Each year, people visit museums and memorial sites as part of educational interventions organised around the remembrance of a genocide or an atrocity. Many schools visit a concentration camp as part of Holocaust education, such as Auschwitz-Birkenau. Others travel to memorial sites associated with other genocides, such as the massacre of Muslim men fleeing Srebrenica in Bosnia or the Tuol Sleng genocide museum in Cambodia.
Two important goals for such education are to foster empathy towards the victims and to increase students’ personal identification with them as a group. In this context, empathy is the ability to feel with the victims and to be able to take their perspective .
But what does science say about the effect of visiting genocidal memorial sites on empathy and identification with a victim group? Our study, published in Holocaust Studies in July, sheds some light on the question.
The science of empathy
While we may justly think of empathy as a personality feature, it is also a capacity that can be activated through social experiences. When we identify with a group of victims we perceive a “we” connecting us with the members of the group.
Evidence suggests that Israeli high-school students visiting Auschwitz-Birkenau may increase their empathy towards Palestinians. That’s if they initially are already somewhat positive towards Palestinians in principle and if they are prepared to see suffering in universal rather than national terms.
It has also been shown that groups of Polish students visiting Auschwitz-Birkenau increased their identification with Jews as a group before and after visiting the concentration camp.
Clear evidence
In our recent study, we investigated 143 high-school students from Malmö in Sweden, of which 46 took a short course on the Holocaust, including a trip to Auschwitz-Birkenau.
We collected data both before and after the trip. We measured two facets of empathy in the students, “empathic concern” (such as “I often have tender, concerned feelings for people less fortunate than me”) and “perspective taking” (such as “Before criticising somebody, I try to imagine how I would feel if I were in their place”).
We also measured to what extent they identified with Jews as a group by ratings of how close they felt.
The results for this group were then compared with responses from a control group of students who did not participate in the course or trip to Auschwitz.
We found that the Holocaust education and trip increased the students’ preparedness to identify with and take the perspective of Jews compared to those who didn’t go. However, both groups showed similar amount of empathic concern.
Looking more closely at the change registered among students after the trip, we also found that a feeling of increased closeness to Jews as a group was related to increased perspective taking.
Our work suggests a role of genocide education in fostering a broad empathic understanding of a victim group’s life and culture. This can provide important stimulation for students to put themselves in the shoes of an often “otherised” group, whose experience of hate and violence can be appreciated as if it is known from the inside.
There is a great need for more research on moral education interventions that involves a site or museum visit. Evaluating how this education works, and which aspects that have the intended effects, is of key importance. Cutting edge scientific methods, such as virtual reality, are now just beginning to make a difference to education in this area.
We will next be working to pinpoint how trips to sites of atrocity affect students’ moral values, attitudes or behaviour.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Turkey’s 500,000 or so informal waste pickers carry out around 80% of the recycling in the country. These workers, who are also known as çekçekçi, are essential for separating out waste in a country where this is rarely done at source.
But their lives are precarious. Most of them are unregistered, lack social security, and have no access to basic services such as healthcare. And now they find themselves affected by efforts that formalise Turkey’s waste management system.
Many of the workers are migrants. But large-scale immigration over recent years, particularly from conflict zones such as Afghanistan and Syria, has contributed to a rise in nationalistic sentiment throughout the country.
This has seen immigrants – and particularly waste pickers – portrayed in a negative fashion. Waste pickers have, for instance, been labelled “şehir eşkıyası” (urban bandits) by the media. And many people have argued that Turkiye’s informal waste-picking practices should come to an end.
Yavuz Eroğlu, the president of a non-profit organisation called PAGÇEV that promotes plastic recycling in Turkey, pointed out recently that the country’s “real problem” is its informal waste collection system. In Eroğlu’s view, informal waste picking impedes the effective scaling of recycling initiatives and prevents Turkey from improving its position in the global recycling market.
Recycling facilities in Turkey require a steady and substantial supply of raw waste materials to function efficiently. But, according to the Turkish Statistics Institution, a mere 12% of the country’s municipal waste was recovered in 2018 – and it is not clear how much of this was actually recycled. This is not nearly enough to keep recycling companies afloat.
So, in an effort to improve Turkey’s domestic waste management, the Turkish government launched an initiative in 2022 to regulate and formalise waste collection. The legislation requires that local authorities work exclusively with licensed recyclers and registered pickers to sort through and sell waste.
Resistance movements have subsequently emerged within the çekçekçi community that advocate for the rights and recognition of informal waste pickers in Turkey. These movements have either reinforced the importance of existing waste picker collectives, or led to the creation of new non-profit organisations and cooperatives.
In Istanbul, for example, the Şişli municipality launched an environmental waste collectors cooperative in 2023 in an attempt to formally integrate informal waste pickers into the municipal waste management system.
This has involved registering waste pickers, issuing official identification cards, and providing them with access to designated waste collection zones. Similar models have also emerged in different parts of the country. But many of Turkey’s waste pickers remain locked out of the new formal system.
The framing of informality as the problem is not new, nor is it limited to representatives of Turkey’s plastic recycling industry. In August 2021, the governor of Istanbul’s office ordered a crackdown on informal waste collection activities.
Police carried out raids on nearly 100 waste collection depots and seized 650 collection carts. More than 200 people were detained in the raids, including 145 Afghan migrants who were sent to a deportation centre.
The governor’s office justified the action by citing environmental and public health concerns, as well as the unregulated nature of employment in informal waste picking. In a statement, the office argued that unauthorised waste collection leads to unfair profits and announced that inspections would continue.
Waste workers responded by criticising the governor’s claims and expressed frustration over being labelled as benefiting from unfair profits while living in precarious conditions without social security or a stable income.
Importing more waste
In fieldwork carried out between March and April 2024, I spoke with representatives of waste collectors, junk shop owners and waste traders in Istanbul.
Some reported that there had been a decline in waste-picking rates since the crackdown of 2021. Waste collectors and their representatives expressed concerns that this decline could lead to a further reduction in domestic recycling rates and increase the reliance of recycling facilities on imported waste.
Turkey is already one of the largest importers of waste from Europe. In 2022, for example, Turkey accounted for 39% of Europe’s waste exports, which included around 400,000 tonnes of plastic.
This waste has serious consequences for the environment and human health. A Greenpeace report published in 2022 found that toxins released from Turkey’s plastic waste end up in the fruit and vegetables produced in the Çukurova valley, one of the most fertile valleys in the world.
A continued decline in domestic waste collection in Turkey would create a vicious cycle. The value of Turkey’s own waste will decrease, further impoverishing informal waste pickers, all while the country’s reliance on imported waste grows to sustain its recycling infrastructure.
The future of informal waste picking in Turkey remains uncertain. But as the country continues to formalise its waste management system, the challenges facing the sector’s informal workers must not be ignored.
Tulin Dzhengiz receives funding from Manchester Metropolitan University’s Research Accelarator Grant to carry out this research.
Haiti is being choked to death by its 200 or so violent criminal gangs. The latest figures to be released by the UN suggest that more than 3,600 people have been killed in the country since January, including over 100 children, while more than 500,000 Haitians have been displaced.
The situation prompted the country’s unelected prime minister, Ariel Henry, to resign in April. And, two months later, a Kenyan-led policing mission tasked with establishing order was deployed to the Caribbean nation. But the operation has so far struggled to rein in the gangs.
So, the UN security council unanimously adopted a resolution on September 30 to extend the mandate of the mission for another year. There was consensus that the law-and-order situation in Haiti is still deteriorating by the day.
The move to extend the mission is, in my opinion, hollow and fails to address the real challenges on the ground. It doesn’t tackle the rampant arms trafficking that is fuelling the violence in Haiti, nor does it secure the funding that will allow the mission to operate effectively.
Haiti has no firearms or ammunition manufacturing capabilities. Yet the country’s gangs are brutalising the masses with all sorts of sophisticated small arms, including sniper rifles, pump-action shotguns and automatic weapons of every kind.
All of these weapons originate outside of the island, primarily from the US, but also from neighbouring Dominican Republic and Jamaica. Experts say lax firearm laws in the US states of Arizona, Florida and Georgia have created a sophisticated arms peddling racket into Haiti.
There is no exact number for how many trafficked firearms are currently in Haiti. But Haiti’s disarmament commission estimated in 2020 that there could be as many as 500,000 small arms in Haiti illegally – a number that is now likely to be even higher. This figure dwarfs the 38,000 registered firearms in the country.
The effectiveness of the Kenyan operation is also being undermined by gross resource limitations. While the mission was approved by the UN security council, it is not a UN operation and relies on voluntary financial contributions. It was originally promised US$600 million (£458 million) by UN member nations, but it has received only a fraction of that fund.
According to Human Rights Watch, the mission has so far received a mere US$85 million in contributions through a trust fund set up by the UN. Haiti’s former colonial master, France, and several other G7 countries have not been so forthcoming.
Inadequate funding has hindered the procurement of advanced weaponry, delayed the payment of police officers’ salaries and has prevented the deployment of more forces on the ground.
Just 400 Kenyan officers and two dozen policemen from Jamaica have arrived in Haiti so far. This is significantly less than the 2,500 officers pledged initially by various countries including Chad, Benin, Bangladesh and Barbados.
This financial woe has had a negative impact not only on the morale of Kenyan police officers, but it has also made Haitians despondent. Haitians are increasingly expressing impatience and disappointment with the Kenyan force in the media and online.
Some critics have accused the officers of being “tourists”, and have pointed out that the gangs have tightened their grip on large swathes of Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince, since the mission began.
The pessimism within Haiti was eloquently highlighted by the country’s interim prime minister, Garry Conille, on September 25. Speaking on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meet in New York, he confessed: “We are nowhere near winning this, and the simple reality is that we won’t without your help.”
Advantage gangs
Finding the Kenyan-led operation a mere irritant, and not a worthy adversary, the gangs have only stepped up the ante. According to a spokesperson for Volker Türk, the UN’s human rights chief, the country’s armed gangs are now doing “everything they can” to maintain control. This has included using sexual assault to instil fear on local populations and expand their influence.
Some UN member nations, such as the US and Ecuador, have requested that a formal UN peacekeeping mission takes place. And, despite previous peacekeeping operations in the country being marred in controversy, Haiti has asked the UN to consider turning the current operation into a peacekeeping mission.
This mission, which would probably include a larger contingent of troops, should not face the same financial constraints as the current operation. It would have greater visibility on the ground, and more fire power and authority to tackle the gangs.
Past evidence also demonstrates that UN peackeeping missions significantly reduce civilian casualties, shorten conflicts and help make peace agreements stick.
However, the recent push for a peacekeeping mission was thwarted because of opposition by China and Russia, two of the five permanent veto-wielding members of the UN security council.
Beijing and Moscow have consistently argued that political conditions in Haiti are “not conducive” to a new UN peacekeeping operation. They have maintained that the current operation “should reach its full operational capacity before discussing such a transformation”.
Meanwhile, the gangs continue tightening their vice-like grip on the country, with accounts emerging of rampant sexual violence against civilians, the closure of humanitarian corridors, the extension of their territorial control and – of course – even more killings.
Amalendu Misra is a recipient of Nuffield Foundation and British Academy research grants.
The weight loss jab Mounjaro will soon be made available to nearly a quarter of a million NHS patients, according to proposals made by the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (Nice). Previously, it was only available on the NHS for patients with diabetes.
Under Nice’s proposals, the drug will gradually be rolled out over the next three years. Access to it will first be prioritised to patients who are severely obese and have at least three weight-related health problems – for example, cardiovascular disease, hypertension, high cholesterol and sleep apnoea.
There are plans to increase NHS access to more patients after the initial three-year period. It will also remain available for patients with diabetes.
This recent approval provides new treatment options for people with obesity – but how effective it is will depend on whether supplies can keep up with anticipated demand.
What is Mounjaro?
Mounjaro is the UK brand name of the drug tirzepatide, which, until now, has only been prescribed on the NHS for patients with diabetes to help control blood sugar and encourage weight loss.
In the US, Mounjaro is used for diabetes treatment. Another version of tirzepatide, sold under the brand name Zepbound, is used for weight loss treatment. Zepbound is not licensed as a weight loss product in the UK.
Tirzepatide works for weight loss by mimicking hormones in the body that tell our brain we feel full. A weekly injection is needed, which may be increased in strength each month, depending on the patient.
Clinical studies have found tirzepatide is even more effective than semaglutide (Ozempic and Wegovy) for weight loss. In some studies, patients have lost up to 20% of their body weight.
