Category: Education

  • Trump sued by US states over withholding $6.8 billion for schools

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    A coalition of mostly Democratic-led states filed a lawsuit on Monday challenging a move by U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration to withhold about $6.8 billion in congressionally approved federal funding for K-12 schools.

    Attorneys general or governors from 24 states and the District of Columbia sued in federal court in Providence, Rhode Island, arguing that the U.S. Department of Education and the Office of Management and Budget threw schools nationwide into chaos by unconstitutionally freezing funding for six programs approved by Congress.

    The freeze extended to funding used to support the education of migrant farm workers and their children; recruitment and training of teachers; English proficiency learning; academic enrichment; and after-school and summer programs.

    The administration also froze funding used to support adult literacy and job-readiness skills.

    The government was legally required to release the money to the states by July 1, the lawsuit said. Instead, the Education Department notified states on June 30 that it would not be issuing grant awards under those programs by that deadline. It cited the change in administration as its reason.

    An OMB spokesperson at the time cited an “ongoing programmatic review” of education funding and said initial findings showed what he termed as a misuse of grant funds to “subsidize a radical leftwing agenda.”

    OMB also raised objections to the use of the grant money to support scholarships for immigrant students and lessons that involved LGBTQ themes.

    The Democratic-led states said the sweeping funding freeze has disrupted school systems, resulting in summer school and after-school programs being canceled or put at risk and the halting of other initiatives with little time for school districts to fill in the holes left in their budgets.

    The states say the administration violated the U.S. Constitution by disregarding Congress’ sole authority over spending and ran afoul of federal administrative law by freezing the funds without any reasoned explanation.

    The states also say the administration failed to abide by procedures of the Impoundment Control Act, which bars the executive branch from unilaterally refusing to spend funds appropriated by Congress unless certain steps are followed.

    The lawsuit follows a series of other cases Democratic-led states and others have filed challenging the administration’s sweeping efforts to freeze or terminate federal funding for programs out of line with Trump’s agenda.

    (Reuters)

  • Trump sued by US states over withholding $6.8 billion for schools

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    A coalition of mostly Democratic-led states filed a lawsuit on Monday challenging a move by U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration to withhold about $6.8 billion in congressionally approved federal funding for K-12 schools.

    Attorneys general or governors from 24 states and the District of Columbia sued in federal court in Providence, Rhode Island, arguing that the U.S. Department of Education and the Office of Management and Budget threw schools nationwide into chaos by unconstitutionally freezing funding for six programs approved by Congress.

    The freeze extended to funding used to support the education of migrant farm workers and their children; recruitment and training of teachers; English proficiency learning; academic enrichment; and after-school and summer programs.

    The administration also froze funding used to support adult literacy and job-readiness skills.

    The government was legally required to release the money to the states by July 1, the lawsuit said. Instead, the Education Department notified states on June 30 that it would not be issuing grant awards under those programs by that deadline. It cited the change in administration as its reason.

    An OMB spokesperson at the time cited an “ongoing programmatic review” of education funding and said initial findings showed what he termed as a misuse of grant funds to “subsidize a radical leftwing agenda.”

    OMB also raised objections to the use of the grant money to support scholarships for immigrant students and lessons that involved LGBTQ themes.

    The Democratic-led states said the sweeping funding freeze has disrupted school systems, resulting in summer school and after-school programs being canceled or put at risk and the halting of other initiatives with little time for school districts to fill in the holes left in their budgets.

    The states say the administration violated the U.S. Constitution by disregarding Congress’ sole authority over spending and ran afoul of federal administrative law by freezing the funds without any reasoned explanation.

    The states also say the administration failed to abide by procedures of the Impoundment Control Act, which bars the executive branch from unilaterally refusing to spend funds appropriated by Congress unless certain steps are followed.

    The lawsuit follows a series of other cases Democratic-led states and others have filed challenging the administration’s sweeping efforts to freeze or terminate federal funding for programs out of line with Trump’s agenda.

    (Reuters)

  • Trump sued by US states over withholding $6.8 billion for schools

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    A coalition of mostly Democratic-led states filed a lawsuit on Monday challenging a move by U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration to withhold about $6.8 billion in congressionally approved federal funding for K-12 schools.

    Attorneys general or governors from 24 states and the District of Columbia sued in federal court in Providence, Rhode Island, arguing that the U.S. Department of Education and the Office of Management and Budget threw schools nationwide into chaos by unconstitutionally freezing funding for six programs approved by Congress.

    The freeze extended to funding used to support the education of migrant farm workers and their children; recruitment and training of teachers; English proficiency learning; academic enrichment; and after-school and summer programs.

    The administration also froze funding used to support adult literacy and job-readiness skills.

    The government was legally required to release the money to the states by July 1, the lawsuit said. Instead, the Education Department notified states on June 30 that it would not be issuing grant awards under those programs by that deadline. It cited the change in administration as its reason.

    An OMB spokesperson at the time cited an “ongoing programmatic review” of education funding and said initial findings showed what he termed as a misuse of grant funds to “subsidize a radical leftwing agenda.”

    OMB also raised objections to the use of the grant money to support scholarships for immigrant students and lessons that involved LGBTQ themes.

    The Democratic-led states said the sweeping funding freeze has disrupted school systems, resulting in summer school and after-school programs being canceled or put at risk and the halting of other initiatives with little time for school districts to fill in the holes left in their budgets.

    The states say the administration violated the U.S. Constitution by disregarding Congress’ sole authority over spending and ran afoul of federal administrative law by freezing the funds without any reasoned explanation.

    The states also say the administration failed to abide by procedures of the Impoundment Control Act, which bars the executive branch from unilaterally refusing to spend funds appropriated by Congress unless certain steps are followed.

    The lawsuit follows a series of other cases Democratic-led states and others have filed challenging the administration’s sweeping efforts to freeze or terminate federal funding for programs out of line with Trump’s agenda.

    (Reuters)

  • MIL-OSI Russia: US Supreme Court Allows Trump to Cut Education Department Staff

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    WASHINGTON, July 15 (Xinhua) — The U.S. Supreme Court on Monday allowed the Trump administration to move forward with its plan to dismantle the Education Department, staying a preliminary injunction issued by a U.S. District Judge in May.

    In an emergency decision by a vote of 6-3, the Supreme Court overturned a district judge’s order reinstating the mass-fired employees.

    On May 22, U.S. District Judge Meng Zong in Boston ordered the reinstatement of nearly 1,400 Education Department employees affected by the mass layoffs. –0–

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: GUU took part in the discussion of the future of business education

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Official website of the State –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    The State University of Management took part in a joint open meeting of the Presidium of the National Accreditation Council for Business and Management Education (NASDOBR) and the Council for Professional Qualifications in Management and Law.

    The SUM was represented at the event by Rector Vladimir Stroyev, Vice-Rector Dmitry Bryukhanov and Academic Director of the SUM Higher School of Business and Technology, Vice-President of the Russian Association of Business Education Vladimir Godin.

    The meeting was also attended by First Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Alexander Zhukov; Chairman of the Presidium of NASDOBR, Vice-Rector of RANEPA Sergey Myasoedov; Vice-President of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs Alexander Murychev; Deputy Chairman, Head of the Executive Committee of Delovaya Rossiya Nonna Kagramanyan, Chairman of the Council of the Moscow City Branch of OPORA RUSSIA Dmitry Nesvetov, and General Director of the National Agency for Qualifications Development Alexey Vovchenko.

    The participants considered issues of NASDOBR activities in accreditation of MBA business education programs and preparation for pilot accreditation of the DBA program “Doctor of Business Administration”, development of professional and public accreditation of higher education programs, and intensification of work on development of business education in the regions.

    The results of the work of the specialized sections of NASDOBR and RABO at the Caucasus Investment Forum and the International IT Forum with the participation of BRICS and SCO countries were summed up. The high demand for business education programs in the regions was noted, especially in terms of developing management competencies and increasing labor productivity.

    In addition, those gathered discussed the expansion of the powers of the Council for Professional Qualifications in Management and Law: the creation of educational programs, their professional and public accreditation, and the formation of a system for independent assessment of qualifications in this area.

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: CS visits Hainan Province

    Source: Hong Kong Information Services

    Chief Secretary Chan Kwok-ki began his visit to Hainan Province by meeting officials there and touring the Hainan Chronicles Museum along with the Wenchang Yaoguang Rocket Viewing Platform.

     

    Mr Chan first met Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Hainan Provincial Committee Party Secretary and Chairman Li Rongcan in Haikou to exchange views on the latest developments in the two places, and discuss promoting and deepening the partnership between Hong Kong and Hainan Province.

     

    Mr Chan said that there is a frequent flow of people, logistics and capital between the two places, and with the signing of a memorandum of understanding between the two governments in March this year, the exchanges between Hong Kong and Hainan Province will be closer in future.

     

    He stressed that Hong Kong will fully leverage its unique advantage of being backed by the motherland and connected to the world under the “one country, two systems” principle, and will work with Hainan Province to achieve results attributable to the two places’ advantages, deepen economic, trade and cultural exchanges, and make greater contributions to the country’s high-quality development and high-level opening up.

     

    Mr Chan then visited the Hainan Chronicles Museum to learn about the patriotic and revolutionary tradition education work there as well as the construction and development progress of the Hainan Special Economic Zone and Hainan as an international tourism island.

     

    Afterwards, he departed for Wenchang to meet CPC Wenchang Municipal Committee Secretary Wang Peng.

     

    Mr Chan introduced the latest situation of Hong Kong, and exchanged views with Mr Wang on further promoting exchanges between the two places and exploring more co-operation and development opportunities.

     

    The Chief Secretary visited the Wenchang Yaoguang Rocket Viewing Platform to join a science exploration activity of the Hainan Aerospace Science & Research Study Tour under the Strive & Rise Programme.

     

    While there, he engaged with the participants and encouraged them to grasp this valuable learning opportunity to learn and understand the country’s robust developments and significant achievements in the field of aerospace.

     

    He also encouraged the participants to continue to work hard in the future to cultivate a sense of contributing to the country and serving the society, and become a new generation with a sense of social responsibility and contributions.

     

    Mr Chan added that he believes the experience of joining the meaningful aerospace science and research study tour will boost the participants’ sense of patriotism and national pride.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Supermarket treatments for depression don’t require a prescription. But do they work?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jon Wardle, Professor of Public Health, Southern Cross University

    Australians have long been some of the highest users of herbal and nutritional supplements that claim to boost mood or ease depression. These include omega-3s (found in fish oil), St John’s wort, probiotics and vitamin D.

    In fact, among Australians with depression, these supplements are more popular than prescription medicines.

    But do they actually work? And how do they compare to other treatments? A new review has assessed the evidence from 209 studies – here’s what it found.

    Do these supplements work?

    The new study aimed to assess the international evidence available for common over-the-counter products for depression in adults aged 18–60.

    Despite their widespread popularity and availability, the study found there is surprisingly little research on these therapies, compared with psychological therapies and prescription antidepressants.

    Only a few products had a relatively large body of evidence suggesting they were effective at treating symptoms. These were omega-3 supplements, St John’s wort, saffron, probiotics and vitamin D.

    However, most products had only a single trial examining their use.

    The researchers noted there was promising evidence for some herbal and nutritional supplements, where multiple studies did exist. These included folic acid, zinc, Rhodiola, lavender and lemon balm. But there is not enough evidence yet to recommend them, so more studies would be needed.

    What does other research say?

    These findings appear to support previous research assessing supplements for depression.

    In 2024, the Australian government’s review of natural therapies also found moderate evidence that several herbal medicines can relieve symptoms in mild to moderate depression. These include curcumin (from turmeric), saffron and St John’s wort.

    It also found moderate evidence St John’s wort was as effective as conventional antidepressants.

    However, the major caveat is that much of the existing evidence relates to mild to moderate depression.

    Mild to moderate depression usually means few symptoms beyond the minimum required for diagnosis (such as loss of pleasure and depressed mood). Major depression involves five or more symptoms along with significant distress and impact on day-to-day function.

    While some products were found to have some effect in major depressive disorders – probiotics, for example – there is little evidence to suggest they’re effective where a large number of symptoms exist.

    Dose and quality varies

    The dose and quality of over-the-counter products can also vary significantly, which can make it difficult to identify appropriate products or assess which ones work.

    In the United Kingdom, official advice for health-care practitioners acknowledges there is evidence St John’s wort can help with less severe forms of depression. But it also advises caution in recommending it, given how much the dose, preparation and quality can vary between different herbal products.

    Man takes a vitamin
    St John’s wort dosage and quality varies between products.
    photoroyalty/Shutterstock

    In Australia, guidelines for psychiatrists treating mood disorders such as depression note that good evidence exists for using omega-3 fatty acids (fish oils). But they highlight that there only seems to be a benefit when the product has 60% or more eicosapentaenoic acid (one of the main types of omega-3).

    Whether folate supplements are effective for depression can depend on their form, which active ingredient is used, and how well the body can absorb it.

    There may be other nuances in other supplements that we need more research to understand.

    Are there any risks or downsides?

    The study also concluded these products present few safety issues, whether used alone or in combination with other treatments. This is the reason most remain available over the counter.

    However, herbal medicines and dietary supplements also contain chemicals that can work like drugs and interact with other medications.

    For example, the way St John’s wort works on neurotransmitters (the body’s chemical messengers) is similar to many prescription antidepressants.

    So taking it alongside antidepressants can lead to serotonin syndrome, a condition which can lead to fever and seizures in extreme instances. In rare cases, you may experience similar side effects to taking antidepressants.

    However, many of these treatments are not only safe but more effective when used together with conventional treatments for depression.

    For instance, some studies suggest omega-3 supplements used in addition to standard antidepressant therapy resulted in the best outcomes. But more research is needed to explore this link.

    How do they stack up against other therapies?

    Pharmaceutical medications, such as antidepressants, and talk therapies remain the gold standard in Australian guidelines for mood disorders. They are the most studied interventions for these disorders, which means we have the most evidence for how well they work.

    However, emerging evidence is developing for other therapies too.

    Lifestyle interventions to improve diet and exercise have been shown to be as effective in addressing symptoms of depression as receiving psychological treatment alone.

    Nutrients are the building blocks of many body processes, and some nutrient deficiencies themselves (such as iron and B12) can cause depressive symptoms. So their potential role of nutritional supplements is perhaps unsurprising.

    However, research – including our own – increasingly demonstrates eating nutrient-rich foods (rather than taking supplements) can be enough to improve symptoms in mood disorders such as depression.

    The Australian government’s review of natural therapies also found the evidence for non-pharmacological treatments, such as yoga, was more certain than for herbal medicines and nutritional supplements in treating depression.

    It’s also important to note that depressive symptoms rarely present alone. They can be secondary to other underlying health conditions (such as hypothyroidism) or present with other conditions.

    Investigating and addressing these potential root causes and improving general health is essential in managing symptoms.

    What are the key takeaways?

    Some herbal and nutritional supplements do appear to have a potentially beneficial effect for less severe forms of depression. But for many of these therapies there is still not enough evidence to offer definitive recommendations.

    While the Therapeutic Goods Administration regulates the safety and quality of supplements, there is still variation in product quality, dose and how well the body can absorb it.

    If you’re thinking of using herbal or nutritional supplements, it’s important to consult a health professional, such as a GP, naturopath or even a psychologist.

    If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

    The Conversation

    Jon Wardle is Foundation Director of the National Centre for Naturopathic Medicine and the Maurice Blackmore Chair of Naturopathic Medicine at Southern Cross University, which undertakes training and research in nutritional and herbal therapies. He has received funding from multiple foundations and agencies to conduct research on nutritional and herbal medicines, including the National Health and Medical Research Council and Medical Research Future Fund. He was part of the both the National Health and Medical Research Council Natural Therapies Working Committee and the Department of Health Natural Therapies Review Expert Advisory Panel which supported Professor Kidd in conducting the reviews mentioned in this article. However, this article represents his personal academic opinion and does not represent the opinions of either of these organisations.

    Carrie Thomson-Casey is affiliated with both major psychology professional associations the Australian Psychological Society (APS) and the Australian Association of Psychologists Inc (AAPi). Carrie is also the past convenor and now treasurer of an APS interest group Psychology and Integrative Mental Health.

    Carrie is an author of one of the papers Jon has cited.

    Jessica Bayes has received funding from several organisations to conduct research exploring diet and mental wellbeing, in addition to research investigating nutritional supplements. Jessica has also authored some of the articles referenced here.

    ref. Supermarket treatments for depression don’t require a prescription. But do they work? – https://theconversation.com/supermarket-treatments-for-depression-dont-require-a-prescription-but-do-they-work-261010

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: A person in the US has died from pneumonic plague. It’s not just a disease of history

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thomas Jeffries, Senior Lecturer in Microbiology, Western Sydney University

    Corona Borealis Studio/Shutterstock

    A person in Arizona has died from the plague, local health officials reported on Friday.

    This marks the first such death in this region in 18 years. But it’s a stark reminder that this historic disease, though rare nowadays, is not just a disease of the past.

