has announced the top 10 finalists of the Innovate2Educate: Handheld Device Design challenge. The competition, organised by the IDGS in collaboration with the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting as part of the upcoming World Audio Visual Entertainment Summit (WAVES) 2025, is aimed at driving innovation among the youth at the intersection of technology, education, and gaming, inspiring breakthrough ideas and design for handheld devices that can revolutionize learning experiences.

    Launched as a key initiative of WAVES 2025 Create in India Challenge, the Innovate2Educate challenge invited students, designers, startups, and tech enthusiasts from across the world to envision next-generation portable devices that blend entertainment with education for diverse user groups.

    The top 10 finalists have been selected from 1856 registration of innovative ideas after rigorous evaluation by an expert jury panel comprising industry leaders, technologists, educators, and designers. The jury includes Mr Indrajit Ghosh, Co-Founder, Eruditio; Mr Rajeev Nagar, Country Manager, Inda and SAARC, Huion; and Mr Jeffrey Cray, Co-Founder and Product Head, Squid Academy.

    The 10 finalists are:

    1. KARNATA PARVA – Code Craft Junior (Karnataka)
    2. VIDYARTHI – Smart Learning Tablet for Kids: An Interactive and Adaptive Educational Companion (Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh)
    3. TECH TITANS – Smart Handwriting Learning Device with Interactive Writing Assistance (Tamil Nadu)
    4. PROTOMINDS – EduSpark (Delhi, Kerala, UP, Bihar)
    5. APEX ACHIEVERS – BODMAS Quest: Gamified Math Learning For Smarter Education (Tamil Nadu)
    6. SCIENCEVERSE – The Imperative of Interactive Educational Handheld Devices for Children (Indonesia)
    7. V20 – VFit – Interactive Learning Through Play (Tamil Nadu)
    8. WARRIORS– Maha-shastra (Dehi)
    9. KIDDYMAITRI– A Handheld Mathematical Gaming Console (Mumbai, Odisha, Karnataka)
    10. E-GROOTS– Micro Controller Mastery Kit (Tamil Nadu)

    Talking about the competition, Rajan Navani, President of Indian Digital Gaming Society, said that the challenge has demonstrated how India’s creative and technological talent can design solutions that address real educational needs while leveraging the power of gamification and interactive content.

    Ashutosh Mohle, the nodal officer from the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting for the Innovate2Educate challenge said that the WAVES Handheld Videogame Design Challenge is not just about gaming—it’s about nurturing a new wave of innovation in India’s hardware ecosystem. “By leveraging microcontrollers and aligning with the goals of the India Semiconductor Mission, we’re pushing young minds to dream, design, and build at the intersection of creativity and technology,” he said.

    The top 10 shortlisted teams will present their ideas at a special showcase during the WAVES 2025 in Mumbai. The winners of the challenge will be felicitated at the grand finale by the ministry.

                                            

    About Indian Digital Gaming Society

    The IDGS is a premier industry body promoting video gaming and esports, interactive media, and digital entertainment in India, fostering talent development, innovation, and industry collaborations.

     

    About WAVES

    The first World Audio Visual & Entertainment Summit, a milestone event for the Media & Entertainment (M&E) sector, will be hosted by the Government of India in Mumbai, Maharashtra, from May 1 to 4, 2025.

    Whether you’re an industry professional, investor, creator, or innovator, the Summit offers the ultimate global platform to connect, collaborate, innovate and contribute to the M&E landscape.

    WAVES is set to magnify India’s creative strength, amplifying its position as a hub for content creation, intellectual property, and technological innovation. Industries and sectors in focus include Broadcasting, Print Media, Television, Radio, Films, Animation, Visual Effects, Gaming, Comics, Sound and Music, Advertising, Digital Media, Social Media Platforms, Generative AI, Augmented Reality (AR), Virtual Reality (VR), and Extended Reality (XR).