Supporting weight loss
Until now, Wegovy was the only weight loss injection authorised for NHS use under the care of specialised weight loss services. These services offer patients clinical treatment, mental health support, access to a dietitian and physiotherapy.
But the availability of such services is patchy and recently access to many local services has even been paused or stopped. This means many patients who need effective weight loss treatments may not have access to them. Among the reasons for these services being suspended is there was greater demand than availability of services in some areas, as well as attempts to control prescriptions of crucial drugs due to ongoing shortages.
Now that Mounjaro has been authorised for use on the NHS, it will be key that access to specialist weight loss services is improved throughout the country so that people who need weight loss support are able to get it. NHS England are in the process of developing a range of community and digital services to address this.
Is there enough Mounjaro for everyone?
The change in guidance may lead to a rush in demand for referrals to weight loss services when the drug becomes available. This could add more pressure to an already challenged system.
This uptick in demand may also affect access to Mounjaro for patients who use the drug for diabetes. This was the case with Ozempic (semaglutide) in 2023 – despite it only being licensed for the treatment of diabetes. Demand for the drug by those who wanted to use it to lose weight led to a surge in private prescribing of the drug off-label – leading to global stock shortages of semaglutide.
Many patients using the semaglutide for diabetes were unable to source the product. Semaglutide’s manufacturers did not foresee this hike in demand and were not prepared to maintain supplies for people with diabetes.
Since it was introduced on the market, Mounjaro has proved to be a popular product, with sales making its manufacturer, Eli Lilly, greater profits than expected. Stock shortages have already been experienced in Australia and the US. Due to ongoing demand and previous shortages of similar products (such as semaglutide) one would hope that Eli Lilly has anticipated increased demand for Mounjaro in the UK and will have adequate supplies from the outset.
But with British pharmacies reportedly planning to reduce the private price of weight loss products (including Wegovy and Mounjaro), this could increase demand further – which may subsequently affect the availability of supplies for NHS patients.
Given the successes of semaglutide and tirzepatide, it’s expected that further similar drugs will be developed. Many of these alternative products are already showing promise in clinical trials – such as an oral weight loss pill. Having alternative products available will ease strain on the supplies of current weight loss products.
Will Mounjaro help with the obesity crisis?
It’s thought that up to 25% of adults in the UK are obese. Obesity is linked to many health problems – including heart disease, diabetes and arthritis. Obesity-related healthcare is estimated to cost the NHS billions of pounds every year. Improvements in diet and lifestyle are recommended to tackle obesity, but, understandably, many patients find sustained change difficult.
Greater access to weight loss drugs could help patients lose weight and prevent the associated health problems. This could also save the NHS money and improve long-term health. Weight loss drugs, such as Mounjaro, could be an important solution to a growing problem – but only if access to these treatments is available to those who need them most.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:
NAIROBI, Kenya, October 8, 2024/APO Group/ —
NBA Africa (https://Africa.NBA.com/) and Opportunity International, a global nonprofit organization that develops innovative programs that use financial services, training and support to address some of the greatest challenges facing those living in poverty around the world, today announced a collaboration to build outdoor basketball courts and conduct youth clinics in Nairobi, Kenya and Kigali, Rwanda next year. The collaboration will support NBA Africa’s commitment to build 1,000 courts in Africa over the next decade, including 100 in Kenya.
As part of the collaboration, NBA Africa and Opportunity International will also hold a development program for coaches and teachers in both cities aimed at providing them with skills and best practices in coaching, refereeing, game operations, event management, program administration, and more.
The announcement was made today by NBA Deputy Commissioner and Chief Operating Officer Mark Tatum, Opportunity International CEO Atul Tandon and five-time NBA champion Derek Fisher at a press conference in Nairobi.
“Our collaboration with Opportunity International reflects our commitment to investing in local basketball ecosystems across Africa and providing youth with the resources and opportunities to develop their leadership and basketball skills,” said Tatum. “We look forward to working together to create safe spaces where Kenyan and Rwandan youth can play the game and participate in programs that help develop the next generation of coaches and mentors.”
“We are absolutely thrilled to work with NBA Africa to bring world-class basketball courts and coaches to Africa,” said Tandon. “This initiative is key to our longstanding commitment to bring more education and more opportunities to the youth of Africa, and we are grateful to NBA Africa, NBA Deputy Commissioner Tatum, and our longtime friend and partner Sam Garvin for coming together to help build a rising Africa.”
The Jr. NBA, the league’s global youth basketball participation program for boys and girls, teaches the fundamental skills as well as the core values of the game at the grassroots level in an effort to help grow and improve the youth basketball experience for players, coaches and parents. Last year, Jr. NBA programming directly reached more than 170,000 youth across Africa.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Lee Banville, Professor and Director of the School of Journalism, University of Montana
U.S. Sen. Jon Tester speaks to union members at a Labor Day campaign stop on Sept. 2, 2024, in Billings, Mont. William Campbell/Getty Images
Jon Tester has never had it easy.
The three-term Democratic senator from Montana has scored more than 50% of the vote only once in his three runs for the U.S. Senate, attracting 50.3% of the vote in 2018 against state auditor and future U.S. Rep. Matt Rosendale.
This year, Tester’s always-perilous path to reelection seems narrower and more harrowing than ever before. And the outcome could determine whether the Senate remains in Democratic control or flips to the Republicans.
Current polls and political prognosticators are even starting to turn on the moderate from the farming community of Big Sandy with the flattop haircut. FiveThirtyEight has Tester’s opponent, former Navy SEAL and businessman Tim Sheehy, up four percentage points, and the venerable Cook Political Report has gone so far as to say the race “leans Republican.”
“I used to always call Tester the unicorn candidate because there was no one like him,” she told my students a couple of weeks back. “He was a farmer, he was a rural Democrat, the last rural Democrat.”
Jon Tester, right, first won election to the U.S. Senate in 2006, when he beat Republican incumbent Conrad Burns, left, by a margin of 3,562 votes out of 406,505 cast. Win McNamee/Getty Images
The end of the unicorn?
I teach political reporting at the University of Montana School of Journalism, and every two years I send students out to interview candidates, profile races and talk with voters. It is true that the state has changed even since Tester won in 2018.
Despite an influx of outsiders over the past decade, Montana is still a sparsely populated state boasting 1.1 million people in the latest census. Though the state has historically relied on mining and timber for much of its economy, new economic activity in tourism and technology have helped fuel a 10% jump in population in the most recent census.
See, Montana has a history of doing something very few people do these days – ticket splitting, when a person votes in an election for candidates from opposing parties. In a time of deep polarization, it is hard to imagine, but out here in the Rocky Mountains and the northern plains, voters would consistently vote for a Republican for president and often for the Legislature, but also for Democrat Jon Tester.
Tester was able to put together a coalition of voters in the few pockets of liberals – college towns such as Missoula, union strongholds such as Butte and Indigenous voters on the reservation – and carve away enough moderate voters in more rural areas to eke out wins. When I moved here in 2009, it was not just Tester who did this. Back then, Montana had a Democratic governor, attorney general and head of schools. But over time those statewide offices have all gone, often by double digits, to Republicans.
The state saw a surge in population, jumping nearly 5% between 2020 and 2023, and experts such as political scientist Jeremy Johnson told my students earlier this fall that it is important to know who these new residents are.
“I still think the race, you know, can be competitive,” Johnson said. “I do think that some of my broader themes here – the polarization, the calcification, the reluctance to ticket split – makes it harder for Tester. Plus, I think there is some evidence that more Republican-leaning voters have moved to the state than Democrat-leaning voters in the last few years.”
Montana does not have party registration, so when you vote in a primary, they give you a ballot for both parties, and you choose the one you want to participate in. In the highly publicized U.S. Senate primary this year, only 36% of primary voters voted in the Democratic primary, while 64% chose to vote in the Republican primary.
The one question mark of 2024
Supporters of an abortion rights initiative at a rally on Sept. 5, 2024, in Bozeman, Mont., with Sen. Jon Tester, whose path to reelection may be helped by a large turnout of abortion rights voters. William Campbell/Getty Images
Still, in part to ensure that a later court decision could not strip away that right, voters have put CI-128 on the ballot this fall, which would explicitly include protection for abortion access in the state constitution.
Tester hit the issue hard in his last debate with Sheehy on Sept. 30, 2024.
“The bottom line is this: Whose decision is it to be made?” Tester said during the debate. “Is it the federal government’s decision, the state government’s decision, Tim Sheehy’s decision, Jon Tester’s decision? No, it’s the woman’s decision. Tim Sheehy’s called abortion ‘terrible’ and ‘murder.’ That doesn’t sound to me like he’s supporting the woman to make that decision.”
Tester’s supporters hope the initiative could inspire younger voters and moderate women to flock to the polls this fall, and that might make Tester’s path to reelection a bit more doable.
But it is going to take a bit of unicorn magic, perhaps, for Tester to win a fourth term.
Back at Montana State University, Bennion said the situation looks pretty dire for the Democrats in rural states.
“I don’t see, unless our state changes in a lot of different ways, I don’t see a Democrat winning in a long time,” he said. “Just the way our state is growing, the kind of person that is moving here and voting.”
Lee Banville does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By W. Joseph Campbell, Professor Emeritus of Communication, American University School of Communication
President Dwight Eisenhower and his wife, Mamie, left, with Vice President Richard Nixon and his wife, Pat, greet crowds after Adlai Stevenson conceded defeat on Nov. 7, 1956.Bettmann/Getty Images
In response to national pollsters’ failure in forecasting election outcomes in 1948 and 1952, The New York Times pursued in 1956 a weekslong, multistate exercise in on-the-ground reporting to assess public opinion about the presidential race.
The Times’ experiment, which these days would be recognized as “shoe-leather reporting,” included two dozen journalists assigned to four teams that, in all, traveled to 27 battleground states over several weeks before the election – a rematch between President Dwight D. Eisenhower, a Republican, and his Democratic rival, Adlai E. Stevenson.
The reporting teams interviewed scores of Americans from all walks of life in an attempt to gauge voter preferences qualitatively – without relying on the data of preelection polls. One of the participating Times reporters declared afterward that the teams-based campaign coverage represented “a new departure in journalism.”
In unintended testimony to the challenges of measuring public opinion across a sprawling country, the Times’ coverage was no significant improvement over the polls. The Times’ reporting notably failed to anticipate the magnitude of Eisenhower’s reelection — a lopsided victory in which he carried 41 states.
In its final report before the election, the Times concluded that Eisenhower would win reelection but would fail to match the sweep of his landslide four years earlier. As it turned out, Eisenhower easily exceeded the dimensions of his victory in 1952, when his winning margin was 10.5 percentage points.
The Times’ coverage also failed to foresee Eisenhower’s state victories in 1956 in Virginia, Oklahoma and West Virginia, and markedly underestimated the president’s support in Connecticut, Illinois, Michigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania and Texas, among other states.
The Times’ reporting experiment proved an imperfect substitute to election polling, as I discussed in a research paper presented recently to the American Journalism Historians Association. In the paper, I defined “shoe-leather reporting” as the gathering of newsworthy content through in-person interviews, document searches and on-the-scene observations. The idiom presumes that journalists will pursue fieldwork so energetically as to wear out their shoes.
“Shoe-leather reporting” has been long celebrated in American media; a widely published journalism educator has described the practice as “mythical” and “one of a very few gods an American journalist can officially pray to.”
New York Times staffer Max Frankel was taken off the rewrite desk in 1956 and sent knocking on doors ‘to gather voter sentiment’ in Wisconsin, Texas, Virginia and Missouri. Ban Martin/Archive Photos/Getty Images
Crises skew projections
The Times’ experiment in 1956 represents an exceptional case study about both the appeal and limitations of detailed, interview-based reporting as a method for measuring public opinion in a presidential race, especially when dramatic international events occur shortly before the election.
Such was the case in 1956, when the Egyptian government seized the Suez Canal, prompting military intervention by Israeli, British and French armed forces — a response that Eisenhower deplored. About the same time, Soviet tanks were ordered into Hungary to crush an uprising against communist rule and install a regime compliant to Moscow.
The international crises may have boosted the margin of victory for Eisenhower, an Army general during World War II, in a rally-round-the-president effect.
It was, in any event, polling failure that inspired the Times’ campaign coverage experiment.
Eight years earlier, in 1948, the polls, the press and pundits anticipated that Republican Thomas E. Dewey would oust Democrat Harry S. Truman, who had become president on the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1945.
The leading national pollsters of the time — George Gallup, Archibald Crossley and Elmo Roper — all predicted Dewey’s easy victory. Roper announced in early September 1948 that Dewey was so far ahead that he would stop releasing survey results. Dewey, said Roper, would win “by a heavy margin.”