    So what actually is “plague”? And is it any cause for concern in Australia?

    There are 3 types of ‘plague’

    The word “plague” is often used to refer to any major disease epidemic or pandemic, or even to other undesirable events, such as a mouse plague. Naturally, the word can evoke fear.

    But scientifically speaking, plague is a disease caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis.

    Plague has three main forms: bubonic, septicemic and pneumonic.

    Bubonic is the most common and is named after “buboes”, which are the painful, swollen lymph nodes the infection causes. Other symptoms include fever, headache, chills and weakness.

    Bubonic plague is typically spread by fleas living on animals such as rats, prairie dogs and marmots. If an infected flea moves from their animal host to bite a human, this can cause an infection.

    People can also become infected through handling an animal infected with the disease.

    Septicemic plague occurs if bubonic plague is left untreated, or it can occur directly if the disease enters the bloodstream. Septicemic plague causes bleeding into the organs. The name comes from septicemia, which refers to a serious blood infection.

    The recent death in the United States was due to a case of pneumonic plague, which is the most severe form. Bubonic plague can in some cases spread to the lungs, where it becomes pneumonic plague. However, pneumonic plague can also spread from person to person via tiny respiratory droplets, in a similar way to COVID. Symptoms are similar to the other forms but also include severe pneumonia.

    Some 30–60% of people who contract bubonic plague will die, while the fatality rate can be up to 100% for pneumonic plague if left untreated.

    Animals such as rats can carry the bacterium that causes plague.
    marcus_photo_uk/Shutterstock

    Plague: a potted history

    This disease is one of the most important in history. The Plague of Justinian (541–750CE) killed tens of millions of people in the western Mediterranean, heavily impacting the expansion of the Byzantine Empire.

    The medieval Black Death (1346–53) was also seismic, killing tens of millions of people and up to half of Europe’s population.

    Spread by the growing trade networks of the British empire, the third and most recent plague pandemic spanned the years 1855 until roughly 1960, peaking in the early 1900s. It was responsible for 12 million deaths, primarily in India, and even reached Australia.

    It’s believed the bubonic plague was largely behind these pandemics.

    Plague in the modern day

    First introduced into the US during the third pandemic, plague infects an average of seven people a year in the west of the country, due to being endemic in groundhog and prairie dog populations there. The last major outbreak was 100 years ago.

    Deaths are very rare, with 14 deaths in the past 25 years in the US.

    Globally, there have been a few thousand cases of plague over the past decade.

    The countries with the most cases currently include the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Madagascar and Peru, with cases also occurring in India, central Asia and the US. Cases usually occur in rural and agricultural areas.

    Plague can be treated

    Plague can easily be treated with common antibiotics, typically a course of 10–14 days, which can include both oral and intravenous antibiotics. But it must be treated quickly.

    The recent death is concerning, as it involves the airborne pneumonic form of the disease, the only form that spreads easily from person to person. But there’s no evidence of further spread of the disease within the US at this stage.

    As Y. pestis is not found in Australian animals, there is little risk here. Plague has not been reported in Australia in more than a century.

    But plague, like many diseases, is influenced by environmental conditions. The risk of climate change causing an expansion in the habitat of animal hosts means public health experts around the world should continue to monitor it closely.

    The plague, though often perceived as a disease of history, is still with us and can pose a major health threat if not treated early.

    Thomas Jeffries does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. A person in the US has died from pneumonic plague. It’s not just a disease of history – https://theconversation.com/a-person-in-the-us-has-died-from-pneumonic-plague-its-not-just-a-disease-of-history-261088

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Classical Greece and China dealt with it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Brincat, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of the Sunshine Coast

    We’re just a few months into US president Donald Trump’s second term but his rule has already been repeatedly compared to tyranny.

    This may all feel very new to Americans, and to the rest of us watching on from around the world. But the threat of tyranny is an ancient one.

    We can learn much from how people in ancient Greece and China dealt with this issue.

    Where does tyranny come from?

    The peoples of classical Greece were separated into city-states known as the polis.

    A few of these, such as Athens and Argos, were democratic.

    Others, such as Rhodes or Chios, had had democratic features such as civic participation in public life.

    These city-states routinely faced external enemies but also the threat of tyrannical take-over from within.

    Things came to a head in 510 BCE under the rule of an oppressive tyrant known as Hippias. He was ultimately expelled, leading eventually to the establishment of democracy through reforms made under an Athenian statesmen called Cleisthenes.

    According to Plato, tyranny is the most degenerate political regime and emerges out of democracy’s excesses.

    He argued that as democratic citizens become accustomed to living by pleasure rather than reason or duty to the public good, society becomes fragmented.

    Demagogues – populist leaders who gain power by appealing to base desires and prejudices of the masses – promise the people more liberties. They turn citizens away from virtue and toward tyranny.

    Aristotle, who was Plato’s student, defines tyranny as the corrupted form of monarchy. The tyrant perverts the constitutional order to bring about self-serving rulership – the rule of one. Tyranny, he argued, destroys law and justice, eroding all public trust.

    The approach of Plato and Aristotle to combating tyranny was closely tied to their conception of the polis and the importance of citizenship.

    For the classical Greeks, citizenship was a binding relationship of reciprocal duties and obligations owed to all other citizens. The law, they believed, was king.

    It was these conventions that constrained political power, especially the arbitrary rule of one.

    Civic education by participation in daily democratic life promoted virtue, they believed. All citizens and the ruler were subservient to the law – a bond that tyranny destroyed.

    Aristotle said a strong middle class that could best prevent tyranny because they indicated a less unequal, and therefore more stable, society.

    Plato’s view was more inward looking. He saw tyranny as a political manifestation of a disordered “enslaved soul” governed by appetites rather than reason. For him, philosophical guidance back to harmony was required for the tyrant and for the people.

    Only through wisdom, he argued, could the people recognise and reject demagogues and populists.

    Protecting democracy from tyranny

    Some city-states learned from their institutional failings when tyranny had taken them over.

    For example, after a coup of aristocrats overtook Athenian democracy in 411 BCE, Athenians began to swear the Oath of Demophantos. This was among the first attempts at a constitutional safeguard of democracy against tyranny.

    It legally and morally obliged citizens to resist any attempt to overthrow democracy by force. The undertaking was a reciprocal duty; as other scholars have argued, each citizen could count on the support of all others to protect the democracy when a tyrant tried again.

    This made it far more likely for people to take action against a would-be-tyrant; they knew every other citizen had sworn an oath to have their back.

    The Greek historians of the time support these views. For example, Herodotus in the 5th century documented the rise of several tyrants across Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). He blamed the political vacuum created by the decline of aristocratic rule. Here, the personal ambition and luxury of elites laid the path to tyrannical behaviour.

    Another famous historian named Thucydides, writing at the same time, analysed the power and political corruption behind tyranny. He observed how times of crisis exposed vulnerabilities within Athens, leading to factionalism, instability, and the erosion of democracy.

    Tyranny in classical China

    In classical China we see a complementary, yet unique view of tyranny.

    During the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), when the Zhou Dynasty was divided amongst several competing states, preventing tyranny was a central concern.

    These states were mostly hereditary monarchies rather than democracies but they still emphasised accountability to the people.

    Mencius was a Chinese philosopher and disciple of Confucius.
    Mencius was a Chinese philosopher and disciple of Confucius.
    Pictures from History/Getty Images

    Mencius, a 4th-century BCE Chinese philosopher and Confucian scholar, argued the people’s welfare was the foundation of legitimate rule.

    There is, he argued, a responsibility to all under the Mandate of Heaven (天命, tiānmìng). This ancient Chinese doctrine asserted that heaven grants legitimacy to just rulers. If a ruler became despotic or failed to uphold harmony and virtue, the mandate can be withdrawn, justifying rebellion and dynastic change.

    Mencius famously said a ruler who oppresses the people is not a ruler but a “mere man” who could be violently overthrown.

    Xunzi, another Confucian philosopher writing in the late 4th to 3rd Centuries BCE, believed humans were inherently selfish and chaotic.

    To fend off tyranny he emphasised ritual, education, and rule of law. He believed in formal ceremonies and structured practices such as court etiquette, family rites, and daily ethical conduct. These, he believed, helped cultivate virtue, regulate behaviour, and maintain social harmony.

    Mozi, writing mostly in the 5th to early 4th centuries BCE, was a Chinese philosopher who opposed Confucianism and founded Mohism, offered a different view.

    Opposing all hierarchies, he emphasised jiān ài(兼爱) – universal obligation or care to all others – as a core ethical and political principle.

    According to Mozi, tyranny arises when rulers act selfishly – favoring their own families, states, or interests over the common good. He advocated for strong moral conduct and competence of leaders, rather than their lineage, wealth or status.

    Tyranny today

    Viewed together, these traditions suggest preventing tyranny requires more than just moral leadership.

    Rather, it requires a notion of reciprocity – of shared obligations between citizens – and systemic safeguards against the personal ambitions of rulers.

    Ethical governance, civic education, legal frameworks, and shared responsibilities are essential.

    The Conversation

    Shannon Brincat does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Classical Greece and China dealt with it – https://theconversation.com/tyranny-is-an-ever-present-threat-to-civilisations-heres-how-classical-greece-and-china-dealt-with-it-259680

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Russia: “Kimberlite Magic”: NSU postgraduate student Alexey Tarasov became a laureate of the RAS medal for the study of deep mantle melts

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Novosibirsk State University –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    The Russian Academy of Sciences has announced the winners of the 2024 competition for medals with prizes for the best scientific works of young scientists and students. One of the laureates was a postgraduate student Faculty of Geology and Geophysics (FGG) of NSU Alexey Tarasov. He received the award in geology, geophysics, geochemistry and mining sciences for his research on melt inclusions in minerals of mantle peridotite xenoliths.

    We talked to Alexey about his scientific path, research topic, participation in the competition and plans for the future.

    — How did you end up at NSU?

    — I entered NSU in 2018 after finishing school in Barnaul, based on the results of the Unified State Exam. I studied for a bachelor’s degree at the Faculty of Geography and Geography, then entered the master’s program. Now I continue my studies in graduate school.

    — Why did you choose the Faculty of Geology and Geophysics?

    — I have been interested in minerals since childhood, I had a small collection at home. I attended the “Young Geologist” club — there was one in Barnaul. Gradually, my hobby turned into a professional interest. I knew that Novosibirsk had a strong school in geochemistry, and this played a decisive role. There was no doubt where to go.

    — Tell us about your scientific work for which you received the Russian Academy of Sciences medal.

    — The overall goal of all our work is to understand how diamond deposits are formed. Diamond is a form of carbon that is stable only under very high pressure, so it forms deep in the mantle, at depths of 150–160 kilometers and more. Most diamonds formed more than 2.5 billion years ago and are still in the mantle because it is too deep to mine them.

    But there are kimberlite magmas. They form in the mantle and, unlike most other magmas, rise to the surface very quickly. In doing so, they take with them fragments of mantle rocks – so-called xenoliths, and minerals – xenocrysts. Sometimes – with diamonds.

    When magma reaches the surface, it forms kimberlite pipes, which are the main source of diamonds in nature. But what is kimberlite magma? What it consists of, where it comes from, and under what conditions it originates – is still not exactly known. This is a key scientific question, and I am working on solving it.

    – How do you research this?

    — I study melt inclusions in xenolith minerals. These are tiny drops of magma that were “sealed” in crystals during their growth and preserved in their original form. These inclusions provide a unique opportunity to reconstruct the composition of kimberlite melts at the moment of their origin — before all the changes and contaminations that occur during their ascent to the surface.

    The composition of these inclusions can tell us about the temperature and pressure of formation, and the type of rock from which they formed. This helps us get closer to understanding where and how new kimberlite pipes can form, and therefore potentially predict where diamonds can be found.

    — What, in your opinion, helped you receive the RAS medal?

    — It’s hard to say how exactly the selection took place. But I think several factors played a role. I tried to show that my work was not just fundamental, but also had potential applied significance. In addition, at the time of application, I had six published articles in which I was the author or co-author.

    But, to be honest, the main thing is not “what”, but “who”. My scientific supervisor Alexander Viktorovich Golovin. He insisted that I participate in conferences, helped with writing articles, tolerated my mistakes, demanded high quality. It was he who convinced me to apply for the RAS competition. In addition to him, other colleagues at the institute and teachers at the faculty supported me. Without them, nothing would have happened.

    — How did the competition itself go?

    — It was quite simple: you had to prepare an application, attach a research paper (in my case, it was a master’s thesis), provide a list of publications, and sign documents. There were no in-person stages — everything was done in writing.

    — What are your plans next?

    — I am continuing my postgraduate studies and working at the Institute of Geology and Mineralogy of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. I plan to defend my PhD thesis in 2027. I am currently finishing my first article, where I am the first author, and I want to publish it in a foreign journal of the 1st–2nd quartile. I already sent it six months ago, but was rejected. The reviewers pointed out the weak discussion and insufficient English.

    Now I am rewriting the text, looking for a translator and funding for professional translation. In parallel, I am working on the following articles. My supervisor has set a task – five articles by the end of my postgraduate studies. To be honest, I am not sure that I will cope, but I will make every effort.

    The Russian Academy of Sciences holds an annual competition for medals and prizes for young scientists and students. In 2024, 21 young scientists and 21 students received awards. Each laureate receives a medal, a diploma, a badge, and a cash prize of 100,000 rubles for young scientists and 50,000 rubles for students.

    The competition covers key areas of natural, technical and human sciences and is held with the aim of encouraging young scientists, supporting professional growth and enhancing the prestige of research activities.

    We congratulate Alexey Tarasov on his well-deserved award and wish him success in his future scientific research!

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: “Kimberlite Magic”: NSU postgraduate student Alexey Tarasov became a laureate of the RAS medal for the study of deep mantle melts

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Novosibirsk State University –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    The Russian Academy of Sciences has announced the winners of the 2024 competition for medals with prizes for the best scientific works of young scientists and students. One of the laureates was a postgraduate student Faculty of Geology and Geophysics (FGG) of NSU Alexey Tarasov. He received the award in geology, geophysics, geochemistry and mining sciences for his research on melt inclusions in minerals of mantle peridotite xenoliths.

    We talked to Alexey about his scientific path, research topic, participation in the competition and plans for the future.

    — How did you end up at NSU?

    — I entered NSU in 2018 after finishing school in Barnaul, based on the results of the Unified State Exam. I studied for a bachelor’s degree at the Faculty of Geography and Geography, then entered the master’s program. Now I continue my studies in graduate school.

    — Why did you choose the Faculty of Geology and Geophysics?

    — I have been interested in minerals since childhood, I had a small collection at home. I attended the “Young Geologist” club — there was one in Barnaul. Gradually, my hobby turned into a professional interest. I knew that Novosibirsk had a strong school in geochemistry, and this played a decisive role. There was no doubt where to go.

    — Tell us about your scientific work for which you received the Russian Academy of Sciences medal.

    — The overall goal of all our work is to understand how diamond deposits are formed. Diamond is a form of carbon that is stable only under very high pressure, so it forms deep in the mantle, at depths of 150–160 kilometers and more. Most diamonds formed more than 2.5 billion years ago and are still in the mantle because it is too deep to mine them.

    But there are kimberlite magmas. They form in the mantle and, unlike most other magmas, rise to the surface very quickly. In doing so, they take with them fragments of mantle rocks – so-called xenoliths, and minerals – xenocrysts. Sometimes – with diamonds.

    When magma reaches the surface, it forms kimberlite pipes, which are the main source of diamonds in nature. But what is kimberlite magma? What it consists of, where it comes from, and under what conditions it originates – is still not exactly known. This is a key scientific question, and I am working on solving it.

    – How do you research this?

    — I study melt inclusions in xenolith minerals. These are tiny drops of magma that were “sealed” in crystals during their growth and preserved in their original form. These inclusions provide a unique opportunity to reconstruct the composition of kimberlite melts at the moment of their origin — before all the changes and contaminations that occur during their ascent to the surface.

    The composition of these inclusions can tell us about the temperature and pressure of formation, and the type of rock from which they formed. This helps us get closer to understanding where and how new kimberlite pipes can form, and therefore potentially predict where diamonds can be found.

    — What, in your opinion, helped you receive the RAS medal?

    — It’s hard to say how exactly the selection took place. But I think several factors played a role. I tried to show that my work was not just fundamental, but also had potential applied significance. In addition, at the time of application, I had six published articles in which I was the author or co-author.

    But, to be honest, the main thing is not “what”, but “who”. My scientific supervisor Alexander Viktorovich Golovin. He insisted that I participate in conferences, helped with writing articles, tolerated my mistakes, demanded high quality. It was he who convinced me to apply for the RAS competition. In addition to him, other colleagues at the institute and teachers at the faculty supported me. Without them, nothing would have happened.

    — How did the competition itself go?

    — It was quite simple: you had to prepare an application, attach a research paper (in my case, it was a master’s thesis), provide a list of publications, and sign documents. There were no in-person stages — everything was done in writing.

