Category: European Union

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Reminder to sign in at every hearing

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Recent joint working between LAA and HMCTS has identified the need for greater consistency across all courts in the way advocates sign in on all hearing days.

    New guidance has been issued by HM Courts and Tribunals Service (HMCTS) to all court staff and the expectation is that counsel and defence practitioners will be required to sign in at every hearing.

    This will improve the data within Common Platform and enable the Legal Aid Agency to process claims without the need to request an attendance note and delay any payments.

    Evidence of attendance via the court log or attendance note is vital to ensure that the Legal Aid Agency (LAA) can evidence that payments are being made in compliance with the Criminal Procedure Rules. All payments must be evidenced for Crown Court hearings.

    Detailed guidance for how to sign in is available on the HMCTS GOV.UK pages: Check in to a Common Platform hearing – GOV.UK (www.gov.uk)

    Further information

    Crown Court fee guidance

    Legal aid guidance page has the following resources:

    Criminal Bills Assessment Manual

    Regulatory links:

    Criminal Legal Aid (Remuneration) Regulations 2013 – regulation 13(3)

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Child Poverty Taskforce aims to ‘give all children the best start in life’

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Voices of struggling families, anti-poverty organisations and local leaders will be put at the centre of the Child Poverty Taskforce’s work to build an ambitious strategy to give all children the best start in life, ministers have pledged in a new framework published today [Wednesday 23 October].

    • Child Poverty Taskforce co-chairs Liz Kendall and Bridget Phillipson speak to parents and Barnardo’s CEO at a charity centre in Brent  

    • Comes as new framework sets out how Child Poverty Taskforce will build a bold strategy to break down barriers to opportunity and give all children the best start in life  

    • Ministers to host events and travel across the United Kingdom to hear views and experiences of local leaders, charities and those living in poverty

    The Taskforce today publishes a framework for the strategy that will come out in the Spring. 

    Over the coming months the Taskforce will focus on reducing the number of children in relative poverty after housing costs, reducing the number of children who are going without essentials, and giving all children the best start in life.

    The publication outlines how the Taskforce will work with key anti-poverty organisations around targets such as reducing costs, increasing incomes and improving access to early year’s support for struggling families.

    Work and Pensions Secretary Liz Kendall MP and Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson MP kicked off this engagement by visiting a Barnardo’s Family Centre in Brent alongside Barnardo’s CEO Lynn Perry MBE. They joined a children’s session focused on healthy eating and heard how parents – including single parents – are struggling with the cost of essentials.

    Later today, ministers will meet with the likes of Ofgem, The Food Foundation, Water UK and other leading organisations on the theme of reducing household costs.

    The new document sets out how ministers will take part in events across the nations and regions of the United Kingdom, bringing together a diverse range of voices and expertise to address the systemic drivers of poverty – ranging from employment to housing – as it creates an ambitious strategy to be set out in the Spring.

    Taskforce co-chair and Work and Pensions Secretary Liz Kendall MP will visit Scotland next month to bring together local leaders, key charities and organisations as well as parents, children and frontline workers.

    Work and Pensions Secretary Liz Kendall MP said:  

    Children can’t fulfil their potential without food in their bellies or a roof over their head. And Britain cannot fulfil its potential when the talents of so many children are being denied.

    It is unacceptable that more than 4m children are now growing up in poverty. Under our new government, this will change.

    We will work with campaigners and experts – and struggling families across the country to deliver a bold and ambitious strategy that drives down poverty and drives up opportunity in every corner of the land.

    Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson MP said:  

    The stain of poverty of child poverty in this country has jeopardised the life chances of too many children for too long.

    Ending child poverty is a complex and difficult task, but our defining mission is to break down the unfair link between background and success – so every child believes that opportunity can belong to them.

    Today’s framework sets the clear direction on this mission, ensuring we are united across government and with stakeholders to drive down household costs.

    A new forum of parents and carers living across the UK will be set up to ensure the experiences of children in poverty, including those with special educational needs and disabilities, feed into the final strategy.

    Leading organisations such as Barnardo’s, Citizens Advice, the National Children’s Bureau and Save the Children will share their knowledge with Ministers, and a new board of leading academics and experts on tackling poverty will inform, test and scrutinise the work being done on the Strategy.

    Barnardo’s Chief Executive, Lynn Perry MBE, said:    

    We are seeing epidemic levels of poverty amongst children in the UK. Across the country, families are facing a desperate struggle to put food on the table, keep the lights on and heat their homes this winter. More than 4.3 million children are growing up in poverty, with one in four families saying they’ve struggled to afford food in the last 12 months alone.   

    Growing up in poverty can have a devastating impact on a child’s life, affecting their learning, mental and physical health long into adulthood, while limiting their life chances.  

    We’re grateful to the Secretaries of State for Work and Pensions and Education for their visit to meet children and families at our Brent service which supports those struggling with the cost-of-living. We look forward to working with ministers to find long-term solutions to these issues whilst recognising families also need immediate help this winter.

    Dame Clare Moriarty, Chief Executive at Citizens Advice, said:  

    The cost-of-living crisis has squeezed household finances and tipped many into significant hardship. Our frontline advisors are still seeing families doing all they can but unable to afford essentials for their children.

    A clear strategy to combat child poverty is urgently needed. It must be ambitious and ensure that people facing acute pressures get the help they need soon, while also delivering change that will last.

    Anna Feuchtwang, Chief Executive of the National Children’s Bureau, said:  

    4.3 million children living in poverty in the UK is an unacceptable blight on our society and children deserve better.

    NCB welcomes the Government’s commitment to consulting with a broad range of stakeholders to understand how to make this happen. It is crucial that the voices of children and families with lived experience of poverty are central not just to the development of the strategy, but to implementing it as well.

    We desperately need to see progress for children in this area – asking the right questions is a good start.

    Dan Paskins, Executive Director of Policy, Advocacy and Campaigns at Save the Children UK, said:  

    For too long child poverty has been shamefully high, so we welcome the recognition from the UK Government today that tackling it is a moral imperative.

    The root causes of poverty are complex and can only be solved by listening to and working with those most affected. We are therefore really pleased to be working with the UK Government to facilitate the Child Poverty Taskforce hearing directly from children, their families, and our partners in communities across the UK.

    We look forward to working with UK Government, with organisations across the sector, and across the regions and nations of the UK, to develop a Child Poverty Strategy that ensures all children have the guaranteed support that they desperately need and deserve.

    The development of this ambitious strategy will be guided by the internationally recognised measure ‘Relative Poverty After Housing Costs’. 

    To support struggling families, we have already boosted the Household Support Fund by a further £421 million in England while the Warm Home Discount remains in place for low-income households as the Government stands firms on its commitment to protect those most at risk this winter.  

    This comes alongside Government plans to deliver quality work and better pay through the Employment Rights Bill, create 3,000 new nurseries, and lower energy bills through Great British Energy.  

    Additional Information   

    • There are currently 4.3m children in relative poverty after housing costs in the United Kingdom as of 2022/23.  

    • Relative Poverty After Housing Costs takes into account the proportion of families with below 60% of the median income after housing costs are deducted.  

    • The Barnardo’s Family Centre in Brent offers a wide range of free advice to families while providing crisis funding through vouchers, hosts cooking sessions and holds activity days for children to give them the best start in life and ease the burden on those living in poverty.  

    • The ’Tackling Child Poverty: Developing our Strategy’ document is available here: Tackling Child Poverty: Developing Our Strategy – GOV.UK (www.gov.uk) 

    • Following the Household Support Fund extension, an estimated £79million will be made available to the Devolved Governments to support their citizens as they see fit.

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK commits additional £3 million to bolster aid to Syria

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    The UK has announced an additional £3 million to bolster aid to Syria.

    • FCDO will provide emergency healthcare and protection assistance to women and girls fleeing the conflict in Lebanon.
    • £3m package to support those most in need, as 400,000 people are displaced into Syria due to conflict in Lebanon.
    • Minister for Development Anneliese Dodds continues UK call for displaced civilians to be protected and given safe passage away from the violence.

    The most vulnerable civilians fleeing the Lebanon conflict into Syria will be provided with life-saving emergency assistance and healthcare, as the UK boosts its humanitarian support with a £3 million package.

    Taking refuge from the escalating conflict, more than 400,000 people – over half of whom are women and children – are estimated by the UN to have been displaced from Lebanon into Syria since September. The majority of those who have been displaced are Syrians, who initially fled to Lebanon after the Syrian civil war which began in 2014.

    The UK funding will help trusted aid organisations to deliver immediate healthcare at border crossings, including trauma and injury support, as well as targeted protection assistance for women and girls.

    Minister for Development Anneliese Dodds said:

    The humanitarian situation in Lebanon and the wider Middle East is extremely concerning. It is critical that vulnerable civilians fleeing the conflict in Lebanon are given safe passage, and for their lives to be protected.

    Today’s package of emergency assistance will provide support to those most in need as they continue to risk their lives to make this dangerous journey.

    Of the £3 million in funding, £2 million has been allocated to the UN OCHA led Syria Humanitarian Fund, with £500,000 given to both the International Medical Corps UK and UNFPA.

    International Medical Corps UK Country Director Wafaa Sadek said:

    This new contribution builds on the generous support from the FCDO, helping the International Medical Corps to deliver essential healthcare and humanitarian aid to people crossing from Lebanon into Syria.

    Thanks to FCDO funding, International Medical Corps has already deployed three Mobile Medical Teams to address the growing needs—one serving Damascus and Rural Damascus, another covering Latakia and Tartous, and a third focusing on Hama and Homs governorates.

    This announcement follows more than £4 billion of funding that the UK has contributed since 2011 in lifesaving and life-sustaining assistance for the victims of the crisis in Syria – its largest ever response to a single humanitarian crisis.

    In Lebanon, we have already announced £10 million of aid to respond to a widespread lack of shelter, and reduced access to clean water, hygiene and healthcare. This is in addition to £5 million already provided to UNICEF. The government is also supporting the DEC Middle East Humanitarian Appeal, with the government aid matching up to £10 million raised by the public. 

    The UK is clear that a wider regional conflict must be avoided at all costs and is committed to working with partners to secure a ceasefire on all sides.

    Notes to Editors:

    • Today’s allocation of funding comes from the UK’s annual Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) package for Syria, which is totalled at £97m for FY 24-25.
    • In addition, £6m will be released from the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) – to which the UK contributes centrally and is a leading donor– for the UN response to new arrivals from Lebanon in Syria.
    • Syria remains an unsafe destination for vulnerable people, including Syrian refugees, who should only return to Syria voluntarily in a safe and dignified manner.
    • UK commits additional £10 million of aid to Lebanon – GOV.UK

    Media enquiries

    Email newsdesk@fcdo.gov.uk

    Telephone 020 7008 3100

    Contact the FCDO Communication Team via email (monitored 24 hours a day) in the first instance, and we will respond as soon as possible.

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Lord Mayor of London’s Dinner for HM Judges 2024: Lord Chancellor’s Speech

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    At this annual event for HM Judges the Rt Hon Shabana Mahmood MP spoke about the importance of prisons in maintaining the rule of law.

    Political content has been removed from this transcript

    My Lord Mayor, Lady Mayoress, my Lady Chief Justice, members of His Majesty’s judiciary, ladies and gentlemen.

    I want to thank Michael [Mainelli, Lord Mayor] and Elisabeth [Reuß, Lady Mayoress] for hosting us this evening…

    And express my gratitude for their year of service to the City of London…

    I am looking forward to welcoming the next Lord Mayor, Alastair King, in a ceremony at the House of Lords on Monday.

    As the first Muslim Lord Chancellor, I’m afraid I won’t partake in sipping port from the Loving Cups…

    But I am looking forward to the shortbread.

    Let me say what an honour it is to be here for the first time as Lord Chancellor.

    Unlike most of my 11 predecessors across the last 14 years…

    It will not also be my last.

    I understand that, in the past, my predecessors have peppered these speeches with humour.

    But you may have seen the very serious announcements that I made earlier today…

    And so, sadly, this is not a time for levity.

    Instead, I want to take this opportunity to explain why I had to make them and what they mean.  

    But let me start with something that should never be contentious: the rule of law.

    My parents came to the UK just a few decades ago…

    Leaving a country created by partition. 

    They were so-called ‘Mangla Dam affectees’…

    A people whose land was seized and then flooded by an overbearing and unaccountable state.

    But when they came here, to Britain…

    They found a home where no one is above the law – not even a government… 

    And where no one can fall below it either.

    It was that inheritance…

    And an argumentative disposition…

    That led me to the bar…

    And left me with an enduring belief in the sanctity of the rule of law…

    The most enduring of British values.

    That defines who we are and how our country works.

    Here, the law rules, not the mob…

    And our disagreements are resolved through the careful crafting of arguments.

    This Great British value is also of great value to Britain…

    Underpinning our economy…

    Giving businesses, large and small, the confidence to trade….

    In the knowledge that any disputes that arise will be settled fairly.

    In every instance, those who come before the courts…

    Know that their case will be decided on the facts by learned judges – by you…

    And that those judgments will be done without interference or commentary…

    From politicians like me or my colleagues.

    The oath that I swore when I took this job: to respect the rule of law and defend the independence of the judiciary…

    Is one that I take extremely seriously.

    It was at the forefront of my mind when I was appointed as Lord Chancellor.

    Our prisons were not just in crisis…

    They were on the point of collapse.

    Weeks away from running out of space altogether.

    And had that happened, the consequences are hard to contemplate:

    The police unable to make arrests…

    Your courts forced to cancel trials.

    Justice would have come to a grinding halt.

    As my officials explained the enormity of the situation…

    My oath rang in my ears.

    Would I be the Lord Chancellor who days after swearing to uphold the rule of law…

    Oversaw the breakdown of law and order?

    I had no choice but to take drastic action…

    To make sure the justice system could continue to function…

    Anything else would have been a betrayal of my constitutional duty.

    I simply could not allow that to happen.

    So, I took the decision to bring forward the release point for some prisoners serving standard determinate sentences…

    From the usual 50 percent to 40 percent…

    Spending the remainder on strict licence conditions in the community.

    The first releases happened in September and more took place today.

    Given the disgraceful disorder just a few weeks after we took office, the necessity of that decision was soon apparent.

    At one point, the prison places remaining in the adult male estate…

    Fell into double figures.

    And let me place on record, once again, my deepest thanks for all that you did this summer…

    Handing down justice, swiftly, to those responsible.

    I have no doubt at all that your work brought that disorder to a halt.

    The measures that I was forced to take…

    To bring our prisons back from the brink…

    Were not a long-term solution.

    So today, in parliament, I set out a long-term plan for our prisons…

    To ensure the scenes that we have witnessed today, of the emergency release of prisoners, are never witnessed again.

    And that starts by building more prisons.

    But we must be honest:  

    We cannot build our way out of this crisis.

    This isn’t a matter of ideology.

    It is simple mathematics.

    Every year, our prison population grows by around 4,500 prisoners…

    To keep up with that demand would require us to build the equivalent of HMP Birmingham, in my own constituency, four and a half times over, every single year.  

    We simply cannot build that fast.

    For that reason, I have today launched a landmark review of sentencing.

    It will have one clear goal:

    To ensure we are never again in a position where we have more prisoners than space in our prisons.

    The review will follow 3 principles:

    First, sentences must punish offenders and protect the public.

    For dangerous offenders, prison will always remain the answer.

    Punishment and public protection will be this government’s first priority.

    There will be dangerous offenders who must always receive a custodial sentence…

    And there must always be space in our prisons for them.

    The second principle of the review is that sentences must encourage offenders to turn their backs on lives of crime.

    The system needs both sticks and carrots.

    In this, I will be encouraging the reviewers to learn from those who have succeeded in other jurisdictions.

    The third principle of the review will be to expand punishment that offenders receive outside of prison.

    There are already ways that we severely constrain offenders…

    Limiting their freedom outside of prison.

    Those under Home Detention Curfews are, in practice, under a highly effective form of house arrest.

    And sobriety tags enforce teetotalism almost as strict as my own.

    And we must explore how the next generation of technology can ensure the eyes of the state follow an offender on the outside…

    As closely – or even more so – than a prison officer, on the inside.

    Moving punishment out of prison – for those who can be safely managed there – has huge benefits:

    Outside of prison, offenders can engage in work that pays back the communities and individuals who they have harmed.

    And the evidence is clear that those who serve their sentences outside prison are far less likely to reoffend…

    Making our streets safer…

    And reducing the cost to society of reoffending, which has been most recently valued at over £22bn a year.

    I am pleased to say that the review will be led by a former Lord Chancellor, David Gauke…

    A highly regarded Minister who served in multiple roles across government…

    And who I know earned the trust and respect of many of you in the room this evening.

    I will work with him to assemble a panel of reviewers who will draw together deep expertise and experience in the criminal justice system…

    Including judicial colleagues.