    Have questions? Find answers here 

    Stay updated with the latest announcements from PIB Team WAVES

    Register for WAVES now

     

    * * *

    PIB TEAM WAVES 2025 | Riyas Babu/ Darshana | 89

    Follow us on social media: @PIBMumbai    /PIBMumbai     /pibmumbai   pibmumbai[at]gmail[dot]com  /PIBMumbai     /pibmumbai

    (Release ID: 2120522) Visitor Counter : 79

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: LOK SABHA SPEAKER APPRECIATES UZBEK SCHOLARS’ DEEP INTEREST IN INDIAN LANGUAGES AND CULTURE

    Source: Government of India

    LOK SABHA SPEAKER APPRECIATES UZBEK SCHOLARS’ DEEP INTEREST IN INDIAN LANGUAGES AND CULTURE

    INDIA HAS AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN SHAPING THE 21ST CENTURY: LOK SABHA SPEAKER

    INDIA AND UZBEKISTAN WILL PLAY A KEY ROLE IN REALIZING DREAM OF GLOBAL HUMAN VALUES, PEACE, STABILITY, PROGRESS, AND FREEDOM IN THE 21ST CENTURY: LOK SABHA SPEAKER

    LOK SABHA SPEAKER INTERACTS WITH INDOLOGISTS AND STUDENTS IN UZBEKISTAN

    Posted On: 09 APR 2025 8:07PM by PIB Delhi

    Tashkent/New Delhi; 09 April 2025: Lok Sabha Speaker Shri Om Birla has appreciated the scholars of Uzbekistan for their deep interest and understanding in Indian languages, including Hindi and Sanskrit. The Uzbek scholars have not only learned Indian languages but have also expressed it in their literary works, he observed. Interacting with the Indologists, teachers and students at the prestigious Lal Bahadur Shastri School in Tashkent today, Shri Birla noted that the scholars through their teaching and research works, have strengthened the historic relationship between India and Uzbekistan. Over 600 students are learning Hindi at the school and are having a deep appreciation for Indian languages and culture.

    Shri Birla mentioned that many Indologists have received prestigious awards for their diplomatic activities, including the highest awards in India and other countries. He also noted that an Uzbek-Hindi dictionary has also been created by the teachers in Uzbekistan which was inaugurated by Prime Minister, Shri Narendra Modi.

    Shri Birla said that India has an important role in shaping the 21st century, adding that there are immense opportunities for collective development and collaboration with friendly nations like Uzbekistan. He further said that through engagement in areas such as the environment, language, culture, and education, mutual understanding would be broadened. Shri Birla recalled that during his visit, Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi had highlighted the popularity of Indian films and music in Uzbekistan and reminded the audience that in 2012, Uzbek Radio completed 50 years of broadcasting

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: PM to visit Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh on 11th April

    Source: Government of India

    PM to visit Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh on 11th April

    PM to lay the foundation stone and inaugurate various development projects worth over Rs 3,880 crore in Varanasi

    Special focus of projects: road, electricity, education, tourism

    PM to present Geographical Indication (GI) certificates to newly registered local items and products

    PM to perform darshan and pooja at Guru Ji Maharaj Temple in Isagarh, Madhya Pradesh

    Posted On: 09 APR 2025 9:43PM by PIB Delhi

    Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi will visit Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh on 11th April. He will travel to Varanasi and at around 11 AM, he will lay the foundation stone and inaugurate various development projects worth over Rs 3,880 crore. He will also address a public meeting.

    Thereafter he will travel to Madhya Pradesh and at around 3:15 PM, he will perform darshan and pooja at Guru Ji Maharaj Temple in Isagarh. Further, at around 4:15 PM, he will participate in a public programme at Anandpur Dham and address the gathering on the occasion.

    PM in Uttar Pradesh

    Prime Minister will lay the foundation stone and inaugurate various development projects worth over Rs 3,880 crore in Varanasi. In line with his commitment to infrastructure development, particularly enhancing road connectivity in Varanasi, he will inaugurate and lay the foundation stone for various road projects in the region. Furthermore, he will lay the foundation stone for a road bridge between Varanasi Ring Road and Sarnath, flyovers at Bhikharipur and Manduadih crossings of the city and a highway underpass road tunnel on NH-31 at the Varanasi International Airport worth over Rs 980 crore.

    Giving a boost to the electricity infrastructure, Prime Minister will inaugurate two 400 KV and one 220 KV transmission substations and associated transmission lines of Jaunpur, Chandauli and Ghazipur districts of Varanasi division worth over Rs 1,045 crore. He will also lay the foundation stone of a 220 KV transmission substation at Chaukaghat, Varanasi, a 132 KV transmission substation in Ghazipur and augmentation of the Varanasi city electricity distribution system worth over Rs 775 crore.