Not surprisingly, Gallup, Crossley and Roper turned exceedingly cautious in evaluating the 1952 presidential race, maintaining as the campaign closed that either candidate could win.
Eisenhower, they said, seemed to hold a narrow lead but that Stevenson was closing fast. Or as the Times said in reporting about a public gathering of the pollsters shortly before the election: “The poll takers gave a slight edge in the popular vote to … Eisenhower, the Republican candidate, but this was their dilemma: How fast is … Stevenson, the Democratic nominee, catching up?”
Equivocation did not serve the pollsters well. None of them anticipated Eisenhower’s sweeping victory — a 39-state landslide.
The Times did not editorially rebuke pollsters for their misfire in 1952, but the newspaper’s editors, wrote Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Max Frankel in his memoir, had “lost confidence in polls.”
To cover the 1956 presidential election, the Times de-emphasized opinion polls in favor of its own intensive, on-the-ground reporting that focused on states where the presidential race was believed to be closely contested.
The New York Times sent reporters across the country to interview people like these men listening to Democratic Party presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson on his October 1956 whistle-stop tour of the Midwest. Bert Hardy/Picture Post/Hulton Archive/Getty Images
Frankel, who rose through the ranks to become the Times’ executive editor, recalled being taken off the rewrite desk in 1956 and sent knocking on doors “to gather voter sentiment. I drove through odd precincts of Milwaukee and Austin (Texas), Arlington (Virginia) and St. Joseph (Missouri), feeding notes” to a colleague on one of the reporting teams.
The teams typically spent three days in a state, conducting interviews “with political scientists and policemen, leading politicians and bartenders, laborers, housewives and farmers,” the newspaper said.
The Times described its grassroots reporting as “surveys,” although they were not quantitative samples.
“Team members found value in not being tied to the arithmetic of polls,” one of the participants, Donald D. Janson, wrote in a post-election assessment for the Nieman Reports, a journalism industry publication.
“The scope and depth of the venture was a new departure in journalism,” Janson declared.
The process was impressionistic, even idiosyncratic. “Each reporter,” Janson wrote, “was free to judge each response, from politician and voter alike, for reliability.”
The Times published 36 state-specific preelection reports, including nine based on reporters’ follow-up visits to states where outcomes were expected to be especially close.
In its wrap-up report two days before the election, the Times said it “seemed doubtful” that Eisenhower’s margin “would be as great as it was in 1952.” In fact, Eisenhower’s victory in 1956 far surpassed that of 1952; in the rematch, he crushed Stevenson by more than 9.5 million votes.
The Times conceded in an after-election article that its teams-based coverage “did not anticipate the magnitude of the President’s victory,” which it attributed to the Suez crisis and turmoil in Hungary. The crises, the Times said, “apparently gave the final impetus to the Eisenhower landslide.”
No antidote for bad polls
The 1956 experiment in shoe-leather reporting was no rousing success. “There was some feeling,” Janson wrote afterward, “that the Times should stick to reporting trends and let the pollsters make the forecasts.”
Preelection polls by Gallup and Roper in 1956 accurately pointed to Eisenhower’s victory but overstated the president’s popular vote. Eisenhower won by 15 points; Gallup and Roper estimated his margin of victory would be 19 points. By 1956, Crossley had sold his business and retired from preelection polling.
Roper declared himself “personally pleased” by the outcome but reluctant to take “any bows for perfect accuracy.”
Given the unreliability of preelection polls in the late 1940s and early 1950s, the Times had ample reason to experiment in seeking a more precise understanding of popular opinion. But as results of the 1956 election demonstrated, shoe-leather reporting was no antidote for the wayward polls.
W. Joseph Campbell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Vice President Kamala Harris greets guests during a reception for Asian American, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander Heritage Month at the White House in May 2022. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
In one of the most memorable moments of the current presidential campaign, Donald Trump in July 2024 contended that Democratic nominee Kamala Harris recently stopped identifying as Indian and “happened to turn Black.”
With these false remarks, Trump implied that Harris emphasized one part of her background to appeal to voters and then changed that to appeal to a different group of voters.
Lost within this controversy has been the underlying assumption in Trump’s comments, that people tend to vote for someone with a shared identity. But is that true? Are Asian Americans, for example, especially likely to vote for Harris because of their shared identity?
Asian Americans are a quickly growing political constituency that made a difference in 2020 in swing states such as Georgia, Nevada and Arizona, helping elect President Joe Biden. They are positioned to be influential again this November.
Taken as a whole, Asian Americans lean Democratic in 2024, with 62% favoring Harris, compared with 38% who support Trump. But for Harris, Asian Americans are not as strong a voting bloc as Black Americans, who poll at 77% supporting Harris, according to the Pew Research Center. Harris cannot take Asian Americans’ votes for granted.
Kamala Harris takes a photo with guests during a White House reception in May 2022 celebrating Asian American, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander Heritage Month. Associated Press
What guides identity politics and voting
Despite the assumption in Trump’s comments that voters gravitate toward a political candidate who shares parts of their identity, such as race or gender, that is not always the case.
Voters are more likely to vote for someone with a shared identity when they see a “linked fate.” with the candidate. So, people who have the same ethnicity or race may vote in a similar fashion because they expect to experience the effects of policy changes in the same way. Latinos could be more likely to vote for a Latino candidate because the candidate would prioritize issues that matter to them, such as immigration reform.
Politicians, for their part, can try to encourage people with whom they share an identity to believe in a linked fate to win their vote. In order to do this, candidates can play up issues that affect their identity group and then make the case that they are best equipped and more motivated to address those problems.
In order to earn voters’ support, candidates must also come across as likely to act in their supporters’ shared interests. This helps explain why people who care about so-called women’s issues, such as education or health care, are more likely to vote for a Democratic woman than a Republican woman. People generally think that Democrats represent women better than Republicans do – and they would not assume that a Republican female politician would champion women’s issues just because of her gender.
With this in mind, a candidate wanting to secure the vote of a group must first know what issues matter to them and then demonstrate that they understand the group well enough to earn their vote.
Asian Americans, like most Americans, list the economy, inflation, health care, crime, Social Security, the price of housing and immigration as their top issues in this election.
In order to effectively appeal to Asian American voters, Harris could demonstrate first that she identifies as Asian in order to invoke their shared identity. She could also show that she both understands the issues that Asian Americans care about and that she can be trusted to act in ways they favor on those issues.
To an extent, Harris has already worked to publicly identify with her South Asian heritage. She has referred to her mother’s immigrant background and has talked about her grandfather who lived in Chennai, in southern India. She has made references to her ethnic culture, such as when she mentioned coconut trees and cooked the traditional South Indian dish dosa in a video with fellow Indian American Mindy Kaling.
Once solidifying that they share an identity with a group of voters, political candidates must demonstrate that they understand how the group experiences the issues that matter to them. The concerns of Asian Americans arise out of specific experiences they have – such as immigration.
Asian Americans, for example, often complain about the long wait to sponsor family members abroad for visas to the U.S. At the same time, Asian Americans represent 15% of immigrants living in the U.S. without a visa.
Asian Americans are also concerned about the growing government backlog of visas and smugglers whom immigrants pay to help them illegally cross the border.
Harris often speaks about immigration and the U.S.-Mexico border, but not in personal terms – or about how this issue specifically relates to Asians.
While all U.S. residents are affected by inflation, small-business owners, in particular, feel the pinch. They must pay higher prices for goods but have limited capital with which to do so. They also must navigate higher interest rates.
Harris talks about the economy and inflation, as well as the need to support small-business owners, but not about how these issues specifically affect Asian Americans. Her only ad targeting Asian Americans has focused on hate crimes against them.
And Asian Americans, like most voters, strongly support Social Security and other federal programs that aim to ensure stability for the elderly. Harris could speak of how Social Security is the sole income source for over a quarter of Asian Americans – and for a third of African Americans – compared with 18% of white Americans.
Harris seems poised to capture the majority of the Asian American vote, which leans Democratic. But to what extent they vote for her – and with how much enthusiasm – will depend on Harris’ ability to connect with them as Asian Americans and the issues they care about.
Pawan Dhingra does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
If history holds true to form, I expect the presidential campaigns of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris to begin touting their support for the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative as Election Day approaches.
The Great Lakes Restoration Initiative, or GLRI, is a federal program that funds water and habitat protection and restoration for the Great Lakes, which contain over 20% of the world’s surface freshwater. While voters in some parts of the country may have never heard of it, it is a big deal in the eight states that border these inland seas.
A 2021 poll by the Great Lakes Water Quality Board found that 90% of U.S. and Canadian residents in the region support the lakes’ protection.
But the popularity of the Great Lakes would not have blossomed into such an ambitious and bipartisan conservation effort without another critical fact. Three of those eight surrounding states – Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania – are critical swing states in 2024. And Ohio, although no longer considered a swing state, had been one until 2016.
I have seen how politicians and conservationists deftly use the region’s political battleground status to draw support for Great Lakes restoration from presidential candidates from both major parties. And I believe this is unlikely to change in 2024 and beyond.
But in 2000, when the Florida Everglades ecosystem – which sits in what was a key swing state at the time – received over US$4 billion in federal funding for a massive cleanup, the Great Lakes still didn’t have the resources for even basic remediation of toxic sites.
This led many in the region to suffer from what I heard many lawmakers and others describe as “Everglades envy.” They shared maps of how the entire Everglades ecosystem could fit into one corner of the Great Lakes. More importantly, they plotted how to get funding to clean up toxic hot spots, restore degraded habitats, expand recreational access and educate the next generation of Great Lakes leaders.
George W. Bush’s executive order
When President George W. Bush’s 2004 reelection team wanted to secure the electoral college votes of Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin, regional lawmakers and advocates helped them craft an executive order. It declared the lakes a “national treasure” and required federal agencies to work together on a “regional collaboration of national significance for the Great Lakes.”
After Bush’s reelection, his executive order was used to organize over 1,500 diverse stakeholders into eight strategy teams. These teams created a $20 billion plan for restoring the Great Lakes.
However, the plan existed only on paper – until the presidential campaigns of 2008, when advocates and political leaders leveraged the swing state status of Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin to garner support for funding the cleanup plan.
After winning all eight Great Lakes states in 2008, Obama used stimulus funds to launch the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative in 2010.
With an initial congressional appropriation of $475 million in 2010, and nearly $300 million in each of the following two years, it was one of the rare times Obama’s proposed budget aligned with Republican priorities in Congress.
In the run-up to the 2012 presidential election, both Obama and Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, the Republican presidential nominee whose father was a former governor of Michigan, declared their support for Great Lakes restoration. This came after the Healing Our Waters coalition pressed both campaigns to pledge to fund GLRI and to stop invasive species from reaching the Great Lakes via the Chicago River.
When President Obama proposed cutting Great Lakes funding from $300 million to $250 million per year, Congress rebuffed him. Mark Wilson via Getty Images
After the 2012 election, the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative continued to receive approximately $300 million per year and strong support in Congress. When Obama proposed modest cuts to the program during his second term, Republicans and Democrats united to restore the funding. The Great Lakes Restoration Initiative inspired “rare bipartisanship,” as The Associated Press reported at the time.
Trump moves to eliminate funding
In the 2016 election, representatives for both Trump and his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton, pledged support for Great Lakes restoration during the annual meeting of the Healing Our Waters coalition in Sandusky, Ohio. The Trump team, however, was ambiguous about the funding level it supported.
Congress, led by bipartisan members of the Great Lakes Congressional Task Force – including U.S. Rep. David Joyce and U.S. Sen. Rob Portman, Ohio Republicans who held powerful appropriations positions – fought back fiercely and restored the funding.
In 2018 and 2019, Trump’s budgets proposed cutting funding for the initiative by 90%. But again, with strong bipartisan support, it was restored to levels nearing $300 million per year.
By 2020, concerns tied to his reelection prospects changed Trump’s approach.
The famous turning point allegedly came during a car ride to a West Michigan campaign rally in 2019 when Republican U.S. Rep. Bill Huizenga emphasized the importance of the Great Lakes to Michigan politics.
He went further: “I support the Great Lakes. Always have. They’re beautiful. They’re big. Very deep. Record deepness, right? … We’re going to make the Great Lakes great again.”
In response, Michigan Democratic U.S. Rep. Dan Kildee quipped, “The President claiming to support the Great Lakes is like an arsonist congratulating themselves for putting out a fire they started.”
Regardless, Trump’s shift helped the restoration initiative reach $320 million in funding in the 2021 budget – the first time it topped $300 million since its first year.