    — What are your plans next?

    — I am continuing my postgraduate studies and working at the Institute of Geology and Mineralogy of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. I plan to defend my PhD thesis in 2027. I am currently finishing my first article, where I am the first author, and I want to publish it in a foreign journal of the 1st–2nd quartile. I already sent it six months ago, but was rejected. The reviewers pointed out the weak discussion and insufficient English.

    Now I am rewriting the text, looking for a translator and funding for professional translation. In parallel, I am working on the following articles. My supervisor has set a task – five articles by the end of my postgraduate studies. To be honest, I am not sure that I will cope, but I will make every effort.

    The Russian Academy of Sciences holds an annual competition for medals and prizes for young scientists and students. In 2024, 21 young scientists and 21 students received awards. Each laureate receives a medal, a diploma, a badge, and a cash prize of 100,000 rubles for young scientists and 50,000 rubles for students.

    The competition covers key areas of natural, technical and human sciences and is held with the aim of encouraging young scientists, supporting professional growth and enhancing the prestige of research activities.

    We congratulate Alexey Tarasov on his well-deserved award and wish him success in his future scientific research!

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Brincat, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of the Sunshine Coast

    Panasevich/Getty Images

    We’re just a few months into US president Donald Trump’s second term but his rule has already been repeatedly compared to tyranny.

    This may all feel very new to Americans, and to the rest of us watching on from around the world. But the threat of tyranny is an ancient one.

    We can learn much from how people in ancient Greece and China dealt with this issue.

    Where does tyranny come from?

    The peoples of classical Greece were separated into city-states known as the polis.

    A few of these, such as Athens and Argos, were democratic.

    Others, such as Rhodes or Chios, had had democratic features such as civic participation in public life.

    These city-states routinely faced external enemies but also the threat of tyrannical take-over from within.

    Things came to a head in 510 BCE under the rule of an oppressive tyrant known as Hippias. He was ultimately expelled, leading eventually to the establishment of democracy through reforms made under an Athenian statesmen called Cleisthenes.

    According to Plato, tyranny is the most degenerate political regime and emerges out of democracy’s excesses.

    He argued that as democratic citizens become accustomed to living by pleasure rather than reason or duty to the public good, society becomes fragmented.

    Demagogues – populist leaders who gain power by appealing to base desires and prejudices of the masses – promise the people more liberties. They turn citizens away from virtue and toward tyranny.

    Aristotle, who was Plato’s student, defines tyranny as the corrupted form of monarchy. The tyrant perverts the constitutional order to bring about self-serving rulership – the rule of one. Tyranny, he argued, destroys law and justice, eroding all public trust.

    The approach of Plato and Aristotle to combating tyranny was closely tied to their conception of the polis and the importance of citizenship.

    For the classical Greeks, citizenship was a binding relationship of reciprocal duties and obligations owed to all other citizens. The law, they believed, was king.

    It was these conventions that constrained political power, especially the arbitrary rule of one.

    Civic education by participation in daily democratic life promoted virtue, they believed. All citizens and the ruler were subservient to the law – a bond that tyranny destroyed.

    Aristotle said a strong middle class that could best prevent tyranny because they indicated a less unequal, and therefore more stable, society.

    Plato’s view was more inward looking. He saw tyranny as a political manifestation of a disordered “enslaved soul” governed by appetites rather than reason. For him, philosophical guidance back to harmony was required for the tyrant and for the people.

    Only through wisdom, he argued, could the people recognise and reject demagogues and populists.

    Protecting democracy from tyranny

    Some city-states learned from their institutional failings when tyranny had taken them over.

    For example, after a coup of aristocrats overtook Athenian democracy in 411 BCE, Athenians began to swear the Oath of Demophantos. This was among the first attempts at a constitutional safeguard of democracy against tyranny.

    It legally and morally obliged citizens to resist any attempt to overthrow democracy by force. The undertaking was a reciprocal duty; as other scholars have argued, each citizen could count on the support of all others to protect the democracy when a tyrant tried again.

    This made it far more likely for people to take action against a would-be-tyrant; they knew every other citizen had sworn an oath to have their back.

    The Greek historians of the time support these views. For example, Herodotus in the 5th century documented the rise of several tyrants across Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). He blamed the political vacuum created by the decline of aristocratic rule. Here, the personal ambition and luxury of elites laid the path to tyrannical behaviour.

    Another famous historian named Thucydides, writing at the same time, analysed the power and political corruption behind tyranny. He observed how times of crisis exposed vulnerabilities within Athens, leading to factionalism, instability, and the erosion of democracy.

    Tyranny in classical China

    In classical China we see a complementary, yet unique view of tyranny.

    During the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), when the Zhou Dynasty was divided amongst several competing states, preventing tyranny was a central concern.

    These states were mostly hereditary monarchies rather than democracies but they still emphasised accountability to the people.

    Mencius was a Chinese philosopher and disciple of Confucius.
    Pictures from History/Getty Images

    Mencius, a 4th-century BCE Chinese philosopher and Confucian scholar, argued the people’s welfare was the foundation of legitimate rule.

    There is, he argued, a responsibility to all under the Mandate of Heaven (天命, tiānmìng). This ancient Chinese doctrine asserted that heaven grants legitimacy to just rulers. If a ruler became despotic or failed to uphold harmony and virtue, the mandate can be withdrawn, justifying rebellion and dynastic change.

    Mencius famously said a ruler who oppresses the people is not a ruler but a “mere man” who could be violently overthrown.

    Xunzi, another Confucian philosopher writing in the late 4th to 3rd Centuries BCE, believed humans were inherently selfish and chaotic.

    To fend off tyranny he emphasised ritual, education, and rule of law. He believed in formal ceremonies and structured practices such as court etiquette, family rites, and daily ethical conduct. These, he believed, helped cultivate virtue, regulate behaviour, and maintain social harmony.

    Mozi, writing mostly in the 5th to early 4th centuries BCE, was a Chinese philosopher who opposed Confucianism and founded Mohism, offered a different view.

    Opposing all hierarchies, he emphasised jiān ài(兼爱) – universal obligation or care to all others – as a core ethical and political principle.

    According to Mozi, tyranny arises when rulers act selfishly – favoring their own families, states, or interests over the common good. He advocated for strong moral conduct and competence of leaders, rather than their lineage, wealth or status.

    Tyranny today

    Viewed together, these traditions suggest preventing tyranny requires more than just moral leadership.

    Rather, it requires a notion of reciprocity – of shared obligations between citizens – and systemic safeguards against the personal ambitions of rulers.

    Ethical governance, civic education, legal frameworks, and shared responsibilities are essential.

    Shannon Brincat does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it – https://theconversation.com/tyranny-is-an-ever-present-threat-to-civilisations-heres-how-ancient-greece-and-china-dealt-with-it-259680

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Brincat, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of the Sunshine Coast

    Panasevich/Getty Images

    We’re just a few months into US president Donald Trump’s second term but his rule has already been repeatedly compared to tyranny.

    This may all feel very new to Americans, and to the rest of us watching on from around the world. But the threat of tyranny is an ancient one.

    We can learn much from how people in ancient Greece and China dealt with this issue.

    Where does tyranny come from?

    The peoples of classical Greece were separated into city-states known as the polis.

    A few of these, such as Athens and Argos, were democratic.

    Others, such as Rhodes or Chios, had had democratic features such as civic participation in public life.

    These city-states routinely faced external enemies but also the threat of tyrannical take-over from within.

    Things came to a head in 510 BCE under the rule of an oppressive tyrant known as Hippias. He was ultimately expelled, leading eventually to the establishment of democracy through reforms made under an Athenian statesmen called Cleisthenes.

    According to Plato, tyranny is the most degenerate political regime and emerges out of democracy’s excesses.

    He argued that as democratic citizens become accustomed to living by pleasure rather than reason or duty to the public good, society becomes fragmented.

    Demagogues – populist leaders who gain power by appealing to base desires and prejudices of the masses – promise the people more liberties. They turn citizens away from virtue and toward tyranny.

    Aristotle, who was Plato’s student, defines tyranny as the corrupted form of monarchy. The tyrant perverts the constitutional order to bring about self-serving rulership – the rule of one. Tyranny, he argued, destroys law and justice, eroding all public trust.

    The approach of Plato and Aristotle to combating tyranny was closely tied to their conception of the polis and the importance of citizenship.

    For the classical Greeks, citizenship was a binding relationship of reciprocal duties and obligations owed to all other citizens. The law, they believed, was king.

    It was these conventions that constrained political power, especially the arbitrary rule of one.

    Civic education by participation in daily democratic life promoted virtue, they believed. All citizens and the ruler were subservient to the law – a bond that tyranny destroyed.

    Aristotle said a strong middle class that could best prevent tyranny because they indicated a less unequal, and therefore more stable, society.

    Plato’s view was more inward looking. He saw tyranny as a political manifestation of a disordered “enslaved soul” governed by appetites rather than reason. For him, philosophical guidance back to harmony was required for the tyrant and for the people.

    Only through wisdom, he argued, could the people recognise and reject demagogues and populists.

    Protecting democracy from tyranny

    Some city-states learned from their institutional failings when tyranny had taken them over.

    For example, after a coup of aristocrats overtook Athenian democracy in 411 BCE, Athenians began to swear the Oath of Demophantos. This was among the first attempts at a constitutional safeguard of democracy against tyranny.

    It legally and morally obliged citizens to resist any attempt to overthrow democracy by force. The undertaking was a reciprocal duty; as other scholars have argued, each citizen could count on the support of all others to protect the democracy when a tyrant tried again.

    This made it far more likely for people to take action against a would-be-tyrant; they knew every other citizen had sworn an oath to have their back.

    The Greek historians of the time support these views. For example, Herodotus in the 5th century documented the rise of several tyrants across Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). He blamed the political vacuum created by the decline of aristocratic rule. Here, the personal ambition and luxury of elites laid the path to tyrannical behaviour.

    Another famous historian named Thucydides, writing at the same time, analysed the power and political corruption behind tyranny. He observed how times of crisis exposed vulnerabilities within Athens, leading to factionalism, instability, and the erosion of democracy.

    Tyranny in classical China

    In classical China we see a complementary, yet unique view of tyranny.

    During the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), when the Zhou Dynasty was divided amongst several competing states, preventing tyranny was a central concern.

    These states were mostly hereditary monarchies rather than democracies but they still emphasised accountability to the people.

    Mencius was a Chinese philosopher and disciple of Confucius.
    Pictures from History/Getty Images

    Mencius, a 4th-century BCE Chinese philosopher and Confucian scholar, argued the people’s welfare was the foundation of legitimate rule.

    There is, he argued, a responsibility to all under the Mandate of Heaven (天命, tiānmìng). This ancient Chinese doctrine asserted that heaven grants legitimacy to just rulers. If a ruler became despotic or failed to uphold harmony and virtue, the mandate can be withdrawn, justifying rebellion and dynastic change.

    Mencius famously said a ruler who oppresses the people is not a ruler but a “mere man” who could be violently overthrown.

    Xunzi, another Confucian philosopher writing in the late 4th to 3rd Centuries BCE, believed humans were inherently selfish and chaotic.

    To fend off tyranny he emphasised ritual, education, and rule of law. He believed in formal ceremonies and structured practices such as court etiquette, family rites, and daily ethical conduct. These, he believed, helped cultivate virtue, regulate behaviour, and maintain social harmony.

    Mozi, writing mostly in the 5th to early 4th centuries BCE, was a Chinese philosopher who opposed Confucianism and founded Mohism, offered a different view.

    Opposing all hierarchies, he emphasised jiān ài(兼爱) – universal obligation or care to all others – as a core ethical and political principle.

    According to Mozi, tyranny arises when rulers act selfishly – favoring their own families, states, or interests over the common good. He advocated for strong moral conduct and competence of leaders, rather than their lineage, wealth or status.

    Tyranny today

    Viewed together, these traditions suggest preventing tyranny requires more than just moral leadership.

    Rather, it requires a notion of reciprocity – of shared obligations between citizens – and systemic safeguards against the personal ambitions of rulers.

    Ethical governance, civic education, legal frameworks, and shared responsibilities are essential.

    Shannon Brincat does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it – https://theconversation.com/tyranny-is-an-ever-present-threat-to-civilisations-heres-how-ancient-greece-and-china-dealt-with-it-259680

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Brincat, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of the Sunshine Coast

    Panasevich/Getty Images

    We’re just a few months into US president Donald Trump’s second term but his rule has already been repeatedly compared to tyranny.

    This may all feel very new to Americans, and to the rest of us watching on from around the world. But the threat of tyranny is an ancient one.

    We can learn much from how people in ancient Greece and China dealt with this issue.

    Where does tyranny come from?

    The peoples of classical Greece were separated into city-states known as the polis.

    A few of these, such as Athens and Argos, were democratic.

    Others, such as Rhodes or Chios, had had democratic features such as civic participation in public life.

    These city-states routinely faced external enemies but also the threat of tyrannical take-over from within.

    Things came to a head in 510 BCE under the rule of an oppressive tyrant known as Hippias. He was ultimately expelled, leading eventually to the establishment of democracy through reforms made under an Athenian statesmen called Cleisthenes.

    According to Plato, tyranny is the most degenerate political regime and emerges out of democracy’s excesses.

    He argued that as democratic citizens become accustomed to living by pleasure rather than reason or duty to the public good, society becomes fragmented.

    Demagogues – populist leaders who gain power by appealing to base desires and prejudices of the masses – promise the people more liberties. They turn citizens away from virtue and toward tyranny.

    Aristotle, who was Plato’s student, defines tyranny as the corrupted form of monarchy. The tyrant perverts the constitutional order to bring about self-serving rulership – the rule of one. Tyranny, he argued, destroys law and justice, eroding all public trust.

    The approach of Plato and Aristotle to combating tyranny was closely tied to their conception of the polis and the importance of citizenship.

    For the classical Greeks, citizenship was a binding relationship of reciprocal duties and obligations owed to all other citizens. The law, they believed, was king.

    It was these conventions that constrained political power, especially the arbitrary rule of one.

    Civic education by participation in daily democratic life promoted virtue, they believed. All citizens and the ruler were subservient to the law – a bond that tyranny destroyed.

    Aristotle said a strong middle class that could best prevent tyranny because they indicated a less unequal, and therefore more stable, society.

    Plato’s view was more inward looking. He saw tyranny as a political manifestation of a disordered “enslaved soul” governed by appetites rather than reason. For him, philosophical guidance back to harmony was required for the tyrant and for the people.

    Only through wisdom, he argued, could the people recognise and reject demagogues and populists.

    Protecting democracy from tyranny

    Some city-states learned from their institutional failings when tyranny had taken them over.

    For example, after a coup of aristocrats overtook Athenian democracy in 411 BCE, Athenians began to swear the Oath of Demophantos. This was among the first attempts at a constitutional safeguard of democracy against tyranny.

    It legally and morally obliged citizens to resist any attempt to overthrow democracy by force. The undertaking was a reciprocal duty; as other scholars have argued, each citizen could count on the support of all others to protect the democracy when a tyrant tried again.

    This made it far more likely for people to take action against a would-be-tyrant; they knew every other citizen had sworn an oath to have their back.

    The Greek historians of the time support these views. For example, Herodotus in the 5th century documented the rise of several tyrants across Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). He blamed the political vacuum created by the decline of aristocratic rule. Here, the personal ambition and luxury of elites laid the path to tyrannical behaviour.

    Another famous historian named Thucydides, writing at the same time, analysed the power and political corruption behind tyranny. He observed how times of crisis exposed vulnerabilities within Athens, leading to factionalism, instability, and the erosion of democracy.

    Tyranny in classical China

    In classical China we see a complementary, yet unique view of tyranny.

    During the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), when the Zhou Dynasty was divided amongst several competing states, preventing tyranny was a central concern.

    These states were mostly hereditary monarchies rather than democracies but they still emphasised accountability to the people.

    Mencius was a Chinese philosopher and disciple of Confucius.
    Pictures from History/Getty Images

    Mencius, a 4th-century BCE Chinese philosopher and Confucian scholar, argued the people’s welfare was the foundation of legitimate rule.

    There is, he argued, a responsibility to all under the Mandate of Heaven (天命, tiānmìng). This ancient Chinese doctrine asserted that heaven grants legitimacy to just rulers. If a ruler became despotic or failed to uphold harmony and virtue, the mandate can be withdrawn, justifying rebellion and dynastic change.

    Mencius famously said a ruler who oppresses the people is not a ruler but a “mere man” who could be violently overthrown.

    Xunzi, another Confucian philosopher writing in the late 4th to 3rd Centuries BCE, believed humans were inherently selfish and chaotic.

    To fend off tyranny he emphasised ritual, education, and rule of law. He believed in formal ceremonies and structured practices such as court etiquette, family rites, and daily ethical conduct. These, he believed, helped cultivate virtue, regulate behaviour, and maintain social harmony.

    Mozi, writing mostly in the 5th to early 4th centuries BCE, was a Chinese philosopher who opposed Confucianism and founded Mohism, offered a different view.