    Prime Minister will inaugurate a Transit Hostel at the Police Line and barracks at PAC Ramnagar Campus, to improve facilities for the security personnel. He will also lay the foundation stone of new administrative buildings at various police stations and a residential hostel in Police Line.

    In line with his vision to ensure education for all, Prime Minister will inaugurate projects including a Government Polytechnic College at Pindra, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Government College at village Barki, 356 rural libraries and 100 Anganwadi centres also. He will also lay the foundation stone for renovation of 77 primary school buildings under the Smart City Mission and the construction of a new building for Kasturba Gandhi School at Cholapur, Varanasi. Promoting sports infrastructure in the city, Prime Minister will lay the foundation stone for a synthetic hockey turf with floodlights and spectator gallery at Uday Pratap College and a mini stadium at Shivpur.

    Prime Minister will also inaugurate the redevelopment of Samne Ghat and Shastri Ghat at Ganga river, 130 rural drinking water schemes under the Jal Jeevan Mission worth over Rs 345 crore, improvement of six municipal wards of Varanasi and landscaping and sculpture installations at various sites of Varanasi.

    Prime Minister will also lay the foundation stone for MSME Unity Mall for artisans, infrastructure development works of Transport Nagar Scheme at Mohansarai, 1 MW solar power plant at WTP Bhelupur, Community halls in 40 Gram panchayats and beautification of various parks in Varanasi.

    Prime Minister will also handover Ayushman Vay Vandana cards to first time benefitting senior citizens over 70 years. He will present Geographical Indication (GI) certificates to various local items and products including  tabla, painting, thandai, tiranga barfi among others. He will also transfer over Rs 105 crore bonus to milk suppliers of Uttar Pradesh associated with Banas Dairy.

    PM in Madhya Pradesh

    In line with his commitment to furthering the cultural and spiritual heritage of India, Prime Minister will visit Anandpur Dham of Isagarh Tehsil in the Ashoknagar district in Madhya Pradesh. He will perform darshan and pooja at Guru Ji Maharaj Temple. He will also tour the temple complex at Anandpur Dham.

    Anandpur Dham has been established for spiritual and philanthropic purposes. Spanning 315 hectares, it houses a modern gaushala (cowshed) with over 500 cows and runs agricultural activities under Shri Anandpur Trust campus. The trust has been operating a charitable hospital in Sukhpur village, schools in Sukhpur and Anandpur and various Satsang Centers across the country.

     

    ***

    MJPS/SR

    (Release ID: 2120622) Visitor Counter : 52

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: World Homoeopathy Day

    Source: Government of India

    World Homoeopathy Day

    Homoeopathy in India: Tradition, Trust, and Tomorrow

    Posted On: 09 APR 2025 3:53PM by PIB Delhi

    “Holistic Healthcare remains a very big attraction. Best of the doctors are moving towards homoeopathy. There’s a mood for Holistic Healthcare. There’s a mood to go toward stress free life from a stressful life.”

    —        Prime Minister Narendra Modi

    Summary:

    • World Homoeopthay Day is observed on April 10 every year.
    • Homoeopathy is the world’s second-largest medical system.
    • In 2025, India is hosting its largest Homoeopathic symposium on the occasion of World Homoeopathy Day in Gandhinagar, Gujarat.
    • India has 3.45 lakh registered homoeopathy doctors, 277 homoeopathy hospitals, 8,593 homoeopathy dispensaries, and 277 homoeopathy educational institutions.
    • The National Commission for Homoeopathy (NCH) regulates education and practice, replacing the earlier 1973 Act with a modern 2020 Act.
    • The Central Council for Research in Homoeopathy (CCRH) runs 35+ research centres and OPDs, advancing evidence-based homoeopathy.
    • The Pharmacopoeia Commission (PCIM&H) ensures high-quality medicines through standard pharmacopoeias and testing labs.
    • The Homoeopathy Central Council Act, 1973 was replaced by the National Commission for Homoeopathy Act, 2020 to modernize and reform homoeopathic education, practice, and research through a transparent and scientifically-driven regulatory framework.

    Introduction

    Rooted in the principle of “like cures like,” Homoeopathy is a natural way of healing that says that a substance causing symptoms of a disease in a healthy individual would cure similar symptoms in a sick individual. With roots going back over two centuries, Homoeopathy is the world’s 2nd largest system of medicine, trusted by millions for its safe and holistic healing approach.