On the campaign trail in 2020, both Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden highlighted their support for GLRI during swing state stops in the upper Midwest. Biden ultimately won all three of the current Great Lakes swing states and strongly supported the GLRI while in office too.
Since its launch in 2010, the GLRI has funded over 7,500 projects to clean up polluted waterways, restore habitats, control invasive species, reduce polluted runoff, improve recreational access and educate the public.
Great Lakes pollution remains a complex problem, however, and climate change further complicates cleanup efforts.
Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, Harris’ running mate on the Democratic ticket, briefly referenced the Great Lakes’ freshwater supply during the Oct. 1, 2024, vice presidential debate. He too has strongly supported efforts to restore them during his time in office.
Although Great Lakes restoration has not yet played a major public role in either Trump’s or Harris’ 2024 campaign, history tells us that the issue plays well politically in key swing states in the upper Midwest. In fact, it has become a rare bipartisan litmus test of allegiance to this politically divided and critically important region.
Mike Shriberg was previously the Great Lakes Regional Executive Director of the National Wildlife Federation, which entailed being a co-chair (and, for part of the time, Director) of the Healing Our Waters – Great Lakes Coalition that is referenced in the article.
Many of us have quit a job at some point in our lives – but how many have wondered if they had “just cause” to do so? Were you acting on a whim? Did your departure make life difficult for your employer? And did your desire to move on really outweigh the loss this meant for your boss?
Just cause can be a real problem for professional soccer players who want to change teams. Under the soccer transfer system created and operated by FIFA, the sport’s world governing body, players who quit without showing just cause – that is, who fail to show that their employer treated them in manner that is demonstrably unfair – can be subject to significant financial and disciplinary penalties.
But that could soon change. On Oct. 4, 2024, the European Court of Justice took a major step toward dismantling an employment system that placed undue burden on employees and, thankfully, was dispensed with for the rest of us long ago.
As a sports economist, I have written about this subject for several years now, and I know of no system outside of sports that restrains the rights of the employee to a comparable extent.
An object lesson for FIFA
The legal case is complicated, but the essence of it is that Lassana Diarra, a star player for Lokomotiv Moscow back in 2014, got into a dispute with the Russian club while under contract and quit. He then got a job offer from a Belgian club but was unable to take it because of the FIFA transfer regulations.
Under the governing body’s rules, not only was Diarra expected to pay damages to Lokomotiv amounting to US$11.5 million plus interest, but he was unable to take a job with any club until the dispute was settled. A formal suspension was not enforced, because Diarra had already been unable to work for 11 months.
But Diarra countersued, claiming the regulations of FIFA unreasonably restricted his employment rights. The case has passed through many stages, until the highest court in Europe finally delivered its decision.
The court struck down two specific parts of FIFA’s regulations: the rule that an International Transfer Certificate, required by a player to move from one country to another, cannot be issued until the dispute is settled; and the stipulation that any new employer of the player is jointly and severally liable for any damages against the player due to the old club, regardless of whether that employer played a role in the dispute.
The court, which has historically been deferential toward sports governing bodies and their regulations, was highly critical of FIFA’s transfer system. It declared the rules anti-competitive “by object” and not just “by effect.” In the view of the court, the rules were not merely aimed at ensuring an orderly market for soccer player services, but amounted to a “non-poaching agreement,” arguing that they were intended to restrain competition for players in order to benefit the clubs.
An end to transfer fees?
The decision means that FIFA will have to rewrite its transfer rules in a way that demonstrates that the system has a clear and legal purpose. The regulations will be deemed legitimate, the court said, for the purposes of guaranteeing “contractual stability” and ensuring that clubs have the right to receive compensation when there’s breach of contract.
A player who quits while under contract will still need to demonstrate just cause – unfair treatment by the club – or else be liable to pay a fine or penalty. But the new system will look very different, and it is hard to see how the payment of transfer fees can survive.
Last summer alone, clubs in the top five European leagues spent around $5 billion on player transfers. Frequently, there are moves between clubs in each direction, and so cash transfers are smaller than the big money moves that grab the headlines.
The system deprives some star players of substantial potential earnings.
While his salary doubled, Kane received only half of what Bayern was prepared to pay to obtain his services, thanks to the FIFA regulations. The rest went to his former club.
Here is what one might expect to happen from now on: Kane would unilaterally announce that he wanted to leave, and then a club like Bayern could make an offer. Tottenham would no longer have any enforceable claim over Bayern and so no transfer fee would be paid, and Bayern would offer to pay Kane something like $52 million a year.
Kane would have to pay damages to Tottenham for breach of contract, and the court suggested that these damages might reasonably equal the wages that the club would have paid him for the remainder of the contract – so in the case of Kane, $13 million.
Clearly Kane would have been much better off if the judgment had arrived a year or two ago.
Don’t fall for the trickle-down myth
Soccer fans will be worried that this means financial ruin for their club and increases inequality as the big clubs poach the big stars.
But I see no reason to think that the sky will fall. As recent research has shown, the transfer system has a negligible effect on the distribution of resources among the clubs. Rather, transfer fee spending is more likely the source of financial instability than its remedy, as some clubs spend extravagantly with unrealistic expectations.
It is true that club owners hoping to grow rich by developing young players and trading them in the market will believe that they now have fewer opportunities, but for most clubs, this has always been an illusion.
Big clubs tend to tie up the potential stars in their teens, leaving few opportunities for small clubs to find diamonds in the rough.
Major League Soccer, the U.S. professional league, for example, has ambitions to one day match the big European leagues and has committed significant resources to developing player talent.
But recent figures suggest that the league is still a net importer of players – and not just superstars such as Lionel Messi.
In fact, MLS might actually benefit from the end of the transfer system. There are plenty of talented players who might fancy a year or two in the U.S. if they are not unduly tied down by transfer regulations.
Blowing the whistle on unfair practices
But perhaps the biggest impact of the ruling will be on the mass of professional players who do not live in the spotlight.
FIFA estimates there are around 130,000 professional players worldwide, and most of them earn little in comparison to the super-salaried stars of the world’s biggest clubs.
Yet, these journeymen and -women players have been bound by the same restrictive system and are often denied the opportunity to change teams – not because they are being offered great riches, but because they want a change of scene, or to be closer to their families.
FIFPro, the players’ union, has documented numerous cases of onerous employment conditions, which were possible under the repressive transfer system.
Thanks to the European Court of Justice, those days may soon be over.
In 2015 I wrote a report for FIFPro on the economic consequences of the transfer system
Comprehensive sex and reproductive health education aims to promote positive attitudes toward sex and reproductive health, and empower young people to make informed decisions.
But decent sex and reproductive health education is still lacking in many parts of the world. This leaves significant gaps in young peoples’ knowledge and understanding.
We have carried out research to figure out what young people in England are missing in their sex education lessons. We reviewed the relationships and sex education (RSE) curricula across the UK.
We found that, in England, much of the focus of sex and reproductive health education is on pregnancy prevention. Much less emphasis is given to reproductive health topics such as polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS), endometriosis, fertility and the menopause.
We also carried out a survey of 931 students aged 16-18 across England. We found students were missing key aspects of reproductive health knowledge.
Students are not being adequately informed about fertility, despite the RSE curriculum guidelines stating that students must be taught “the facts about reproductive health, including fertility, and the potential impact of lifestyle on fertility”.
Lack of knowledge
For example, despite the fact that students learn about the menstrual cycle in RSE lessons, half of them did not know when women are most fertile during the menstrual cycle.
Less than 3% of teenagers in our study told us that they had been taught about specific reproductive health conditions such as endometriosis and PCOS. Just over 10% said they had learned about menopause.
Over 70% of students recognised the decline in egg quality and quantity with age, but only about 50% understood the effects of age on sperm quality and quantity.
In our survey, we asked students what reproductive health topics they research about outside of school. Students told us that they had sought out knowledge on a variety of reproductive health topics, including PCOS, endometriosis, menopause, miscarriage and abortion – subjects that are seldom covered in detail during RSE lessons.
Many turned to social media and the internet for answers on sex and reproductive health. While these platforms offer easy access to information, they can also expose students to misinformation from non-credible sources.
In our survey, 70% of students said that they had “a little” sex education at their school. Only 30% rated their school’s sex education as good or very good. This shows a major gap in the quality of sex education most students are getting at school.
Knowledge seeking
Our study shows that students in England want to learn more about these topics in school. When we asked them what could be done to improve sex education at school, they called for a more inclusive and comprehensive curriculum that covers a wider variety of topics – including miscarriage, abortion, masturbation and how to access sexual and reproductive health services. One student said:
All we’ve done in school is go over and over having safe sex and talked about periods which whilst is important is barely scratching the surface of things people need to know about.
Students want greater focus on sex positivity because current discussions mostly highlight negative aspects of sexual activity. They believe the importance of sexual wellbeing is often ignored. They want honest, transparent, and non-judgmental education – not teaching methods driven by fear.
Based on our findings, our research team, as part of the non-profit International Reproductive Health Education Collaboration has developed evidence-based educational resources to enhance reproductive health education. These include an education resource for teachers, information leaflets and a fertility education poster.
These tools aim to help teachers, health professionals and the public access accurate and comprehensive reproductive health education.
Teens turn to other sources, such as social media, to get information they’re missing at school. Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock
Under the previous government, the Department of Education proposed an update to the RSE curriculum, which included the addition of topics such as “menstrual and gynaecological health, including endometriosis, PCOS, and heavy menstrual bleeding.”
The results of a consultation on this and other proposed changes are currently under analysis. But adding these topics to the curriculum would be a crucial advancement in school reproductive health education.
Reproductive health education must be given equal importance to core academic subjects, and schools need to actively engage with students, addressing their reproductive health needs and concerns. This is crucial, as school is often the only time that students receive formal education on these topics.
By providing comprehensive and accessible information at this stage, schools can equip students with the knowledge they need to make informed decisions about their reproductive health throughout their lives.
Rina Biswakarma is affiliated with the charity Fertility Network UK.
Daniel Marcu owns shares in Virilitas Labs and he is the President of the Network for Young Researchers in Andrology (non-profit).
Joyce Harper gives paid talks on reproductive health education and has written a book called Your Fertile Years.
Commuters in Scotland faced a shock at ticket machines as the Scottish government abandoned a pilot scheme that removed peak rail fares. During the pilot, tickets were the same price all day. But now that it has ended, the increase in fares is significant. The cost of commuting at peak time from Glasgow to Edinburgh, for example, has gone from £16.20 to £31.40.
The aim of the pilot, introduced in October 2023, was to encourage what’s known as a “modal shift” from cars to more sustainable transport.
Defending its decision, the Scottish government made two claims: that the pilot increased passenger numbers by only 6.8% (when an increase of 10% was required for it to be self-financing) and that it mostly benefited wealthier passengers.
These claims were widely reported, but are they correct? And what does this mean for similar schemes in other countries?
Passengers using the train to get to and from work benefited most from the pilot, which made travel cheaper at peak times (early morning until around 9am and evenings until around 7pm). It is true that wealthier people in the UK tend to use trains and cars more, while poorer people are more likely to travel by bus.
The graph below shows how much £100 of train and bus tickets, and £100 of petrol ten years ago would cost today.
Cost of transport in the UK (2014-2024)
The increase in train fares has been smoother, but mostly faster, than the increase in petrol prices. However, bus fares have increased faster than both. Scotland has not followed England in capping bus fares, a policy that might have benefited lower-income passengers more.
In theory, a decrease in price for a product will result in an increase in demand. But it is impossible to calculate exactly how much passenger numbers increased due to the pilot, because we cannot know for sure how many passengers would have travelled anyway (the “counterfactual”).
To estimate the rise in demand brought about by cheaper fares, we must make assumptions about the counterfactual, where peak fares remained in place. This is especially difficult for two reasons. First, the pilot began as passenger numbers were rising again after the COVID lockdowns.
Statisticians must make assumptions about how much demand would have continued to rise in this case. Depending on these assumptions, the estimated effect of the pilot on demand for rail travel ranges from an increase of 16% to a fall of 5%, compared with the final figure of 6.8%. A change in assumptions can change the estimated rise in demand substantially.
Second, the pilot spanned a period of disruption on the railways. Strikes in Scotland in 2022 may have put people off train travel, and again, we cannot know whether they would have returned in the counterfactual scenario.
And bad weather in Scotland in early 2024 and disruption caused by strikes in England and Wales make it difficult to use the rest of Great Britain as a control group to compare against Scotland.