    Opposing all hierarchies, he emphasised jiān ài(兼爱) – universal obligation or care to all others – as a core ethical and political principle.

    According to Mozi, tyranny arises when rulers act selfishly – favoring their own families, states, or interests over the common good. He advocated for strong moral conduct and competence of leaders, rather than their lineage, wealth or status.

    Tyranny today

    Viewed together, these traditions suggest preventing tyranny requires more than just moral leadership.

    Rather, it requires a notion of reciprocity – of shared obligations between citizens – and systemic safeguards against the personal ambitions of rulers.

    Ethical governance, civic education, legal frameworks, and shared responsibilities are essential.

    Shannon Brincat does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it – https://theconversation.com/tyranny-is-an-ever-present-threat-to-civilisations-heres-how-ancient-greece-and-china-dealt-with-it-259680

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Brincat, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of the Sunshine Coast

    Panasevich/Getty Images

    We’re just a few months into US president Donald Trump’s second term but his rule has already been repeatedly compared to tyranny.

    This may all feel very new to Americans, and to the rest of us watching on from around the world. But the threat of tyranny is an ancient one.

    We can learn much from how people in ancient Greece and China dealt with this issue.

    Where does tyranny come from?

    The peoples of classical Greece were separated into city-states known as the polis.

    A few of these, such as Athens and Argos, were democratic.

    Others, such as Rhodes or Chios, had had democratic features such as civic participation in public life.

    These city-states routinely faced external enemies but also the threat of tyrannical take-over from within.

    Things came to a head in 510 BCE under the rule of an oppressive tyrant known as Hippias. He was ultimately expelled, leading eventually to the establishment of democracy through reforms made under an Athenian statesmen called Cleisthenes.

    According to Plato, tyranny is the most degenerate political regime and emerges out of democracy’s excesses.

    He argued that as democratic citizens become accustomed to living by pleasure rather than reason or duty to the public good, society becomes fragmented.

    Demagogues – populist leaders who gain power by appealing to base desires and prejudices of the masses – promise the people more liberties. They turn citizens away from virtue and toward tyranny.

    Aristotle, who was Plato’s student, defines tyranny as the corrupted form of monarchy. The tyrant perverts the constitutional order to bring about self-serving rulership – the rule of one. Tyranny, he argued, destroys law and justice, eroding all public trust.

    The approach of Plato and Aristotle to combating tyranny was closely tied to their conception of the polis and the importance of citizenship.

    For the classical Greeks, citizenship was a binding relationship of reciprocal duties and obligations owed to all other citizens. The law, they believed, was king.

    It was these conventions that constrained political power, especially the arbitrary rule of one.

    Civic education by participation in daily democratic life promoted virtue, they believed. All citizens and the ruler were subservient to the law – a bond that tyranny destroyed.

    Aristotle said a strong middle class that could best prevent tyranny because they indicated a less unequal, and therefore more stable, society.

    Plato’s view was more inward looking. He saw tyranny as a political manifestation of a disordered “enslaved soul” governed by appetites rather than reason. For him, philosophical guidance back to harmony was required for the tyrant and for the people.

    Only through wisdom, he argued, could the people recognise and reject demagogues and populists.

    Protecting democracy from tyranny

    Some city-states learned from their institutional failings when tyranny had taken them over.

    For example, after a coup of aristocrats overtook Athenian democracy in 411 BCE, Athenians began to swear the Oath of Demophantos. This was among the first attempts at a constitutional safeguard of democracy against tyranny.

    It legally and morally obliged citizens to resist any attempt to overthrow democracy by force. The undertaking was a reciprocal duty; as other scholars have argued, each citizen could count on the support of all others to protect the democracy when a tyrant tried again.

    This made it far more likely for people to take action against a would-be-tyrant; they knew every other citizen had sworn an oath to have their back.

    The Greek historians of the time support these views. For example, Herodotus in the 5th century documented the rise of several tyrants across Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). He blamed the political vacuum created by the decline of aristocratic rule. Here, the personal ambition and luxury of elites laid the path to tyrannical behaviour.

    Another famous historian named Thucydides, writing at the same time, analysed the power and political corruption behind tyranny. He observed how times of crisis exposed vulnerabilities within Athens, leading to factionalism, instability, and the erosion of democracy.

    Tyranny in classical China

    In classical China we see a complementary, yet unique view of tyranny.

    During the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), when the Zhou Dynasty was divided amongst several competing states, preventing tyranny was a central concern.

    These states were mostly hereditary monarchies rather than democracies but they still emphasised accountability to the people.

    Mencius was a Chinese philosopher and disciple of Confucius.
    Pictures from History/Getty Images

    Mencius, a 4th-century BCE Chinese philosopher and Confucian scholar, argued the people’s welfare was the foundation of legitimate rule.

    There is, he argued, a responsibility to all under the Mandate of Heaven (天命, tiānmìng). This ancient Chinese doctrine asserted that heaven grants legitimacy to just rulers. If a ruler became despotic or failed to uphold harmony and virtue, the mandate can be withdrawn, justifying rebellion and dynastic change.

    Mencius famously said a ruler who oppresses the people is not a ruler but a “mere man” who could be violently overthrown.

    Xunzi, another Confucian philosopher writing in the late 4th to 3rd Centuries BCE, believed humans were inherently selfish and chaotic.

    To fend off tyranny he emphasised ritual, education, and rule of law. He believed in formal ceremonies and structured practices such as court etiquette, family rites, and daily ethical conduct. These, he believed, helped cultivate virtue, regulate behaviour, and maintain social harmony.

    Mozi, writing mostly in the 5th to early 4th centuries BCE, was a Chinese philosopher who opposed Confucianism and founded Mohism, offered a different view.

    Opposing all hierarchies, he emphasised jiān ài(兼爱) – universal obligation or care to all others – as a core ethical and political principle.

    According to Mozi, tyranny arises when rulers act selfishly – favoring their own families, states, or interests over the common good. He advocated for strong moral conduct and competence of leaders, rather than their lineage, wealth or status.

    Tyranny today

    Viewed together, these traditions suggest preventing tyranny requires more than just moral leadership.

    Rather, it requires a notion of reciprocity – of shared obligations between citizens – and systemic safeguards against the personal ambitions of rulers.

    Ethical governance, civic education, legal frameworks, and shared responsibilities are essential.

    Shannon Brincat does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it – https://theconversation.com/tyranny-is-an-ever-present-threat-to-civilisations-heres-how-ancient-greece-and-china-dealt-with-it-259680

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Brincat, Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations, University of the Sunshine Coast

    Panasevich/Getty Images

    We’re just a few months into US president Donald Trump’s second term but his rule has already been repeatedly compared to tyranny.

    This may all feel very new to Americans, and to the rest of us watching on from around the world. But the threat of tyranny is an ancient one.

    We can learn much from how people in ancient Greece and China dealt with this issue.

    Where does tyranny come from?

    The peoples of classical Greece were separated into city-states known as the polis.

    A few of these, such as Athens and Argos, were democratic.

    Others, such as Rhodes or Chios, had had democratic features such as civic participation in public life.

    These city-states routinely faced external enemies but also the threat of tyrannical take-over from within.

    Things came to a head in 510 BCE under the rule of an oppressive tyrant known as Hippias. He was ultimately expelled, leading eventually to the establishment of democracy through reforms made under an Athenian statesmen called Cleisthenes.

    According to Plato, tyranny is the most degenerate political regime and emerges out of democracy’s excesses.

    He argued that as democratic citizens become accustomed to living by pleasure rather than reason or duty to the public good, society becomes fragmented.

    Demagogues – populist leaders who gain power by appealing to base desires and prejudices of the masses – promise the people more liberties. They turn citizens away from virtue and toward tyranny.

    Aristotle, who was Plato’s student, defines tyranny as the corrupted form of monarchy. The tyrant perverts the constitutional order to bring about self-serving rulership – the rule of one. Tyranny, he argued, destroys law and justice, eroding all public trust.

    The approach of Plato and Aristotle to combating tyranny was closely tied to their conception of the polis and the importance of citizenship.

    For the classical Greeks, citizenship was a binding relationship of reciprocal duties and obligations owed to all other citizens. The law, they believed, was king.

    It was these conventions that constrained political power, especially the arbitrary rule of one.

    Civic education by participation in daily democratic life promoted virtue, they believed. All citizens and the ruler were subservient to the law – a bond that tyranny destroyed.

    Aristotle said a strong middle class that could best prevent tyranny because they indicated a less unequal, and therefore more stable, society.

    Plato’s view was more inward looking. He saw tyranny as a political manifestation of a disordered “enslaved soul” governed by appetites rather than reason. For him, philosophical guidance back to harmony was required for the tyrant and for the people.

    Only through wisdom, he argued, could the people recognise and reject demagogues and populists.

    Protecting democracy from tyranny

    Some city-states learned from their institutional failings when tyranny had taken them over.

    For example, after a coup of aristocrats overtook Athenian democracy in 411 BCE, Athenians began to swear the Oath of Demophantos. This was among the first attempts at a constitutional safeguard of democracy against tyranny.

    It legally and morally obliged citizens to resist any attempt to overthrow democracy by force. The undertaking was a reciprocal duty; as other scholars have argued, each citizen could count on the support of all others to protect the democracy when a tyrant tried again.

    This made it far more likely for people to take action against a would-be-tyrant; they knew every other citizen had sworn an oath to have their back.

    The Greek historians of the time support these views. For example, Herodotus in the 5th century documented the rise of several tyrants across Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). He blamed the political vacuum created by the decline of aristocratic rule. Here, the personal ambition and luxury of elites laid the path to tyrannical behaviour.

    Another famous historian named Thucydides, writing at the same time, analysed the power and political corruption behind tyranny. He observed how times of crisis exposed vulnerabilities within Athens, leading to factionalism, instability, and the erosion of democracy.

    Tyranny in classical China

    In classical China we see a complementary, yet unique view of tyranny.

    During the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), when the Zhou Dynasty was divided amongst several competing states, preventing tyranny was a central concern.

    These states were mostly hereditary monarchies rather than democracies but they still emphasised accountability to the people.

    Mencius was a Chinese philosopher and disciple of Confucius.
    Pictures from History/Getty Images

    Mencius, a 4th-century BCE Chinese philosopher and Confucian scholar, argued the people’s welfare was the foundation of legitimate rule.

    There is, he argued, a responsibility to all under the Mandate of Heaven (天命, tiānmìng). This ancient Chinese doctrine asserted that heaven grants legitimacy to just rulers. If a ruler became despotic or failed to uphold harmony and virtue, the mandate can be withdrawn, justifying rebellion and dynastic change.

    Mencius famously said a ruler who oppresses the people is not a ruler but a “mere man” who could be violently overthrown.

    Xunzi, another Confucian philosopher writing in the late 4th to 3rd Centuries BCE, believed humans were inherently selfish and chaotic.

    To fend off tyranny he emphasised ritual, education, and rule of law. He believed in formal ceremonies and structured practices such as court etiquette, family rites, and daily ethical conduct. These, he believed, helped cultivate virtue, regulate behaviour, and maintain social harmony.

    Mozi, writing mostly in the 5th to early 4th centuries BCE, was a Chinese philosopher who opposed Confucianism and founded Mohism, offered a different view.

    Opposing all hierarchies, he emphasised jiān ài(兼爱) – universal obligation or care to all others – as a core ethical and political principle.

    According to Mozi, tyranny arises when rulers act selfishly – favoring their own families, states, or interests over the common good. He advocated for strong moral conduct and competence of leaders, rather than their lineage, wealth or status.

    Tyranny today

    Viewed together, these traditions suggest preventing tyranny requires more than just moral leadership.

    Rather, it requires a notion of reciprocity – of shared obligations between citizens – and systemic safeguards against the personal ambitions of rulers.

    Ethical governance, civic education, legal frameworks, and shared responsibilities are essential.

    Shannon Brincat does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Tyranny is an ever-present threat to civilisations. Here’s how Ancient Greece and China dealt with it – https://theconversation.com/tyranny-is-an-ever-present-threat-to-civilisations-heres-how-ancient-greece-and-china-dealt-with-it-259680

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Employment Relations Amendment Bill passes first reading

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Workplace Relations and Safety Minister Brooke van Velden welcomes the successful first reading of the Employment Relations Amendment Bill, calling it a major milestone in helping businesses employ and contract with confidence.  

    The Employment Relations Amendment Bill will now be considered by the Education and Workforce Select Committee where people can have their say on the proposed changes.   

    “This Bill reflects the Government’s commitment to supporting New Zealand businesses and creating more and better opportunities for workers.”  

    The legislation delivers on key commitments from the ACT–National Coalition Agreement, including: 

    • Clarifying the distinction between employment and contracting arrangements, giving greater certainty to both businesses and workers.
    • Simplifying the personal grievance process, including the introduction of an income threshold of $180,000, above which unjustified dismissal claims cannot be pursued. 

     This Bill also proposes removing the 30-day rule, allowing employers and employees to negotiate mutually beneficial terms from the start of employment, reducing compliance burden and increasing flexibility. 

    “I encourage all interested New Zealanders to have their say on the Bill, and I see the Select Committee process as an important way of strengthening the final Bill and making sure it works for a wide variety of working relationships and situations. 

    “I am particularly interested in hearing feedback on whether the gateway test criteria are workable and whether the test covers a variety of genuine contracting relationships. I am also interested in hearing feedback on the high-income threshold for personal grievances, both from those who may use it as an employer and those who would be affected as a worker. 

    “I am looking forward to hearing what New Zealanders have to say about the Bill during the Select Committee process,” says Ms van Velden. 

    Editor notes: 

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Employment Relations Amendment Bill passes first reading

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Workplace Relations and Safety Minister Brooke van Velden welcomes the successful first reading of the Employment Relations Amendment Bill, calling it a major milestone in helping businesses employ and contract with confidence.  

    The Employment Relations Amendment Bill will now be considered by the Education and Workforce Select Committee where people can have their say on the proposed changes.   

    “This Bill reflects the Government’s commitment to supporting New Zealand businesses and creating more and better opportunities for workers.”  

    The legislation delivers on key commitments from the ACT–National Coalition Agreement, including: 

    • Clarifying the distinction between employment and contracting arrangements, giving greater certainty to both businesses and workers.
    • Simplifying the personal grievance process, including the introduction of an income threshold of $180,000, above which unjustified dismissal claims cannot be pursued. 

     This Bill also proposes removing the 30-day rule, allowing employers and employees to negotiate mutually beneficial terms from the start of employment, reducing compliance burden and increasing flexibility. 

    “I encourage all interested New Zealanders to have their say on the Bill, and I see the Select Committee process as an important way of strengthening the final Bill and making sure it works for a wide variety of working relationships and situations. 

    “I am particularly interested in hearing feedback on whether the gateway test criteria are workable and whether the test covers a variety of genuine contracting relationships. I am also interested in hearing feedback on the high-income threshold for personal grievances, both from those who may use it as an employer and those who would be affected as a worker. 

    “I am looking forward to hearing what New Zealanders have to say about the Bill during the Select Committee process,” says Ms van Velden. 

    Editor notes: 

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • Amit Shah hails Bharat Vikas Parishad’s role in nation-building at 63rd Foundation Day

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Union Home Minister and Minister of Cooperation, Amit Shah, on Monday addressed the 63rd Foundation Day celebration of the Bharat Vikas Parishad (BVP) in New Delhi, praising the organisation for its six-decade-long contribution to national development and social service. The event was attended by several dignitaries, including retired Supreme Court Judge and National President of the Parishad, Justice Adarsh Kumar Goel.

    Describing BVP as a living embodiment of India’s civilisational ethos, Shah said the organisation has effectively connected “service with organisation, organisation with values, and values with nation-building.” Inspired by the ideals of Swami Vivekananda, BVP has, according to Shah, helped mobilise society’s creative energy through its core principles of dedication (Samarpan), organisation (Sangathan), and values (Sanskar).

    “An institution that works tirelessly for 63 years doesn’t just survive—it thrives on the dedication of countless volunteers. While 63 years may be old in a person’s life, for a service-driven institution like BVP, it marks youthful vibrance,” Shah remarked.

    Shah also honoured the legacy of freedom fighter Hemam Nilamani Singh from Manipur, who was posthumously recognised at the event. Singh, inspired by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, joined the Indian National Army in 1944 and devoted his life to education, service, and linguistic unity.

    Highlighting the reach of BVP, Shah noted that the organisation operates more than 1,600 branches across 412 districts and engages over 84,000 families. BVP has actively contributed to disaster relief, blood donation drives, rural education camps, and moral value-building initiatives in schools across the country.

    Turning to national development, Shah said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has envisioned a Viksit Bharat (Developed India) by 2047 and laid out five foundational goals: economic progress, freedom from mental and cultural slavery, pride in India’s heritage, unity and solidarity, and a sense of civic duty. “The Bharat Vikas Parishad has worked silently but powerfully toward these goals for years,” Shah said.