    And the review will take a bipartisan and evidence-based look at an issue that has – for far too long – been a political football, booted around by both sides.

    David Gauke will report back with his recommendations in the Spring…

    And I look forward to discussing them with the senior judiciary then.

    I know that for many in this room, it may seem like this government is preoccupied with what is happening in our prisons…

    Where an acute crisis could easily shroud the great challenges that we face across our justice system.

    I want you to know that I fully recognise all of those challenges…

    I know our courts backlogs are at historic highs…

    That, for far too many victims, justice delayed now means justice denied.

    I know you are working under immense pressure…

    In the delivery of justice…

    And in the defence of the rule of law.

    This government will support you.

    Speaking before a budget, my lips are – by necessity – sealed.

    But let me say this:

    This government will pursue the hard work of restoring and reforming our justice system.

    We will support you in delivering justice more swiftly…

    We will promote this country’s standing as a global beacon of the rule of law…

    And we will back our legal sector, which is so vital to this government’s mission to kickstart economic growth.

    All this, I must acknowledge, will take time.

    I know that you have grown weary of the merry-go-round of Lord Chancellors…

    Holding this ancient office for the blink of an eye…

    With every judges’ dinner yet another introduction…

    More warm words and bromides from the new Lord Chancellor…

    Who promises the world but goes out with a whimper.

    This time, it will be different.

    I am a Lord Chancellor who is here for the long haul.

    I won’t hide the difficulty of the job at hand.

    But nor will I resile from the hard work of pursuing it.

    I will, I must admit, need your support along the way.

    When times are good…

    And when we agree…

    We will support each other.

    And when we disagree, as I am sure we will on occasion…

    We must be frank with each other, albeit in private…

    Always critical friends in the pursuit of a shared endeavour.

    As I mentioned earlier, the rule of law runs strongly through my background.

    My parents did not study Magna Carta, Habeas Corpus and the Bill of Rights, as I would go on to do.  

    But they had a strong sense when they arrived here from rural Kashmir…

    That this country was different…

    Because it has rules to which all people are subject.

    That inheritance from my parents only grew stronger…

    As I went on to practise and was then elected to Parliament.  

    My personal commitment to the rule of law is something you should never doubt.  

    I hope I have shown already that I am willing to take the difficult and even unpopular decisions required to ensure that justice can be done in this country.

    It is a habit I intend to keep…

    As we, together, uphold the rule of law and promote justice…

    Through a period of great challenge, but also of great opportunity.

    It is an honour to be here with you this evening, as we embark upon it.

    Which leaves me only to thank our gracious hosts, who have brought us here together…

    So let’s raise our glasses and toast:

    The Lord Mayor and Lady Mayoress!  

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: The UK welcomes the unanimous mandate renewal of the Multinational Security Support mission to Haiti: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Statement by Ambassador James Kariuki, UK Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN, at the UN Security Council meeting on Haiti.

    Thank you President. I thank SRSG Salvador and Executive Director Russell for their briefings. I welcome the participation of the Permanent Representatives of Haiti and Kenya as well as Foreign Minister Álvarez Hill from the Dominican Republic in our meeting today.

    And I would also like to thank Ms. Auguste Ducéna for joining us today. As you and the other briefers made clear, the crisis in Haiti continues to bring unimaginable daily suffering and misery to the Haitian people. This Council remains shocked and appalled by the barbarity and human rights abuses committed by gangs.

    The UK welcomes the unanimous mandate renewal of the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission to Haiti and pays tribute to Kenya’s leadership. We welcome the deployment of personnel from Kenya, Jamaica and Belize to the MSS as well as the pledged contributions from other nations. The MSS remains vital to supporting Haitian efforts to resolve instability and we commend the initial progress it has made alongside the Haitian National Police. It is important to ensure international security efforts are sustainable and support the Haitian government in addressing the root causes of the crisis. 

    We are also grateful to BINUH for their work to establish coordination between Haitian stakeholders, the MSS, and the international community. The UK has pledged over $6 million to support the deployment of the MSS through strengthening the mission’s human rights compliance framework. We expect the first tranche of funding to be released imminently.

    The Transitional Presidential Council must work together for the benefit of the Haitian people. We urge Haitian political and civil society, with the active participation of women and youth, to seize this opportunity to create the conditions necessary for lasting change.

    President, in a welcome step this Council decided to expand the UN Haiti sanctions designation list and for the first time targeted an individual responsible for financing destabilising gang activity.

    In conclusion, we call on all political actors to work together to address Haiti’s serious challenges and to refrain from acting based on personal or partisan interests. There is a chance to bring the peace and security that the Haitian people need and deserve.

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: VR offers new opportunities for Social Work students

    Source: Anglia Ruskin University

    Published: 23 October 2024 at 13:30

    Cutting-edge technology allows students to experience realistic scenarios without risk

    Social workers of the future are now using cutting-edge virtual reality technology to replicate scenarios and complement their education at Anglia Ruskin University (ARU).

    The new materials have been created at ARU by Vanessa Ferguson, Leighanne Wilson, Dr Marques Hardin and Paul Driver, and a partnership between ARU and Bloomsbury Publishers means that Social Work students at subscribing institutions are able to access the simulations via the Bloomsbury Social Work Toolkit.

    An example scenario replicated by the technology is a simulated home visit, which gives students the opportunity to look around freely, spot any potential issues or signs of neglect, and click on hotspots to find out more information.

    Beginning with a referral or initial case notes, learners are prompted to record their thoughts, concerns, and reflections. From there, they can complete a series of preparatory activities to ensure they are ready for their simulated home visit. These activities test learners’ knowledge of relevant legislation and help prepare them for real-world scenarios they may encounter in their social work practice.

    All ARU students now have access to the technology through their online learning portal. The VR learning will complement the existing teaching and real-life placements that students undergo as part of their three-year undergraduate degree.

    This year is the first time ARU’s Social Work course has included virtual reality technology. A recent Office for Students (OfS) grant means ARU is equipping its campuses in Cambridge, Chelmsford and Peterborough with state-of-the-art VR facilities to be used by a range of courses, including Nursing and Midwifery, as well as Social Work.

    Vanessa Ferguson, Associate Professor and Lecturer in Social Work at ARU, said:

    “A crucial part of a social worker’s role is the home visit, which has traditionally been challenging to replicate in a teaching environment and so students have relied on experience gained in placement.

    “The VR simulation offers them the chance to replicate these home visits and provides a safe environment to discuss their findings with their peers and tutors. 

    “We are delighted to be partnering with Bloomsbury to help improve the experience for our Social Work students, as well as students across the country, and we look forward to developing new scenarios to enhance their learning further.”

    Helen Caunce, Senior Publisher at Bloomsbury Publishers, said:

    “We are excited to announce the launch of immersive 360° social work simulations. Helping to prepare students for their placements can be a challenge and these valuable resources will provide much-needed support as students enter a new stage in their journey.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Additional Translink services for Derry Halloween announced

    Source: Northern Ireland – City of Derry

    Additional Translink services for Derry Halloween announced

    23 October 2024

    Translink has announced additional and enhanced services for bus and rail in Derry~Londonderry for the upcoming Halloween festival, ensuring thousands of locals and visitors are better-connected to the celebrations.

    As Europe’s biggest Halloween festival prepares to descend upon the Northwest, public transport provides people with a safe, convenient, and sustainable way of travelling to, from and around the city.

     

    On Halloween night (Thursday 31st October), Translink will be running a number of additional Foyle Metro, Ulsterbus and Goldliner services from Foyle Street Bus Station:

    • 21:00 – additional 1a service to Culmore
    • 21:10 – additional 3n service covering Kilfennan, Currynierin and Drumahoe
    • 21:10 – additional 98 service to Strabane via Newbuildings
    • 22:00 – additional 212 service to Castledawson

     

    The public are also advised to note some service adjustments:

    • 4c – 20:25 from Foyle Street and 20:45 from Currynierin not running due to road closures for the fireworks display. Passengers can instead avail of the 3n service from Foyle Street at 21:10.
    • 6a – 20:20 to Newbuildings and 20:35 return not running due to road closures for the fireworks display. Passengers can avail of the 98 service to Newbuildings at 21:10.
    • 8b – 20:50 from Foyle Street to Creggan moved to 21:00, with return moving from 21:05 to 21:15.
    • 10a – 20:40 Ballymagroarty service moved to 21:00, with return moved from 21:00 to 21:20
    • 11a – 20:40 to Woodbrook moved to 21:00

     

    At the North West Transport Hub, additional capacity has been added to the 21:38 train departure to Belfast Grand Central Station, followed by an additional rail service at 22:38 to Coleraine Station.

     

    A special coach service will also operate from Belfast Grand Central Station on Halloween at 3pm, making its return journey from Foyle Street Bus Centre at 9pm. Tickets for this service are available to book online by visiting: translink.co.uk/events.

     

    Mayor of Derry City & Strabane District Council, Cllr Lilian Seenoi Barr, said: “I am delighted that Translink is once again supporting our world-famous Halloween celebrations by providing additional services that will allow families and individuals to use public transport to access and enjoy our events.

     

    “Halloween continues to be our biggest event of the year and it’s fantastic that we have additional services to encourage the public to attend our events and help ease traffic congestion and parking in our city centre. A huge thanks to Translink and our partners for their continued support in helping us promote sustainability and accessibility at our festival.”

     

    Sarah Simpson, Northern Area Manager at Translink, added: “Our commitment to sustainability and providing greener travel options aligns perfectly with the city’s own aspirations, so we are delighted to be running these additional and enhanced services for Derry~Londonderry, ensuring better connectivity to Europe’s biggest Halloween festival.

     

    “With these services, we aim to encourage even more people to make the switch away from private motoring, enjoy the many benefits of public transport and help create a cleaner, greener region for everyone.”

     

    Contactless ticketing is now available on all Translink buses and coaches, providing even more convenience and flexibility, reducing cash payments and ensuring faster boarding. Those planning on travelling to the city from further afield during the Halloween period can also avail of Translink’s Family and Friends ticket for just £24, including unlimited day travel on all services – both bus and rail – within Northern Ireland. This ticket permits up to two adults and four children.

     

    Full timetable and fare information is available at http://www.translink.co.uk, Translink’s Journey Planner, or by calling into Foyle Street Bus Station. 

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Debates – Monday, 21 October 2024 – Strasbourg – Provisional edition

    Source: European Parliament

    Verbatim report of proceedings
     413k  815k
    Monday, 21 October 2024 – Strasbourg Provisional edition

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
    President

     
    1. Resumption of the session

     

      President. – I declare resumed the session of the European Parliament adjourned on Thursday, 10 October 2024.

     

    2. Opening of the sitting

       

    (The sitting opened at 17:03)

     

    3. Statements by the President

     

      President. – Dear colleagues, on the results of the presidential election and referendum in Moldova, the people in Moldova have chosen their future: they chose hope, stability, opportunity. They chose Europe.

    (Applause)

    The European Parliament strongly condemns any activities and interferences in Moldova’s presidential election and constitutional referendum on EU integration.

    We are proud to be one of Moldova’s strongest allies and supporters. We understand that Moldova’s future lies within the European Union and we fully support its EU accession path.

    President Maia Sandu and her government have already made remarkable progress in implementing reforms. And while the road ahead may not always be easy, I want to assure our European Moldovan friends that the European Parliament will continue to be with them every step of the way.

    Also, dear colleagues, on 16 October we marked 7 years since the brutal assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia, a Maltese investigative journalist who exposed corruption and organised crime. Those who thought they could silence her were wrong. In fact, her work sparked a movement that echoes in every corner where we pursue a Europe that protects journalists, that respects the rule of law.

    I am grateful to have known Daphne beyond her writing: as a woman battling the odds; as a mother who was so proud of the men her boys grew into; as a daughter, wife and sister who wanted more from her country. And she raised the bar for all of us in politics. But most of all, today I think about how we must keep Daphne’s memory alive; how the European Parliament will keep pushing for the truth, for justice and for accountability.

    It is for this reason that the European Parliament is proud to be hosting the fourth edition of the Daphne Caruana Galizia Prize for outstanding journalism. And I take this moment to encourage you to attend the award ceremony this Wednesday in the Daphne Caruana Galizia Press Room, to honour the bravery of all those who continue to carry her legacy forward.

    This House remembers her and we honour her legacy.

    (Applause)

     

    4. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting

     

      President. – The minutes and the texts adopted of the sitting of 10 October 2024 are available. Are there any comments? No? The minutes are therefore approved.

     

    5. Composition of Parliament

     

      President. – The competent authorities of Poland have notified me of the election of Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz to the European Parliament, replacing Marcin Kierwiński with effect from 10 October 2024.

    I wish to welcome our new colleague and recall that she takes her seat in Parliament and its bodies in full enjoyment of her rights, pending the verification of her credentials.

     

    6. Composition of committees and delegations

     

      President. – The PfE Group has notified me of decisions relating to changes to appointments within the committees and delegations. These decisions will be set out in the minutes of today’s sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement.

     

    7. Negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading (Rule 73)

     

      President. – The TRAN Committee has decided to enter into interinstitutional negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading, pursuant to Rule 73 of the Rules of Procedure.

    The positions adopted by Parliament at first reading, which constitute the mandates for those negotiations, are available on the plenary webpage, and their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

     

    8. Corrigenda (Rule 251)

     

      President. – The competent committees have transmitted nine corrigenda to texts adopted by Parliament.

    Pursuant to Rule 251, these corrigenda will be deemed approved unless, no later than 24 hours after their announcement, a request is made by a political group or Members reaching at least the low threshold that they be put to the vote.

    The corrigenda are available on the plenary webpage. Their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

     

    9. Signing of acts adopted in accordance with the ordinary legislative procedure (Rule 81)




     

      Marc Botenga (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, vous savez que, sur la base de l’article 188, les députés européens gagnent facilement 14 000 euros par mois. Pourtant, chaque année, notre groupe demande de baisser ces salaires pour que les députés soient un tout petit peu plus en phase avec la réalité des travailleurs, qui, eux, peinent à boucler les fins de mois. Chaque année, ce vote permet de démasquer les députés qui, d’une part, prêchent l’austérité et la misère pour les travailleurs, mais, d’autre part, s’octroient, eux, un salaire généreux de 14 000 euros par mois.

    Mais aujourd’hui, en coulisses, vous nous dites que ce n’est plus acceptable et vous voulez empêcher ce vote – je sais bien, chers collègues, que vous ne voulez pas que l’on touche à vos privilèges. Vous nous dites que ces revenus sont garantis par d’autres textes. Mais justement, en refusant aujourd’hui de voter le budget nécessaire, nous pouvons ouvrir cette porte pour faire le premier pas et revoir tout cela.

    L’année dernière, vous aviez permis ces amendements. Qu’est-ce qui a changé, qui ne serait plus vrai aujourd’hui? Serait-ce parce que la campagne électorale est terminée? Madame la Présidente, je vous prie, revoyez cette décision. La politique sert à servir et non à se servir.

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much, Mr Botenga. I will give you the explanation.

    You file a point of order under Rule 188, which is actually a point of order, but I will answer you. The amendments tabled by your group on the lines and figures of the general budget 2025 concerning salaries and allowances, etc., have been examined and declared inadmissible, simply because we want to apply the rules.

    And I will tell you why: it is because they are in contradiction with the existing regulations, in other words, the Statute for Members of the European Parliament and the Council Regulation determining the emoluments of EU high-level public office holders, based on Articles 243 TFEU and 223 TFEU. So the right procedure would be to call on the responsible institutions to amend the mentioned regulations.

    However, you will have seen as well, in this spirit, that the corresponding amendment that you tabled to the resolution on the general budget calling for this change has been declared admissible, because that can be declared admissible.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, quero expressar o meu total desacordo com a sua decisão discricionária e sem fundamento de recusar, sem justificação, a proposta de debate sobre o agravamento da situação humanitária em Gaza, na sequência das declarações do coordenador especial da ONU para o processo de paz no Médio Oriente. Na quinta-feira, a ONU declarou que mais de um milhão e oitocentos mil palestinianos enfrentam fome extrema. Ontem mesmo, aquele coordenador especial da ONU emitiu um comunicado falando de pesadelo, cenas horripilantes na zona norte, ataques israelitas implacáveis e uma crise humanitária cada vez pior e, cito, que «nenhum lugar é seguro em Gaza», condenando os contínuos ataques contra civis. Aquele responsável disse: «A guerra tem de parar agora».

    Apesar de tudo isto ter acontecido em condições que permitiam que o debate aqui fosse feito, a senhora presidente recusou aceitar sequer a proposta. Desafio-a a colocar à votação este pedido de debate. Enquanto continuarem a chover bombas em Gaza, a morrer crianças, mulheres e civis, este debate será sempre urgente e imprescindível.