To estimate the effects of a policy like the pilot, statisticians must make many other assumptions. For example, in April 2024 there was a big increase in fares across Scotland. The analysis underlying the report assumes that this would have happened even without the pilot.
All these assumptions (and more) lie beneath the reported 6.8% increase in demand and make it impossible to be confident that this was the true number of passengers who shifted to rail travel because peak fares were axed.
What’s happening elsewhere?
Similar schemes have been piloted in other countries, including a flat rate €49 (£40) per month (increased from €9) rail pass in Germany, a 50 cent (30 pence) flat fare across all public transport in Queensland, Australia, and a £2 flat bus fare in England.
As with the pilot in Scotland, it is difficult to determine whether these schemes have caused a modal shift. Some new evidence from Germany suggests that cheaper fares encouraged people to make more journeys overall, but that the shift from cars to trains was limited.
However, we know that the elasticity (how much demand changes as prices change) of public transport fares is greater in the long term than in the short term. There is a danger that, as in Scotland, governments will cancel them before the long-term effects are clear.
The SNP government in Scotland is facing difficulties balancing its budget. In these circumstances, any further subsidy to public transport seems unlikely. Instead, the government will have to find other ways to reach its net zero commitments.
There is evidence that people respond more strongly to an increase in price than to a decrease. If this is the case, the pilot itself could even cause a long-term decrease in passenger numbers in Scotland, because the fall in people using the trains due to the reintroduction of peak fares might be greater than the increase during the pilot.
It is impossible to tell yet, but in the long term this could make travelling on the railways more expensive for both passengers and for the government subsidising them.
Devolution is “a process, not an event”, according to the then-secretary of state for Wales, Ron Davies, in 1997. But it is unclear what may come next for Wales in that process under the new UK Labour government, despite the same party now being in charge in both London and Cardiff.
One ongoing debate among politicians and experts for several years has been whether Westminster should and will devolve more powers to Wales, including justice and policing.
It wasn’t until the passing of the Government of Wales Act 1998 that the then National Assembly was established. It allowed Wales to make decisions over issues such as education, housing and agriculture. Further primary law-making powers were subsequently granted to the now Senedd (Welsh parliament).
But Wales doesn’t have control over all matters and some are reserved for the UK parliament. A number of these are consistent across all UK nations, including fiscal policy, foreign affairs, nuclear policy and national security. But others are different for Wales when compared to Scotland and Northern Ireland.
One of the most obvious examples is in the area of justice and policing. Unlike Scotland and Northern Ireland, Wales is not a separate legal jurisdiction with its own system of law, policing and courts. While there are increasing areas of divergence between England and Wales, technically speaking, Wales is part of a single jurisdiction with England due to decisions made during Henry VIII’s reign in the 16th century.
The issue of devolving justice and policing has cropped up consistently over the past 25 years. It has been the subject of a variety of debates in the Senedd, Westminster and in the media. It has also been analysed by a number of official reports and independent or cross-party commissions.
In 2011, the Silk commission was established by the UK government to explore the issue. In its 2014 report, it recommended devolving policing and youth justice to Wales by 2017. That never happened.
The Thomas commission, set up by the Welsh government in 2019, also recommended devolving justice to Wales, including youth justice and policing. Earlier this year, the independent commission on the constitutional future of Wales called on the UK government to agree to the devolution of responsibility for justice and policing to the Senedd and Welsh government.
In 2023, Keir Starmer said that a Labour government would introduce a “take back control bill”, to devolve new powers to communities from Westminster. Those intentions were echoed in Labour’s election manifesto ahead of July’s general election.
But the issue of devolving justice to Wales was absent from Labour’s manifesto. And in an interview in June, the now-secretary of state for Wales Jo Stevens described such a move as “fiddling around with structures and systems”. It is therefore unclear whether devolution to regions of England will take place in parallel to further devolution to Wales and the other nations.
And while this issue may not be at the forefront of UK Labour policy, it is an ongoing commitment of Welsh Labour. The latter commissioned even further research in August into the devolution of justice.
What are some of the potential challenges?
One significant issue is the age of criminal responsibility, currently set at ten in England and Wales. The Thomas commission recommended raising this to 12, aligning Wales with Scotland and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
But this raises logistical questions. For example, what would happen when a case crosses borders or involves children just above or below the age threshold? These practical challenges need to be addressed if justice is to be devolved smoothly.
The Thomas Commission also laid out detailed proposals for reforms to youth justice, prisons and probation services. The Welsh youth courts have already started implementing a more preventive and restorative approach, but a jurisdictional overlap with England has slowed progress. While children’s services are devolved, youth justice remains under UK government control.
Issues like transport to courts, funding and jurisdictional boundaries need careful consideration too. For example, how would authorities determine whether a crime committed near the Wales-England border falls under Welsh or English law?
Of course, this is an issue which already exists between England and Scotland, and there are complex rules in place. Dependent upon the nature and circumstances of the crime, “jurisdiction” is typically dependent on where it was first initiated. In turn, further challenges arise surrounding police force cooperation, as well as mechanisms for sharing different types of evidence. There are also legally-protected agreements regarding powers to arrest people in each other’s territories.
Ironing out these types of issues is particularly important in respect of female offenders, as Wales has made progress in providing better support for them.
Disparities in legal expertise may also become more of a challenge. Legal experts have noted that as Welsh laws become more distinct, judges in England may lack the relevant expertise to handle Welsh cases. This concern has already arisen in Welsh tribunals, where appeals are sometimes directed to England’s Upper Tribunal, raising doubts about how well English judges can handle increasingly Wales-specific laws.
Cooperation
While these issues are very real, they shouldn’t block progress. With cooperation between Cardiff and Westminster, the devolution of justice could happen without major disruption. Instead of having endless debates and reviews, time and resources could be better spent acting on existing expert recommendations.
For instance, both governments could agree on a ten-year timeline – as recommended by the independent commission – to devolve justice, starting with policing. It’s an area which already has strong ties to devolved services at the local level. Youth justice and probation could then follow.
Despite the potential challenges, the new Labour UK government has a chance to bring about meaningful change. Devolving justice may take time, but it could bring Wales closer to achieving the legal autonomy many believe it deserves.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Governments and public relations firms are under pressure to, in UN secretary-general António Guterres’s words, stop “fuelling the madness” and ban fossil fuel advertising or cut ties with the industry.
France, Amsterdam, Sheffield and Edinburgh have all restricted fossil fuel advertising to differing degrees in recognition of the industry’s responsibility for climate breakdown.
People working in the advertising industry are among those calling for an end to working with fossil fuel companies. There is a reputational risk with continuing to represent these businesses. Four advertising agencies recently lost a sustainability certification for taking an oil company as a client.
Oil and gas advertising is perhaps most prolific in sport. A recent report estimated that fossil fuel companies have invested more than £4 billion across 200 sponsorship deals.
Fellow researchers have appealed for sport to be included in any further advertising bans. There is a precedent: a tobacco advertising ban came into force in the UK in 2002. Bear in mind, that ban took nearly 40 years of campaigning and tobacco executives have shown they’re capable of navigating its loopholes.
Even so, the fossil fuel industry will prove significantly harder to purge than tobacco. Here’s why.
‘No fossil fuels, no sport’
Human development is largely a story of increasing energy use. Oil in particular has transformed everyday life beyond comprehension.
Analysis of one oil company’s sustainability reports identified how its communications strategy shifted from denying the results of climate science to more subtle efforts to delay an energy transition. These included the argument that fossil fuels are an irreplaceable precondition for “the good life”.
Sport is a vehicle for perpetuating this argument. In 2021, an oil and gas trade association in the US launched a campaign showcasing sports products made from petroleum, the implication being that people cannot enjoy sport without fossil fuels.
Sport is poised for corporate piggybacking because it evokes connection, pride and security in fans and spectators – feelings the fossil fuel industry is keen to capitalise on. An analysis of the Canadian oil industry’s advertising between 2006 and 2015 documented a shift from images of the natural environment to those depicting family life and domesticity.
This kind of pernicious messaging, which entrenches fossil fuels within the things people hold dear, will be hard for legislators to reverse.
Oil change
Imre Szeman, a professor of human geography who specialises in the energy transition, urges us to comprehend just how deep our relationship with oil runs.
Addressing climate change is not simply a technical matter, but a cultural one as well. An issue of how we grasp what is so often taken for granted in everyday life.
Change will not only require acknowledging the severity of the environmental crisis, but to recognise how its primary causes have shaped society, including in elite sport. It’s crucial to understand modern societies as oil societies if we are ever to envisage one no longer dependent on it.
Sport sponsorships reflect the infiltration of fossil fuels in modern society. Trong Nguyen/Shutterstock
So, considering sport, the first step is to remove the cognitive dissonance that surrounds modern elite sporting culture, the nature of its oil dependency and the consequences of climate change.
Sporting organisations can start by saying no to fossil fuel sponsorship. There are examples of this happening already in tennis, rugby and the Olympics, with Paris mayor Anne Hidalgo indicating an oil company was not welcome as a sponsor of the 2024 Games.
Change happens by disaster or by design. It’s time to recognise the decades long influence wielded by the fossil fuel industry.
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Theo Lorenzo Frixou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jeremy Allouche, Professor in Development Studies, Institute of Development Studies
Flags indicate how many trees each donor country has planted. Jeremy Allouche, CC BY-ND
In the rural village of Téssékéré, the increasing number and intensity of droughts linked to climate change is making the lives and livelihoods of the local Fulani communities increasingly vulnerable. Here, in the northern Sahel desert region of Senegal (known as the Ferlo), the pastoral population walks over dry, dusty ground with their livestock in search of grazing areas and working borehole water pumps. In favourable years, these farmers can stay in the fields around their local borehole, but climate change is forcing them to move further afield to find pasture to feed their cattle.
In the small Ivory Coast town of Kani, a farmer is concerned about the increase in plantation areas to the detriment of forests, which no longer provide shade. The scarcity and fluctuation of rainfall is altering the sowing periods for rice, maize and yams, and the intermittent nature of the rains is leading to a drop in production quality.
These issues of gradual desertification – where more of the land slowly becomes desert – affects both nature and people. As soil degrades, people migrate to different areas and it can be harder for them to access health services and education while undermining subsistence and production economies, therefore increasing poverty.
As a response, the African Union set up an ambitious continent-wide megaproject in 2007 to address these social-ecological issues and combat poverty. The Great Green Wall initiative is a tree planting restoration project that stretches from Senegal to Djibouti, 5,000 miles (8,000km) across Africa’s Sahel region.
In Téssékéré, bare, scattered plots of fenced-off land covered in cracked soil is now being used to test out techniques for growing seedlings and protect it from further damage by grazing cattle. Winter crops such as peanuts or black-eyed peas are being grown based on an agroecological model, a sustainable farming strategy considering ecological processes.
But large-scale projects like this often don’t consider the needs of local people or places. Our new research shows that the Great Green Wall won’t work effectively unless it considers more localised contexts.
At the other end of the continent, the Green Legacy Initiative, a project launched by the Ethiopian government, claims to have planted 566 million trees in one day. In Ivory Coast, which lies outside the original route, local and state authorities see the project as a means of stabilising the ecosystem. However, local populations are concerned that it will be implemented in an ad hoc, unstable and unsustainable manner. In short, the project gives rise to a diversity of opinions and, above all, a multitude of implementation strategies.
With investment of US$19 billion (£14.82 billion), more action, such as land restoration and investment in farming, can be rolled out across Africa, so the focus is now on large-scale change rather than localised projects. The Great Green Wall has become an umbrella term, a brand encompassing many development projects managed by different international and intergovernmental organisations. This is at odds with our research findings confirming that the ambitious aims of the project aren’t being implemented locally in an effective manner.
This “takeover” of the project by developed countries prompts us to question what the project has now become and its ability to meet its original purpose.
Set to fail?
The Great Green Wall will fail unless it returns to its original aim of being a pan-African project made up of a multitude of aspirations, imaginations and local social-ecological contexts. Project funding alone is not enough to ensure the success of the project – it needs local appropriation. Success should not be measured solely in terms of how many trees are being planted, but on whether local people see a positive difference from the project in their areas and on their lives.
From Senegal to Ethiopia, our research shows that the Great Green Wall implies a diversity of world views. The project is therefore implemented specifically in each region, in each country, to form a project mosaic. The initiative loses its substance and its capacity for local appropriation when homogenised and globalised to fit into external political agendas.
An agroecological initiative like this one only works when it involves the people living on the ground. More than simply an eco-project, it is a diverse, pan-African and locally embedded social-ecological initiative with scope to make substantial change at scale if executed well.