    He highlighted achievements from the last 11 years of Modi’s tenure: the opening of over 55 crore bank accounts, the provision of safe drinking water to 15 crore households, construction of toilets in 12 crore homes, distribution of gas cylinders to 10 crore families, and the building of over 4 crore homes for the poor. He also emphasized the empowerment of women through initiatives like Lakhpati Didi and Mudra Yojana, where two-thirds of the loan beneficiaries are women.

    Shah pointed to the government’s efforts to decolonize national symbols and reclaim India’s heritage. From renaming Rajpath to Kartavya Path to replacing colonial insignia in the Indian Navy with Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s sword, he said these moves inspire national pride. Other symbolic actions include renaming islands in Andaman-Nicobar as Subhash Dweep and Shaheed Dweep, and Race Course Road as Lok Kalyan Marg.

    “Prime Minister Modi has shown how heritage and development can progress hand-in-hand,” said Shah. “While he built the Ram Temple, he also rolled out 5G and expanded digital payments to every corner of the country—even to vegetable vendors.”

    He also highlighted simultaneous progress in education and technology, citing the New Education Policy’s focus on mother-tongue instruction, and the expansion of premier institutes like IITs, IIMs, and AIIMS. India, he said, is emerging as a leader in AI, cybersecurity, drones, and green hydrogen. He connected this progress with national pride initiatives like the establishment of the Sengol in Parliament and the international promotion of Yoga.

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: expert reaction to scoping review of over-the-counter herbal products and dietary supplements used for depression

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    A review published in Frontiers in Pharmacology looks at over-the-counter herbal products and dietary supplements used for depression.

    Prof Stella Chan, Charlie Waller Chair in Evidence-based Psychological Treatment, University of Reading, said:

    “This review paper synthesised findings from a large volume of research studies investigating the effects of over-the-counter (OTC) products on depressive symptoms. It was appropriately conducted with a systematic search and provided a helpful summary of what had been studied and their findings. However, it is crucially important for readers to understand that this was a narrative review paper, meaning that it was only a summary of the findings reported from existing research papers. These papers would inevitably vary in terms of their scientific quality, including some that might report biased or misleading findings due to limitations such as small sample sizes and poor designs. Meta-analyses (that is, analyses that involve combining all existing data into a single dataset) need to be conducted before conclusive statements can be made about the effectiveness of these products.

    “Additionally, this review paper excluded studies on individuals with more complicated co-morbid conditions. Individuals with more complex mental health needs should be particularly vigilant and avoid making personal health decisions based solely upon narrative review papers.”

    Understanding the research landscape of over-the-counter herbal products, dietary supplements, and medications evaluated for depressive symptoms in adults: a scoping review’ by first author et al. was published in Frontiers in Pharmacology at 05:00 UK time on Tuesday 15th July.

    DOI: https://doi.org/10.3389/fphar.2025.1609605

    Declared interests

    Prof Stella Chan: No COI

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Health Appointments – New Medical Director appointed – College of GPs

    Source: Royal NZ College of General Practitioners

    The Royal New Zealand College of General Practitioners has appointed Dr Prabani Wood as its new Medical Director.
    Dr Wood is a Hamilton-based specialist GP working at the University of Waikato Student Health Service.
    Dr Wood obtained her medical degree and BA in Physiological Science from the University of Oxford and emigrated to New Zealand in 2005. She has been a GP for more than 16 years and brings a wealth of post-graduate experience in medicine, surgery, anaesthetics and public health, including a Master’s degree in public health from the University of Auckland.
    In 2015, Dr Wood established a new GP practice in Hamilton, with the multi-disciplinary team providing comprehensive care to over 8,500 patients in the region.
    College Chief Executive Toby Beaglehole says, “Dr Wood’s extensive academic, clinical and medical advisory experience gives her great insight into the challenging nature of general practice, primary care and rural hospital medicine. She is a passionate advocate for primary healthcare and shaping policy to deliver better health outcomes for New Zealanders, and we’re looking forward to welcoming Dr Wood onto the College team.”
    A desire to join the call for change and highlight the economic case for strengthening the specialist GP workforce led Dr Wood to publish a research report with The New Zealand Initiative in April 2025. The report, ‘The Heart of Healthcare: Renewing New Zealand’s Primary Care System’ reviews the critical role and challenges facing general practice in New Zealand, focusing on the importance of continuity of care and systemic health care issues.
    Dr Wood takes up the Medical Director’s role on Monday 11 August.  

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: LegCo to consider Gas Safety (Amendment) Bill 2025

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    The following is issued on behalf of the Legislative Council Secretariat: 

         The Legislative Council (LegCo) will hold a meeting tomorrow (July 16) at 11am in the Chamber of the LegCo Complex. During the meeting, the Second Reading debate on the Gas Safety (Amendment) Bill 2025 will resume. If the Bill is supported by Members and receives its Second Reading, it will stand committed to the committee of the whole Council. After the committee of the whole Council has completed consideration of the Bill and its report is adopted by the Council, the Bill will be set down for the Third Reading.
     
         The Second Reading debates on the Statute Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025 and the Supplementary Medical Professions (Amendment) Bill 2025 will also resume. If the Bills are supported by Members and receive their Second Reading, they will stand committed to the committee of the whole Council. After the committee of the whole Council has completed consideration of the Bills and their reports are adopted by the Council, the Bills will be set down for the Third Reading.
     
         Meanwhile, the Registration of Same-sex Partnerships Bill will be introduced into the Council for the First Reading and the Second Reading. The Second Reading debate on the Bill will be adjourned.
     
         On Member’s Bill, the Hong Kong Baptist University (Amendment) Bill 2025 will be introduced into the Council for the First Reading and the Second Reading. The Second Reading debate on the Bill will be adjourned.
     
         On Members’ motions, Mr Chan Hak-kan will move a motion on reviewing the priorities for public works to ensure enhanced speed and efficiency of key projects. The motion is set out in Appendix 1. Dr Lo Wai-kwok, Mr Gary Zhang, Mr Adrian Ho, Mr Tony Tse and Mr Dennis Leung will move separate amendments to Mr Chan Hak-kan’s motion.
     
         Mr Frankie Yick will also move a motion on building an elderly-friendly living environment. The motion is set out in Appendix 2. Mr Tang Ka-piu, Mr Stanley Li and Mr Tommy Cheung will move separate amendments to Mr Frankie Yick’s motion.
     
         During the meeting, Mr Chan Kin-por and Mr Steven Ho will present the “Independent Commission Against Corruption, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China Annual Report 2024 and Reports of ICAC Advisory Committees” and the “ICAC Complaints Committee Annual Report 2024” respectively, and address the Council.
     
         Members will also ask the Government 22 questions on various policy areas, six of which require oral replies.
     
         The agenda of the above meeting can be obtained via the LegCo Website (www.legco.gov.hk). Members of the public can watch or listen to the meeting via the “Webcast” system on the LegCo Website. To observe the proceedings of the meeting at the LegCo Complex, members of the public may call 3919 3399 during office hours to reserve seats.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Interview with Tom McIlroy, Australian Politics podcast, The Guardian

    Source: Australian Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Industry

    Tom McIlroy:

    Hi, I’m Tom McIlroy, coming to you from the lands of the Ngunnawal and Ngambri peoples in Canberra. We have a special early episode in your podcast feed this week.

    Ahead of his trip to the G20 Finance Ministers meeting in Durban this week, Treasurer Jim Chalmers joins the podcast to talk about Australia’s dream scenario in dealing with Donald Trump’s trade war.

    Jim Chalmers:

    Oh, the dream scenario is that these unnecessary tariffs are lifted. I mean we have to be realistic about that.

    McIlroy:

    As well as immediate challenges at home on housing and taxation.

    Chalmers:

    We’ve all got an interest in building more homes, it’s one of the defining challenges in our economy is that we don’t have enough.

    McIlroy:

    Plus, on a lighter note, the reading challenge laid down by his wife.

    Chalmers:

    And I gave her about a 12‑book head start in the lead‑up to the election. I’m trying to rein that in.

    McIlroy:

    From Guardian Australia, this is the Australian Politics podcast.

    Jim Chalmers, thanks for joining us on the pod.

    Chalmers:

    Thanks for having me back, Tom.

    McIlroy:

    This is actually my first face‑to‑face podcast interview with you, but I think you’ve been in the pod cave a few times over the years.

    Chalmers:

    I’ve been in here a bunch, all the way back to Murph days. And I really like it ‘cause it’s a good chance to go beyond the sound bites and key lines and themes that often dominate press conferences – a good chance to have a chat.

    McIlroy:

    That’s great, that’s great. Well, you’ve got a busy week. We’re going to talk about the G20 Finance Ministers meeting in a moment.

    I’ll start with the story of the day. There’s been a bit of a snafu with the Treasury incoming government brief, parts of it that would have been redacted, some sub‑headings have been made public. You say you’re relaxed about it. Tell us what’s going on here.

    Chalmers:

    Every incoming government, whether they’re a re‑elected government or when there’s a change, every department writes one briefing for a Labor government, one briefing for a Coalition government. And that advice is provided to you – well, in both of our instances, both times we’ve been elected I’ve received it on the Sunday morning after the election. And it runs through really all of the challenges in the portfolio, all the issues around policy.

    What’s happened this time is that there’s been a mistake made in the Treasury. Somebody’s sent out a document which has usually got bits of it pulled out, and they’ve left those parts in. And when I say I’m relaxed, we can’t change it now, it’s out there, so be it, is really my view about it. But the other reason I’m relaxed about it is because the Treasury is talking about a lot of things that I’ve talked about publicly when I’ve tried to be upfront with people about our economic challenges.

    Our economy is growing, there’s lots that’s going well in our economy, but it’s not productive enough. We’ve made a lot of progress getting the budget in much better nick, but we need it to be even more sustainable. And at a time when the global conditions are so volatile we need our economy to be more resilient as well. And those are really the major themes of the Treasury brief that was released. But also the major themes of really every opportunity I’ve taken since the election to talk about our challenges and what the government is doing about them. I’ve been focused on those 3 things too.

    McIlroy:

    One of the things that we’ve picked up with you today is that the brief says that the housing targets might not be met, or will not be met, I think is the language. You say that’s not quite right, that the government’s got real ambition. Give me some examples of the things that are happening, cutting red tape and speeding up housing construction that you think mean you will hit that 1.2 million.

    Chalmers:

    We’ve all acknowledged that this is an extremely ambitious target, and the Treasury advice is that we need to do better, and we need to do more in order to hit that target.

    I think that’s entirely consistent with what we’ve said, what the government and its ministers have said publicly.

    So there’s lots of things we’re focused on, we’re investing tens of billions of dollars in housing – record amounts of housing from a Commonwealth investment point of view. We’ve changed the tax arrangements when it comes to Build to Rent, for example, a whole range of things. A really important piece of the puzzle is around zoning and regulations and what you call red tape.

    We’re engaged with the state and territory governments and with local government to see where we can sensibly minimise that to get more homes built sooner. We’ve all got an interest in building more homes, it’s one of the defining challenges in our economies that we don’t have enough. And that’s why rents are higher than we would like, it’s why it’s harder than we would like for people to get a toe‑hold as first home buyers.

    Really the best solution is to build more homes. We have a whole bunch of ways that we intend to go about that, and the Treasury is really warning us that we’ll need to be better, we’ll need to do more, we’ll need to be quicker in order to hit the target.

    As I said to you earlier on when we did our press conference here in Canberra, I think it’s good to have ambitious targets. I think this challenge has been hanging around for so long, and the alternative to the ambition that we’re showing is to not build enough homes for our people. And we’d rather be ambitious, we’d rather set a big target and try and hit it than to continue to pretend that there’s not a challenge here.

    McIlroy:

    The incoming government brief talked about the need to increase taxes, and we’re going to talk in our interview today about the upcoming roundtable. That’s probably one of the things that has to come out, right; some taxes might have to be higher when the mix is reassessed?

    Chalmers:

    I think it’s good to think about the mix, as you just did in your question, Tom. Because for example, in our first term, we increased taxes on the PRRT, which is offshore gas, so that people – Australians – would get more return for their resources earlier. And that helped us pay for some other things like income tax cuts.

    We’re a government that’s actually enthusiastically been cutting income taxes 3 times for every Australian taxpayer. There is a mix in the tax system. We’re trying not to artificially limit the ideas or narrow the ideas that people will bring to that reform roundtable next month. There will be a whole bunch of ideas, some that the government will want to pick up and run with and some that we won’t be able to for whatever reason.

    But there’s a lot of pressure on the budget, and what we showed in the first term is we could deliver budget surpluses, we could engineer the biggest nominal turnaround in the Budget in a single term in our history, we could get the Liberal debt down, we could do all of those things. But we need ongoing effort to make the budget even more sustainable, and that will typically require a combination of spending restraint, which we’ve shown, spending cuts, which we’ve been able to deliver $100 billion worth working with Katy Gallagher. But also if there are opportunities like we found in multinational taxes or the PRRT, then sometimes that can help pay for lower taxes elsewhere.

    McIlroy:

    Today you’ve talked about the themes for the roundtable; resilience, productivity and sustainability. I think it’s going to attract a lot of attention; we’ll certainly be watching closely for Guardian readers. Are you expecting concrete outcomes quickly from that process; will they guide the rest of the term?

    Chalmers:

    I’m certainly expecting a lot of guidance. I think it’s still to be determined whether we pop up at the end of the 3 days and we’ve got some immediate changes that we want to make or whether we’ll need a bit more time to work with the States or with my Cabinet colleagues, or in other ways of consultation.

    So I think that remains to be seen, that’s an open question. But I spend a big chunk of my week thinking through the ideas that have already started coming in to us and thinking about the structure of the agenda and who we’ll invite and all of those sorts of things.

    I think the most likely outcome is that there are a couple of obvious things which we can commit to in one way or another, but obviously there will be the need to further explore and work up some of the other ideas that are put to us.

    But one of the things that’s been really encouraging, really surprised on the up side, is this – really this tsunami of interest that people have shown in that.

    We can’t have everyone in the room, ‘cause there’s a lot of interest in being in the room. But all these other opportunities people have taken, including the superannuation sector today have put forward a whole bunch of considered ideas; that’s good, that’s exactly what we want.

    And ideally the government can take from that ways to build on the progress we’re already making in our economy, to build on the big agenda we already have in economic policy and to work out what the next steps are. And that’s because from the Prime Minister down we genuinely believe that the best way to work out what the next steps are are together. And that’s why we go to this roundtable with not just an open door but an open mind.

    McIlroy:

    You’re off to Durban this week for the G20 Finance Ministers meeting hosted by South Africa. You’re going to meet with your counterparts from Canada, Indonesia, Japan, Germany, the UK. Will tariffs be one of the big things you’re talking about with your counterparts, will economic uncertainty around the world be guiding those talks?

    Chalmers:

    I think that will be the dominant theme, and the way we come at this is to recognise that the best defence against all of this uncertainty in the global economy. All this unpredictability and volatility which comes from either the trade tensions or conflict in the Middle East, conflict in Eastern Europe. The best defence against all of that is more engagement, not less, more diverse markets, not less diverse markets, and also more resilience in our own economy.

    And so that’s – when we engage with the world we engage with those objectives in mind, finding good reliable markets, good reliable partners and making our economy more resilient.

    I expect that the – really the foundation of all of the discussions we have with our international counterparts will be this global uncertainty and the big shift that’s happened in my thinking. But also I think in the world’s thinking, is that it used to be that periods of uncertainty were these sort of punctuation points. There’d be long periods of calm, they’d be punctuated by kind of an outbreak of uncertainty, temporary uncertainty, and I think there’s a more structural thing going on here where uncertainty and volatility and unpredictability has become the norm rather than the exception.

    We’ve had 4 big economic shocks now in less than 2 decades, and so this rolling challenge of volatility in the global economy is something that we’ve all had to adapt to.

    When I meet with my G20 counterparts, obviously trade will be a big part of the story, supply chains, critical minerals, how we get capital flowing more effectively in the global economy. These are the sorts of things I expect to be talking with them about.

    McIlroy:

    Are you and those ministers that you’re meeting with the same as the rest of us, you wake up every day and think, God what’s Donald Trump done this morning? Another round of tariffs, another setting his trade war. It must be taking years off your life.

    Chalmers:

    Look, I don’t know about that, but certainly when you check in with the international media every morning we’re becoming more and more accustomed to, probably more and more desensitised to some of these big announcements, and not just out of D.C., to be fair. That’s an important source of the uncertainty in the global economy but it’s not the only source of uncertainty.

    A lot of the old rules, as I said a moment ago, have kind of been thrown out the window. There’s a step change in the way that the world conducts its business, and that is – what I was trying to say earlier – uncertainty’s gone from a cyclical challenge to a kind of a structural challenge and part of that means expect the unexpected. Whether it’s the pretty much weekly news out of different parts of the world, some element of these escalating trade tensions, but also conflict, real conflict as well.