     
       


     

      Virginie Joron (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, chers démocrates, chers légalistes, je souhaite faire un rappel au règlement. Son article 219 prévoit le respect de l’égalité des genres dans la composition des bureaux des commissions. Cette égalité n’est pourtant pas respectée, pas plus que le résultat des urnes, c’est-à-dire de la démocratie.

    En effet, Madame la Présidente, vous avez accepté de ne pas respecter la démocratie en accordant une dérogation au principe de l’égalité des genres pour M. Weber dans plusieurs bureaux de commissions, ignorant par là même plus de 20 millions de nos électeurs.

    Comment pouvez-vous accepter que la commission CONT, qui contrôle le budget de l’Union européenne – et qui doit donner l’exemple –, continue de ne pas respecter nos règles? Vous souhaitez exporter l’égalité des genres jusqu’au Kazakhstan ou encore lui consacrer une semaine en décembre, mais ce principe n’est déjà pas respecté au sein de la commission CONT, au cœur même de notre institution. En ne disposant pas d’une quatrième vice-présidence, la composition du bureau de la commission CONT viole notre règlement.

    Madame la Présidente, je vous remercie de faire le nécessaire pour mettre un terme à cette hypocrisie et respecter notre devise, «Unie dans la diversité».

     
       


     

      Manon Aubry (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, ça tombe bien, j’avais envie de vous parler de démocratie et de faire un rappel au règlement sur la base de l’article 154, qui traite des accords interinstitutionnels, pour évoquer l’état des négociations entre l’Union européenne et le Mercosur. Je vais commencer, chers collègues, par une question assez simple: qui trouve normal que le plus important accord de libre-échange jamais conclu par l’Union européenne soit en train d’être signé en catimini, sans que notre Parlement ait la moindre information, quelle qu’elle soit? Allez-y, dites-moi qui est d’accord avec cela et levez la main.

    Vous le voyez bien – et j’ai fait le compte –, cela fait exactement cinq ans que la Commission européenne n’a pas donné ni publié le moindre compte-rendu officiel sur l’état des négociations. Bien entendu, cet accord de libre-échange aura un impact désastreux sur nos agriculteurs, qui souffrent déjà, sur la santé et sur la planète.

    Mes chers collègues, c’est aussi un scandale démocratique. Comment accepter d’être ainsi tenus à l’écart? C’est pourquoi, Madame la Présidente, je vous prierais de demander des comptes à la Commission européenne afin qu’elle nous tienne enfin informés, parce qu’on ne peut pas se laisser ainsi «bananer». Il est temps!

     
       


     

      President. – As you can see, your colleagues agree with you. This is something that has been an outstanding issue and we can put pressure on the incoming Commission to respect the deadlines that we have set.

     

    10. Order of business


     

      Terry Reintke, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues, last Friday, an Italian court invalidated the detention of 16 asylum applicants sent to Albania by the Italian Government. Italy is a democracy, with an independent judiciary and courts that can freely rule on existing cases, also to stop illegal actions by the government. Still, members of the ruling far-right coalition, including members of the government, attacked this independent judiciary and the judges that ruled in this case.

    Colleagues, we cannot stay silent on this: rule of law, including separation of powers, is a key fundament of the European Union. We have waited for far too long regarding Hungary to speak up. We cannot make the same mistake again. That is why my group requests a debate with the following title: ‘Commission statement regarding the ruling of the Italian court related to the agreement between Italy and Albania on migration’.

     
       



     

      Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Madam President, I think it is clear and already stated that this request should not be supported. It’s very clear. It’s not about a protocol about Italy and Albania, as you say in what you’re asking for. Also, it’s not even a final decision in the court, and it’s also a decision based on an EU directive that actually will be replaced once the new migration pact is fully adopted.

    I think it’s also about the general question, because we had a request in plenary before, from the Patriots, about another decision. We could, of course, make this Chamber nothing else than debating different court decisions. I think when it comes to migration policy, we should be serious, we should be balanced, and we should use our time to actually debate real things and not only try to make court decisions that you may like or not like to be in favour of them.

    So that is why the EPP will reject this request.

     
       


     

      Fabienne Keller, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, nous savons que le nouveau pacte sur la migration et l’asile et la politique migratoire ont occupé l’essentiel du Conseil européen de la fin de la semaine dernière. C’est un sujet de préoccupation pour nos concitoyens.

    Nous sommes fiers, tous ici dans cette Chambre, d’avoir adopté un pacte, d’avoir trouvé un équilibre pour traiter la question de la migration illégale, tout en respectant nos valeurs. Nous savons aussi, chers collègues, qu’il nous faudra encore deux années pour le mettre en œuvre. Nous ne pouvons dès lors pas accepter qu’un État membre utilise une voie détournée pour contourner ce que prévoit le pacte et les règles précises que nous avons définies ensemble.

    C’est pourquoi nous proposons de rebondir sur la proposition des Verts et d’ajouter la dimension «mise en œuvre du pacte» dans son ensemble, c’est-à-dire vis-à-vis de ses devoirs, de l’application de ses règles, mais aussi des garanties des droits de l’homme et du respect des droits fondamentaux que nous y avons intégrés. C’est dans cet esprit que nous proposons ce débat amendé.

     
       

     

      President. – Ms Reintke, do you agree with the alternative proposal? So the Green Group does not. Therefore, I will put the original request by the Green Group to a vote by roll call.

    (Parliament rejected the request)

    I now ask Ms Keller: do you want to keep your request? Yes, Ms Keller wants to keep the request, so the proposal from the Renew Group is now put to a vote by roll call.

    (Parliament rejected the request)

    So the agenda remains unchanged.

    The agenda is now adopted and the order of business is thus established.

     

    11. International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (debate)

     

      President. – The first item is the debate on Parliament’s statement on the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (2024/2881(RSP)).

    Dear colleagues, last week, on 17 October, we marked the International Day of the Eradication of Poverty. Poverty is not inevitable. It is a challenge that we can – and we must – overcome. Across the world, far too many people still struggle. Far too many people do not have access to clean water, to clothing, shelter, health care or education. And far too many people are excluded from society, denied the possibility of a dignified job, not given the opportunities to achieve their potential. Given that 1 in 5 Europeans and 1 in 4 children under the age of 18 in the European Union is at risk of poverty or social exclusion, the reality is as serious as it is alarming.

    Here in the European Parliament, we refuse to be bystanders. We are proud of all the work we have done already in making our Europe a front-liner in the fight against poverty, and yet more work remains. Poverty is a symptom of inequality, and we understand the responsibility that we bear to ensure that every person – no matter who they are or where they come from – has a chance to live with dignity, with purpose.

    This is why the European Parliament is looking forward to seeing the European Union’s first anti-poverty strategy that was announced in the 2024-2029 Political Guidelines of the European Commission. This is a positive step forward. By investing in education, affordable housing and job creation, by ensuring our social safety net works, we can lift millions out of poverty.

    This House will continue turning our policies into concrete action, and we will continue to fight for fairness, for dignity and for opportunity for all.

     
       


     

      Gabriele Bischoff, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Tat: Wir sprechen inzwischen von 100 Millionen Menschen, die in Europa, einem der reichsten Kontinente, von Armut und sozialer Ausgrenzung bedroht sind; Frau Präsidentin hat es gesagt: mehr als jeder fünfte Mensch hier in Europa. Und dieser Internationale Tag zur Abschaffung der Armut, der muss wirklich ein Weckruf hier sein, weil wir mehr brauchen.

    Ja, wir brauchen eine Armutsstrategie, aber wir brauchen auch konkrete Politiken, und eine davon ist in der Tat, dass wir ein festes Budget von 20 Milliarden in einem eigenen ESF+ für die Kindergarantie brauchen, um die 19 Millionen Kinder – 19 Millionen, denen die Zukunft gestohlen wurde – besser vor Armut zu schützen, und wir brauchen Maßnahmen.

    Aber wir dürfen nicht nur national bleiben, sondern nach den Verträgen ist Armutsbekämpfung auch das Hauptziel der europäischen Entwicklungspolitik. Das muss so bleiben und muss unser Kompass sein zur Bekämpfung der Armut auf der ganzen Welt.

     
       

     

      Malika Sorel, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, 34 % des Européens renoncent à des soins médicaux, et nombre de jeunes, de nos jeunes, sont en grande souffrance. C’est la tiers-mondisation de nos nations. L’Europe d’Hippocrate, de Pasteur et de Marie Curie n’est même plus capable de soigner les siens, tandis qu’elle érige en dogme la préférence extra-européenne.

    Alors que la pauvreté touche chacune de nos nations, la Commission va verser 1,8 milliard d’euros à la Moldavie. De plus, l’immigration issue des couches sociales les plus pauvres bat des records. Pour Enrico Letta, aucune réforme, aucun progrès ne sera possible sans la participation des citoyens. Cette participation, je vous le dis, est impossible, car ces conditions ne sont pas réunies.

    Relisons Jean-Jacques Rousseau: «Voulons-nous que les peuples soient vertueux? Commençons donc par leur faire aimer la patrie: mais comment l’aimeront-ils si la patrie ne leur accorde que ce qu’elle ne peut refuser à personne?». Nous sommes là au cœur du mal qui détruit l’Europe. Chers collègues, j’aimerais comprendre: est-ce l’indifférence – ou pire: le cynisme – qui conduit à nous lamenter sur une pauvreté que nous organisons?

     
       

     

      Chiara Gemma, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la povertà non è soltanto una questione economica: è una piaga sociale che mina la dignità e la speranza delle persone. Combatterla è un dovere morale e una responsabilità politica che deve impegnarci tutti, senza eccezioni.

    C’è un aspetto che merita una particolare attenzione e che troppo spesso viene trascurato: la condizione delle persone con disabilità, che sono tra le più esposte al rischio di povertà. I dati parlano chiaro: il 28,8% delle persone con disabilità in Europa vive in condizioni di povertà e di esclusione sociale.

    Questo dato è inaccettabile, soprattutto se pensiamo che stiamo parlando di una categoria già vulnerabile, che deve affrontare non solo le difficoltà economiche, ma anche le barriere strutturali, culturali e sociali che la società impone.

    Non possiamo tollerare che in un’Europa che si proclama “paladina dei diritti umani e dell’inclusione”, quasi un terzo delle persone con disabilità viva in condizioni di disagio economico. La nostra forza si misura dalla capacità di includere chi è già più debole.

     
       

     

      Charles Goerens, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, la lutte contre la pauvreté doit se manifester tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Cela étant, la pratique semble confirmer ce propos.

    L’Union européenne n’a certes pas réussi à éliminer la pauvreté, comme chacun de nous le souhaiterait. À sa décharge, rappelons que ses compétences sont insuffisantes pour régler ce problème. Les États membres, par contre, disposent de moyens ô combien supérieurs à ceux dont dispose la Commission. À ce propos, l’on constate que les États membres qui ont de meilleurs résultats en matière de lutte contre la misère chez eux sont souvent les mêmes que ceux qui s’impliquent le plus dans la coopération au développement en faveur des pays du Sud.

    Cette corrélation n’est pas anodine. Elle nous fait penser que la solidarité est indivisible. C’est donc une question de cohérence, une question d’équité, qui s’applique dans le même esprit tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Pour appuyer mon propos, il suffit de lire les rapports annuels du Programme des Nations unies pour le développement et d’en comparer les résultats à ceux obtenus en matière de lutte contre la misère au sein des États membres.

     
       


     

      Leila Chaibi, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, en France, 1 jeune sur 4 vit sous le seuil de pauvreté, et 1 étudiant sur 2 est obligé de sauter un repas par jour. Vous vous souvenez de ces files d’attente interminables devant l’aide alimentaire pendant la pandémie de COVID-19? Ces images, elles avaient fait le tour du monde. C’était il y a quatre ans. Et que s’est il passé depuis? Rien.

    Pourquoi l’Union européenne ne demande-t-elle pas aux gouvernements de proposer le repas à 1 euro pour les étudiants? Pourquoi continuons-nous à agir comme si la pauvreté était un phénomène météorologique, une espèce de catastrophe naturelle? Non, la pauvreté ne tombe pas du ciel. Sans inégalités, il n’y a pas de pauvreté. Bernard Arnault, l’homme le plus riche du monde, a vu sa fortune dépasser les 200 milliards d’euros, soit plus que le PIB de la Slovaquie. Imaginez ce qu’on pourrait faire avec cette somme. On pourrait faire 200 000 hôpitaux, 40 000 écoles.

    Vous voulez agir contre la pauvreté? Taxez les plus riches, taxez les multinationales, allez chercher l’argent là où il est.

     
       

     

      Petar Volgin, от името на групата ESN. – Скъпи колеги, дълго време силните на деня обясняваха, че когато глобализацията окончателно победи, когато бъдат премахнати всички държавни граници и всички държавни пречки пред бизнеса, ние ще станем богати и щастливи. Разказваха ни, че когато милионерът стане милиардер, това ще направи и нас, обикновените хора богати. Защото нали според постулатите на така наречената „трикъл даун” икономика („trickle down economy“) или икономика на просмукването, приливът повдигал всички лодки. Само че действителността се оказа много по-различна.

    Да, богатите ставаха още по-богати, милионерите ставаха милиардери, но лодките на обикновенните хора не се повдигаха, даже много от тях потънаха. Колкото повече държавата минаваше на заден план, толкова повече се увеличаваха неравенствата и бедността. Има само един начин, по който може да бъде преодоляно това. Държавата отново трябва да стане активна. Тя трябва да създаде такива правила, които да помагат на работещите хора да живеят по-добре. Наднационалните институции няма да направят това. Те се грижат за интересите на мега корпорациите. Нужна ни е повече държава и по-малко транснационални институции.

     
       


     

     

      Georgiana Teodorescu (ECR), în scris. – Prin acțiunile sale, Uniunea Europeană s-a declarat responsabilă pentru înverzirea Globului, pentru eliminarea surplusului de carbon, pentru tot ce e „eco” și „bio” la nivel mondial, pentru salvarea migranților, precum și pentru încetarea unor războaie din afara granițelor UE.

    Totuși, când vine vorba de sărăcia în care trăiesc unii dintre europeni, mai ales despre construirea unor programe concrete și asigurarea unui buget corespunzător pentru acest lucru, rămânem la stadiul de discuții frumoase. Iată că marcăm o zi oficială pentru eradicarea sărăciei, în loc să o eradicăm efectiv. În România, unul din cinci cetățeni trăiește sub pragul sărăciei, cifrele fiind mult mai ridicate în rândul tinerilor. Pe acești oameni, ziua internațională a eradicării sărăciei nu îi ajută. Este nevoie de bani și de măsuri concrete.

    Sigur, e onorabil să avem o astfel de zi, nu ne opunem, dar haideți să ne concentrăm mai mult pe fapte și mai puțin pe discursuri pompoase, care au zero efect în asigurarea hranei copiilor săraci ai Europei sau în oferirea unor programe care să-i încurajeze să-și continue studiile.

     

    12. Address by Enrico Letta – Presentation of the report ‘Much More Than a Market’

     

      President. – The next item is the debate on the address by Enrico Letta – presentation of the report ‘Much more than a market’.

    We have today with us former Prime Minister of Italy Enrico Letta to present his report ‘Much more than a market’. Caro Enrico, welcome back to the European Parliament. Your report came at an extremely timely moment.

    As we embark on a new legislative term, this House recognises that the future of Europe will be defined by our ability to make ourselves more competitive; how we are able to grow our economies and pay back our debts, to fuel our innovation and turn seemingly impossible challenges into opportunities, to create jobs and futures with dignity. That is what our people are asking from us. It is why Europeans went to the polls last June, and what our voters are expecting us to deliver on.

    To do all this, we do not need to reinvent the wheel. We already have many tools in place. For over 30 years, the single market has been our Union’s unique growth model, a powerful engine of convergence and our most valuable asset. But we are again at a moment where the single market is in need of a boost.

    The time is now for us to renew our engagement to it, to deepen it, especially when it comes to energy, to finance, telecoms, banking, capital markets and services – to bring it back on par with the needs of the current context.

    Boosting it also means doing more to level the playing field, to reduce excessive bureaucracy and to cut red tape. This is how our single market works best. So, Mr Letta, dear Enrico, the European Parliament is eager to hear your findings and recommendations on how we can bolster our single market and make Europe more competitive.

     
       

     

      Enrico Letta, author of the report ‘Much more than a market’. – Madam President, esteemed Members, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to President Roberta Metsola, the Members of the European Parliament and the groups. It is a particularly emotional moment for me to do so in this Chamber once chaired by David Sassoli. The last time I spoke from this very place was to commemorate him some days after his death. His legacy and his commitment to European values continues to guide and inspire all of us.

    I must also express my deep gratitude to those who commissioned this report and entrusted me with the responsibility to undertake it: the Belgian and Spanish presidencies of the Council of the European Union, along with the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council. It is a great honour for me to be here today, especially after a year of engaging with the European Parliament: more than 20 meetings, groups, committees – the IMCO Committee in particular, subcommittees fostering meaningful dialogue and collaboration.