    Every year, on April 10, India joins the world in commemorating World Homoeopathy Day, marking the birth anniversary of Dr. Samuel Hahnemann, the father of homoeopathy. In India, this day holds a particular significance, as more than 100 million people in the country depend on this treatment.

    Since 2016, the Central Council for Research in Homoeopathy (CCRH) has been celebrating World Homoeopathy Day with a series of impactful events that highlight the role of research in the global growth of homoeopathy. These annual gatherings bring together homoeopathic doctors, scientists, chemists, physicists, microbiologists, and pharmacologists, all united by a shared goal—to showcase the scientific strength and evidence-based potential of this gentle system of healing.

    This year, the celebration reaches new heights with India’s largest-ever Homoeopathy Symposium, hosted at the Mahatma Mandir Convention & Exhibition Center in Gandhinagar, Gujarat. The event jointly organised by CCRH, National Commission for Homoeopathy [NCH] and National Institute of Homoeopathy [NIH] will feature insightful discussions, groundbreaking research presentations, and the biggest homoeopathy industry exhibition in the country. It will also offer a vibrant platform for innovation, collaboration, and global recognition of Indian homoeopathy.

    Glimpse of Homoeopathy in India

    Homoeopathy has quietly built one of the strongest healthcare support systems in India. Behind its soft approach lies a solid framework of doctors, hospitals, colleges, and research. Over 3.45 lakh registered homoeopathic doctors are working across the country to bring gentle, affordable healing to millions of people.

    India is also home to 277 homoeopathy hospitals that offer inpatient care. These hospitals help patients who don’t need emergency treatment but still need careful attention. Alongside, there are 8,593 homoeopathy dispensaries spread across towns and villages, delivering basic health services. For those who need longer monitoring and recovery, India offers 8,697 homoeopathy beds in AYUSH wellness hospitals.

    Education in homoeopathy is also thriving. There are 277 colleges across the country. These include 197 undergraduate institutes, 3 standalone postgraduate colleges, and 77 combined UG/PG colleges. All of these come under the National Commission for Homoeopathy, Ministry of Ayush. These institutions are powered by 7,092 dedicated teaching faculty members, shaping the next generation of BHMS (Bachelor of Homoeopathic Medicine & Surgery) doctors.

    On the pharmaceutical front, 384 industries are involved in producing homoeopathic medicines in India. This ensures the availability of high-quality, standardised remedies across the country. To support quality, 1,117 official pharmacopoeial monographs for homoeopathic drugs have been published—providing a reliable reference for safe and effective medicine preparation.

    With 35 dedicated research centres and OPDs under the Central Council for Research in Homoeopathy (CCRH), India is pushing the boundaries of what this ancient system can do in the modern world.

    And to keep everything running smoothly, 28 State Councils and Boards ensure that doctors are well-qualified and ethically registered, maintaining public trust across the healthcare system.

    Homoeopathy Legislation in India

    Homoeopathy in India has grown on the back of a strong legal and institutional framework that began with the Homoeopathy Central Council Act, 1973. This landmark legislation was designed to regulate homoeopathic education and professional practice across the country. Modelled on the Indian Medical Council Act of 1956, it played a foundational role in institutionalising homoeopathy and ensuring uniform standards across the nation.

    However, with time, the system began to face challenges. Gaps in governance, inconsistencies in education quality, and lack of transparency highlighted the need for comprehensive reforms. To address these issues and modernise the regulatory structure, the Ministry of Ayush established the National Commission for Homoeopathy (NCH) through a notification dated 5th July 2021. This move repealed the 1973 Act and brought into force the National Commission for Homoeopathy Act, 2020.

    As a statutory body under the Ministry of Ayush, NCH is now responsible for regulating the system in a modern and transparent manner. In line with this vision, the Commission introduced the National Commission for Homoeopathy (Medical Research in Homoeopathy) Regulation, 2023, which lays down clear guidelines for conducting research in the field—ensuring it is scientifically sound, ethical, and evidence-based.