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Senior councillors are being asked to approve proposed changes to the way Leeds City Council provides transport assistance for post-16 learners with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND), as the level of discretionary support currently provided is not sustainable.
The proposed changes would still offer a level of discretionary transport assistance for Post-16 learners with SEND and help support independence through travel training, whilst addressing the significant financial challenge.
The council is statutorily obliged to make free-of-charge home to school travel arrangements for school-age children with SEND. There is no such requirement to provide this for post-16 learners, however the council has been doing so on a discretionary basis at a cost of around £4m-£4.5million each year.
Following a consultation earlier this year, a report to the council’s Executive Board will propose the following changes:
Limiting post-16 transport assistance to learners with SEND, living three or more miles from their education setting.
Independent Travel Training and a free bus pass (or equivalent cost) for a young person who is able to travel independently or could make the journey to their learning setting on public transport accompanied by an adult as necessary.
A yearly flat-rate Personal Transport Allowance for post-16 learners with SEND, allowing learners and their families to make their own travel arrangements, and based on distance between their home and learning setting:
– Between 3 and 10 miles – £1,000 per year.
– Between 10.01 and 20 miles – £2,000 per year.
– Over 20.01 miles – £3,000 per year.
Providing council-organised transport for those meeting the exceptional circumstances criteria.
Introducing these proposals would achieve an estimated financial saving to the council of more than £800,000 during the financial year 2025/26.
Should the proposals be approved by the council’s Executive Board next Wednesday (16th October), the changes would be introduced for young people starting post-16 education in September 2025 and onwards. All young people already in post-16 education receiving transport assistance would continue on the current policy unless there is a change in their circumstances such as moving house or a different education setting.
Councillor Helen Hayden, Leeds City Council’s executive member for children and families, said:
“We absolutely recognise and understand the concerns of young people, their families and carers, in how these changes may affect them, and we have fully considered their feedback from the consultation when finalising these proposals.
“Given the significant financial challenges the council faces and the increasing level of demand, the level of discretionary transport support we currently provide is not sustainable.
“However, we remain committed to providing support for young people and their families through a personal transport allowance, through provision of our award winning independent travel training, and by ensuring that those with exceptional circumstances requiring council organised transport, continue to receive it.”
Public consultation on the proposals was held between 24 June and 23 July 2024, with just over 300 responses received and views sought from children and young people, parents and carers, staff and governors of Special Inclusion Learning Centres (SILCs), primary and secondary schools, and post-16 providers, and wider stakeholders.
Should the proposals be approved at Executive Board, the council will begin contacting families and key services to ensure they are aware of the changes well in advance of their introduction from September 2025. Officers intend to work with parent forums, young people and families to continue to inform their understanding of how the proposals impact those affected before and during the proposals’ implementation, and will also liaise with key partners such as public transport providers to continually increase their awareness of accessibility needs of young people with SEND.
Proposals to remove transport assistance eligibility for post-19 learners, and to introduce a contributory charge for post-16 learners towards their transport, have not been recommended to Executive Board for implementation following feedback from the consultation.
THOUSANDS of runners will be taking to the city’s streets this weekend for the annual Run Leicester half marathon and 10k race.
The events will take place on Sunday 13 October, starting and finishing at Leicester’s Victoria Park.
Runners will set out from the park from 9.15am, on a route through the city centre onto Melton Road, and into Thurmaston and Birstall, before returning to the starting point.
A series of rolling road closures and parking restrictions will be in place along the route to enable the runners to pass safely.
The route heads across the city including London Road, St George’s Way, Charles Street, Belgrave Gate and Melton Road, and then out towards Thurmaston, Watermead Country Park and Birstall, before the race returns via Red Hill Circle, Loughborough Road and then the canal side path.
From there the route will heads through Abbey Park and the city centre, before continuing up New Walk via De Montfort Street and University Road on its way to the finish at Victoria Park.
The 10k race will follow the same route as far as Melton Road, before travelling along Loughborough Road, Holden Street and Ross Walk to re-join the riverside path, past the Space Centre and Abbey Park on its way back to the city.
Parking and loading restrictions will be in place to keep the route free of traffic, and temporary road closures will be in place while the race passes through. The measures have been clearly signposted along the route in advance.
Roads are expected to have reopened fully by 1pm.
The race is a hugely popular event, attracting runners ranging from enthusiastic amateurs to club athletes, all raising money for a range of charities including official charity partner, LOROS Hospice.
The events are organised by Run Leicester and full details of the route and road closures are available at http://www.runleicester.co.uk
Race director, Andrew Ward, said: “This year’s Run Leicester half marathon and 10k is set to be our best event ever, with over 4,000 runners expected to take to the streets on Sunday. It’s by far the biggest running event in the county and serves as inspiration to everyone watching as they cheer the runners on towards the finish line.
“We would encourage everyone to come out and support what is such a fantastic event for the whole city. It’s a real festival atmosphere with singers and drummers all around the route for both runners and spectators to enjoy.
“We can’t wait to see everyone on race day; the atmosphere will be incredible and the event will ultimately raise thousands of pounds for LOROS Hospice and other local charities.”
Bus services from the city centre will be running as normal but some will be diverted to alternative bus stops nearby while the race is in progress, with any changes clearly signposted.
Traffic and travel updates are also available from Leicester Area Traffic Control on X at @ATCLeicester
Manchester has launched an initiative to become the UK’s first Carbon Literate City as part of the drive to become zero carbon by 2038.
The effort, co-ordinated by Manchester City Council working with The Carbon Literacy Project, aims to achieve the status by getting the equivalent of 15% of the city’s population – 85,349 people – trained and certified as Carbon Literate.
Carbon Literacy® is defined as “an awareness of the carbon costs and impacts of everyday activities, and the ability and motivation to reduce emissions, on an individual, community and organisational basis.” It describes an awareness of climate change and the impacts which our everyday actions, whether as individuals or organisations, have. Being Carbon Literate enables people to take informed decisions, whether in their personal or work lives. Becoming a Carbon Literate City will help in the collective effort to dramatically cut harmful carbon emissions across Manchester.
Manchester City Council is already committed to Carbon Literacy and is the first local authority to achieve The Carbon Literacy Project’s Silver organisational designation and is working towards Gold status. By December this year the Council aims to have 50% of its staff, around 3,500 people, trained and certified in Carbon Literacy. Other founding partners of the Manchester initiative include Manchester Metropolitan University, Manchester Museum, Auto Trader, Manchester Digital and GMAST (a network of arts and cultural organisations working to contribute to the city’s climate ambitions.)
Councillor Tracey Rawlins, Executive Member for Environment, said: “Earning recognition as the country’s first Carbon Literate City is going to require a step change in the number of organisations getting on board and spreading the word in their own sectors.“This has never been a city to shy away from challenges and we hope that this title will become the latest in a long line of Manchester firsts.
“What really matters here is not the title itself but what it will mean in terms of the number of individuals and organisations who are aware of the issues and the positive actions they can take to help address them.
“The city can only reach its zero carbon goals through collective local, regional and national effort. Having a more informed and engaged population is an important step.”
Dave Coleman, Co-founder and Managing Director of The Carbon Literacy Project, said: “Given our origins and our deep roots in the city, it comes as no surprise that it is Manchester that has stepped up, built on all its existing hard work, and publicly declared it’s ambition to be the very first certified Carbon Literate Locality. “Globally more than 100,000 citizens are already certified as being Carbon Literate, but of these, more than 10,000 live, work and study in Manchester.
“The Manchester Carbon Literate City initiative brings together people and organisations already acting on climate in the city, to further help and support each other, and bring others along with them. Working together in this way makes our collective action on climate easier, faster and cheaper, and in Manchester at least, demonstrates that truly “the whole is far greater than the sum of its parts”.
More information about the Manchester Carbon Literate City initiative is available at carbonliteracy.com/mclc and about Carbon Literacy itself at carbonliteracy.com. The latest public Carbon Literacy courses are available at the Project’s events page.
MAPLE GROVE, Minn., Oct. 08, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — TopLine Financial Credit Union, a Twin Cities-based member-owned financial services cooperative, was honored with three marketing awards from the Marketing Association of Credit Unions. The Marketing Association of Credit Unions (MAC) Awards honored TopLine in three categories: Community Engagement, Financial Education and Brand/Rebrand Evolution.
In the Community Engagement category, TopLine won bronze for their Winter Spirit Week Penny Wars competition. The goal of Penny Wars was to introduce a fun new competition for employees that included a charitable component to benefit one of TopLine’s selected non-profit partners. Teams tried to earn as many points as possible with pennies worth one point, $1 bill worth 100 points, $5 bill worth 500 points, etc. Teams could sabotage other teams by dropping silver coins in opponents’ jars to deduct points. TopLine raised a total of $1,940 in just one week. The winning team got to select their TopLine non-profit charity of choice, and all donations were given to Avenues of Youth, who provides emergency shelter, short-term housing and supportive services for homeless youth in a safe and nurturing environment.
TopLine took home silver in the Financial Education category for their financial education session with the Energy Careers Academy – the first ever graduating class of the program. The goal of the session was to equip adults with a better understanding of personal finance basics and develop healthy financial habits, such as establishing a financial services relationship, developing a budget, establish routine savings for emergencies and for retirement, using credit wisely, paying down debt, achieving other goals such as buying their first car, their first home, and the importance of planning for their future.
In the Rebrand/Brand Evolution category, TopLine took home the bronze award for their new Bloomington Branch. The new branch was designed as a flagship branch, to pay tribute to TopLine’s heritage of telephone workers who founded the credit union in 1935 when seven employees of the Bell System pooled $35 to create Minneapolis Telco Credit Union. The roof line and drive up replicates the “T”, depicting a telephone pole and line. With the opening of the new branch, TopLine also developed a new tagline for their next era, “Connected, We All Do Better,” that pays homage to the credit union’s legacy, and supports the credit union mission of connecting with members, employees and communities to build life-long relationships.
“We are incredibly honored and humbled to be recognized with three prestigious marketing awards by the Marketing Association of Credit Unions for our community engagement, financial education and branding efforts,” said Vicki Roscoe Erickson, Senior Vice President and Chief Marketing Officer, TopLine Financial Credit Union. “This achievement reflects the hard work, creativity, and dedication of our entire team and inspires us to continue pushing boundaries that make a meaningful impact in members’ lives. We remain committed to assist our members and communities with free financial education sessions and resources, and to educate consumers about the many benefits of using credit unions for their financial needs.”
TopLine Financial Credit Union, a Twin Cities-based credit union, is Minnesota’s 9th largest credit union, with assets of over $1.1 billion and serves over 70,000 members. Established in 1935, the not-for-profit financial cooperative offers a complete line of financial services from its ten branch locations — in Bloomington, Brooklyn Park, Champlin, Circle Pines, Coon Rapids, Forest Lake, Maple Grove, Plymouth, St. Francis and in St. Paul’s Como Park — as well as by phone and online at http://www.TopLinecu.com or http://www.ahcu.coop. Membership is available to anyone who lives, works, worships, attends school or volunteers in Anoka, Benton, Carver, Chisago, Dakota, Hennepin, Isanti, Kanabec, Mille Lacs, Pine, Ramsey, Scott, Sherburne, Washington and Wright counties in Minnesota and their immediate family members, as well as employees and retirees of Anoka Hennepin School District #11, Anoka Technical College, Federal Premium Ammunition, Hoffman Enclosures, Inc., GRACO, Inc., and their subsidiaries. Visit us on our Facebook or Instagram. To learn more about the credit union’s foundation, visit http://www.TopLinecu.com/Foundation.
CONTACT:
Vicki Roscoe Erickson Senior Vice President and Chief Marketing Officer TopLine Financial Credit Union verickson@toplinecu.com | 763.391.0872
MILES AXLE Translation. Region: Russian Federation –
Source: Moscow Government – Government of Moscow –
On Friday evening, Tagansky Park will host the play “What You Go For Is What You’ll Find” based on Alexander Ostrovsky’s plays “The Marriage of Balzaminov” and “A Festive Dream – Before Lunch.” It will be presented by students of the “Teatralny Park” studio, directed by teacher Ildar Shamikov-Dasayev.
According to the plot, the naive “mama’s boy” Balzaminov wants to marry a rich merchant woman in order to solve his financial problems and settle down in this world. “Don’t chase your mind, as long as you have happiness. With money, we can live without our minds!” – this phrase by Pavla Balzaminova vividly reflects the views and morals of the society in which her son was so eager to gain a foothold.
Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
Please note; This information is raw content directly from the information source. It is accurate to what the source is stating and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
The Supervisory Council of Coop Liising AS, a subsidiary of Coop Pank AS, decided today, 08.10.2024, to elect Janek Rüütalu as a new member of the board of Coop Liising AS. Rüütalu’s mandate begins on 13.10.2024 and lasts for 3 years until 12.10.2027.
The powers of Erki Hiiuväin, the current board member of Coop Liising AS, expire as of 12.10.2024.
Janek Rüütalu has worked as a leasing workout specialist and leasing credit risk analyst at DNB Pank AS in 2007–2017, and as a product and business development specialist at the Estonian branch of Citadele banka AS in 2018–2020. Since 2020, Janek Rüütalu has been working as a product and business development manager at Coop Liising AS. Rüütalu graduated from Tallinn Pedagogical University in 1996, majoring in German and English philology.
Janek Rüütalu does not own any shares or bonds of Coop Pank. Rüütalu has been issued an option for 5,900 shares with an exercise deadline of 2025, an option for 6,600 shares with an exercise deadline of 2026.
Coop Pank, based on Estonian capital, is one of the five universal banks operating in Estonia. The number of clients using Coop Pank for their daily banking reached 200,000. Coop Pank aims to put the synergy generated by the interaction of retail business and banking to good use and to bring everyday banking services closer to people’s homes. The strategic shareholder of the bank is the domestic retail chain Coop Eesti, comprising of 320 stores.
At a graduation ceremony held on Tuesday, 08 October 2024, Samsung celebrated the achievements of the 4th Cohort in the University of the Western Cape (UWC) Software Development (SWD) programme. This Samsung sponsored programme aims to enhance the graduating students’ prospects of employment as well as address the problem of youth unemployment in the province and the country as a whole.
South Africa, like many countries globally, grapples with the challenge of youth unemployment. This is supported by statistics indicating a 45,5% unemployment rate among young individuals (aged 15-34 years), in contrast to the national average of 32,9% in the first quarter of 2024”, according to Statistics SA.” The Western Cape is no exception to this alarming trend.
In response to the country’s youth unemployment issues and a way to assist government to address this challenge, Samsung launched a R280-million worth Equity Equivalent Investment Programme (EEIP) in 2019. The company is now celebrating five years of this EEIP programme’s sustained success. This EEIP programme is projected to have a measurable impact on job creation and a contribution of nearly R1-billion to the South African economy at large. Five years in and Samsung’s EEIP programme has managed to train 539 youth in SWD and artisanal skills.
Jose Frantz, Deputy Vice Chancellor: research and innovation, University of the Western Cape said: “We firmly believe in the transformative power of higher education to empower youth. The Future-Innovation Lab at UWC exemplifies this commitment by equipping previously disadvantaged youth with the skills and experiences necessary to succeed in an AI-driven economy. By bridging the gap between education and industry, this initiative not only addresses the pressing issue of youth unemployment but also fosters a culture of innovation and resilience. As we celebrate the upcoming graduation of the fourth cohort, we recognize the importance of such programs in nurturing the next generation of leaders and change-makers. Together, we can create a future where every young person has the opportunity to thrive and contribute meaningfully to society.”
This SWD programme that is part of Samsung’s EEIP has ensured sustained ICT investment in historically disadvantaged universities, which in turn has helped to enhance the prospects of employment in the country’s youth. Importantly, this SWD programme has provided an opportunity to previously disadvantaged youth to gain skills in software development and digital social innovation with the ultimate aim of opening doors to employment or further training. Samsung strives for a 100% absorption rate of all the students in its training programmes.
Lenhle Khoza, Manager for B-BBEE and Transformation at Samsung South Africa said: “As Samsung, we would like to congratulate this group of brilliant students. From the start of this programme, our focus has been on capacity building in ICT training and development. With these software development skills, we are confident that these UWC students will now be able to play a crucial role in the digital economy.”
For Samsung, this graduation of the fourth cohort in this SWD programme is a clear indication of how successful partnerships with institutions of higher learning such as UWC are helping to address the country’s societal challenges through the development of digital solutions.
And according to UWC, the 41 students that participated in the SWD programme have gained proficiency in high-demand coding languages, software architecture, web and mobile app development as well as database management and more. The hands-on and project-based approach has ensured that graduates emerge not just with theoretical knowledge, but also with the practical skills demanded by the modern job market.
With hands-on, real-world experience provided through creativity and fun in a learning and working environment, these UWC students will now be able to successfully apply their new skills, which are highly sought-after in the country’s digital economy.
“As Samsung, we’ve always prioritised the need to demonstrate a measurable outcome on the country’s youth in all our education-focused initiatives. This SWD is no exception, in collaboration with UWC – we have ensured that these graduating students are employable and that some are able to attain permanent employment through our partner network,” concluded Khoza.
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*Source – Unemployment in South Africa: A Youth Perspective | Statistics South Africa (statssa.gov.za)
Headline: Verizon anuncia nueva ronda de apoyos para pequeñas empresas
A través de Verizon Small Business Digital Ready, las pequeñas empresas pueden acceder a cursos gratuitos en inglés y español, capacitación con expertos en pequeñas empresas y la oportunidad de solicitar un apoyo de $10,000.
La plataforma también se ha asociado con Next Street para compartir un “Mercado de financiación para pequeñas empresas”, donde los propietarios de empresas pueden buscar oportunidades de préstamos y subvenciones según sus necesidades comerciales.
El programa ha llegado a más de 350,000 empresas en todo el país, de las cuales el 51% son propiedad de mujeres y el 62% son propiedad de personas de color o hispanas.
BASKING RIDGE, NJ – Como el acceso a capital es un desafío común para los emprendedores, Verizon anuncia nuevas oportunidades de financiamiento de subvenciones de $10,000 disponibles para pequeñas empresas a través de la plataforma Verizon Small Business Digital Ready. Los propietarios de pequeñas empresas que se registren en la plataforma pueden recibir acceso gratuito y personalizado a más de 50 cursos en línea en inglés y español, oportunidades de tutoría con expertos de la industria, entrenamiento de expertos personalizados y en grupo, eventos comunitarios virtuales y en persona y la oportunidad de postularse para obtener financiamiento mediante subvenciones.
El programa es operado en asociación con Next Street y Local Initiatives Support Corporation (LISC). Hasta la fecha, Small Business Digital Ready ha apoyado a más de 350,000 pequeñas empresas en todo el país, de las cuales el 51% son propiedad de mujeres y el 62% son propiedad de personas de color o hispanas.
Hasta el 13 de diciembre de 2024 a las 11:59 p.m. (hora del Pacífico), las pequeñas empresas pueden acceder a la solicitud para esta ronda de financiamiento de subvenciones registrándose primero en el portal Verizon Small Business Digital Ready y completando al menos dos cursos, capacitación o eventos comunitarios, en cualquier combinación entre 1 de julio de 2024 y 13 de diciembre de 2024 a las 11:59 p.m. PT. Las pequeñas empresas que completen la solicitud serán elegibles para recibir una subvención de $10,000.
“Las pequeñas empresas son el pilar de las comunidades y tenemos la responsabilidad de ayudarles a prosperar”, dijo Donna Epps, Chief Responsible Business Officer de Verizon. “Verizon Small Business Digital Ready se creó para impulsar a los propietarios de pequeñas empresas a través de capacitación en habilidades digitales, y estamos orgullosos de ofrecer otra oportunidad de apoyo a esta comunidad diversa y en crecimiento de propietarios de pequeñas empresas en todo el país”.
La plataforma también está lanzando el “Mercado de financiación para pequeñas empresas”, un repositorio de oportunidades de financiación y préstamos disponibles para pequeñas empresas, y ha lanzado “Learning Paths”. Rutas de aprendizaje como “Mejora tu acceso al capital” y “Construye tu marca única” invitan a los usuarios a completar una serie de recursos para ayudarlos a acercarse a lograr un objetivo comercial.
Verizon no es un prestamista ni un corredor. El mercado de financiación para pequeñas empresas es proporcionado por Next Street Financial LLC. No todas las solicitudes son aprobadas. Todas las decisiones de financiación las toman terceros proveedores de capital. Las calificaciones, los requisitos, la aprobación y los términos del préstamo varían según el tipo de préstamo, las calificaciones del solicitante y el estado.
Headline: Verizon announces new round of grant funding for small businesses
Through Verizon Small Business Digital Ready, small businesses can access free courses in English and Spanish, coaching with small business experts, and an opportunity to apply for a $10,000 grant.
The platform has also partnered with Next Street to share a “Small Business Funding Marketplace,” where business owners can search for loan and grant opportunities based on their business needs.
The program has reached over 350,000 businesses across the country, of which 51% are women-owned and 62% are Black or Hispanic-owned.
BASKING RIDGE, NJ – As access to capital is a common challenge for entrepreneurs, Verizon is announcing new $10,000 grant funding opportunities available for small businesses via the Verizon Small Business Digital Ready platform. Small business owners who register on the platform can receive free, personalized access to over 50 online courses in English and Spanish, mentorship opportunities with industry experts, 1:1 and group expert coaching, virtual and in-person community events and the opportunity to apply for grant funding.
The program is operated in partnership with Next Street and Local Initiatives Support Corporation (LISC). To date, Small Business Digital Ready has reached over 350,000 small businesses nationwide, of which 51% are women-owned and 62% are Black or Hispanic-owned.
Until December 13, 2024 at 11:59pm PT, small businesses can unlock the application for this round of grant funding by first registering on the Verizon Small Business Digital Ready portal and completing at least two courses, coaching or community events, in any combination between July 1, 2024 and December 13, 2024 at 11:59pm PT. Small businesses that complete the application will be eligible for consideration to receive a $10,000 grant.
“Small businesses are the backbone of communities, and we have a responsibility to help them thrive,” said Donna Epps, Chief Responsible Business Officer at Verizon. “Verizon Small Business Digital Ready was created to uplift small business owners through digital skills training, and we’re proud to offer another grant opportunity to this diverse and growing community of small business owners nationwide.”
The platform is also launching “Small Business Funding Marketplace,” a repository of open funding and loan opportunities available to small businesses, and has launched “Learning Paths.” Learning paths such as “Improve your access to capital” and “Build your unique brand” prompt users to complete a series of resources to help them get closer to achieving a business goal.
Verizon is not a lender or broker. The Small Business Funding Marketplace is provided by Next Street Financial LLC. Not all applications are approved. All financing decisions are made by third-party capital providers. Qualifications, requirements, approval, and loan terms vary based on the type of loan, applicant qualifications, and by state.
JEFFERSON CITY, MO, OCT. 8, 2024 – The Missouri Advisory Council on Historic Preservation will consider nominations to the National Register of Historic Places during its quarterly meeting. The meeting begins at 10 a.m., Friday, Oct. 11, in the Roaring River Conference Rooms at the MoDNR Elm Street Conference Center, located at 1730 E. Elm St., Jefferson City. Remote participation is also available as outlined below:
Teleconference Call number: 650-479-3207 WebEx meeting number (access code): 2632 514 6991 Meeting password: 2pbE59pH22m NOTICE: This public meeting may be subject to audio and video recording
The following nominations will be considered at the meeting:
Mayfair Apartment Hotel, 1224 E. Linwood Blvd., Kansas City, Jackson County
Roberts Farmstead, 1120 S. Farm Road 193 (primary); 715 S. Farm Road 193, Springfield (vic.), Greene County
Faherty House, 11 S. Spring St., Perryville, Perry County
Hermann High School, 808 Washington St., Hermann, Gasconade County
Lincoln School, 1400 E. Pony Thomas St., West Plains, Howell County
First Christian Church, 116 W. Gracia Ave., Marceline, Linn County
Lincoln School, 210 W. Wells, Marceline, Linn County
Marceline Mercantile & Supply Company, 125 E, California, Marceline, Linn County
Marceline Masonic Lodge No. 481, 201 N. Main St. USA, Marceline, Linn County
The Missouri Advisory Council on Historic Preservation is a group of historians, architects, archaeologists and citizens with an interest in historic preservation. The council is appointed by the governor and works with the department’s State Historic Preservation Office, which administers the National Register of Historic Places program for Missouri. The council meets quarterly to review Missouri property nominations to the National Register, the nation’s honor roll of historic properties. Approved nominations are forwarded to the Keeper of the National Register in Washington, D.C., for final approval.