    This is a decisive moment for the life of the report. The pragmatic proposals it contains can only make a real impact if this very Chamber embraces and advances them.

    This report is not mine. I bear full responsibility for it, of course, but above all, it is the result of a collective exercise developed during a journey that spanned almost the entire European Union, reaching out also to candidate countries for accession and non-EU countries that share with us the single market. Throughout this journey across Europe, I visited 65 cities and took part in over 4 400 meetings, I engaged open social dialogue with all stakeholders. This was not an ideological pursuit, but a pragmatic endeavour. I traveled across Europe and engaged with all stakeholders to find common ground for tangible solutions. And there is one thing I want to stress out here: all the proposals contained in the report do not require Treaty changes. They are very concrete and can be implemented immediately.

    Madame la Présidente, par cette méthode j’ai cherché à honorer l’esprit même du projet d’intégration européenne. Un projet qui s’épanouit dans le dialogue entre les grands et les petits pays, entre les grandes villes et les petites communes, entre des modèles divers de relations industrielles, ainsi qu’entre différentes cultures et histoires. C’était la vision de Jacques Delors, à la mémoire duquel ce rapport est dédié.

    Jacques Delors visait à poser une base solide sur laquelle les grands idéaux européens pourraient prospérer. Il reconnaissait que la passion seule ne pouvait bâtir l’Europe. Il fallait des projets pragmatiques, qui améliorent concrètement la vie des citoyens. Jacques Delors croyait fermement que le succès de l’intégration européenne ne se mesurait pas à l’aune des bénéfices pour les États, mais à l’amélioration de la vie des citoyens. C’est cette approche que j’ai poursuivie et qui m’a inspiré en rédigeant ce rapport.

    The single market has been our greatest achievement. It has fuelled prosperity and it embodies our values. But it was born in a very different era, an era in which both the European Union and the world were smaller, simpler and far less interconnected. More than 20 years ago, we succeeded in integrating our currencies. We created the euro. We integrated this critical dimension which carries important emotional and practical significance for our citizens.

    However, we have not achieved the same level of integration in other key strategic sectors that, paradoxically, would have been far less difficult to integrate: sectors that are now vital for the future of the European economy, in particular. At the inception, three sectors were deliberately kept outside the single market, considered too strategic to extend beyond national borders: finance, electronic communications and energy. In reality, when it comes to these issues, Europe is merely a geographical expression. We are 27, not 1, on telecommunication. We have 27 financial markets, not 1 financial market. The exclusion of these sectors from the completion of the single market was motivated by the belief at that time that domestic control would better serve strategic interests.

    In an increasingly interconnected world and a vastly larger global market, the national dimension is no longer sufficient. It is becoming a ceiling in these sectors. We need to address this paradox, which is one of the main drivers of the current gap with other global powers, and we must act now. Inertia or inaction on this front risks reducing our choices to a single question: whether we want to become a colony of the United States or of China in ten years’ time. Telecommunications, energy and financial markets must be integrated, as we did for the euro. The integration of these sectors is a precondition for our competitiveness and security. There can be no security without independence in connectivity, energy and finance.

    In the report, I propose a roadmap for telecommunications to move from 27 separate markets to 1, from the approximately 80 operators of today to 10, 20 operators. I am not suggesting that we mimic the American or Chinese models here in Europe. These models do not adequately protect consumers as we aim to do in the European Union, but with a single telecoms market, 10, 20 operators can compete while ensuring consumer protection. At the same time, they will be larger and stronger on the global stage. That is what is not happening today with the fragmentation in 27 different markets.

    For energy, the key mission is to invest in interconnections. We must reduce the energy prices in Europe, and the only way is to maximise the diversification of energy sources through a highly interconnected European system. We win through cooperation, not through fragmentation. However, the most important sector to integrate is the financial one, which is in reality today the sum of 27 separate financial markets. This fragmentation is a major factor in Europe’s loss of competitiveness, creating the paradox of having a single currency, the euro, without a fully integrated financial market. We are falling behind the US, which has surged ahead in this sector over the last 15 years, and we are paying a steep price for it. Without a unified financial system, we will be unable to create a new paradigm for economic development, unable to innovate and unable to ensure our security.

    Having unified and significantly larger financial markets would allow Europe to invest in innovation and support its real economy. It would also enable Europe to effectively finance the Green Deal.

    During my journey, one topic has emerged as a priority everywhere: how to support and finance the just, green and digital transition. Let’s be very clear: the Green Deal remains the top priority for the coming years. It is no longer a question of whether Europe will pursue it, but rather how it will be achieved. The legislative term began with a debate on how to approach the Green Deal. In the report, I propose solutions for implementing it that reduce the potential social and economic consequences for Europe. We cannot allow the Green Deal to become a luxury that only the wealthy can afford in our societies. The social and economic dimensions of the Green Deal are essential.

    If we are committed to this, we must also clearly outline how we intend to finance it. Otherwise, we risk engaging in an unrealistic declaration of intent. Without a concrete plan on how to finance it, political backlash and delays are inevitable – outcomes that neither the EU nor the planet can afford. That is why all our energy must be focused on financially supporting the transition. We need an innovative set of tools that can leverage both public and private financing, as both are crucial to meet our massive investment needs.

    There are differing views within the European Union on how to address this funding challenge. We have to be honest: there are often opposing views on this matter. It makes no sense to ignore or hide these differences. But I firmly believe that the single market is not only a fundamental tool, but also the common ground where these diverse positions can converge.

    The initial priority should be to mobilise private capital, where the EU lags behind and has enormous untapped potential. Let me offer two clear as significant examples. Each year, EUR 300 billion of European savings cross the Atlantic to fuel the American financial markets and their real economy. This happens because our financial markets, fragmented as they are, are unable to absorb these resources. But the effect is a paradox. This money ultimately strengthens American companies, which then return to Europe to buy our European companies with our European savers’ money.

    We need a change in mindset. The current lack of integration of Europe’s financial markets is unacceptable. Take also the case of international payment systems: every day, each of us makes several credit or debit card transactions, billions of transactions in total. Yet Italians aren’t happy using a French system. The French aren’t happy using a German system. The Germans aren’t happy to use a Spanish one. As a result, we are all end up being happy to rely on an American system. This example alone highlights the inefficiency of our fragmented approach.

    We have to be pragmatic, not ideological. The fragmentation of Europe’s financial markets plays directly into the hands of other global players, keeping Wall Street and China satisfied and very happy. And this is why, in the report, I proposed the creation of the savings and investments union, building on the incomplete capital markets union. By fully integrating financial markets, the savings and investments union aims to close the gap in a sector where we have enormous potential and provide a concrete tool to finance our ambitions.

    What I want to emphasise is the importance of forging a strong link between the fair, green and digital transition and the financial integration of the single market. One of the main reasons the capital markets union failed to succeed is that it was seen as an end in itself. True financial market integration in Europe will only be achieved when both citizens and policymakers recognise that this integration is not just beneficial for the financial sector, but it is essential for achieving broader, more critical goals such as the fair, green and digital transition.

    Ultimately, progress in the area of private investments will enable us to tackle the role, structures and regulations governing public investments. As I have noted, this is a divisive issue, but it is essential that we confront it openly. Closing the current gap in private investments is a critical first step in moving this debate forward. The massive investment needs of the European Union require both private and public sources of funding. We must strike a balance between different sensibilities and pave the way for a more constructive, integrated and efficient funding strategy.

    This also extends to the debate on state aid. In the report, I have presented some ideas to overcome the current impasse. We need new solutions that can swiftly mobilise targeted national public support for industry, while also preventing fragmentation of the single market and ensuring a level playing field.

    Combining private resources and public investments, considering various instruments, is the only way to achieve a compromise in this chamber and within the European Council. Finance, energy and telecommunications are interconnected and serve as critical boost within a broader concept of security. However, the current geopolitical situation compels us to accelerate the strengthening of our common defence capabilities.

    Greater integration within our common market can serve as a pivotal tool to overcome existing duplications and inefficiencies, yet substantial investments are required. We need to act on this front, and we must do swiftly in order to preserve a crucial level of autonomy in our foreign security and defence policy.

    The EU must continue its unwavering support for Ukraine in its fight for freedom, while also striving to play a pivotal role in ending the conflict in the Middle East. Both are essential steps towards securing long-term peace and stability. To address this significant challenge, we must consider innovative financing mechanisms here as well. In the report, I propose several options, but I believe, and I want to underline here, the most pragmatic and impactful approach involves the use of the ESM, the European Stability Mechanism.

    One of the consequences of fragmentation and the lack of unity in key sectors is the difficulty we are facing in terms of innovation. The EU has not yet developed a robust industry capable of harnessing the benefits of the new wave of technological advancements. As a result, we have become increasingly reliant on external technologies that are now critical to European companies. It is essential that we unlock the full potential of the single market, and to do so, we need to leverage our unexploited common strength in research and development.

    The single market, as we know, was built on four fundamental freedoms: the free movement of goods, services, capital and people. However, this structure is outdated and too closely aligned with the 20th century vision. I believe something is missing in today’s complex and dynamic environment, something intangible yet vital. The economy of the future will be driven by innovation, knowledge and tangible assets, a dimension that is vital to our progress.

    In the report, I argue for the addition of a fifth freedom, one that encompasses a range of essential fields: research, data, skills, knowledge, education. This is possible within the framework of the existing Treaties, as demonstrated in the report. This new fifth freedom will not just be about facilitating the movement of research and innovation outputs; it will embed the drivers of research and innovation at the heart of the single market. With this framework, the EU will not only better position itself as a global leader in setting ethical standards for innovation, but also as a creator and pioneer of new technologies.

    The EU’s ability to innovate depends also on creating an ecosystem where businesses can thrive. This is why the simplification of the single market rules is a central theme. It is a topic that I have heard repeatedly during my travels. However, when we speak of simplification, too frequently, these words are not followed by concrete, actionable proposals. In the report, I present two pragmatic proposals to significantly ease businesses’ access to the benefits of the single market. The first proposal is that EU institutions should unequivocally prioritise the use of regulations over directives when setting single market rules. This would reduce uncertainty and eliminate barriers. The second proposal is the idea of the ’28th regime’ to operate within the single market, a virtual 28th state that companies could choose for smoother, more practical operation at the European level. Both these proposals cover regulatory aspects that help to reduce bureaucracy without in an in any way undermining social standards, on which we do not want to see any race to the bottom. I’m very happy to speak on behalf and in front of the Commission on these topics.

    I conclude, Madam President: Jacques Delors always insisted on the crucial point of the importance of a single market with convergence, and the success of the single market is fundamental. If we add to the freedom to move the freedom to stay, the freedom to stay is fundamental for the people who want to stay in their own regions, with the idea to be allowed to grow up there and to have services of general interest across all the EU regions and also in the periphery regions.

    My conclusion: President von der Leyen’s decision to outline an ambitious plan for reform and relaunch of the European project, drawing on some of these ideas from both my report and that of Mario Draghi opens a window of opportunity we cannot afford to miss. In a time when divisions among us – between countries, political parties and populations are growing – I stand before you to affirm that the single market is what keeps us united. We must rally around it and remain firm in our commitment to the relaunch and completion of the single market. The question before us is clear: if not now, when? Now more than ever, we must defend, strengthen and relaunch the single market.

    I hope that with all these arguments, I have convinced you that, as I wrote in the title of my report, the single market is really much more than a market.

     
       

       

    PRZEWODNICTWO: EWA KOPACZ
    Wiceprzewodnicząca

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much, Mr Letta.

     

    13. Empowering the Single Market to deliver a sustainable future and prosperity for all EU citizens (debate)


     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, lieber Enrico Letta, Herr Kommissar! Zunächst einmal im Namen der EVP-Fraktion einen großen Glückwunsch für diese intensive Arbeit und auch für die Präsentation der Ergebnisse hier.

    Es ist deutlich geworden, dass der Bericht und auch Sie ganz persönlich, Herr Letta, nochmals in Erinnerung rufen, dass der Binnenmarkt der Motor unseres europäischen Wohlstandes ist. Das finde ich beachtlich, weil natürlich ein Stück weit in den vergangenen Jahren in Vergessenheit geraten ist, dass der wirtschaftliche Austausch – egal ob es um Waren oder Dienstleistungen, egal ob es um Autos oder um Tourismus geht – im Zentrum dessen steht, was uns als Europäerinnen und Europäer reich und viele auch zufrieden macht.

    Deswegen, glaube ich, muss man an dieser Stelle noch einmal sagen: Der Binnenmarkt kann eben am besten entscheiden, was die richtige Leistung ist. Deswegen sollten wir den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern auch die Möglichkeit geben, dass sie entscheiden können in einem offenen Markt in Europa, welche Leistung, welchen Tourismusort, welches Auto sie kaufen können. Dafür ist der Titel vielleicht ein bisschen gefährlich, denn mehr als ein Markt bedeutet ja im Umkehrschluss, dass wir einen echten Binnenmarkt vollständig schon haben. Da, glaube ich, müssen wir sagen, gibt es noch einiges zu tun.

    Es gibt noch einiges zu tun, damit Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer problemlos von einem Land in ein anderes fahren können. Auch wenn sie das Recht, dort zu bleiben, wo sie sein wollen, behalten sollen, müssen sie die Freiheit genießen können – in der Überarbeitung der Verordnung (EG) Nr. 883/2004 –, die Grenze zu überschreiten. Deswegen, liebe Freundinnen und Freunde, meine Damen und Herren, glaube ich, die Anpassung an eine neue geopolitische Bedingung, die rasche Entbürokratisierung und die Kapitalmarktunion sind sicher Kernforderungen des Berichts, die wir alle unterstützen.

    Ich bin froh, dass Enrico Letta in die gleiche Richtung wie Mario Draghi gegangen ist. Deswegen, glaube ich, gilt es jetzt, dass die Europäische Kommission liefert: ein 28. Regime dort, wo es notwendig ist, eine neue Grundfreiheit und einen einheitlichen Telekommunikationsbinnenmarkt. Es gibt viel zu tun.

     
       

     

      Gabriele Bischoff, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President and dear Enrico Letta, I think it is very important that we still keep a vision of what we could do and what is possible, but where we lack the courage so far to do so. Jacques Delors always said that no one falls in love with the common market. That was true in the past, it’s also true today, but you show that it’s not only a single market, but it is what it does for people, how it enables people. And therefore we really have to boost the common market indeed, but also – in the spirit of Jacques Delors – to always have in mind that this always needs a strong social dimension going for it, if we want to also convince the citizens that it’s in their interest to do so.

    But I also have to say I could comment on many things, because your report is very rich. I want to highlight the fifth freedom, a fair mobility, a new push here for innovation, and to deliver for our citizens.

     
       



     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kollegen, wenn wir in der Welt über Werte wie Demokratie reden, hat man uns zugehört, weil wir ein attraktiver Markt waren. Der Binnenmarkt ist das Herzstück der EU – er hat uns wirtschaftlich stark werden und zusammenwachsen lassen. Doch der Binnenmarkt kränkelt vor sich hin, auch weil die Kommission zu wenig für seine Zukunft getan hat.

    Herr Letta gibt uns eine lange To-do-Liste mit: allem voran sind es massive Überregulierung, hohe Energiekosten, Steuern und Abgaben und on top noch ein mindset, das Innovation und unternehmerischem Erfolg misstraut. Das ist Gift für unseren Binnenmarkt, das ist Gift für Wirtschaftswachstum.

    Und wer jetzt die Lösung in neuen Steuern, Umverteilung und Subventionen sieht, ist doch aus der Zeit gefallen. Wir machen die EU nicht fit für die Zukunft mit Ideen von gestern, sondern mit strukturellen Reformen. Für mehr Wirtschaftswachstum brauchen wir jetzt einen radikalen Bürokratieabbau und eine Fastenkur für neue EU-Gesetze. Und es muss Schluss sein mit Protektionismus in unserem Binnenmarkt.

    Wachstum muss das Ziel sein, denn eine starke Wirtschaft schafft Arbeitsplätze, finanziert Bildung und unseren Sozialstaat und sorgt auch dafür, dass wir uns verteidigen können. Ein starker Binnenmarkt ist die Grundlage für unsere Gesellschaft, unseren Zusammenhalt und unsere Sicherheit.

     
       

     

      Anna Cavazzini, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Lieber Enrico Letta, erst einmal vielen Dank für deinen Bericht und die gute Zusammenarbeit mit diesem Haus, insbesondere mit dem Ausschuss für Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz. Einige Leute sind ja fest davon überzeugt – und Gabriele hat es schon gesagt –, dass man sich nicht in einen EU-Binnenmarkt verlieben kann; einer davon hieß Jacques Delors.