    Homoeopathy Infrastructure in India

     

    India’s homoeopathy sector is regulated by multiple expert bodies working in tandem:

    • National Commission for Homoeopathy (NCH) – The National Commission for Homoeopathy (NCH) was established under the National Commission for Homoeopathy Act, 2020, which came into effect on 5th July 2021 through a gazette notification. With this, the Board of Governors and the Central Council of Homoeopathy, constituted under the Homoeopathy Central Council Act, 1973, were dissolved.
    • Central Council for Research in Homoeopathy (CCRH) – Central Council for Research in Homoeopathy (CCRH) is an apex research organization under Ministry of Ayush, which undertakes coordinates, develops, disseminates and promotes scientific research in Homoeopathy through its network of 27 Research Institutes/units and 07 Homoeopathic treatment centres and is carrying out intramural research including collaboration with institutes of excellence, promoting Homoeopathy and offering healthcare services through the OPDs/IPDs of the above institutes/units and treatment centres.
    • Pharmacopoeia Commission for Indian Medicine & Homoeopathy (PCIM&H) – It is a subordinate office under the Ministry of AYUSH, responsible for developing pharmacopoeias and formularies and serving as the Central Drug Testing cum Appellate Laboratory for Indian systems of Medicine and Homoeopathy. Initially established as PCIM on 18th August 2010 and registered under the Societies Registration Act, 1860, it was renamed PCIM&H on 20th March 2014 following the inclusion of Homoeopathy.

    Conclusion

    Homoeopathy in India has grown into a robust and trusted system of healthcare, backed by strong infrastructure, legal support, and scientific research. With a large network of practitioners, institutions, hospitals, and research centers, India plays a leading role in promoting and advancing homoeopathy globally. Celebrations like World Homoeopathy Day are a reminder of the country’s commitment to safe, evidence-based, and affordable healing. The coordinated efforts of the NCH, CCRH, and PCIM&H continue to modernize and strengthen homoeopathy, ensuring its relevance in the 21st century.

    References:

    Click here to see in PDF

    Santosh Kumar/ Sarla Meena/ Priya Nagar

    (Release ID: 2120393) Visitor Counter : 78

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: CSD holds national security education student forum and premieres national security microfilm (with photos)

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    The Correctional Services Department (CSD) today (April 9) held a national security education student forum at Queen Elizabeth Stadium and premiered a national security education microfilm produced by the CSD. The Acting Secretary for Security, Mr Michael Cheuk, was the officiating guest. Other guests included Deputy Director-General of the Police Liaison Department of the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government (CPG) in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Mr Xie Wei; Deputy Director of the liaison office of the Office for Safeguarding National Security of the CPG in the HKSAR Mr Xie Zhixiang; and the Commissioner of Correctional Services, Mr Wong Kwok-hing.
     
    More than 1 600 teachers and students from 29 schools, principals, parent-teacher association members, members of Fight Crime Committees, members of the Committee on Community Support for Rehabilitated Offenders, and various community partners of the CSD attended the forum.
     
    To raise public awareness of safeguarding national security, the CSD produced two national security education microfilms, namely “Momentary Glory” and “Unfailing Love”. Adapted from real cases, the microfilms feature stories of teenagers who were incited to commit illegal acts which endanger national security, and paid a heavy price in the end. Through the microfilms, the CSD hopes to enhance the public’s ability to think critically and discerningly, and raise their awareness of abiding by the law.
     
    Speaking at the ceremony, Mr Cheuk said that the CSD has shouldered the mission of safeguarding national security and has taken initiatives to go beyond the prison walls to actively promote community crime prevention education to nurture young people to become a new generation that loves the country and Hong Kong, are law-abiding citizens and have a positive mindset. The microfilm “Momentary Glory”, shown at today’s forum, portrays the heavy price of committing crimes that endanger national security. He hoped that students can understand that they should think twice before they act and not to commit any crimes to avoid lifelong regrets.
     
         The forum also featured a video clip of the real protagonist in the microfilm. In the video, he shared his emotional journey of repentance and feelings after being misled into committing illegal acts and ultimately being sentenced to imprisonment. There was also an interactive session in the forum, allowing students to express their views on the microfilm to inspire them to think from different perspectives. Moreover, the CSD arranged for rehabilitated persons to talk about the cost they had to pay for committing crimes and their rehabilitation experiences, reminding students to determine the authenticity of information and refrain from engaging in illegal activities.
     
    The two microfilms will be uploaded to various official media platforms of the CSD and the Education Bureau on National Security Education Day on April 15 to convey messages of safeguarding national security to more students and the public.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Takano, Simon, and Schatz Demand Fair Treatment for LGBTQ+ Youth in Schools

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Mark Takano (D-Calif)

    April 09, 2025

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, Reps. Mark Takano (CA-39) and Rep. Lateefah Simon (CA-12) introduced a resolution to support the Rise Up for LGBTQI+ Youth in Schools Initiative. Senator Brian Schatz (D-HI) introduced the companion resolution in the Senate and coincides with the Annual Day of (No) Silence.