    I think all of that really feeds into this sense that the global economy is a dangerous place. We’re pretty well‑placed and pretty well‑prepared to deal with it as Australians, but we’re not spared from it. And that’s why our engagement’s so important, whether it’s what I’m doing at the G20 or what the Prime Minister’s doing in China.

    McIlroy:

    The proposed tariffs on pharmaceuticals were a big story last week, and a concerning one for you and for the economy here. Give us an update on how things are going in that specific area. You must have heard a lot from business about the possible effect those tariffs could have.

    Chalmers:

    The big developments from our point of view last week, I mean our baseline tariff has not changed, 10 per cent is at the low end. The lowest end of what the Americans are proposing as a baseline, but last week there was news about developments on copper and pharmaceuticals.

    Now copper is, we export less than 1 per cent of our copper to the US, it’s a very small part of our market. We, I think from memory, export 5 times more to Indonesia than we do to the US. And so our copper sector, our wonderful copper sector will work out the best way to adapt to those tariffs if and when they occur.

    Pharmaceuticals are a bit different in that a bigger part, a bigger chunk of our industry, are exports to the US. And President Trump has said he will take some time to work out the pharmaceutical arrangements. And so that gives us the opportunity to do what we have been doing, which is engage with the industry, try and work out what they think their exposures are. CSL, for example, has made a public contribution to our thinking about all of that.

    So we work through these issues, even when there’s a sense of unpredictability and volatility, we actually work through these issues in a pretty calm and considered way. And I think that’s been important, whether it’s been reacting to the initial tariff announcements on so‑called Liberation Day, or subsequently. We work through these issues in a methodical, calm, considered way from the Prime Minister right down, and that’s served us pretty well.

    McIlroy:

    Would a good outcome be Australia sticks on the 10 per cent, it’s the best deal going, the baseline, and the other steel and aluminium, pharmaceuticals, those kind of things we get an exemption from; is that your dream scenario?

    Chalmers:

    The dream scenario is that these unnecessary tariffs are lifted, we have to be realistic about that, and it feels like this discussion has a long way to run. Partly because as you rightly pointed out in your question before, you know, there’s a shift in emphasis or policy relatively frequently. And so we’re engaging at every level that we can to try and get the best outcome from Australia.

    We see these tariffs as unnecessary and self‑defeating; we’ve been pretty blunt about that, certainly blunt by the standards of international diplomacy. We’ve made it really clear that we think these tariffs are bad for the US, bad for Australia and bad for the global economy. Big implications potentially for global demand at a time when global growth is not exactly thick on the ground.

    We come at these issues, as I said a moment ago, in a pretty considered way. But we’ve been very, very clear that the best outcomes would be if they’re not levied in the first place.

    McIlroy:

    All right. Let me bring you home to some domestic matters here. The parliament’s coming back next week, it will be our first taste of Sussan Ley as Opposition Leader up against Anthony Albanese. What’s your assessment of her and of Ted O’Brien, your new Coalition counterpart, shadow? How do you see the term playing out politically in the parliament?

    Chalmers:

    Yeah, my general rule with politics is you don’t underestimate anyone. And for all his faults I didn’t underestimate Angus Taylor when he was my opposite number. And I won’t underestimate Ted O’Brien or Sussan Ley either.

    I personally get a bit worried by this idea because we won a big majority that the next election is kind of assured, I don’t believe it is. There are few such assurances I think in politics in modern times, but I think there are good reasons not to assume the outcome of the next election. Politics is volatile, and I mean it when I say I don’t underestimate either of those 2 people that you mentioned.

    I’s been interesting to see their reaction, you know, I invited Ted O’Brien to the reform roundtable in good faith. It’s been interesting to see his reaction to that, whether he takes up that opportunity in a mature way or wastes that opportunity, whether he reads the room. If Ted O’Brien comes to the reform roundtable and treats it as an extension of Question Time, I think that will go down pretty badly in the room.

    I also think if they aren’t constructive it will show that they haven’t learned anything from the last term which delivered that pretty stunning outcome on 3 May. And so let’s see how they perform.

    We intend to engage with them in a respectful way but there will be robust exchanges as well, no doubt, that’s the nature of our politics. But I for one won’t be underestimating anyone.

    McIlroy:

    They’ve signalled strong opposition to the $3 million super changes from the last parliament. You say you’ve got a mandate on that having won the election. Is the test for the Opposition on tax reform more broadly, that constructive approach that you mentioned? Is there any possibility of a bipartisan tax reform plan coming out of this?

    Chalmers:

    Oh, we’ll see. We need to have realistic expectations about that. I think a lot of the commentary, whether it’s from Ted O’Brien or Sussan Ley, I don’t think they are by their nature constructive, collaborative types. Here again, it feels like – when I listen to them it feels like they weren’t paying attention on 3 May.

    Ted O’Brien kind of looks like Scott Morrison but he sounds like Peter Dutton. And I think that’s interesting, because if I were them and I saw the outcome of 3 May I’d try and work out how to be different from the last term. Whereas they seem to be putting a lot of effort into working out how they can be the same with that obstructionist kind of hyper‑partisan, hyper‑critical approach.

    So let’s see, I might be wrong about that, let’s see. But by inviting Ted O’Brien to the roundtable, what we are trying to convey is we think that these big challenges in our economy will outlast governments. We’re talking about generational challenges – we’ve got all this global volatility which I think is structural and not cyclical. But it’s against the backdrop of changes in energy, technology, demography, industry, geopolitics, and we’d be mad to think they were constrained to kind of 3‑year Australian political cycles.

    From an Australian point of view, to take all of the parties out of it, all the partisanship out of it, the best outcome for our people would be if both parties could take a long‑term view about necessary reform and not just the Labor Party on its own.

    McIlroy:

    Are you open to the Greens counter‑proposals on 3 million super, for example, the $2 million threshold they’ve talked about?

    Chalmers:

    I’m grateful that the Greens have been privately and publicly pretty constructive about this. And at some stage, I’m not sure when – we were hoping that would be quite soon, but our pretty congested diaries with parliament coming back – at some point we’ll engage properly with the Greens on this. We can’t pass anything in the Senate on our own, that’s just the reality of the Senate. So we’ll have those discussions.

    But this won’t be the first piece of parliamentary business. We’ve made it clear that our first parliamentary priority coming back is to legislate the student debt relief. And so at some point there will be those discussions, but ideally we would legislate the proposal we announced a long time ago.

    McIlroy:

    Jillian Segal presented her report on combating antisemitism last week. Have you picked up any concern within the caucus about that? Some of those recommendations are pretty broad and there’s been a bit of bumpy politics, I would say, across the weekend.

    Chalmers:

    I’ve had conversations with a bunch of colleagues in the last week or so, but not about that. So if there is that concern, I haven’t heard it directly, it may be that others have heard that directly.

    But I don’t think it should surprise us in an area this contentious in the community, that there would be a range of views. And my personal point of view is that some of the antisemitism that we have seen, some of the attacks that we have seen are disgraceful, they have no place in a society like ours. So we are already taking a whole bunch of steps to crack down on antisemitism.

    The Envoy has provided us with some proposals; I think Tony and Anthony and others will work through those proposals.

    But as we do that, it would be pretty naive, I think, to assume that there was a unanimous view about the way forward here in an area which has got so much history, so much contention, where emotions are running hot for good reason. So let’s see where those considerations lead us.

    McIlroy:

    Okay. We’ve got a couple more minutes before we have to wrap up. Let me ask you about a budget question for the term ahead. Big big opportunities for Labor, big ambitions, as you’ve outlined. What’s a sign of success on budget repair for the end of this term, perhaps for you as Treasurer longer term; fixing the structural deficit perhaps, changing some of the settings to make things better going forward?

    Chalmers:

    I see it as an important part of our work, not on my own but with Katy Gallagher obviously, the Finance Minister, would see it along similar lines to the government. We’re lucky we’ve got a Prime Minister and a Cabinet very engaged and very enlightened about our budget challenges, that’s a good thing, and we have made all this progress together, that’s too easily dismissed, not by you but by a lot of commentators.

    They pretend that we haven’t engineered already this stunning improvement in the budget. Hundreds of billions of dollars better off than we inherited, much less debt, 2 surpluses for the first time in 2 decades.

    But Katy and I have always recognised that budget repair and budget sustainability is not the task of one budget, it’s the task of every budget.

    Measuring success would be making the budget more sustainable over time. There is a structural challenge in there, we have got some fast‑growing areas in the care economy and elsewhere which we’re very attuned to. And we would like to make some more progress on that.

    But the reason I’ve set up this roundtable around 3 priorities is because I think the big challenges are budget sustainability, but also our economy needs to be more productive. You can’t just flick a switch and make it more productive overnight, you’ve got to do that over time. And also resilience in the face of this global economic uncertainty. And so if we could make some progress on those 3 fronts for however long I’m here, then that would be good.

    McIlroy:

    Is there a risk that Labor is baking in some pretty big spending that will become part of the structural challenge itself? Your critics would say some of the big social spending – social policy areas, the spending in there is contributing to that problem even before the NDIS challenge is addressed properly.

    Chalmers:

    If you think about the 6 big fast‑growing areas in the budget, we’ve made really good progress on 3 of them – which is debt interest, aged care and the NDIS. And the other 3 are defence, childcare and health and hospitals. And so some of those changes are deliberate; in both directions necessary, some of them reflect demographic change. Our society is changing, our society is ageing, our preferences are changing, our industrial base is changing, the role of technology and energy, all of these things are happening, and so that has implications for the budget.

    There are some structural challenges there, but we’ve made more progress, I think, than is broadly acknowledged in reining in some of those structural challenges, but we know that there’s more work to do.

    McIlroy:

    Okay, Jim Chalmers, you’ve got a busy job, you’ve got a busy couple of weeks ahead.

    Tell us about a time when you’re not at work. What do you do to relax, what do you do when you’ve got a bit of free time?

    Chalmers:

    I think normal people have New Year’s resolutions, and people like me have after election resolutions. That’s because in elections you eat your feelings and you run out of time to do exercise and all those sorts of things. So my post‑election resolutions are more running, more reading – and I’m trying to get back into those 2 things.

    McIlroy:

    You’re an early‑morning runner, I think, right?

    Chalmers:

    I was, I haven’t been running a lot lately, I ran today, which was an effort, let’s say. When you’re – I’m not sure how old you are now, Tom, but I’m 47 now, and I’ve noticed that taking a break from running is more consequential than it used to be. I really felt that around Lake Burley Griffin this morning, so I’m trying to get back into better shape on that front.

    McIlroy:

    And what about reading? Tell us something that’s on your bedside table coming up.

    Chalmers:

    My reading is divided into my directly work reading and what I call nights and flights, and my nights and flights reading is – increasingly I’m getting back into a lot of history.

    But also I’ve got this – what seemed like a good idea at the time at the start of the year – my wife Laura and I, we agreed we’d try and read 30 books each this year. And I gave her about a 12‑book head start in the lead‑up to the election, I’m trying to rein that in. And so I’m trying to churn through a lot, but a lot of history, but also some classics too. Obviously I’m reading your book about Jackson Pollock and Blue Poles.

    McIlroy:

    Thanks for the plug.

    Chalmers:

    Yeah, everyone should get out and buy it. But if we’ve got time I’ll tell you a quick story. I was in Noosa with my family the other day and we went into the Village Bookshop and there’s a wonderful, wonderful woman there called Noelle. And I said to her quietly ‘cause the kids were there and Laura was there, I said, ‘Noelle, I’m a few books behind in our family reading challenge’. And she said, ‘I’ve got just the thing for you’, so she recommended to me the Steinbeck novel Of Mice and Men, but it’s a bleak but beautiful thing. And she said, ‘Come over here’, and she took me to the classics and she sold me a couple of classics of shorter length, let’s say, and that helped me –

    McIlroy:

    Some quick runs on the board.

    Chalmers:

    Quick runs on the board, it will help me make up the difference. So big shout‑out to Noelle at the Village Bookshop, a former schoolteacher. She knew exactly what I needed to try and close the gap on my reading.

    McIlroy:

    Well, Jim Chalmers, thanks for making some time for us today, we’ve covered a lot of ground. It’s really great to speak to you on the pod.

    Chalmers:

    I appreciate it, Tom. All the best, thank you.

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-Evening Report: After a hopeful start, Labor’s affordable housing fund is proving problematic

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katrina Raynor, Director of the Centre for Equitable Housing, Per Capita and Research Associate, The University of Melbourne

    When the Albanese government announced the A$10 billion Housing Australia Future Fund in 2023, the news reverberated through the housing sector.

    A new funding facility to help build 30,000 social and affordable rental homes in five years. Given we only increased Australia’s social housing stock by 24,000 dwellings in the decade to 2024, this represents a significant uptick.

    The future fund is part of the National Housing Accord’s overall commitment to build 1.2 million new homes by the end of the decade. This target is now in serious doubt following advice from Treasury.

    Nonetheless, people were genuinely excited and hopeful about the focus on meeting the housing needs of lower income people.

    But stakeholders were also sceptical – and they had every right to be.

    How it works

    The future fund is a dedicated investment vehicle which helps finance new housing builds using the returns on the original $10 billion endowment.

    It does this by distributing loans and grants via competitive funding rounds open to not-for-profits, the private sector and other levels of government.

    When announcing the scheme, then Housing Minister Julie Collins said it would help address acute housing needs for people who are especially vulnerable:

    […] this will provide housing support to remote Indigenous communities, women and children experiencing domestic and family violence, older women at risk of homelessness, and veterans experiencing or at risk of homelessness.

    Two funding rounds have so far been announced – 9,284 social dwellings and 9,366 affordable homes.

    State and territory governments are involved in the process by providing access to land, expediting planning approvals and sometimes acting as developers.

    Reasons for hope

    The future fund is what the housing sector has been begging for for decades. It is a consistent, somewhat protected, pot of funding with a mandate to build social and affordable housing at scale.

    It is one of several hopeful changes underway in the housing space. The housing portfolio is now ensconced in cabinet after being elevated in the first Albanese ministry.

    Summerhill Village is a social housing project in Melbourne designed for older women to live independently.
    Author supplied, CC BY

    The relocation of housing and homelessness into Treasury is another positive development. Previously, policy areas were fragmented across a variety of departments.

    This is particularly welcome given we are yet to see the promised National Housing and Homeless Plan despite consultations beginning in 2023.

    Room for improvement

    While the future fund is a welcome infusion of money, my discussions with stakeholders have provided mixed feedback.

    As with any new program, there have been teething issues. Red tape has slowed contracts, while the May election paused all negotiations.

    Housing funding in Australia remains lumpy – characterised by sudden changes in the scale and priorities of funding – and policy is highly politicised.

    Survival of the cheapest

    Loans and grants are distributed through competitive, oversubscribed funding rounds.

    Coupled with a need for quick political wins, bigger players with lower cost projects are far more likely to receive funding to guarantee a larger quantum of housing.

    While this may appear to reflect greater value for money, it means the scheme is incentivised to fund affordable housing aimed at moderate income households rather than social housing aimed at more vulnerable people. New homes are not targeted where need is greatest.

    Given affordable housing will be delivered at 75% of market rent, there are many people who will still not be able to afford it. While we undoubtedly need both, the need is far greater for social housing.

    As the chart above shows, almost all funding in round one went to Tier One Community Housing Providers, who are the biggest developers with the most in-house capacity.

    While privileging larger organisations is not necessarily a bad thing, it does mean smaller players with more location or cohort-specific strengths are continuing to miss out.

    For example, only one Aboriginal Community Housing Provider was successful in the first round, sparking calls for an Aboriginal-specific funding round.

    Program inefficency

    Submitting bids is time consuming and uncertain, especially for funding rounds designed to stimulate new partnerships between stakeholders who haven’t worked together before.

    Further, establishing partnerships and contracts with government is labour intensive and complex.

    One industry insider recently joked the main things being funded by the scheme are new backyard pools for Sydney-based lawyers.

    Beyond this, the future fund provides availability payments – which recur quarterly during the operating phase of projects – rather than upfront capital grants.

    According to research, this is one of the most inefficient ways to fund social housing. Capital grants paid at the start to support construction are far more cost effective.

    Lack of operational funds

    Another key barrier is the focus on “bricks and mortar” to the exclusion of ongoing service costs.

    Funding to cover tenancy support, building maintenance and operations, and other wrap-around services is essential, especially for social housing aimed at individuals with higher needs.

    This is not covered by the fund and is yet to be substantively picked up by state governments either.

    Clearly, there are aspects of the housing future fund that need improvement. But this is not a call to abolish the scheme.

    The last thing the sector needs is another policy pivot or funding cut. In fact, doubling the fund to $20 billion would be warranted.

    The 30,000 new homes fall well short of the estimated 640,000 Australian households whose housing needs are currently unmet.

    The Housing Australia Future Fund is just one element – but an important one – in the suite of measures we should be using to address acute housing needs.