    Aber ich muss schon sagen, dass die aktuelle Binnenmarktgesetzgebung ziemlich attraktiv ist, ein Schlüssel gegen die multiplen Krisen unserer Zeit. Mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte legen wir demokratische Regeln für die Onlinewelt fest. Mit der Gesetzgebung für die Kreislaufwirtschaft und dem Recht auf Reparatur machen wir Nachhaltigkeit zur Norm auf dem Binnenmarkt. Und – das ist wirklich ein Projekt zum Verlieben – das gemeinsame Ladekabel macht endlich Schluss mit unserem Kabelsalat in den Schubladen. Diese Beispiele zeigen, dass sich die Aufgabe, einen gemeinsamen europäischen Markt zu schaffen, in den letzten 30 Jahren weiterentwickelt hat.

    Von der Veränderung des Marktes mit seinen vier Freiheiten – Waren, Dienstleistungen, Kapital und Menschen – nutzen wir ihn heute immer mehr, um unsere gemeinsamen politischen Ziele zu erreichen: Souveränität, die Regulierung von großen Tech-Unternehmen, die Stärkung von Rechten von Verbrauchern und vor allem auch der Schutz unseres Planeten und des Klimas.

    Und das ist auch die Geschichte – finde ich –, die wir den Bürgern heute erzählen müssen. Tatsächlich wird sich niemand in die abstrakte Idee der wirtschaftlichen Integration verlieben. Aber die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der EU wollen hohe Verbraucherschutzstandards, eine gesunde Wirtschaft, Umweltschutz; und der Binnenmarkt und unsere Binnenmarktregeln können all das liefern, wenn wir es richtig machen.

    Ich finde, wenn wir die Unterstützung unserer Bürger erhalten wollen, muss der Binnenmarkt sie schützen. Riesige Proteste in ganz Europa und zwei gescheiterte EU-Verfassungsreferenden waren damals die Folge, als die Kommission bei der Marktintegration mit der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie zu weit gegangen ist. Dieses Parlament hat damals, 2006, den Vorschlag geändert und ausgewogener gestaltet. Wir haben in den vergangenen Jahren erfolgreich für eine stärkere soziale Dimension des Binnenmarktes gekämpft und müssen dies auch weiterhin tun.

    Ja, viele unsinnige Hürden im Binnenmarkt müssen schnellstens abgebaut werden. Aber Marktintegration darf niemals, aber auch niemals zum Abbau von Schutzstandards führen.

     
       

     

      Νικόλας Φαραντούρης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητέ κύριε Letta, σας καλωσορίζω στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Καλωσορίζουμε κάποιες από τις προτάσεις σας, όπως αυτές για μια κοινή φορολογική πολιτική ή για μια κοινή ευρωπαϊκή βιομηχανική πολιτική. Δεν με βρίσκει όμως σύμφωνο η περαιτέρω απορρύθμιση των εργασιακών σχέσεων και η αποκλειστική έμφαση μονάχα στην κινητικότητα των επενδύσεων.

    Επίσης, σας καλώ, εσάς και την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, να λάβετε υπόψη σας το γεγονός ότι ένας βασικός πυλώνας της εσωτερικής αγοράς από δημιουργίας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, η πολιτική ανταγωνισμού, οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού και η αντιμονοπωλιακή νομοθεσία, σε πολλές χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και στην ίδια την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν λειτουργεί. Υπάρχουν χώρες, όπως για παράδειγμα η δική μου χώρα, η Ελλάδα, όπου είναι απολύτως καρτελοποιημένοι κάποιοι κρίσιμοι κλάδοι της οικονομίας, όπως επίσης και κλάδοι βασικών κοινωνικών αγαθών. Γι’ αυτό, θα πρέπει να ενταθούν οι προσπάθειες, ξανά από την αρχή, ώστε οι βασικοί πυλώνες της εσωτερικής αγοράς, όπως είναι οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού, να γίνονται σεβαστοί και εφαρμόζονται αυστηρά.

    Καλώ, λοιπόν, την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, στο πλαίσιο του ευρωπαϊκού δικτύου ανταγωνισμού, να δείξει μεγαλύτερη προσοχή σε καρτελοποιημένες αγορές και να δώσει μεγαλύτερη έμφαση στην κοινωνική διάσταση της εσωτερικής αγοράς.

     
       

     

      René Aust, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Der Binnenmarkt ist eine der größten Errungenschaften der europäischen Zusammenarbeit. Er ist ein lebendiges Beispiel dafür, wie souveräne Nationen gemeinsam ihre Ziele erreichen können, wenn sie ihre Kräfte in einem wichtigen Bereich bündeln. Der Binnenmarkt hat Innovationen angeregt und für zusätzlichen Wohlstand in Europa gesorgt.

    Doch heute sehen wir leider, dass sich die Europäische Union immer weiter von diesen zentralen Aufgaben entfernt. Statt sich auf ihre wenigen, aber entscheidenden Aufgaben zu konzentrieren, wie eben den Binnenmarkt, den Schutz unserer gemeinsamen europäischen Außengrenzen oder auch die Koordination einer gesamteuropäischen Verteidigungsgemeinschaft, mischt sie sich in immer mehr Lebensbereiche ein, in denen sie eigentlich nichts zu suchen hat.

    Anstatt den Schwerpunkt auf grenzüberschreitende Herausforderungen wie Handel, Wettbewerb, Innovation oder gemeinsame Sicherheitsstandards zu legen, wird die EU zunehmend zu einem Gemischtwarenladen, der sich um alles Mögliche kümmert, vom Weltklima bis zur Genderideologie, aber das Wesentliche vernachlässigt. Diese Überdehnung der EU-Aufgaben schreckt private Investoren und Entrepreneure ab und schadet damit ganz Europa. Doch jede Kritik an dieser Entwicklung wird sofort als antieuropäisch verunglimpft und sehr schnell in die Ecke der Europafeinde gesteckt.

    Dabei braucht Europa eine Rückbesinnung auf das, was wirklich wichtig ist, und nationale Souveränität ist eine Voraussetzung für eine funktionierende europäische Zusammenarbeit. Darum kann man uns Patrioten auch die Zukunft Europas anvertrauen, weil wir eben verstanden haben, dass mehr nicht immer besser ist. Wir wollen eine handlungsfähige Gemeinschaft europäischer Nationalstaaten, die den Binnenmarkt fortentwickelt, die Außengrenzen sichert und unseren Kontinent schützt.

     
       

     

      Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, a participação da União Europeia na economia global está a cair. As economias asiáticas ultrapassam‑nos a uma velocidade vertiginosa, tal como o relatório de Enrico Letta e o relatório de Mário Draghi o confirmam. As condições de vida dos europeus estão a degradar‑se. O PIB per capita nos Estados Unidos cresceu o dobro do europeu desde que foi criado o Mercado Único, em 1993. Portanto, não podemos continuar a ficar para trás.

    E o mais chocante é a nossa produção de bens essenciais, incluindo em áreas como a saúde, que desceu de 53 % para menos de 25 % em pouco mais de duas décadas. Estamos dependentes de outros, quando nunca precisámos tanto de garantir a nossa autonomia estratégica.

    Enrico Letta disse‑o ainda há pouco, mas continuamos, infelizmente, a ver mais de 300 mil milhões de EUR das poupanças dos europeus serem desviadas para fora da Europa. É trágico, porque estamos a financiar a economia dos outros, em vez de fortalecermos a nossa.

    Queremos ter um mercado mais competitivo, então precisamos de uma união bancária completa. Queremos proteger as poupanças dos nossos cidadãos e relançar a inovação, precisamos de uma união de mercado de capitais. E, acima de tudo, precisamos mesmo de reformar o mercado único europeu, acrescentando‑lhe a livre circulação do conhecimento, porque só com investigação e inovação seremos capazes de ter mais empresas competitivas a nível global.

    Creio que já temos relatórios o quanto basta. Precisamos mesmo é de decisões, e está na hora de as tomarmos.

    (A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhora Presidente, fazer a defesa do mercado único a partir da apologia da política de concorrência, ignorando a concentração e a centralização a que essa política e esse mercado têm conduzido, não nos serve de muito. Basta olhar para o setor bancário português e perceber que, sem o aprofundamento do mercado único, ficaram os bancos todos nas mãos de capital estrangeiro, com exceção da Caixa Geral de Depósitos, que, por ser pública, continua a ser nacional.

    Trazer aqui a defesa do mercado único a partir da ideia de que é isso que permite reduzir os preços – quando o setor energético mostra exatamente o contrário, com o aumento dos custos da energia – ou agora a partir do setor financeiro, achando que é isso que resolve os problemas, pode servir às multinacionais, mas não serve um país como Portugal, Senhora Deputada.

     
       


     

      Camilla Laureti (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie a Enrico Letta per il rapporto. Alexander Langer diceva che la conversione ecologica potrà affermarsi solo se apparirà socialmente desiderabile: per questo in Europa servono investimenti comuni, perché il Green Deal è una rivoluzione necessaria che impatta sul modello di sviluppo e sulla vita delle persone, e nelle persone può generare paura.

    Se sapremo realizzarlo, avremo i cittadini al nostro fianco, le aziende più competitive e un’Europa più forte. Gli Stati Uniti, la Cina e l’India stanno andando veloci e in questa direzione – l’Europa non può permettersi di restare indietro. La risposta è un sistema comunitario di aiuti di Stato: dobbiamo integrare i principi dell’economia circolare per spingere sostenibilità e competitività.

    La libertà di muoversi, dice anche Letta nel rapporto, deve essere una scelta – oggi non lo è. Un terzo della popolazione europea vive in regioni che da anni sono immobili: le aree interne d’Europa. Qui si vince la sfida della crescita sostenibile, fatta di investimenti comuni, capaci di garantire i servizi di interesse generale per non lasciare indietro nessuno.

     
       

     

      Enikő Győri (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Az egységes piac az Unió legközérthetőbb értéke. Az olcsóbb repülés, vagy annak előnye, hogy otthoni szeretteinkkel ingyen telefonálhatunk, nem szorul magyarázatra. Persze szereztünk keserű tapasztalatokat is. Szolgáltatási irányelv, kiküldött munkavállalók, mobilitási csomag. Ezek elfogadásakor a Bizottság mindig a nyugat-európaiak érdekét tartotta előbbre valónak.

    Ahol az EU keleti fele versenyképesebb, ott nem akarta lebontani az akadályokat. A feladat tehát csak, hogy olyan területeken mélyítsük az egységes piacot, mely fokozza a versenyképességet, és földrajzi helytől függetlenül megkönnyíti a polgárok és cégek életét. Ne központosítsunk ott, ahol a kisebbek vagy fejletlenebbek rosszul állnak. Több összeköttetés tehát, de például az energia- vagy telekommunikációs szektor centralizáltásával bánjunk csínján, ne tűnjenek el a helyi szereplők, ne dráguljon a szolgáltatás. A pénzügyi piacok közötti átjárhatóság jó irány, de legyünk óvatosak a nemzeti felügyeletek egységesítésével, ne fojtsuk meg a kisebb nemzeti tőkepiacokat, amelyek nélkül nincs helyi ökoszisztéma.

    Elnök úr említette az ötödik szabadságot, a tudás mozgását. Ez nagyon klassz. Csak kérdezem, hogy az Európai Bizottság miért blokkolja a magyar kutatók részvételét a Horizont programban, vagy a magyar diákok mozgását az Erasmus program keretein belül? Regionális különbségek kiegyenlítése nélkül nincs versenyképesség. Az agyelszívás ellen tenni kell. Ösztönözni kell a helyben boldogulást. Tartsuk meg a kohéziós politikát, hiszen ezt az egységes piac ellensúlyozására találták ki, hol nehézségeket okozott. Ezt fenn kell tartani kondicionalitás nélkül, mert az durva politikai eszközzé vált a Bizottság kezében.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Presidente Letta, la relazione che discutiamo oggi mette in luce una delle sfide cruciali: il rafforzamento del mercato unico è senza dubbio un obiettivo fondamentale per il futuro dell’Unione europea.

    Tuttavia, non possiamo ignorare le criticità evidenti. Le eccessive regolamentazioni burocratiche rappresentano un ostacolo reale che rischia di soffocare l’innovazione e la crescita delle PMI. Se poi ci troviamo di fronte a perfidie come quella della direttiva ETS, giusto per citarne una, che mette a rischio la competitività delle infrastrutture portuali del Mediterraneo – come il porto di Gioia Tauro – con forti ricadute anche sul livello occupazionale, non parliamo di mercato unico, bensì di un distorto mercato unico.

    Per rilanciare la nostra competitività nell’ambito del mercato unico abbiamo bisogno di una politica economica adeguata e solidale, accompagnata da regole che vadano incontro alle esigenze di tutti gli Stati membri. Per questo è essenziale che il mercato unico non diventi un vantaggio riservato solo ad alcune aree: serve un mercato unico realmente inclusivo, che possa offrire opportunità anche alle regioni meno sviluppate, mettendo al centro l’uomo e non le “eco-follie”, e che sia a favore di famiglie, consumatori e imprese.

     
       

     

      Sandro Gozi (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, caro Enrico, le plus grand succès de l’Union, le marché unique, doit être renouvelé et complété. «Rico» Letta l’affirme avec force, et il a raison.

    Renouvelé, car il est impossible de réussir la transition écologique et numérique sans rendre le marché unique plus durable et plus simplifié pour les producteurs et pour les consommateurs. Complété, car il faut éliminer tous les obstacles qui empêchent les PME d’en profiter pleinement et qui nous empêchent d’avoir une union de l’énergie, des télécoms, des capitaux et des investissements. Le coût de la «non-Europe» est trop grand pour ne pas agir. L’approfondissement du marché européen pourrait générer jusqu’à 1,1 trillion d’euros de production économique supplémentaire par an.

    Il est aussi urgent – le rapport le dit très bien – de dégager les ressources sociales et économiques nécessaires à l’accompagnement du pacte vert et de la transition numérique.

    Enfin, nous devons développer une dimension extérieure du marché unique en lien avec notre politique commerciale. Dans ce cadre, nous devons également réformer les marchés publics, qui doivent aussi nous aider à réduire notre dépendance vis-à-vis des pays tiers. Cela doit être notre grande mission pour l’innovation et la compétitivité.

     
       


     

      Marcin Sypniewski (ESN). – Pani Przewodnicząca, Szanowni Państwo, jestem posłem od kilku miesięcy i jestem szczerze zdumiony, że w tym krótkim czasie po raz kolejny debatujemy nad nowym sprawozdaniem, które ma nam wskazać, jak mamy stać się bardziej konkurencyjni, bogatsi, silniejsi czy piękniejsi. Najwyraźniej oprócz biegunki legislacyjnej mamy również do czynienia z biegunką ekspertyz, analiz i sprawozdań. Zamiast tego polecam poczytać Rothbarda, Misesa czy Hayeka, których dzieła przetrwały próbę czasu we wskazywaniu, co jest dobre dla rozwoju gospodarczego i wolności jednostki.

    Noblista Fryderyk von Hayek wskazuje, że wiedza w swojej naturze jest rozproszona. To rynek za pośrednictwem cen przesyła informacje do przedsiębiorców i konsumentów. Dzięki temu rynek samodzielnie się stabilizuje i dostosowuje się do zmieniających się warunków i potrzeb. Politycy i urzędnicy nie są do tego w ogóle potrzebni. Alternatywą dla takiego spontanicznego i rozproszonego działania jest centralne planowanie, które wielokrotnie wprowadzane zawsze zawodziło, ponieważ politycy nigdy nie posiądą całości rozproszonej wiedzy.

    Rynek nie jest tabelką w Excelu, ale żywym, dynamicznie zmieniającym się organizmem, a prawdziwymi przywódcami na rynku są konsumenci. To ich wymagania starają się spełnić przedsiębiorcy. Rozwiązaniem, które ewentualnie pobudziłoby rynek, jest porzucenie praw własności intelektualnej w postaci chociażby patentów. Informacja może przecież znajdować się w kilku miejscach jednocześnie, bez wzajemnej szkody. Nie jest to dobro rzadkie, dlatego nie powinno być chronione jak własność prywatna. Własność intelektualna to sztuczny twór, a jej ochrona jest fikcją prawną. Chcecie bogactwa i dobrej przyszłości? Postawcie na rynek, a nie na biurokrację i na sprawozdania.

     
       


     

      Mohammed Chahim (S&D). – Voorzitter, de heer Letta is vrij helder in zijn analyse, net zoals de heer Draghi kort daarna. Het gaat echt ergens over, namelijk hoe kunnen we onze interne markt versterken? Hoe kunnen we de eenheid van Europa versterken? Hoe zorgen we ervoor dat we een sterke concurrentie krijgen binnen Europa, maar vooral ook met de rest van de wereld? En dit gebaseerd op een gelijk speelveld, op innovatie en op vergroening?