    “LGBTQ+ students’ right to exist has become a national debate,” said Congressman Mark Takano, Chair of the Congressional Equality Caucus. “As a former public school teacher, I know how these attacks from the President and Members of Congress impact students and create a climate of fear and hostility in our classrooms. Education has a transformational power which allows students to explore their passions and make sense of the world, and we in Congress must do everything we can to foster an environment of respect and dignity for all students.

    “Every child deserves the chance to play, learn, and belong at school – no exceptions,” said Congresswoman Lateefah Simon, Vice Chair of the Congressional Equality Caucus. “As attacks on and discriminatory policies towards the LGBTQ+ community increase, it’s critical we act to protect students. Our resolution calls for equal education opportunities and basic civil rights protections in schools for all students. To put it simply – this resolution is about ensuring all kids can fully participate in their education, extracurriculars and future. Schools should open doors, not close them.”  

    “Every child should feel safe at school,” said Senator Brian Schatz. “As attacks against LGBTQ+ students continue across the country, we need to protect these students and fight back against the discriminatory policies that harm them. Our resolution reaffirms our support for LGBTQ+ students and their right to live freely and openly.”

    “LGBTQ+ students should not have to face bullying in their school – whether its harassment from peers or a culture of exclusion fostered by those in power,” said Melanie Willingham-Jaggers, Executive Director of GLSEN. “Schools are navigating an unprecedented intimidation campaign from an administration that is incapable of celebrating the increasing diversity of the next generation. It is more urgent than ever that we all rise up for LGBTQ+ youth and insist on safe, affirming, and inclusive learning environments for all. Last week, students across the country inspired us all by participating in the Day of (No) Silence to draw attention to the persistent barriers faced by LGBTQ+ youth in schools. We applaud Senator Schatz, Representative Takano, and Representative Simon for their leadership in elevating the demands of students and showing up with full faith in the boundless potential of our nation’s youth.”

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada was mostly spared from Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, but it must not grow complacent

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor, Associate Professor of Agri-Food Trade and Policy, University of Guelph

    United States President Donald Trump’s so-called Liberation Day introduced sweeping reciprocal tariffs on approximately 60 countries on April 2.

    Canada, a major U.S. trading partner, was largely spared from these reciprocal tariffs thanks to the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) — a free trade agreement renegotiated and signed by the Trump administration in 2020.

    Although it may appear Canada has avoided the worst of the tariff measures, other existing tariffs could still significantly impact Canadian trade with the U.S.

    Currently, Canada faces other tariffs on its exports to the U.S., which Trump has linked to concerns over illicit drugs and immigrants crossing the border. Under these measures, the U.S. has imposed a 25 per cent tariff on non-CUSMA compliant goods. Canadian energy and potash exports that are not CUSMA-compliant have been hit with a 10 per cent tariff.

    If the current tariffs related to fentanyl and migration are lifted, CUSMA-compliant goods would continue to enjoy preferential treatment, while non-compliant goods would then be subject to a 12 per cent reciprocal tariff.

    What makes a product CUSMA-compliant?

    Under CUSMA, a product is considered compliant if it originates from any of the three member countries: Canada, the U.S. or Mexico. This means the product satisfies the originating status according to the rules of origin criteria listed in the CUSMA agreement.

    To be deemed originating, some of the criteria includes, for instance:

    1. That the product is wholly produced in the territory of one of the member states.
    2. That, if the product is produced with non-originating materials, the regional value of content must not be less than product specific rules of origin.
    3. That the product has undergone substantial transformation or a change in tariff classification.

    Regional value content is the difference between the transaction value of a product adjusted for costs related to international shipping of the good, and the value of non-originating material. It is expressed as a percentage of the transaction value.

    When a product qualifies for an originating status, it is considered CUSMA-compliant. It then qualifies for a preferential treatment, which means it can enter the CUSMA market duty-free or at a reduced rate.

    Products exported under CUSMA

    Under the CUSMA tariff schedule, which outlines tariff commitments on Canadian products, the vast majority of Canadian exports to the U.S. are eligible for preferential treatment.