    Katrina Raynor is the Director of Per Capita’s Centre for Equitable Housing. Per Capita is an independent think tank that receives funding from a range of sources including philanthropy, unions, individuals and government.

    ref. After a hopeful start, Labor’s affordable housing fund is proving problematic – https://theconversation.com/after-a-hopeful-start-labors-affordable-housing-fund-is-proving-problematic-260085

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: After a hopeful start, Labor’s affordable housing fund is proving problematic

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katrina Raynor, Director of the Centre for Equitable Housing, Per Capita and Research Associate, The University of Melbourne

    When the Albanese government announced the A$10 billion Housing Australia Future Fund in 2023, the news reverberated through the housing sector.

    A new funding facility to help build 30,000 social and affordable rental homes in five years. Given we only increased Australia’s social housing stock by 24,000 dwellings in the decade to 2024, this represents a significant uptick.

    The future fund is part of the National Housing Accord’s overall commitment to build 1.2 million new homes by the end of the decade. This target is now in serious doubt following advice from Treasury.

    Nonetheless, people were genuinely excited and hopeful about the focus on meeting the housing needs of lower income people.

    But stakeholders were also sceptical – and they had every right to be.

    How it works

    The future fund is a dedicated investment vehicle which helps finance new housing builds using the returns on the original $10 billion endowment.

    It does this by distributing loans and grants via competitive funding rounds open to not-for-profits, the private sector and other levels of government.

    When announcing the scheme, then Housing Minister Julie Collins said it would help address acute housing needs for people who are especially vulnerable:

    […] this will provide housing support to remote Indigenous communities, women and children experiencing domestic and family violence, older women at risk of homelessness, and veterans experiencing or at risk of homelessness.

    Two funding rounds have so far been announced – 9,284 social dwellings and 9,366 affordable homes.

    State and territory governments are involved in the process by providing access to land, expediting planning approvals and sometimes acting as developers.

    Reasons for hope

    The future fund is what the housing sector has been begging for for decades. It is a consistent, somewhat protected, pot of funding with a mandate to build social and affordable housing at scale.

    It is one of several hopeful changes underway in the housing space. The housing portfolio is now ensconced in cabinet after being elevated in the first Albanese ministry.

    Summerhill Village is a social housing project in Melbourne designed for older women to live independently.
    Author supplied, CC BY

    The relocation of housing and homelessness into Treasury is another positive development. Previously, policy areas were fragmented across a variety of departments.

    This is particularly welcome given we are yet to see the promised National Housing and Homeless Plan despite consultations beginning in 2023.

    Room for improvement

    While the future fund is a welcome infusion of money, my discussions with stakeholders have provided mixed feedback.

    As with any new program, there have been teething issues. Red tape has slowed contracts, while the May election paused all negotiations.

    Housing funding in Australia remains lumpy – characterised by sudden changes in the scale and priorities of funding – and policy is highly politicised.

    Survival of the cheapest

    Loans and grants are distributed through competitive, oversubscribed funding rounds.

    Coupled with a need for quick political wins, bigger players with lower cost projects are far more likely to receive funding to guarantee a larger quantum of housing.

    While this may appear to reflect greater value for money, it means the scheme is incentivised to fund affordable housing aimed at moderate income households rather than social housing aimed at more vulnerable people. New homes are not targeted where need is greatest.

    Given affordable housing will be delivered at 75% of market rent, there are many people who will still not be able to afford it. While we undoubtedly need both, the need is far greater for social housing.

    As the chart above shows, almost all funding in round one went to Tier One Community Housing Providers, who are the biggest developers with the most in-house capacity.

    While privileging larger organisations is not necessarily a bad thing, it does mean smaller players with more location or cohort-specific strengths are continuing to miss out.

    For example, only one Aboriginal Community Housing Provider was successful in the first round, sparking calls for an Aboriginal-specific funding round.

    Program inefficency

    Submitting bids is time consuming and uncertain, especially for funding rounds designed to stimulate new partnerships between stakeholders who haven’t worked together before.

    Further, establishing partnerships and contracts with government is labour intensive and complex.

    One industry insider recently joked the main things being funded by the scheme are new backyard pools for Sydney-based lawyers.

    Beyond this, the future fund provides availability payments – which recur quarterly during the operating phase of projects – rather than upfront capital grants.

    According to research, this is one of the most inefficient ways to fund social housing. Capital grants paid at the start to support construction are far more cost effective.

    Lack of operational funds

    Another key barrier is the focus on “bricks and mortar” to the exclusion of ongoing service costs.

    Funding to cover tenancy support, building maintenance and operations, and other wrap-around services is essential, especially for social housing aimed at individuals with higher needs.

    This is not covered by the fund and is yet to be substantively picked up by state governments either.

    Clearly, there are aspects of the housing future fund that need improvement. But this is not a call to abolish the scheme.

    The last thing the sector needs is another policy pivot or funding cut. In fact, doubling the fund to $20 billion would be warranted.

    The 30,000 new homes fall well short of the estimated 640,000 Australian households whose housing needs are currently unmet.

    The Housing Australia Future Fund is just one element – but an important one – in the suite of measures we should be using to address acute housing needs.

    Katrina Raynor is the Director of Per Capita’s Centre for Equitable Housing. Per Capita is an independent think tank that receives funding from a range of sources including philanthropy, unions, individuals and government.

    ref. After a hopeful start, Labor’s affordable housing fund is proving problematic – https://theconversation.com/after-a-hopeful-start-labors-affordable-housing-fund-is-proving-problematic-260085

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Don’t blame toxic masculinity for online misogyny – the manosphere is hurting men too

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Kate Cantrell, Senior Lecturer – Writing, Editing, and Publishing, University of Southern Queensland

    “Imagine her tenderly pressing her soft lips against yours”, writes one incel on Reddit, before concluding, “you will never get to experience this because your skeleton is too small or the bones in your face are not the right shape”.

    In his debut book, The Male Complaint, Simon Copland escorts his readers through the manosphere and into the minds of its inhabitants. He illustrates how boys and men who are “terrifyingly normal” become attracted to the manosphere’s grim logic – and the cognitive distortions of anti-feminist influencers like Andrew Tate and Jordan Peterson.

    While mainstream debates often cite toxic masculinity as the cause of online misogyny, Copland, a writer and researcher at the Australian National University, shifts the blame to a deeper cultural malaise. It’s caused, he argues, by the cruel optimism of the manosphere, the multiple social and economic crises of late-stage capitalism and a collective nihilistic misery in which complaint becomes futile and destruction “the only way out”.


    Review: The Male Complaint – Simon Copland (Polity)


    The manosphere is a network of loosely related blogs and forums devoted to “men’s interests” – sites like The Rational Male, Game Global and the subreddits ForeverAlone, TheRedPill and MensRights. These online communities, separate in their specific beliefs, are united by their misogynistic ideas – and anti-women and anti-diversity sentiments.

    They’re also united by the growing tendency of the men in these communities towards nihilistic violence: not only against others, but also against themselves.

    In The Male Complaint, Copland relays his dismay at discovering “a constant stream” of suicide notes on Reddit, including a subreddit, IncelGraveyard, which catalogues close to 100 suicide notes and letters posted by self-identified incels.

    Since I was a kid I was fed up with ‘Don’t worry, it will get better’, ‘You will find someone’ […] it’s not even that I want a SO (significant other) anymore. Women are awful. People are awful. I have no friends.

    For Copland, the violence incels inflict on themselves is a form of passive nihilism. Incels “don’t just express disgust and despair at the world, but in themselves – their looks, body, lives, personality, intelligence, and more”.

    Who’s in the manosphere?

    The manosphere includes men’s rights activists, pick-up artists and “Men Going Their Own Way” (male separatists who avoid contact with women altogether). And of course, incels: men who believe they are unable to find a romantic or sexual partner due to their perceived genetic inferiority and oppression.

    Incels also blame their problems on women’s alleged hypergamy: the theory women seek out partners of higher social or economic status and therefore marry “up”. Put another way, hypergamy, a concept rooted in evolutionary psychology, is the belief “women are hard-wired to be gold diggers”.

    Rollo Tomassi, the so-called “godfather of the manosphere”, complains on his blog that “women love opportunistically”, while “men believe that love matters for the sake of it”.

    According to Tomassi, the “cruel reality” of modern dating is that men are romantics who are “forced to be realists”, while women are realists whose use “romanticisms to effect their imperatives”. Tomassi complains:

    Our girlfriends, our wives, daughters and even our mothers are all incapable of idealized love […] By order of degrees, hypergamy will define who a woman loves and who she will not, depending upon her own opportunities and capacity to attract it.

    Ten years ago, these communities were largely regarded as fringe groups. Today, their ideology has infiltrated the mainstream.

    On Sunday, ABC TV’s Compass reported that misogyny is on the rise in Australian classrooms, with female teachers sharing their experiences of sexual assault and harassment on school grounds – ranging from boys writing stories about gang raping their teachers to masturbating “over them” in the bathrooms. One student even pretended to stab his pregnant teacher as a “joke”.

    A 2025 report published by UN Women shows 53% of women have experienced some form of technology-facilitated, gender-based violence. The dark side of digitalisation disproportionately affects young women aged between 18 and 24, LGBTQI+ women, women who are divorced or who live in the city, and women who participate in online gaming.

    ‘Biologically bad’?

    Copland argues that simplified critiques of toxic masculinity minimise the problem of male violence. They fail to consider the context and history of gendered behaviour, assuming toxic traits are somehow innate and unique to men, rather than the product of social expectations and relations.

    This, in turn, promotes the idea that male violence derives from something “biologically bad” in the nature of masculinity itself. As Copland explains, “this is embedded in the term ‘toxic’, which makes it sound like men’s bodies have become diseased or infected”.

    Blaming toxic masculinity for digital misogyny also embraces a form of smug politics in which disaffected men are dismissed as degenerates who are fundamentally different to “us” (meaning the activist left and leftist elites). They are “cellar dwellers”, “subhuman freaks”, or “virgin losers” who need to be either enlightened or locked up. “We”, on the other hand, are educated, progressive, superior.

    This kind of rhetoric, as Copland explains, is unhelpful. It does not create the conditions for changing the opinions, narratives and futures of manosphere men because it does not allow people to understand their complaints and where those concerns come from – even if we do not agree with them.

    Belittling attitudes and demeaning discourses alienate men who already feel socially isolated. This pushes those men further to the fringes – into the hands of “manfluencers” who claim to understand.

    ‘Not having love becomes everything’

    The manosphere, Copland observes, is not “an aberration that is different and distinct from the rest of the world”, nor is it a community that exists solely on the “dark corners of the web”.


    Rather, the manosphere, as an echo chamber, enables and encourages what Copland calls “the male complaint”: a sense of collective pain or “injury” so intrinsic to the group’s identity, it cannot be redressed.

    As injured subjects who believe their problems are caused through no fault of their own, manosphere men cannot mend the “wound” they believe society has inflicted upon them. Their “marginalisation” and injured status are the lens through which they view themselves and the world.

    In the Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOW) community, for example, some men talk about the movement as a hospital where “physicians of the male soul” use different “methods of healing” to treat the “illness of gynocentric-induced disease weighing them down”. These methods include “self-improvement” strategies that are designed to build men’s power and wealth: purchasing gym equipment, investing in the stock market, even abstaining from pornography and sex.

    Others in the MGTOW community are vocally anti-victim: “You can live an extraordinary life,” one man says to another, “but you’re wasting your time on complaints and negativity”.

    Even when they disagree, though, manosphere men frame women and feminism as the enemy. In this way, the machinery of the manosphere capitalises on men’s discontent, reflects that messaging back to them and displaces their anger and hurt onto an easy scapegoat.

    As Copland observes, it is easier for men to blame women for their unhappiness than it is to blame the complex systems of capitalism: “if love and sex is everything, then not having love becomes everything as well”.

    Blackpilled incels, lookism and anonymity

    This preoccupation with intimacy is central to the incel community. It is exemplified by the various artefacts Copland embeds in his book – memes and posts from the manosphere itself.

    Blackpilled incels are a subgroup of incels who believe their access to romantic and sexual relationships is doomed because of “lookism”: the belief women choose sexual partners based solely on their physical features.

    Blackpilled ideology attributes romantic failure to genetically unalterable aspects of the human body, such as one’s height or skull shape. Some blackpilled incels, who call themselves wristcels, even blame their lack of sexual success on the width of their wrists.

    This logic is countered by research that demonstrates men, in fact, show stronger preferences for physical attractiveness than women, with women tending to prioritise education level and earning potential.

    On Reddit, incels often imagine and bitterly dismiss the potential for love and intimacy because of their looks.
    Ohsineon/Pexels

    The manosphere, however, amplifies this type of thinking and filters out information that challenges these ideas and opinions, increasing group polarisation. Despite its promise of solidarity, the manosphere isolates boys and men, and ultimately distances them from their wider community. This segregation results in a deep sense of alienation – these boys and men become stuck in a perpetual cycle of ideological reinforcement.

    The manosphere thrives on anonymity, writes Copland, which only reinforces the idea it is not designed to foster deep relationships or connections.

    No silver bullets

    The sense of community the manosphere claims to offer is a sham; its alienating structures do not offer boys and men genuine belonging and connection, or real solutions to their problems.

    “From one day to the next, the ability to communicate depends on the whims of hidden engineers,” writes media studies professor Mark Andrejevic of online networks more broadly. The manosphere, like other virtual constructs, is subject to manipulation by those who control the infrastructure and the rules of engagement.

    More than this, the manosphere does not provide an alternative to complaint. When complaint is the only option, writes Copland, nihilism and violence are the inevitable result.

    When nothing matters, there are no consequences to anything, including violence […] Manosphere men do not look to convince others, but rather seek their destruction. Destruction is the outlet they find to deal with their complaint.

    That’s what makes the manosphere so dangerous.

    ‘Popular boys must be punished’

    In 2014, 22-year-old Elliot Rodger, a British-American college student, embarked on an hours-long stabbing and shooting spree in the university town of Isla Vista, California, killing six and injuring 14. On the morning of May 23 – the “Day of Retribution” – Rodger emailed a 140-page “manifesto” to his family, friends and therapists. He also uploaded several YouTube videos in which he lamented his inability to find a girlfriend, the “hedonistic pleasures” of his peers and his painful existence of “loneliness, rejection, and unfilled desires”.

    In his memoir-manifesto, Rodger – the supposed “patron saint of inceldom” – explains the motive for his violence:

    I had nothing left to live for but revenge. Women must be punished for their crimes of rejecting such a magnificent gentleman as myself. All of those popular boys must be punished for enjoying heavenly lives and having sex with all the girls while I had to suffer in lonely virginity.

    Four years later, in April 2018, Alek Minassian, a self-described incel, drove a rented van onto a busy sidewalk in Toronto, killing 11 (nine of them women) and injuring many more. On Facebook, Minassian explained that his actions were part of the “incel rebellion” led by the “Supreme Gentleman Elliot Rodger”. Later, Minassian told police, “I feel like I accomplished my mission”.

    Rodger, too, ended his final YouTube video with a similar message: “If I can’t have you girls, I will destroy you”.

    In his book, Copland even draws a parallel between the Westfield Bondi Junction attack and the explanation for attacker Joel Cauchi’s violence, put forward by his father just two days after the attack: “To you, he is a monster. To me, he was a very sick boy […] he wanted a girlfriend and he’s got no social skills and he was frustrated out of his brain”.

    In fact, Cauchi suffered from treatment-resistant schizophrenia and had been unmedicated at the time of the attack: “after almost two decades of treatment, Cauchi had no regular psychiatrist, was not on any medications to treat his schizophrenia and had no family living nearby”. The multifaceted causes of Cauchi’s crime are more complex than misogynistic violence.

    Indeed, the pieces of the manosphere puzzle, when put together, reveal a sobering image of the male complaint. However, they demonstrate misogyny is bad for everyone – not just women and girls.

    As Copland concludes:

    The manosphere promises men that it can make their lives better […] But it really cannot deliver. The promises it offers are not real, and in many cases make things worse […] This is how cruel optimism works, always offering, but never delivering.

    ‘It’s the combinations’

    Recent evidence suggests there is no single route to radicalisation, and no single cause of violent extremism. Rather, complex interactions between push, pull, and personal factors are the root causes of male violence.

    The Netflix sensation Adolescence – the harrowing story of a 13-year-old boy who is arrested and charged with murder – is powered by a single question: why did Jamie kill Katie?

    In attempting to answer this question, critics and fans have offered a range of explanations: bullying, low self-esteem, emotional dysregulation, obsession with love and sex, deprivation of love and sex, the manosphere. The real answer is less obvious and infinitely more complex. It can be found in a simple line of dialogue, spoken at the end of the series by Jamie’s sister.

    “It’s the combinations,” Lisa says. “Combinations are everything.”

    In this moment, Lisa is justifying her outfit to her parents as they await Jamie’s trial. But subtextually, her statement doubles as the most likely explanation for his actions. And it’s the closest explanation for why some boys and men commit extreme acts of violence: the combinations.