    Simpel gezegd zijn er twee stromingen in Europa: enerzijds conservatief rechts, dat de ontwikkelingen buiten de EU negeert, blind is voor de massale groene investeringen in de VS en wegkijkt van de modernisering van de Chinese economie; anderzijds een stroming die deze ontwikkelingen wil inhalen door meer – en niet minder – op Europese schaal samen te werken, te investeren in groene technologieën en ons niet te blijven blindstaren, zoals Draghi zei, op onze deels verouderde industrie.

    De keuze is simpel. Kiezen we voor modernisering en vergroening en dus voor vooruitgang? Of kiezen we voor nostalgie en stilstand?

    (De spreker stemt ermee in om te antwoorden op een “blauwe kaart”-vraag)

     
       



     

      Roman Haider (PfE). – Frau Präsidentin! Der Letta-Bericht benennt viele Probleme des Binnenmarkts richtig: steigende Energiepreise, mangelhafte Infrastruktur, vor allem bei den Hochleistungsbahnstrecken, Rückstand bei den Zukunftstechnologien, Überbürokratisierung vor allem. Das ist alles richtig; es ist nicht neu, aber es stimmt. So richtig aber die Analyse und die Diagnose im Letta-Bericht ist, so falsch sind leider die Vorschläge zur Verbesserung. Das war beim Draghi-Bericht so, und das ist auch beim Letta-Bericht so.

    Den beiden fällt zur Lösung der Probleme der EU nur eines ein: noch mehr EU, noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel, noch mehr EU-Institutionen, eine neue Fiskalkapazität, die Kapitalunion, und dabei ist aber genau das das Problem. Noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel bedeuten noch mehr Bürokratie, noch mehr unnütze Vorschriften, noch weniger Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten.

    Es ist höchst an der Zeit für neue Wege, für weniger Zentralismus, für weniger EU, für mehr Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten, mehr Subsidiarität und mehr Freiheit.

     
       

     

      Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Premierze! Od sukcesu jednolitego rynku zależy przyszłość Unii Europejskiej. Ten bardzo dobry projekt gospodarczy wciąż jest jednak daleki od ideału, gdyż ogranicza potencjał rozwojowy wszystkich państw członkowskich. Wreszcie możemy o tym głośno mówić.

    Istnieje wiele barier dla firm, zwłaszcza małych i średnich, które chcą prowadzić działalność ponad granicami w sektorze usług, transporcie, budownictwie czy handlu internetowym. Już zidentyfikowane problemy, takie jak geoblocking, gold-plating czy nadmierne i uciążliwe kontrole, skutecznie należy zwalczać. Europejski Zielony Ład jest wyłącznie kolejną taką barierą dla wzrostu gospodarczego.

    Nierealistyczne cele klimatyczne w takich obszarach jak rolnictwo, motoryzacja, transport czy budownictwo muszą zostać w tej kadencji Parlamentu zmienione. Zacznijmy w końcu deregulować, umożliwiać małym i średnim przedsiębiorstwom dostęp do rynków zagranicznych, wspierać innowacje i cyfryzację. To przełoży się na wzrost zatrudnienia oraz niższe ceny towarów i usług dla Europejczyków.

     
       

     

      Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Madam President, the Letta report and the Draghi report are a wake-up call for the European Union in terms of digitisation, the Green Deal, our knowledge economy, investing in innovation, research and development, ensuring that we have growth and competitiveness. The single market, the internal market, is a cornerstone on which all of this is built, and we have to protect it and ensure that it prospers and flourishes.

    The fact of the matter is, at the moment we are very short on capital in the European Union to invest in all of the above. So we have to advance the Capital Markets Union and the Banking Union to ensure that we have the capital to invest in the knowledge economy, in the Green Deal and other areas of research and development.

    The free movement of people, goods and services and capital is the cornerstone. Of course, we do have some in this Chamber who are even trying to undermine the basic principle of free movement of people. We have to be very conscious that we can’t cherry‑pick the Single Market – free movement of capital, goods, services and people is the cornerstone and we must all defend it to the last.

    More broadly, over the next number of months, we have to ensure that we respond to the Letta report and the Draghi report in what they observe are the challenges ahead for our competitiveness.

     
       


     

      Fulvio Martusciello (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, come sottolineato nella sua relazione e in quella di Mario Draghi, un solido mercato unico europeo è essenziale per la competitività delle imprese, perché può stimolare la crescita economica e l’innovazione, garantendo accesso al mercato ed eliminando la burocrazia inutile.

    L’Europa però ha bisogno di una forte strategia industriale per le tecnologie e le catene del valore, che promuova competitività, sostenibilità e innovazione. Questa strategia deve sviluppare una visione coerente, che dia priorità ad un quadro normativo, con politiche basate su dati scientifici e valutazioni di impatto approfondite, fornendo alle imprese la stabilità di cui hanno bisogno. Da questo punto di vista riteniamo molto positive le lettere di missione sulla creazione di una vera e propria economia circolare competitiva.

    Negli ultimi decenni le aziende europee hanno infatti investito miliardi di euro in tecnologie all’avanguardia, hanno generato enormi progressi nell’eco-design di prodotti, nella sicurezza dei consumatori e nell’industria del riciclo, dove l’Italia e l’Europa detengono posizioni di leadership mondiale, sia in termini di innovazione industriale che di sostenibilità ambientale.

    Purtroppo, l’eccesso di regolamentazione degli ultimi anni ha generato un’enorme incertezza, spingendo interi settori industriali a posticipare i propri investimenti, compromettendo gli obiettivi di crescita complessivi, con spreco di tempo e di risorse.

    In questo mandato sarà dunque necessario evitare a tutti i costi di produrre ulteriori iniziative legislative motivate da logiche falsamente ambientaliste e non basate su evidenze scientifiche, che rischiano di penalizzare le imprese europee. Sarà imperativo garantire la conformità con le norme europee da parte dei Paesi terzi, garantendo standard che riducano la dipendenza dai fornitori esteri e rafforzino la competitività dell’industria e delle economie europee per affrontare le sfide delle concorrenze globali di Cina e Stati Uniti.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor Letta, señorías, treinta años después de su creación, el informe Letta nos brinda una oportunidad única para avanzar hacia el futuro del mercado único en tres aspectos clave:

    En primer lugar, inspirados por Jacques Delors, apoyamos su idea de añadir una nueva libertad a la libertad de movimiento, que es la libertad de permanecer en el rincón de la Unión Europea que queramos. No queremos solo una Unión donde podamos movernos libremente en busca de una vida mejor: también queremos cohesión, oportunidades y desarrollo en todas las regiones de la Unión Europea, y acceso a la vivienda para proteger las zonas rurales y las más pobladas.

    En segundo lugar, necesitamos profundizar en la integración del mercado de capitales y el de las telecomunicaciones porque, como bien dice el señor Letta, no es coherente que compartamos una moneda única, pero tengamos aún fronteras digitales y prefijos nacionales.

    Y, en tercer lugar, la quinta libertad, la del conocimiento y la innovación. Nos quedan cinco años para profundizar en el mercado único y hacer que más europeos se enamoren de esta idea, tal como quería Jacques Delors, en contra de la extrema derecha que está aquí en esta Cámara sentada.

     
       

     

      Roberts Zīle (ECR). – Priekšsēdētājas kundze! Godātais Lettes kungs, es pilnīgi piekrītu jūsu ziņojumam, ka vienotais tirgus ir kaut kas vairāk kā tirgus, un arī jūsu norādītām nepilnībām gan sektoru ziņā: finanses, enerģētika, telekomunikācijas un it īpaši privātā kapitāla izvietošana.

    Ja kopumā Eiropā ir 33 triljonu eiro uzkrātā kapitāla un katru gadu 300 miljardi eiro tiek investēti ārpus Eiropas Savienības, Amerikā un citās vietās, tad kaut kas nav kārtībā ar šo. Un ar publisko naudu vien mēs nespēsim izdarīt tos uzdevumus, kas ir nepieciešami Eiropas Savienībai gan militārās industrijas jomā, gan zaļā kursa, gan paplašināšanās, gan citās jomās.

    Jūsu ieteiktās zāles arī ļoti vērā ņemamas par piekto pamatbrīvību, par Uzkrājumu un investīciju savienību. Bet dažas zāles, kā, teiksim, radīt siltumnīcas apstākļos Eiropas čempionus, kas var kļūt par globāliem čempioniem, es ļoti baidos, ka tas to nesasniegs. Vēl jo vairāk tas var noplicināt no perifērijas gan naudas resursus, gan arī cilvēku – gudrāko cilvēku – resursus uz dažiem centriem Eiropā, kas varbūt nebūs Eiropas Savienības veiksmes stāsts.

     
       


     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Madam President, Mr Letta, you’re absolutely right when you say that the single market is the best tool that we have to increase opportunities, improve our well-being and the living standards for all of the citizens across the European Union. And we absolutely can’t take it for granted, because if we do, it’s going to fail. Your report, which is really welcome, helps to illuminate many of the current problems that we are seeing and that the single market is facing.

    Europe’s economy is not growing strongly enough. Our small businesses are not given the opportunity to grow and to scale up. Approximately 30 % of the high-value companies founded in the EU between 2008 and 2021 relocated their headquarters out of the EU, and mostly to the US. Some 60 % of the issues that we identified by businesses in 2002 still exist in the European market today, because progress on removing the barriers has been so slow, and it’s particularly true in the case of our service industry.

    We see the distorting effects of current rules around the EU state aid rules, which allow larger countries to subsidise businesses at the expense of smaller ones, like my own, Ireland. In 2023, almost 80 % of EU state aid came from just two Member States, and 85 % from three Member States.

    Europe will not be able to spend its way out to growth. Instead, we must reduce the unnecessary red tape and bureaucracy that everybody has been speaking about daily since I arrived here in June. But it’s also vital to avoid EU protectionism in the form of high external tariffs, a hostility towards investment from third countries and an over-reliance on those subsidies.

     
       

     

      Estelle Ceulemans (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur Letta, Mesdames et Messieurs les Commissaires, chers collègues, il est aussi bon de rappeler que le rapport de M. Letta sera – Mme von der Leyen l’a elle-même dit – l’un des fils rouges de la prochaine Commission. Il était donc vraiment important que vous veniez nous le présenter et que nous puissions en débattre aujourd’hui.

    Merci, Monsieur Letta, de reprendre les mots de Jacques Delors, artisan du marché unique, qui nous dit que le marché n’est pas une fin en soi: il est là pour améliorer la vie des citoyens, qui ne sont pas que des consommateurs. Le marché unique a en effet permis de développer la prospérité et la compétitivité, mais il a aussi creusé les disparités et la pauvreté – comme cela a été dit dans le débat précédent, qui nous rappelle que, malheureusement, 1 Européen sur 5 fait face à un risque de pauvreté.

    Merci, donc, Monsieur Letta, de rappeler que le marché ne peut fonctionner que sur la base de politiques sociales fortes, et de rappeler aussi qu’il faut, sous cette législature, investir dans les deux transitions, pour qu’elles soient justes. Je voudrais rappeler aussi que nous attendons de la prochaine Commission qu’elle s’engage, tout comme l’a fait M. Nicolas Schmit, sur des matières sociales importantes.

     
       

     

      Adrian-George Axinia (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, piața unică europeană este o idee foarte bună, care, din păcate, în anumite domenii de activitate nu funcționează așa cum trebuie. Vă dau trei exemple: piața de energie, acolo unde România, care produce mai multă electricitate decât consumă, plătește cele mai mari facturi din Uniunea Europeană. A doua disfuncționalitate, care este încă nerezolvată, ține de agricultură. În continuare, cerealele și anumite produse alimentare exportate din Ucraina ajung pe piața românească, bulgărească sau poloneză și creează o concurență neloială producătorilor agricoli autohtoni.

    Merită subliniat și refuzul implementării procesului de convergență externă, care ar trebui să ducă la egalizarea subvențiilor pentru fermieri în toate țările Uniunii Europene. Nu în ultimul rând, recent, Curtea de Justiție a Uniunii Europene a declarat nelegale mai multe prevederi din pachetul de mobilitate orientate împotriva transportatorilor din România, ceea ce confirmă raportul Draghi. Există în continuare o suprareglementare a pieței unice și aceasta afectează competiția liberă. Aș mai puncta și faptul că uciderea spațiului Schengen de către țările care introduc controale generale la frontieră și statele care țin încă România și Bulgaria pe margine afectează în continuare buna funcționare a pieței unice.

     
       

     

      Ľudovít Ódor (Renew). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, tak ako vidíme aj z tejto diskusie, skutočný jednotný trh je niečo, na čom vieme stavať aj v tomto Parlamente, a musíme v najbližších rokoch urobiť maximum pre to, aby sme tento koncept rozšírili aj na ďalšie sektory. Rád by som upozornil na tri veci, ktoré sú pre mňa prioritné. Po prvé, svet sa zmenšil a trhy sa trošku zmenili. V digitálnom svete dominujú tí najlepší. Víťaz berie takmer všetko, dosť dobre už nestačí. Potrebujeme naozaj silných európskych globálnych hráčov, a nie desiatky trpaslíkov. Po druhé, svet inovácií je aj o riziku. Bohužiaľ, náš bankami dominovaný finančný systém, a ako aj občania preferujú menej rizika, a preto bez Únie, úspor a investícií, ako aj lepšej finančnej gramotnosti to tak aj zostane. Peniaze máme, no nevieme ich dostať k inovatívnym firmám. A po tretie, pri dobrých nápadoch a podnikaní nemôžeme tolerovať bariéry pri prechode každej vnútornej hranice.

     
       


     

      Marc Angel (S&D). – Madam President, the single market is the crown jewel of the European construction, and in my eyes gives the EU a competitive advantage. A stronger single market means a more competitive Europe.

    Mr Letta, as your excellent report shows, we can improve a lot and we must perfect it. We need better implementation of the existing rules. We need to ensure that it contributes to a more sustainable and a more social Europe, and we need to consider strengthening integration in crucial sectors, as a stronger single energy market, for example, driven notably by better interconnectivity, can lead to more secure and affordable energy and cheaper electricity bills for companies and our citizens.

    Furthermore, for the S&D Group, more integration means more competitiveness for our companies, better consumer protection and more prosperity for Europeans – while adopting national solutions will lead to more fragmentation and ultimately a weaker Europe.

    Further harmonisation of rules also means less bureaucracy and a reduced administrative burden for our companies, especially for SMEs, which will no longer have to navigate through a jungle of 27 different sets of national rules.

    So let us leverage the power of integration to tap into the full potential of the single market.

     
       

     

      Ivars Ijabs (Renew). – Madam President, thank you, Mr Letta, for your excellent report. Well, of course, the single market is a strength of the EU: it’s the main instrument. This is how we achieve our goals. But what are actually our goals today? Let me remind you that the Russian aggression in Ukraine is still going on. And the Russian attack on an EU country is possibly, still, a question of the nearest future.

    And that’s why I really like the part in your report which deals with a common market for security and defence industries. This is a real necessity for the EU right now. Some 80 % of the military help to Ukraine is right now spent on non-European materials.

    But how to achieve that common market? European investment in defence is lagging. It is very seriously hindered by red tape, by excessive regulatory requirements, by fragmentation. There is an immense potential of a single market in defence industry, but one must have a political will to implement it – and quickly. Time is running out.

     
       

     

      Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione Letta, unitamente a quella del Presidente Draghi, arrivano all’inizio di questa legislatura, che io vorrei diventasse riformatrice, ambiziosa, coraggiosa ma responsabile, perché l’Unione europea non sia più spettatrice in una scena globale ma diventi protagonista.

    E abbiamo gli strumenti per farlo: un mercato unico che in questi anni non solo è stato strumento di integrazione ma ha consentito la nostra crescita economica e la prosperità, uno strumento che va semplificato da un punto di vista burocratico, ma soprattutto rafforzato, per esprimere ulteriormente le sue potenzialità e affrontare le nuove opportunità.

    Così come è necessario arrivare a un mercato unico dell’energia, un mercato finanziario che permetta ovviamente di garantire condizioni di competitività. E allora noi abbiamo davanti a noi sfide importanti, per le quali solo un mercato unico forte potrà garantirci un futuro all’altezza delle nostre ambizioni climatiche, sociali e produttive.

     
       

     

      Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, señor Letta, es un placer tenerle aquí en un momento en el que estamos empezando a definir las prioridades de este mandato y, sin duda, acelerar la integración del mercado único —especialmente en el ámbito de los servicios, donde aún tenemos relevantes problemas, como ha expuesto en su informe— es absolutamente necesario.