    In fact, more than 98 per cent of tariff lines and more than 99.9 per cent of bilateral trade are CUSMA-compliant, meaning Canadian exporters can claim preferential access if their products meet the agreement’s rules of origin.

    Based on the Tariff Schedule of the United States, 98.4 per cent of Canadian products enter the U.S. duty-free, while only 1.6 per cent face tariffs. These protected products are primarily agricultural goods considered sensitive by the U.S. — notably dairy and sugar.

    These protected items are typically subject to tariff rate quotas, which allow limited quantities to enter at a lower (within-quota) duty rate, while imports beyond the quota are permitted at a higher (over-quota) tariff rate.

    Steel and aluminum tariffs

    Although Canada was not directly targeted by Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, its steel and aluminum industries remains significantly impacted by Section 232 tariffs. Importantly, these tariffs cannot be waived due to CUSMA.

    Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 authorizes the U.S. president to restrict the import of certain goods if they threaten national security. Under this provision, the Trump administration has imposed a 25 per cent duty on steel, aluminum and related products.

    Steel and aluminum products are crucial to Canada, with total exports of iron and steel, iron or steel products and aluminum products reaching $34.8 billion in 2024. It’s hard to imagine the U.S. justifying tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum on national security grounds, given Canada’s longstanding role as one of its closest allies.

    Automotive tariffs

    The automotive sector has also been targeted with the Section 232 tariffs. As Canada’s second-largest export to the U.S., valued at over $72.3 billion in 2024, the industry relies heavily on an integrated cross-border supply chain. That makes the sector particularly vulnerable to tariffs.

    The imposition of a 25 per cent tariff on non-U.S. content in vehicles threatens the profitability of Canadian producers and reduces production efficiency.

    Determining non-U.S. content at the border will lead to significant inefficiencies, including long wait times, as companies attempt to prove American content in vehicles. This process will also demand an excessive amount of documentation, imposing unnecessary costs on businesses.

    This tariff also undermines CUSMA’s rules of origin, which allow vehicles with at least 75 per cent North American content to qualify for duty-free access. The Section 232 measure effectively penalizes compliant vehicles, creating a trade barrier inconsistent with the spirit of the agreement.

    The way forward

    The uncertainty created by the Trump administration’s unilateral trade policies poses a serious threat to Canada and the global economy as a whole. With Trump’s presidency just beginning, both Canada and the rest of the world must brace for the economic disruptions his policies may bring.

    At the bilateral level, Canada appears to have exhausted nearly all diplomatic avenues to persuade the Trump administration to reverse its harmful tariff measures. Regionally, while Trump renegotiated the CUSMA agreement, his actions have undermined its spirit and violated key provisions.

    At the multilateral level, the World Trade Organization (WTO) has been significantly weakened. Its dispute settlement mechanism has been rendered ineffective due to the U.S. blocking the appointment of new judges to its appellate body.

    The only faint silver lining is that, despite threats during his first term to withdraw from the organization, Trump has not followed through. This suggests he still holds at least some degree of respect or recognition for the WTO’s role in global trade.

    The world is currently navigating a period of deep uncertainty and confusion. Canada must stand in solidarity with the international community to exert collective pressure on the U.S. A co-ordinated global response could compel Trump to reconsider his unilateral trade policies.

    Although Canada has been granted a reprieve from the new reciprocal tariffs, this should not lead to complacency. Instead, Canada should continue to collaborate with other nations to push for a more stable and rules-based global trading system. This is the way to protect Canada’s interests and reinforce multilateral co-operation.

    Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor receives funding from OMAFA

    – ref. Canada was mostly spared from Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, but it must not grow complacent – https://theconversation.com/canada-was-mostly-spared-from-trumps-reciprocal-tariffs-but-it-must-not-grow-complacent-253813

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI: Pythian launches Agentspace QuickStart

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    OTTAWA, April 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Pythian Services Inc. (“Pythian”), a leading global services company specializing in data, analytics, and AI solutions, announced the launch of its Google Agentspace QuickStart service. This new offering is designed to provide businesses with a fast and efficient pathway to leverage the power of Agentspace, putting industry-leading AI and Google quality search to work for their enterprise. Pythian’s new Agentspace QuickStart service enables businesses to rapidly deploy Agentspace, unlocking enhanced productivity, improved decision-making, and faster accessibility to AI-curated insights grounded in enterprise data.