More information, including draft nominations and meeting agenda, is available online at dnr.mo.gov/commissions-boards-councils/advisory-council-historic-preservation. For more information on Missouri State Parks and Historic Sites, visit mostateparks.com. Missouri State Parks is a division of the Missouri Department of Natural Resources.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Nicholas Westcott, Professor of Practice in Diplomacy, Dept of Politics and International Studies, SOAS, University of London
The United Kingdom is resetting its relations with Africa and other countries in the global south after more than a decade of neglect. At the United Nations in September, British prime minister Keir Starmer promised his government was
returning the UK to responsible global leadership.
This should include reconnecting with the countries of the global south which feel they have been neglected and among whom Britain’s voice is now at a discount.
The new Labour government’s recently launched reviews of Britain’s global impact and its international economic and development policies provide an opportunity to reevaluate and relaunch these relations. The opportunity must be seized for the sake of global stability.
The post-cold war order is fraying. America is increasingly reluctant to act as a global guarantor for a multilateral system governed by international rules and respecting human rights and freedoms. China, Russia and emerging middle powers such as Iran, Turkey and the Gulf States seem happier with a multipolar system based on the exercise of military and economic power. Meanwhile, the accelerating impact of climate change adds to the challenges to regional stability in Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
I have followed these questions for nearly 50 years, as an academic and diplomat. Much has changed in those years, but recent British governments have been slow to adapt to these changes. To reconnect with countries in Africa and the global south, Britain needs a new attitude as well as new policies; and, paradoxically perhaps, the Commonwealth can play a constructive role in achieving this.
Britain’s problem
Distracted by its domestic political and economic difficulties since Brexit, recent British governments have neglected both Africa and the Commonwealth.
Aid has been cut, and policy incoherence exacerbated by the merger between the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Department for International Development.
Successive prime ministers gave little time to meeting African and other leaders from the global south. They had no answer to the questions being asked about Britain’s relationship with the south.
Yet Britain’s links to these countries remain strong. Not least through the growing diaspora communities in the UK that are now an integral part of Britain’s social and political fabric. With 5.5 million people of Asian heritage and 2.5 million of African or mixed heritage in the UK in 2021, these bonds need to be politically recognised.
Most of those Britons come from Commonwealth countries. The Commonwealth as an organisation is no substitute for closer engagement with individual countries. But it provides a forum where connections can be made and a new, more equal relationship built.
Though British governments have neglected it, King Charles, the ceremonial head of the Commonwealth, has not, as his visit to Kenya in 2023 showed. And other countries are still seeking to join, as Gabon and Togo did last year.
Commonwealth heads of government meeting
From 21-26 October Samoa will host the biennial Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (Chogm), which will choose a new secretary-general – this time from Africa. The summit brings together representatives from every continent: from G7 members to least developed countries, from the most populous country (India at 1.45 billion people) to the smallest (Tuvalu with under 10,000), from major greenhouse gas emitters to small islands at risk of disappearing beneath the sea.
Despite its imperial origins, the Commonwealth is an international network that cuts across the multi-polarity that risks dividing the world. It includes countries from the global south, the global north and the global east. The diversity makes it an ideal forum for honest conversations on difficult issues like climate change and multilateral institutional reform.
Unlike the recent Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (Focac) in Beijing, the Commonwealth is an organisation run by its members. They share common values and interests as well as a common language. They come together to exchange ideas, not pledges of investment or aid. Its traditions of democracy and equality between members make it unique and valuable. It provides, for example, a ready-made network of global influence for any member state. For small island states, particularly in the Caribbean and Pacific, it is one forum where their voices can be amplified.
This is important. With the community of nations struggling to address global challenges of the scale of climate change and pandemics, or to resolve regional conflicts, opportunities to build consensus are needed more than ever. The wars in Ukraine, the Middle East, the Sahel and the Horn of Africa are a portent of things to come if we fail to sustain a global structure that can resolve rather than exacerbate such conflicts. UN peacemaking efforts might then be crowned with success rather than with futility and frustration.
What Britain needs to do
Britain is only one among many voices, so it needs a persuasive narrative that will help preserve a world order that can tackle humanity’s challenges, rather than one that simply fights over what is left. The Commonwealth, like the UN, is a place where the UK can start building support for a more equal and more effective global system.
A new narrative, and a new relationship with Africa and the global south, should be based on four elements.
Firstly, repentance for sins past. Britain’s empire played a central role in making the modern world, for better and worse. While the better is often taken for granted, the sins of empire still rankle, and – like a stone in the shoe – will distract relations. Best therefore to acknowledge them, and move forward.
Secondly, the new relationship must be based on mutual respect and partnership. In particular, the age of traditional development programmes with their paternalistic tendencies is past. What countries in the global south are seeking, as many feel they do get from China, is a genuine partnership of equals that recognises the relationship as a whole and focuses on the political as well as economic sources of growth.
Thirdly, Britain needs to work with African and other southern governments to amplify their voice in multilateral institutions such as the UN and international financial institutions, so that those institutions genuinely protect their interests and those countries defend the institutions.
Finally, Britain needs to engage with the public as much as with governments in these countries. The BBC World Service, the British Council and Britain’s education sector are becoming more important in challenging disinformation as the battle of narratives hots up. Now is the time to reinforce them, not let them fade away.
A new narrative along these lines at Chogm, and incorporated into the government’s reviews, could be the start of a genuine reset in Britain’s relationship with the global south, to the benefit of all.
This week is Mental Illness Awareness Week, an annual campaign designed to highlight that everyone’s experience with mental illness is unique and to encourage empathy towards those affected.
October 8, 2024 | Ottawa, ON | Health Canada
This week is Mental Illness Awareness Week, an opportunity to highlight that everyone’s experience with mental illness is unique. Almost all of us have been affected by mental illness, either directly or through the experiences of our family, friends or colleagues. This year’s theme, “Access For All: Time for Action, Time for Change,” is a reminder that we must all work together to promote access to mental health care for everyone.
Mental illness, including mood disorders, can affect how someone thinks, feels, and behaves, and can significantly impact a person’s day to day. Improving our knowledge and understanding of mental illness helps reduce barriers to care, like stigma. The Government of Canada is working to improve access to mental healthcare by challenging stigma, improving mental health literacy, funding culturally relevant and tailored resources and normalizing conversations to increase awareness and understanding of mental illness.
Getting help for a mental illness can significantly improve your quality of life. Learning about mental illness and knowing when to reach out for help is an important part of self-care. Through the recently announced Youth Mental Health Fund, the government of Canada has committed to helping young Canadians access the mental health care they need by reducing wait times and providing more care options.
If you or a loved one are struggling with lasting negative emotions or have concerns about mental health, visit Canada.ca/mental-health for free mental health resources.
For those living with mental illness, support is available. Speak to a health care professional or someone you trust. You can also connect with Kids Help Phone which provides confidential mental health resources 24/7 for kids, teens and young adults, or the Hope for Wellness Helpline which provides Indigenous Peoples with immediate emotional support and crisis intervention with experienced and culturally sensitive helpline counsellors.
If you or someone you know is thinking about suicide, call or text 9-8-8: Suicide Crisis Helpline at any time, from anywhere in Canada to access bilingual, trauma-informed, and culturally appropriate suicide prevention support.
Mental Illness is as real as any physical illness, and no one should have to face it alone. We are working with all levels of government so that everyone in Canada has the mental health care support they need, when or where they need it.
Salford City Council have today (8 October) announced plans for the allocation of the Government’s extension of the Household Support Fund (HSF).
Since HSF’s introduction in October 2021, Salford City Council has received over 50,000 applications for support, and in the last round of funding alone, covering the period April 2024 to September 2024, Salford received 5,500 applications for help with energy, food and other essential items and supported the families of over 15,000 children with holiday food vouchers during the school holidays.
Round six of HSF will cover the period of Tuesday 1 October 2024 to Monday 31 March 2025.
The latest round will support households struggling with the cost-of-living to cover food, energy and fuel costs. Residents who need support can apply directly for funding online or call Salford’s HSF helpline.
The money will be distributed by Salford City Council’s Salford Assist team. The funding will be awarded by a grant payment to those who meet the eligibility criteria. Salford residents do not need to be in receipt of benefits to apply for the Household Support Fund and can apply for the scheme if they are also in receipt of other benefits and pension credits, all applications will be considered.
The funding will also be used to fund holiday food vouchers for children eligible for Free School Meals; Voluntary, Community and Social Enterprise (VCSE) partners to deliver food banks, food clubs and food schemes; and other areas of the council such as housing, adult social care, and welfare rights and debt advice.
Councillor Tracy Kelly, Lead Member for Housing and Anti-Poverty at Salford City Council said: “The Household Support Fund has provided vital support to our most vulnerable residents across the city. As the winter period approaches, this much-needed support to heat homes and put food on the table will be crucial for many families across our city.
“In Salford, we work hard to make sure vulnerable residents are supported in the best way possible. This funding will enable us to continue providing that assistance and our commitment to building a fairer, more equal society for everyone.”
Salford City Mayor Paul Dennett said: “The Household Support Fund has been an essential support system, offering our residents much-needed help with food and heating, and ensuring that children on free school meals do not go hungry during school holidays.
“This funding will help the most vulnerable in our communities and I’d urge anyone who is struggling financially to get in touch and see if you can benefit. The Household Support Fund is in place to support you.”
This support forms part of Salford’s wider Tackling Poverty strategy which aims to make Salford a fairer and more inclusive place where everyone can live prosperous and fulfilling lives free from poverty and inequality. The funding has come from the Department for Work and Pensions.
ATLANTA (October 8, 2024) — On Thursday, October 10, at 11:00 a.m., the Senate Study Committee on Safe Firearm Storage, chaired by Sen. Emanuel Jones (D–Decatur), will hold its fourth meeting.
EVENT DETAILS:
Date: Thursday, October 10, 2024
Time: 11:00 a.m.
Location: 450 State Capitol, 206 Washington St SW, Atlanta, GA, 30334
This event is open to the public andwill be live-streamed on the Georgia General Assembly websitehere.
ABOUT THE MEETING:
The Senate Study Committee on Safe Firearm Storage is tasked with studying the conditions, needs, issues and problems related to safe firearm storage. Additional Senate members appointed to serve on the committee include Sen. Frank Ginn (R–Danielsville), Sen. Marty Harbin (R–Tyrone), Sen. David Lucas (D–Macon) and Sen. Ben Watson (R–Savannah).
MEDIA OPPORTUNITIES:
We kindly request that members of the media confirm their attendance in advance by contacting Jantz Womack at senatepressinquiries@senate.ga.gov.
# # # #
Sen. Emanuel Jones represents the 10th Senate District, which includes portions of DeKalb and Henry County. He may be reached at 404.656.0502 or via email atemanuel.jones@senate.ga.gov.
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
The Social Security Advisory Committee have reappointed Carl Emmerson and Phil Jones.
The Secretary of State for Work and Pensions has confirmed the reappointment of Carl Emmerson and Phil Jones as Members of the Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC). The reappointments extend Carl and Phil’s membership to 31 July 2026.
Appointments and reappointments to the Committee are made by the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions and are regulated by the Commissioner for Public Appointments. The reappointment has been made in line with the Governance Code on Public Appointments.
Carl Emmerson
Carl Emmerson is Deputy Director of the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS), a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences, an editor of the annual IFS Green Budget and a Director of the Pensions Review. His research includes issues around the UK’s public finances, and household retirement saving decisions. He is also a member of the advisory panel of the Office for Budget Responsibility, and the UK Statistics Authority’s Methodological Assurance Review Panel.
Phil Jones
Since October 2021 Phil Jones has been Chief Executive of the Welsh Social Enterprise, Business in Focus, which provides a suite of business support services across Wales, including the delivery of the Welsh Government’s flagship ‘Business Wales’ service.
Phil was previously the Director of Prince’s Trust Cymru for 5 years and, before that, the Wales Area Manager for The Royal British Legion. Phil also served in the Armed Forces for over 25 years as an officer in The Royal Welsh.
About the Committee
The Social Security Advisory Committee is an independent advisory body of the Department for Work and Pensions. Its statutory remit is to:
to provide advice and assistance to the Secretary of State, whether in response to a specific request or on its own initiative
to scrutinise secondary legislation relating to social security for the benefit of the Secretaries of State for Work and Pensions or the Department for Social Development in Northern Ireland, and Parliament
The Committee Membership comprises:
Dr Stephen Brien (Chair)
Les Allamby
Bruce Calderwood
Rachel Chiu
Carl Emmerson
Daphne Hall
Professor Stephen Hardy
Jacob Meagher
Philip Jones
Dr Suzy Walton
Contact SSAC
Further enquiries should be directed to the Committee Secretary:
Social Security Advisory Committee
7th Floor Caxton House
Tothill Street
London
SW1H 9NA