    Pero me va a permitir decirle que lo que más me ha llamado la atención del informe es la exigencia de evitar la huida de ahorro europeo a otras jurisdicciones. Porque algunos llevamos años en esta Cámara pidiendo reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente de algunos países —superávits por cuenta corriente que, en algunos casos, llegan a dos dígitos en relación con el PIB de esos países— y, ciertamente, en los debates que teníamos aquí en estos años, nadie o muy pocos me seguían.

    Y yo creo que es importante que, ahora que pedimos que el ahorro se invierta en Europa, seamos capaces de explicar a la Cámara que lo que estamos pidiendo es más demanda interna y reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente que ahogan el crecimiento de la Unión Europea.

     
       

     

      Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, zajedničko tržište jedno je od najvećih europskih postignuća.

    Svaka kriza produbljuje nejednakosti na tržištu, bogati se još više bogate, siromašni postaju još siromašniji. Troškovi života najveći su problem u cijeloj Europskoj uniji, a nejednakosti između i unutar država članica u cijenama, plaćama, mirovinama i stopi siromaštva se samo povećavaju.

    Izvješće ističe zaštitu potrošača kao jedan od uvjeta za pošteno tržište, ali geoblocking, teritorijalne barijere, viši rast cijena hrane u istočnoj Europi samo su neki od gorućih problema. Izvješće hvali Zakon o osnaživanju potrošača u zelenoj tranziciji na koju sam i sama ponosna, ali rješenje je provedba naših pravila u svakom dijelu Europske unije. Više od 80 posto građana moje zemlje smatra da su potrošači nezaštićeni protiv tržišnih igrača.

    Moramo ojačati europske alate, potrošačke udruge, inspekcijski nadzor i svijest građana o vlastitim pravima. Ne smijemo biti oni tamo negdje u Bruxellesu. Mi moramo raditi za ljude.

     
       


       

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      Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, gospodin Letta ispravno govori o tome što ubrzanje integracije unutarnjeg tržišta ima jednu geopolitičku važnost u današnjim uvjetima.

    Ja bih to nadopunio time što unutarnje tržište moramo isto tako i povezati s procesom proširenja. Pogledajmo, na primjer, situaciju na zapadnom Balkanu, ima puno političkih problema. Ne smijemo čekati da se oni riješe, da te zemlje postanu punopravne članice, nego bismo ih već prije mogli, doduše možda na jedan postupni način, ali već prije mogli integrirati u naše jedinstveno tržište. Kao što, na primjer, činimo kada je u pitanju roaming. Mislim da je to jedan dobar primjer, ali moramo to proširiti i na druge slobode.

    Na taj način će i ljudi u toj regiji imati svoje pravo na ostanak, a Europska unija će imati veći utjecaj i više će pridonijeti stabilnosti tog dijela europskog kontinenta.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, domnule Letta, vă salut și în această săptămână. Aș spune multe. În primul rând vă felicit: este o radiografie corectă, dar nu numai o radiografie, sunt și măsuri concrete. V-aș întreba, estimați dumneavoastră oare cât din acest raport se va aplica? Pentru că, iată, noua comisie nu are un comisar, nu există un portofoliu pentru piața internă. Cine se ocupă atunci de piața internă? Cum să ne ducem la măsurile concrete pe care le-ați spus dumneavoastră? Ați spus că piața unică ne unește; este oare o piață unică acum?

    Sunt de acord să avem cea de a cincea libertate de mișcare, dar cel puțin o libertate de mișcare ne lipsește acum, domnule Letta. Știți oare cât a pierdut o țară care de 17 ani nu este în spațiul Schengen și are costuri la transport? Cât a pierdut economia țării mele? Apoi, avem acum, când vorbim, îngrădirea în interiorul spațiului Schengen a granițelor. Deci trebuie – toată piața unică, e adevărat, ați spus că ne unește – dar trebuie să luăm cu pragmatism măsuri care să ducă la rezultate și la o viață mai bună a oamenilor.

     
       

     

      Silvia Sardone (PfE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le istituzioni europee hanno deciso di affidare ad Enrico Letta l’incarico di scrivere una relazione sul futuro dell’Europa. Eh, niente, fa già ridere così.

    Letta è l’ex leader del Partito democratico, ex premier della sinistra in Italia, volto di punta dei socialisti europei: rappresenta praticamente tutti i responsabili del disastro dell’Unione europea degli ultimi anni, tra l’altro sonoramente sconfitti in Italia.

    Per Letta la transizione verde è indispensabile e bisogna accompagnare agricoltori, imprese, industria dell’auto: esattamente ciò che però la sua maggioranza non ha fatto. Anzi, grazie a voi questi settori sono in crisi. Letta ci ricorda che l’Europa non deve cedere sul ruolo di leader nel settore manifatturiero: ma è proprio grazie ai vincoli, tasse e burocrazia volute dall’Europa che ci troviamo in questa condizione.

    Enrico Letta: uno che ha uno strano concetto di democrazia e ci ha tenuto a dire che i cordoni sanitari sono fondamentali per fermare le destre. Lui, proprio lui, che ha ribadito che servono più migranti regolari per lo sviluppo, andando contro diversi Paesi, anche socialisti, che finalmente dicono che bisogna fermare l’immigrazione.

    Insomma, veramente vogliamo farci dare lezioni da Letta, colui che dice che l’ex ministro Fornero è stato un ministro ottimo quando invece ha solo distrutto il nostro Paese?

     
       


     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, visto a partir do conselho de administração de uma multinacional, o aprofundamento do mercado único pode parecer um filão; visto a partir da realidade dos trabalhadores e dos povos, das micro, pequenas e médias empresas, das possibilidades de desenvolvimento de um país como Portugal, o aprofundamento do mercado único é um pesado fardo que nos arrasta para o fundo.

    Há algumas décadas atrás, o militante do PCP e ex‑deputado deste Parlamento, Sérgio Ribeiro, antecipava que a transferência de instrumentos de política para a esfera supranacional, nomeadamente através da transferência da política monetária e financeira para o BCE, conduziria a uma política tendencialmente única. Por meio do mercado único e das políticas que lhe estão associadas, que o senhor Letta hoje adjetiva de motor de mudança da União Europeia, retirou‑se capacidade de decisão aos governos nacionais, abriu‑se mais espaço à concentração e centralização do capital, colocaram‑se sob ataque os direitos sociais e laborais.

    O aprofundamento do mercado único serve às multinacionais, mas não serve ao desenvolvimento económico nem à justiça social.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Madam President, dear honourable House, dear people of Europe, Mr Letta, before I came here to this Parliament, I finished my law studies at the University of Cologne. During this time, I put a lot of effort into learning the four European freedoms: the freedom to move people, services, goods and capital. And I can tell you, learning all the law-related details – especially the court rulings – that was a pain in the ass, indeed. Names like Dassonville or Cassis de Dijon, who will tell you here nothing, send a shiver down the spine of every law student.

    But at the same time, whenever I opened my books, I felt love for Europe. Because what is Europe if not the idea of freedom? And that’s why, Mr Letta, I would like to take the time to give you my deepest support for one of the main ideas of your report: the implementation of a fifth freedom – the freedom of research, innovation, knowledge and education. Because as Europe is an idea, ideas should roam free on this continent.

     
       

       

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      Giuseppe Lupo (S&D), per iscritto. – Penso che il Parlamento europeo debba condividere e sostenere la strategia della relazione Letta per modernizzare il mercato unico dell’UE.

    Condivido in particolare che, se vogliamo che il mercato unico migliori davvero la vita della gente, deve avere un’anima che è il dialogo sociale, che deve fare partecipare e coinvolgere le persone, la società, i corpi sociali intermedi, i sindacati dei lavoratori e delle imprese, rilanciando il dialogo sociale come lo ha voluto e praticato con successo Jacques Delors, anche grazie alla collaborazione dell’allora segretario della CES, Emilio Gabaglio.

    La grande sfida da affrontare, credo, sia adesso la promozione di una politica fiscale comune, per sostenere con condizioni fiscali di vantaggio le aree territoriali più deboli, superando le differenze dei sistemi fiscali nazionali che ostacolano la leale concorrenza.

     

    14. Implementation of the Single European Sky (debate)


     

      Jens Gieseke, Berichterstatter. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 30 000 Flüge täglich, 600 Mio. Passagiere jährlich, über 500 000 Arbeitsplätze bei Fluggesellschaften, weniger als 17 000 Arbeitsplätze in der nationalen Verkehrskontrolle, überlastete Flughäfen, ein Flickenteppich an Strecken aufgrund der Flugsicherung entlang nationaler Grenzen – das ist das Bild des letzten europäischen Monopols: die Flugsicherungsdienste.

    Ich bin heute hier, um Sie zu bitten: Sagen Sie Ja zu kürzeren Strecken, zu mehr Effizienz, zu mehr Leistungen, zu mehr Zusammenarbeit, und Ja zu einem wirklich europäischen einheitlichen Luftraum. Warum gibt es kein Leistungsüberprüfungsgremium? Warum gibt es nicht ein gemeinsames Leistungssystem? Warum gibt es nicht einen europäischen Netzwerkmanager? Das sind alles wichtige Elemente, um die Leistungen der Flugsicherung zu verbessern und den Schaden für die Passagiere zu begrenzen. Fluglotsen behalten ihren Arbeitsplatz, sie werden weniger gestresst arbeiten, sie werden besser arbeiten, weil sie mit ihren Nachbarn zusammenarbeiten. Ich bin hier, um Ihnen zu sagen: Ja, wir können Flüge sicherer, kürzer, umweltfreundlicher und erschwinglicher für den Durchschnittsbürger der Europäischen Union machen.

    Wir haben hier ein riesiges Potenzial. Milliarden Euro wurden sowohl von der Europäischen Union als auch von privaten Interessenträgern im Rahmen des SESAR-Projektes investiert. SESAR liefert den digitalen europäischen Luftraum. Es liegt nun in unserer Hand, aber wir können uns nicht nur auf Investitionen in Technologien verlassen. Während der technologische Fortschritt durch das SESAR-Programm fortgeschritten ist, sind die Strukturreformen, die hier erforderlich sind, um sowohl die Kapazitäts- als auch die Umweltperformance zu erreichen, seit mehr als einem Jahrzehnt ins Stocken geraten und halten uns in der Vergangenheit fest. Hier haben die Mitgliedstaaten auch nicht mitgemacht, die standen auf der Bremse.

    Sehen Sie sich nun allein diesen Sommer an: Von Juni bis August haben die Flugsicherungen in Europa 16,9 Millionen – ich wiederhole: 16,9 Millionen – Minuten an Verspätungen im europäischen Netzwerk angehäuft. Das waren 41 % mehr als im gesamten Sommer 2023. Zum Vergleich: Im Jahr 2017 – im ganzen Jahr – gab es 15,9 Millionen Minuten. Wenn man die wetterbedingten Verspätungen herausnimmt, dann haben sich die Verspätungen im Vergleich zum Sommer 2023 um 82 % erhöht, und nur sieben nationale Flugsicherungen haben 85 % dieser Verspätungen verursacht.

    Das zeigt, dass die Situation von Jahr zu Jahr schlechter wird – leider –, insbesondere jetzt, da der Flugverkehr wieder das Niveau von vor der Pandemie erreicht hat. Diese Reform, die wir nun hier haben, die wird gebraucht, sie wird dringend gebraucht! Die Schaffung eines wirklich einheitlichen europäischen Luftraums wurde viel zu lange von den Mitgliedstaaten blockiert, die nicht bereit waren, sich auf eine Restrukturierung der Flugsicherung zum Wohle der Allgemeinheit, zum Wohle der Passagiere einzulassen.

    Dank der unermüdlichen Arbeit von Herrn Marian-Jean Marinescu, unserem Berichterstatter der EVP, für den einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum und für EASA in den letzten 16 Jahren werden wir nun in der Lage sein, diese neue Luftraumverordnung umzusetzen. Hier möchte ich aber auch an die großartige Arbeit von Herrn David Maria Sassoli, unserem verstorbenen Parlamentspräsidenten, erinnern, mit dem Herr Marinescu zusammen an der EASA-Grundverordnung gearbeitet hat. Ich möchte aber auch meinen sozialistischen Kollegen Bogusław Liberadzki nicht vergessen, der mit Herrn Marinescu stark zusammengearbeitet hat, so wie es jetzt Johan Danielsson mit mir tut.

    Gestatten Sie mir, Frau Präsidentin, die Mitgliedstaaten nun aufzufordern, die Fehler, die wir noch haben, nun zügig bei der Umsetzung umzuarbeiten. Es besteht ein riesiges Potenzial zum Wohle der Bürgerinnen und Bürger und um am Ende auch die Klimaziele einzuhalten. Also, wir müssen weiterarbeiten.

     
       

     

      Johan Danielsson, Föredragande. – Fru talman! Varje år genomförs omkring en miljard resor med flyg inom EU. Över tid har flyget blivit en allt viktigare del av vår vardag och vår ekonomi. För ett land som Sverige är en välfungerande flygtrafik avgörande. Vi har stora avstånd och är glest befolkade. Flyget knyter samman vårt land, vår kontinent och kopplar oss till omvärlden.

    Men sektorn står inför stora utmaningar. Under 2023 var nästan tre av tio flyg mer än 15 minuter försenade. Den genomsnittliga förseningen per flygning i Europa är cirka 18 minuter. Samtidigt står flyget globalt för omkring 2 till 3 % av våra totala koldioxidutsläpp.

    I dag liknar Europas luftrum ett stort pussel där varje land har sin egen bit, och tyvärr passar inte alla bitar ihop. Det leder till omvägar, till väntetider och till onödiga kostnader. Singel European Sky ska lösa delar av detta pussel. Efter mer än ett decennium av förhandlingar har vi äntligen nått fram till en överenskommelse.

    Lagstiftningen handlar om att göra flyget säkrare, punktligare och klimatvänligare. Det gynnar resenärer, det kommer att gynna industrin och det kommer att gynna klimatet. Och det är ett viktigt steg för att modernisera Europas luftrum.

    Jag vill tacka alla som arbetat med det här förslaget. Ett särskilt tack till tidigare föredragande Bogusław Liberadzki och Marian-Jean Marinescu, som jobbade med detta oförtröttligt under den föregående mandatperioden. Och så ett tack till Jens Gieseke, min medföredragande den här gången. Det visar vad vi kan åstadkomma om vi arbetar tillsammans över partigränserna i det här huset.

    Men låt mig vara tydlig: Singel European Sky är ingen revolution – det är en evolution. Det är en kompromiss som tar oss i rätt riktning. Vi kommer att se förbättringar och effektivitet och samordning. Men även om förändringarna kanske inte blev så stora som vi hade tänkt oss, innehåller det viktiga steg framåt.

    Vi stärker till exempel övervakningen på EU-nivå, vilket kommer att vara avgörande för att säkerställa att våra europeiska regler efterföljs. Förändringarna ger oss en god plattform att bygga vidare på mot ett enhetligt, effektivt och hållbart europeiskt luftrum.

    Enligt beräkningarna kan Singel European Sky bidra till att minska koldioxidutsläppen med upp till 10 % per flygning. Det här är ett viktigt steg och en del av lösningen för att också göra flyget mer hållbart.

    Men vi måste fortsätta arbetet på flera fronter. Vi kommer att behöva säkerställa en marknad för hållbara flygbränslen. Vi kommer att behöva fortsätta arbeta med ökad effektivitet i bränsleförbrukningen i flyget. Vi kommer också att se till att de fantastiska innovationer som är på väg fram, inte minst för att elektrifiera regionalflyget, kan få en praktisk omsättning på vår europeiska flygmarknad. Jag ser fram emot en bra debatt i dag och ett bra beslut senare i veckan. Och jag är hoppfull om att resultatet kommer att bli ett bättre europeiskt luftrum.

     
       

     

      Wopke Hoekstra, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, let me start by wholeheartedly thanking Mr Gieseke, Mr Danielsson and the TRAN Committee for all the great work that they have been doing. But let me also thank the former rapporteurs, Mr Marinescu and Mr Liberadzki, who might be with us virtually, for successfully concluding the interinstitutional negotiations with the Council on the regulation on the implementation of the Single European Sky.

    Ladies and gentlemen, our skies – and the two rapporteurs have said that – need fixing for the good of passengers, airlines and the environment. And to illustrate what is really at stake here, let me just recall this summer, when every second flight was delayed. Every second flight was delayed. And we all know how that feels and what it is like.

    Now some of those delays were unavoidable, for example because of bad weather conditions. But if you then go into the details, you will find that many of those delayed and cancelled flights could actually simply have been reduced by improving the way we manage air traffic today. And that is, of course, the ultimate aim. That is the ultimate aim of this new regulation.

    This agreement will update rules which are 15 years old. Let me be clear – and it was said here before – it is not as ambitious as the Commission, and I feel many in this room, would have wanted. And some would consider it far away from our original plan. But what is also true is that it does represent a clear step forward, and it improves the performance of the European airspace and the provision of air navigation services in the years to come.