    If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

    Kate Cantrell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Don’t blame toxic masculinity for online misogyny – the manosphere is hurting men too – https://theconversation.com/dont-blame-toxic-masculinity-for-online-misogyny-the-manosphere-is-hurting-men-too-254802

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: UNESCO grants World Heritage status to Khmer Rouge atrocity sites – paving the way for other sites of conflict

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Rachel Hughes, Associate Professor of Geography, The University of Melbourne

    A series of atrocity sites of the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia have been formally entered onto the World Heritage list, as part of the 47th session of the World Heritage Committee.

    This is not only important for Cambodia, but also raises important questions for atrocity sites in Australia.

    Before this, the World Heritage list only recognised seven “sites of memory” associated with recent conflicts, which UNESCO defines as “events having occurred from the turn of the 20th century” under its criterion vi. These sat within a broader list of more than 950 cultural sites.

    In recent years, experts have intensely debated the question of whether a site associated with recent conflict could, or should, be nominated and evaluated for World Heritage status. Some argue such listings would contradict the objectives of UNESCO and its spirit of peace, which was part of the specialised agency’s mandate after the destruction of two world wars.

    Sites associated with recent conflicts can be divisive. For instance, when Japan nominated the Hiroshima Peace Memorial, both China and the United States objected and eventually disassociated from the decision. The US argued the nomination lacked “historical perspective” on the events that led to the bomb’s use. Meanwhile, China argued listing the property would not be conducive for peace as other Asian countries and peoples had suffered at the hands of the Japanese during WWII.

    Heritage inscriptions risk reinforcing societal divisions if they conserve a particular memory in a one-sided way.

    Nonetheless, the World Heritage Committee decided in 2023 to no longer preclude such sites for inscription. This was done partly in recognition of how these sites may “serve the peace-building mission of UNESCO”.

    Shortly after, three listing were added: the ESMA Museum and Site of Memory, a former clandestine centre for detention, torture and extermination in Argentina; memorial sites of the Rwandan genocide at Nyamata, Murambi, Gisozi and Bisesero; and funerary and memory sites of the first world war in Belgium and France.

    A number of legacy sites associated with Nelson Mandela’s human rights struggle in South Africa were also added last year.

    Atrocities of the Khmer Rouge

    The recently inscribed Cambodian Memorial Sites include prisons S-21 (now known as Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum) and M-13, as well as the execution site Choeung Ek.

    These sites were nominated for their value in showing the development of extreme mass violence in relation to the security system of the Khmer Rouge in 1975–79. They also have value as places of memorialisation, peace and learning.

    The Khmer Rouge developed its methods of disappearance, incarceration and torture of suspected “enemies” during the civil conflict of 1970–75. It established a system of local-level security centres in so-called “liberated” areas.

    One of these centres was known as M-13, a small, well-hidden prison in the country’s rural southwest. A man named Kaing Guek Eav – also called Duch – was responsible for prisoners at M-13.

    Shortly after the entire country fell to the Khmer Rouge in April 1975, Duch was assigned to lead the headquarters of the regime’s security system: a large detention and torture centre known as S-21.

    Under his instruction, tens of thousands of people were detained in inhumane conditions, tortured and interrogated. Many detainees were later taken to the outskirts of the city to be brutally killed and buried in pits at a place called Choeung Ek.

    The sites operated until early 1979, when the Khmer Rouge was forced from power.

    The S-21 facility and the mass graves at Choeung Ek have long been memorialised as the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum and the Choeung Ek Genocidal Centre.

    However, the former M-13 site shows few visual clues to its prior use, and has only recently been investigated by an international team led by Cambodian archaeologist and museum director Hang Nisay. The site is on an island in a small river that forms the boundary between the Kampong Chhnang and Kampong Speu provinces.

    Further research, site protection and memorialisation activities will now be supported, with help from locals.

    From repression to reflection

    The Cambodian memorial sites have been recognised as holding “outstanding universal value” for the way they evidence one of the 20th century’s worst atrocities, and are now places of memory.

    In its nomination dossier for these sites, Cambodia drew on findings from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal to verify and link the conflict and the sites.

    In 2010, the tribunal found Duch guilty of crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. Duch was sentenced to 30 years in prison (which eventually turned into life imprisonment). He died in 2020.

    While courts such as the International Criminal Court have previously examined the destruction of heritage as an international crime, drawing on legal findings to assert heritage status is an unusual inverse. It raises important questions about the legacies of former UN-supported tribunals and the ongoing implications of their findings.

    The recent listings also raise questions for Australia, which has many sites of documented mass killing associated with colonisation and the frontier wars that lasted into the 20th century.

    Might Australia nominate any of these atrocity sites in the future? And could other processes such as truth-telling, reparation and redress support (or be supported by) such nominations?

    Rachel Hughes has consulted to UNESCO Cambodia.

    Maria Elander does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. UNESCO grants World Heritage status to Khmer Rouge atrocity sites – paving the way for other sites of conflict – https://theconversation.com/unesco-grants-world-heritage-status-to-khmer-rouge-atrocity-sites-paving-the-way-for-other-sites-of-conflict-260923

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Russia: For the third time, NSU hosted the scientific and educational school for students in grades 7–11, “Sigma”

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Novosibirsk State University –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    “Sigma” is a free summer scientific and educational school for students in grades 7-11, which has been held for the third year at the Faculty of Information Technology NSUThis year the event took place from July 7 to 13.

    The main idea of “Sigma” is from students to schoolchildren. The goal of the project is to bring schoolchildren closer to the university, providing the opportunity to freely choose courses, participate in rich discussions and interact with teachers who care about their interests, not grades.

    This season, Sigma hosted 24 courses taught by 28 instructors, including students, graduates, and young researchers from various universities, such as NSU, MSU, SPbSU, HSE, Tyumen State University, MVSES, MSU Skolkovo, IPL SB RAS, as well as industry practitioners, including the Whatelse.lab marketing agency. The geography of the instructors covered the Novosibirsk Region, Krasnoyarsk, Tyumen, St. Petersburg, and Moscow.

    Each course was built as a cycle of 3-6 lessons. The format — from discussions and mini-lectures to role-playing games and workshops — was determined by the teachers and adjusted to the course concept. The course topics included a wide range of disciplines, such as sociology, anatomy, cinematography, linguistics, programming, biotechnology, as well as Olympiad courses in chemistry and literature. Thus, participants could try themselves in the humanities, social sciences, natural sciences and engineering and understand which of them were of the greatest interest.

    Kirill Kondrenko, a graduate of NSU and one of the permanent teachers at Sigma, shares his experience:

    — I think that Sigma is a great opportunity for schoolchildren to gain practical skills and learn interesting things that are ignored in a comprehensive school. Last year I taught the course Online Security, and this year — Telebot on developing Telegram bots in Python. During the course, we studied the basic elements of building bots, and at the end, the students did group projects — among them were a guide to interesting places, a bot for recognizing text from voice messages, a bot for analyzing user emotions, and others. During the classes, the students liked the interactivity the most: it was worth changing just a couple of lines of code — and the bot’s behavior in Telegram completely changed.

    “Sigma” creates an atmosphere in which schoolchildren with “burning eyes” receive knowledge from students with the same sincere interest. I am convinced that it is this atmosphere that influences skills and knowledge even more than the content of the classes themselves. Every day at “Sigma” there were extracurricular activities that helped “refresh the mind” and distract from the courses for a while. In my opinion, this is exactly what is lacking in ordinary schools, where students have 7-8 lessons a day.

    The Sigma organizers play no less an important role than the teachers: they set the tone for the entire school, coordinate processes and create the very atmosphere in which everything happens.

    Vladimir Sharapov, a second-year student at the NSU Institute of Information Technologies and the head of Sigma from the NSU Institute of Information Technologies, says:

    — Sigma was my first experience in organizing such a large-scale and long-term event. It was a truly exciting and responsible adventure. Of course, there were difficulties, but we overcame all the challenges. I am sure that everything went well — including thanks to the support and trust shown to me. Special thanks to the entire team of organizers, without whom this path would not have been possible — to those who supported me on this new path.

    As mentioned above, the geography of the school’s teachers was represented by different universities and regions. Tarina Iptysheva, the main organizer of Sigma, a student of SAS Tyumen State University, talks about her participation in the project:

    — For me, Sigma is, first of all, about the feeling of “Peace, friendship and chewing gum!” and establishing supportive and warm relationships. And only secondly, about gaining new experience, knowledge, and getting acquainted with interesting ideas and disciplines.

    I think many of the participants actually did it, at least from what they say. And that makes me incredibly happy.

    And I’m also very happy when the guys say that they managed to get to know each other, become friends and find a common language – and this is probably the most valuable thing.

    This year, 107 participants from the Novosibirsk region gathered at Sigma. Each could choose up to four courses and create their own educational trajectory. Upon completion of the school, the guys shared their impressions with us.

    Lisa, Sigma student:

    — This is my third year at the school, and I was looking forward to this season with great impatience. All my expectations were met in abundance — I am absolutely delighted with the variety of courses, the atmosphere, and, of course, the people I met or reconnected with. For me, Sigma is always about new cool acquaintances and warm meetings with old friends and new like-minded people.

    I really like the idea of “from students to schoolchildren” that Sigma promotes, and that’s probably why one of the highlights of the first half of the season was Self-Government Day. I really liked the idea, and it gave me new ideas about what I’d like to do in the future.

    In general, I always say that Sigma is a meaningful event of July for me. And I think the emotions and impressions I return home with after each school day are the best confirmation of this.

    Yulia, a student of Sigma:

    — Of course, the concept of Sigma as a place where you will be appreciated, where your opinion will be appreciated, where teachers respect you, is very important. Especially for teenagers who came here from a familiar school environment, often harsh and formal. To find yourself in such a comfortable place, where there is attention, respect and a sincere interest in you as a person — it’s really cool. Here, the teacher is interested in you, wants to share knowledge and is truly open to discussions.

    We thank all the teachers and organizers, without whom Sigma would not have become what it is: a place of genuine interest, academic freedom and friendly interaction.

    Special thanks to the Faculty of Information Technology of NSU and the Department of Youth Policy and Educational Work of NSU for their support in implementing the school – thanks to you, this project continues and develops.

    See you next season of Sigma!

     

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Civic Education Exhibition to be held at Hong Kong Book Fair

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    Civic Education Exhibition to be held at Hong Kong Book Fair 
    Members of the public are invited to visit the Civic Education Exhibition to be held at the Hong Kong Book Fair 2025 (Booth 3B-B34, Children’s Paradise). The Exhibition will be open from tomorrow (July 16) to July 22 at the Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Centre.
     
    The Exhibition is jointly organised by the Home and Youth Affairs Bureau and the Committee on the Promotion of Civic Education (CPCE). Apart from featuring materials on civic and national education and introducing the CPCE’s work projects, the Exhibition will also promote civic and national education to the public in a lively and educational way through game booths and a photo corner.
     
    The organisers will hold a ceremony for the Exhibition at 11am on Friday (July 18) at the stage in the Children’s Paradise with Cantonese opera, ballet and singing performances.
     
    The CPCE is a non-statutory advisory body. It advises the Government on the promotion of civic education outside schools, launches various publicity and educational programmes in the community, and provides sponsorship to eligible organisations for actively promoting civic and national education.
     
    For details, please call 2708 2455 or visit the CPCE’s websiteIssued at HKT 11:00

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for July 15, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on July 15, 2025.

    A warning from the future: the risk if NZ gets climate adaptation policy wrong today
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tom Logan, Senior Lecturer Above the Bar, Civil and Natural Resources Engineering, University of Canterbury Getty Images New Zealand 2050: On the morning of February 27, the sea surged through the dunes south of the small town of Te Taone, riding on the back of Cyclone Harita’s

    ABC’s and CBS’s settlements with Trump are a dangerous step toward the commander in chief becoming the editor-in-chief
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael J. Socolow, Professor of Communication and Journalism, University of Maine Will settlements by news companies with President Donald Trump turn journalists into puppets? MARHARYTA MARKO/iStock Getty Images Plus It was a surrender widely foreseen. For months, rumors abounded that Paramount would eventually settle the seemingly frivolous

    Is there any hope for the internet?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aarushi Bhandari, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Davidson College Hate and mental illness fester online because love and healing seem to be incompatible with profits. Ihor Lukianenko/iStock via Getty Images In 2001, social theorist bell hooks warned about the dangers of a loveless zeitgeist. In “All About Love:

    Hung parliament still likely outcome of Tasmanian election, with Liberals well ahead of Labor in new poll
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne A new Tasmanian DemosAU poll gives the Liberals a 34.9–24.7 statewide vote lead over Labor, implying the Liberals will win the most seats but be short of

    Luxon and Peters to miss Cook Islands’ 60th Constitution Day celebrations
    By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist New Zealand will not send top government representation to the Cook Islands for its 60th Constitution Day celebrations in three weeks’ time. Instead, Governor-General Dame Cindy Kiro will represent Aotearoa in Rarotonga. On August 4, Cook Islands will mark 60 years of self-governance in free association with New Zealand.

    Keith Rankin Analysis – Reporting International Migration: Less than the Truth
    Analysis by Keith Rankin. Yesterday I listened to RNZ’s political commentators. The principal topic was an aspect of the recently released May 2025 international migration. Kathryn Ryan starts by reminding us of the “old saying, would the last person to leave New Zealand please turn out the lights” (a saying which has been used in

    Antisemitism plan fails on a number of fronts – a contentious definition of hate is just the start
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Louise Chappell, Scientia Professor, UNSW Sydney The antisemitism strategy presented to the Albanese government has attracted considerable – and wholly justifed – criticism. Produced by Jillian Segal, the special envoy to combat antisemitism, the blueprint falls short in a range of areas essential to good public policy.

    Do I have prostate cancer? Why a simple PSA blood test alone won’t give you the answer
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kevin M. Koo, NHMRC Emerging Leadership Fellow, The University of Queensland Prostate cancer is the most common cancer in Australia, with about 26,000 men diagnosed per year. The majority (more than 85%) are aged over 60. Prostate cancer kills around 3,900 Australians a year. Yet most prostate

    Many fish are social, but pesticides are pushing them apart
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kyle Morrison, PhD Candidate in Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, UNSW Sydney Kazakov Maksim, Shutterstock Scientists have detected pesticides in rivers, lakes and oceans worldwide. So what are these pesticides doing to the fish? Long before pesticides reach lethal doses, they can disrupt hormones, impair brain function and

    Almost half of young workers expected to work unpaid overtime, while a quarter aren’t paid compulsory super
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Howe, Associate Dean (Research), Melbourne Law School, The University of Melbourne Anna Kraynova/Shutterstock A young person gets a job, excited to earn their first paycheck. Over time, they realise the hours are long and the payslips small. They are told to stay back to clean up

    Israeli settlers shoot, beat to death 2 Palestinians in latest lynchings
    BEARING WITNESS: By Cole Martin in occupied West Bank Two young Palestinians were shot and beaten to death on their land, and 30 injured, by Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank on Saturday. A large group of settlers attacked the rural Palestinian village of Sinjil, in the Ramallah governorate, beating Sayfollah “Saif” Mussalet, 20,

    View from The Hill: Segal’s antisemitism plan gives government controversy, not clarity
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra Prime Minister Anthony Albanese may be rueing what seemed a good idea at the time – the appointment of a special envoy to combat antisemitism (as well as an envoy to combat Islamophobia). Or perhaps Jillian Segal, a former president

    David Robie condemns ‘callous’ health legacy of French, US nuclear bomb tests in Pacific
    Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific. – A journalist who was on the Rainbow Warrior voyage to Rongelap last night condemned France for its “callous” attack of an environmental ship, saying “we haven’t forgotten, or forgiven this outrage”. David Robie, the author of Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage and Legacy of the

    Was the Air India crash caused by pilot error or technical fault? None of the theories holds up – yet
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Guido Carim Junior, Senior Lecturer in Aviation, Griffith University Over the weekend, the Indian Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau released a preliminary report on last month’s crash of Air India flight 171, which killed 260 people, 19 of them on the ground. The aim of a preliminary report

    Confusing for doctors, inequitable for patients: why Australia’s medicinal cannabis system needs urgent reform
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christine Mary Hallinan, Senior Research Fellow, Department of General Practice and Primary Care, Faculty of Medicine, Dentistry and Health Sciences, The University of Melbourne Vanessa Nunes/Getty Images In 2024 alone, Australia’s medicines regulator, the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA), authorised at least 979,000 prescription applications for medicinal cannabis

    Treasury warns the government it may not balance the budget or meet its housing targets
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Hawkins, Head, Canberra School of Government, University of Canberra Kokkai Ng/Getty In the runup to each election, federal treasury produces a “blue book” and a “red book”, with advice tailored to the priorities of the two alternative governments. One of these is given to the incoming

    UNESCO grants World Heritage status to Khmer Rouge atrocity sites – paving the way for other sites of conflict
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachel Hughes, Associate Professor of Geography, The University of Melbourne A series of atrocity sites of the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia have been formally entered onto the World Heritage list, as part of the 47th session of the World Heritage Committee. This is not only important

    How do you stop an AI model turning Nazi? What the Grok drama reveals about AI training
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