    “AI-powered enterprise search presents opportunities for organizations to enhance business operations and simplify access to their internal information,” said Kevin Ichhpurani, Global Partner Organization, Google Cloud. “Pythian’s Agentspace QuickStart offers a framework for organizations looking to implement Google Agentspace and understand its impact on internal productivity.”

    Powered by Google’s decades-long leadership in AI, Agentspace delivers high-quality search, insights and recommendations, driving tangible business value across numerous areas. Pythian’s Agentspace QuickStart service facilitates the creation of a unified search interface, integrating various enterprise applications and enabling a Google-like search experience with generative AI, intent-based search, conversational interfaces and clear source citations. This empowers employees to unlock enterprise expertise, search across enterprise data and public websites, and utilize expert agents for all business workflows.

    “Businesses can easily license and set up Agentspace in just four weeks with our new QuickStart service,” stated Brooks Borcherding, CEO at Pythian. “Our Agentspace QuickStart service is designed to quickly boost employee productivity and provide a clear path to the organization’s success with AI Adoption.”

    Pythian’s Agentspace QuickStart service includes a structured four-week process:

    • Discovery: establish project governance, define success criteria, and confirm technical setup. 
    • Solution design: design a solution architecture unique to the customer’s environment to meet the outlined business and technical requirements including specifics around the security and system designs, data model design, and connector configuration.
    • Solution development: Configure platforms and the identity provider for Agentspace. Configure and connect each of the identified data sources to Agentspace, ensuring each connector supports user-specific access.
    • Testing and optimization: Configure and test data source connections within Agentspace ensuring user-specific access and proper access controls. Evaluate the solution against a customer-provided dataset and refine based on feedback, with ongoing technical assistance provided throughout testing.
    • Deployment: The project will conclude with a knowledge transfer meeting to review goals, lessons learned and deliverables, including a Technical Design Document. Operational guidelines will be provided alongside regular status reports and meetings throughout the project lifecycle.

    Get started today with Pythian’s Agentspace QuickStart, and visit Pythian in booth #2787 at Google Cloud Next 25 in Las Vegas from April 9 to 11 to discuss Agentspace.

    “Agentspace enterprise search connects the hundreds to thousands of applications businesses use,” said Paul Lewis, chief technology officer at Pythian. “With Agentspace, employees have easier and faster access to information, can make better decisions with greater data accuracy and availability, enhance customer experiences by empowering customer-facing roles, and save significant developer time.” 

    Agentspace ensures data privacy with Google Cloud’s robust commitments: customers own their data, Google Cloud guards against insider access, never sells customer data and does not use customer data for model training or advertising.

    The enterprise AI adoption is undergoing a rapid transformation. AI spending has surged to $13.8 billion, an increase of 600 percent from the previous year. Enterprises are shifting from AI proof of concepts (PoC) to execution, integrating AI into their core  business strategies. 

    “One of the biggest challenges business leaders face, specifically CIOs, is delivering real results from AI investments,” said Lewis. “The AI services Pythian offers have high impact, delivering appreciated ROI to demonstrate clear business outcomes. Organizations need to demystify the complex concept of AI and think about its immediate impact, starting from within their organization.” 

    The greatest impact of AI will be to drive adoption within an organization. Pythian’s Agentspace QuickStart service aims to deliver clear improvements in productivity and employee satisfaction, driving internal demand to onboard more applications onto the platform to improve access to information and data–boosting productivity and better decision-making. 

    About Pythian

    Founded in 1997, Pythian is a leading data and AI services provider specializing in digital transformation and operational excellence for enterprise customers. We help organizations optimize their data estates, helping them to drive AI enablement, innovation, and growth. Through strategic consulting, managed services and cloud migrations, we enable cost savings, risk reduction and seamless operations while preparing businesses to adopt AI and for the future of data management. A Google Cloud Premier Partner with multiple Specializations, including Data Analytics, Marketing Analytics, Machine Learning, Data Management, Infrastructure, Cloud Migration and a certified Google Cloud MSP, we’ve delivered thousands of professional and managed services projects for leading enterprises. For more information, visit www.pythian.com or follow us on X, LinkedIn, and our Blog. 

    Pythian Media Contacts        

    Matt Malanga
    Senior Vice President, Marketing
    mmalanga@pythian.com    		 Elisabeth Grant
    Branch Out Public Relations
    egrant@branchoutpr.com
    +1 612-599-7797    		  

    The MIL Network –