    The new rules will strengthen the European network, tackling the fragmentation of European airspace, and they will reduce congestion and suboptimal flight routes, which today create delays for our passengers, extra fuel consumption and unnecessary CO2 emissions.

    Ladies and gentlemen, the agreement will also stimulate innovation and facilitate new services for air traffic management. It will create incentives to reduce the environmental footprint of aviation. For example, air navigation service providers will now have to introduce environment and climate performance targets on a wider range of services. The charges that airlines will need to pay for flying over our skies will be more favourable for those carriers emitting fewer CO2 emissions and with less impact on the environment.

    Finally, more know-how will be introduced when we regulate the performance of monopoly air navigation service providers. A new performance review board will be created to support the Commission, bringing independent expertise and improving the temporary solutions that we have today.

    Madam President, honourable Members, please allow me to conclude. More than 10 years have passed since the Commission presented what was then its original proposal. Believe me, it was not an easy task. In order to reap the benefits that the agreement brings, in my view it is now urgent that the Parliament finalises the adoption of the regulation by supporting the Council’s first reading position this week. Implementation work can then start as soon as possible.

    Thank you very much, once again, in particular to the TRAN Committee and the rapporteurs, and I’m very much looking forward to the continuation of our interaction today.

     
       

     

      Sophia Kircher, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir reisen heute fast grenzenlos durch Europa. Doch über den Wolken, wo die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos scheint, stoßen wir im EU-Luftraum immer noch auf viele unsichtbare Grenzbalken – dadurch wird der europäische Luftverkehr stark eingeschränkt. Flugzeuge fliegen oft unnötige Umwege, weil veraltete nationale Vorschriften das erzwingen. Das führt zu Verspätungen, zu Kosten und 10 % mehr CO2-Ausstoß pro Jahr.

    Der Grund dafür: Der europäische Luftraum gleicht aktuell einem komplizierten Fleckerlteppich aus vielen nationalen Vorschriften. Statt eines gemeinsamen europäischen Systems mit einheitlichen Bestimmungen überwacht derzeit jeder Mitgliedstaat seinen Luftraum eigenständig, ohne eine ausreichende Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten.

    Mit diesem Gesetzespaket schaffen wir nun die Grundlage für mehr Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten, die wir so dringend brauchen, und somit werden wir in Zukunft günstiger, schneller und nachhaltiger fliegen können. Das ist eine Win-win-Situation für uns alle. Trotz dessen bleibt noch viel zu tun. Mit diesem Gesetzespaket gelingt uns ein wichtiger Schritt, aber es liegen noch viele Meilen vor uns.

     
       

     

      Matteo Ricci, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo oltre dieci anni di trattative, siamo finalmente giunti a un accordo sul cielo unico europeo, un tema che incide direttamente sulla vita quotidiana di milioni di cittadini.

    Tuttavia, dobbiamo essere chiari: il testo che adotteremo domani non è all’altezza delle aspettative. L’Europa ha bisogno di uno spazio aereo unificato con una gestione integrata e rotte dirette per ridurre ritardi, costi e soprattutto l’impatto ambientale.

    Oggi la frammentazione del nostro spazio aereo genera inefficienze gravi, costando ai passeggeri tempo e denaro. Ogni ritardo si traduce in maggiori emissioni e questo è un prezzo che il nostro pianeta non può più permettersi di pagare.

    Il regolamento che ci apprestiamo a votare promuove una maggiore cooperazione tra le autorità nazionali ma non impone regole vincolanti per una vera integrazione dello spazio aereo europeo. È un compromesso necessario, ma non sufficiente.

    Personalmente lo considero solo un primo passo. Non dobbiamo fermarci: l’Europa ha bisogno di un cielo unico europeo per essere più competitiva.

     
       

     

      Julien Leonardelli, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, nous nous défions de tout projet qui penche vers le fédéralisme, à plus forte raison lorsqu’il est placé sous l’égide de la Commission européenne. Cela ne nous empêche pas d’être pragmatiques et responsables. Le projet de ciel unique européen vise, nous dit-on, à faciliter les trajets aériens à l’intérieur de l’Union européenne et à faire économiser 5 milliards d’euros par an de kérosène pour les compagnies aériennes.

    La Commission européenne ne pouvait que briller sur ce sujet technique, qui bénéficie d’un véritable consensus européen. Cette initiative, soutenue par une large majorité, ne devait être qu’une formalité. Mais la Commission, trop occupée à outrepasser ses compétences, en oublie ses objectifs premiers. Ce texte ne verra pas l’instauration d’un ciel unique européen, malgré des années de tractations. La montagne a accouché d’une souris. C’est en tout cas ce qui ressort des positions des professionnels du transport aérien, qui ne cachent pas leur déception à l’égard de ce texte.

    Le maintien d’un millefeuille à la fois administratif et technocratique ne plaît à personne. Pendant que l’Europe brasse du vent et se penche sur un texte ridicule, qui ne change rien tant ces changements sont insignifiants, les Etats-Unis, eux, produisent déjà en très grande partie la nouvelle génération de carburants par des subventions massives dans la recherche et l’industrie. En matière d’industrie comme d’énergie, les pays européens restent à la traîne, et la Commission européenne n’y est pas pour rien. Madame von der Leyen, sur la souveraineté faites preuve de plus de retenue, et sur le ciel unique montrez plus d’ambition.

     
       


       

    PREȘEDINȚIA: VICTOR NEGRESCU
    Vicepreședinte

     
       

     

      Jan-Christoph Oetjen, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zehn Jahre hat es gedauert, dass wir dieses Gesetz, diesen einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum, auf den Weg gebracht haben. Nicht etwa, weil wir hier im Parlament lange gebraucht hätten, sondern es hat an den Mitgliedstaaten gelegen, die sich sehr lange hinter nationalen Kompetenzen versteckt haben. Diese nationalen Kompetenzen haben dazu gedient, zu kaschieren, dass es in den Mitgliedstaaten staatliche Monopole in der Flugsicherung gibt, die sie nicht angetastet sehen wollen. Und zur Wahrheit gehört: So richtig antasten tun wir sie jetzt auch nicht. Das, was wir machen, ist keine Reform, sondern ein Reförmchen, aber sie adressiert wichtige Themen.

    Wir kriegen endlich dieses performance review, das heißt endlich ein Benchmark für die Flugsicherung – ob sie gut funktionieren, ob sie genügend Leute haben, wie es klappt mit den Verspätungen, an denen – nicht immer, aber sehr häufig – eben auch die Flugsicherung mit Schuld ist.

    Wir haben eine Kapazitätsfrage, die sich dadurch adressieren lässt, und von daher können wir am Ende dieser Reform zustimmen. Aber sie ist weit von dem entfernt, was wir uns eigentlich erhoffen und was wir bräuchten, damit wir die Verspätungen in Europa endlich in den Griff bekommen.

     
       

     

      Merja Kyllönen, The Left-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, yhtenäisellä eurooppalaisella ilmatilalla on pitkä historia. Tavoitteena on vähentää viivytyksiä, lisätä turvallisuutta, lieventää ympäristövaikutuksia ja alentaa palvelujen tarjoamiseen liittyviä kustannuksia ilmailualalla. Euroopan ilmatilan pirstoutumisen vähentäminen tehokkaammalla ilmaliikenteen hallintajärjestelmällä on enemmän kuin tarpeellista. Vaikka politiikka on edennyt, niin SES ei ole onnistunut saavuttamaan täysin siltä odotettua edistystä. Tämän seurauksena Euroopan ilmatila on edelleen valitettavan pirstoutunut, kallis, tehoton ja kapasiteettiongelmat jatkuvat nopeasti kasvavan lentoliikenteen vuoksi. Työn on siis jatkuttava, paikoilleen emme voi jämähtää.

    Nykyinen sääntelykehys on pitkän aikavälin työ. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaisia toimijoita. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaista vääntöä sellaisia historian paloja, taisteluita, joita muun muassa Yhdistynyt kuningaskunta ja Espanja kävivät aikanaan, esimerkiksi Gibraltarin osalta. Kun Brexit poisti tämän esteen, komissio on muuttanut alkuperäistä ehdotustaan, ja hyvä niin.

    Jäsenvaltiot tarvitsevat laajaa yhteistyötä ja koordinointia toiminnallisissa ilmatilan lohkoissa, myös yhtenäisen eurooppalaisen ilmatilan sääntelykehyksen luomisen jälkeen. Tässä säädöksessä tunnustetaan olemassa olevien yhteistyöjärjestelyjen arvo ilmatilan hallinnan tehostamisessa ja lentoliikennevirtojen optimoinnissa tietyillä maantieteellisillä alueilla.

    Liikenteessä yleisesti, mutta lentoliikenteessä erityisesti, turvallisuusnäkökulma korostuu ja siksi kaikissa muutoksissa on mentävä ehdottomasti turvallisuusnäkökulma edellä. Safety first! Ja ihan pakko on sanoa rakkaat terveiset aina upealle taisteluparilleni Marinesculle. Ja rakkaat terveiset myös britti Jodie Fosterille, jota ei voi kyllä tämä talo unohtaa. Olisinpa videoinut parhaat palat uusille päättäjille. Piccolino, magnifico, amato David Sassoli.

     
       

     

      Siegbert Frank Droese, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Seit 20 Jahren plant die EU einen einheitlichen Luftraum, aber wenig ist passiert. Wir teilen die Kritik der Airlines an dem Vorschlag der Kommission zum einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum. Es wird zu höheren Steuern führen, mehr Bürokratie, mehr Berichtspflichten – all das wollen wir nicht. Europa ist bisher schon ein sehr sicherer Luftraum. Warum also auf Biegen und Brechen die Kompetenzen der nationalen Flugsicherungsdienste beschneiden und alles in den EU-Topf werfen?

    Es muss nicht alles harmonisiert oder einheitlich zertifiziert werden. Wichtig dagegen wäre für uns die Abschaffung von Sanktionen, z. B. gegenüber Russland. Dann könnten Flugzeuge schneller und vor allem umweltschonender nach Asien fliegen und so CO2 reduzieren. Aber immer neue Steuern und Vorschriften vertreiben Fluggesellschaften aus Europa und verteuern das Fliegen unnötig. Wir wollen, dass auch in Zukunft sich der Arbeiter noch seinen wohlverdienten Urlaubsflug leisten kann und nicht nur die Eurokraten.

    Die Kommission könnte sich unserer Meinung nach mal mit wichtigen Dingen beschäftigen, beispielsweise mit der Migration, oder vielleicht gibt es in Zukunft auch Tausende von Abschiebeflügen zu organisieren – da würden wir gern mal einen schönen Vorschlag hören. Diesem Vorschlag, der hier vorliegt, können wir nicht zustimmen.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, verehrte Damen und Herren! Der berühmte deutsche Lyriker Reinhard Mey sang einst „Über den Wolken, da muss die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos sein“, und in diesen Worten steckt aus europapolitischer Sicht endlos viel Wahrheit. Denn über den Wolken gibt es keine Grenzen, da ist man einfach irgendwo über Europa. Deswegen unterstütze ich die Aktualisierung des Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraums, auch wenn sie halb so lange gedauert hat, wie ich auf dieser Welt bin.

    Gleichzeitig sollten wir aber nicht aufhören, wo wir jetzt angefangen haben, und über weitere Dinge nachdenken. Ich möchte Ihnen da zwei Sachen vorschlagen.

    Zum einen braucht es eine Gebührenanpassung für klimafreundliche Flüge. Wir haben in der Vergangenheit gemerkt, dass wir vor allen Dingen über so etwas die Entwicklung in der Gesellschaft steuern können, und der Klimawandel kennt nun mal keine Grenzen.

    Zum anderen benötigen wir einen einheitlichen europäischen Luft-Datenraum. Wir müssen also den Datenaustausch zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten im Luftverkehr optimieren und damit effizienter machen, denn auch Daten kennen keine Grenzen. Die Arbeit am Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraum ist wertvoll – sie ist noch nicht vorbei.

     
       

     

      Alvise Pérez (NI). – Señor presidente, ¿de verdad este Parlamento no entiende lo que se pretende hoy aquí, imponiendo el Cielo Único Europeo?

    No se trata de fomentar la competencia, no se trata de mejorar ninguna descentralización ni de ahorrarnos un 10 % más de CO2. Esa es la gran farsa: ¿qué poder en Europa está más centralizado que la propia Comisión Europea? ¿Qué entidad ha centralizado más poder que la Comisión? Ninguna. ¿Y siguen de verdad creyéndose estas iniciativas en pro del supuesto medio ambiente?

    Lo que busca con esto la Comisión es que hasta nuestros cielos dependan de una nueva entidad europea bajo el control férreo de Von der Leyen con la excusa del CO2. El Cielo Único Europeo no es más que un instrumento para expandir la supervisión y la regulación comunitaria imponiendo aún más objetivos ambientales, aún más cargas y aún más tarifas contra los usuarios de este continente. La señora Von der Leyen demuestra un desprecio absoluto por la soberanía de los países, y esta Cámara, también.

    Y aquí, un orgulloso español les responde que el desprecio, evidentemente, es mutuo. Solo que hay una diferencia esencial: quien parasita y esclaviza a nuestro país es ella, mientras que nosotros solo anhelamos libertad.

    Si queremos preocuparnos por el cielo europeo, defendámonos de las intrusiones y las amenazas militares por cielo, mar y aire con las que Marruecos y todas las falsas ONG del sur de Europa están atentando contra nuestro país.

    Esta no era la Europa que nos prometieron. Esta es una Europa mesiánica en la que no nos reconocemos.

     
       

       

    Intervenții la cerere

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, zece ani am fost în Comisia pentru transport și am tot dezbătut nevoia de îmbunătățire a Cerului unic european. Transportul prin aviație este extrem de important. Vorbeam mai devreme la raportul domnului Letta despre conectivitate, despre libera circulație. Domnule comisar, am patru zboruri pe săptămână – nu numai datorită condițiilor meteorologice sunt întârzieri. Întârzierile, așa cum ați spus și dumneavoastră, sunt frecvente și din alte cauze: lipsa de organizare, să stai pe pistă să aștepți că nu ai culoar de zbor.

    Asta înseamnă că este nevoie să aplicăm acest regulament și îl susțin, pentru că s-a lucrat la el, îmbunătățește Cerul unic european și cred că avem nevoie de un transport reformat și pe aviație pentru, sigur, eficiență economică în piața internă și, de ce nu, pentru protejarea drepturilor pasagerilor. Prețurile nu se schimbă când ai întârziere, dar ajungi foarte târziu la destinație și câteodată îți pierzi practic întâlnirile pe care ți le-ai programat.

     
       

     

      Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εισήγηση για δημιουργία ενιαίου ευρωπαϊκού ουρανού αποτελεί μια προσπάθεια για βελτίωση της ασφάλειας, της αποδοτικότητας και της περιβαλλοντικής βιωσιμότητας των αεροπορικών υπηρεσιών, όπως έχει αναφερθεί.

    Όμως, πώς μπορούμε να μιλάμε για ασφάλεια όταν κλείνουμε τα μάτια στις παρανομίες; Θα γίνω πιο συγκεκριμένος. Η λειτουργία του παράνομου αεροδρομίου της κατεχόμενης Τύμπου στην Κύπρο θέτει σε κίνδυνο τις πτήσεις και χιλιάδες πολίτες καθημερινώς, αφού ελλοχεύει τεράστιος κίνδυνος για αεροπορικά ατυχήματα.

    Διερωτώμαι: δεν θα αντιδρούσατε αν λίγα μέτρα από το αεροδρόμιο της Φρανκφούρτης, δίπλα από το αεροδρόμιο στο Παρίσι, πλησίον του αεροδρομίου της Ρώμης, των Βρυξελλών, της Μαδρίτης, του Βερολίνου, λειτουργούσε ένα παράνομο αεροδρόμιο με δικούς του κανόνες; Φυσικά.

    Επομένως, ας αφήσουμε τα λόγια και ας περάσουμε στις πράξεις, που δεν είναι ο συντονισμός και η επικοινωνία με κατοχικές αρχές —κάτι που θα οδηγούσε στην κανονικοποίηση της παρανομίας— αλλά η απαγόρευση της λειτουργίας του, που θα συνοδεύεται με αυστηρότατες κυρώσεις σε αεροπορικές εταιρείες που χρησιμοποιούν το παράνομο αεροδρόμιο.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, é certo que esta nova versão do Regulamento Céu Único Europeu não vai tão longe como a posição que o Parlamento Europeu havia aprovado, com tudo o que ela representava de ataque sem equívocos à soberania nacional, numa abordagem abertamente mercantilista e de liberalização ainda maior do setor aéreo, visando a sua concentração e centralização. Mas, esses não deixam de ser traços que persistem no documento final, mesmo que de forma matizada, traços que rejeitamos.

    Em nome do que esta proposta não é, não faltará certamente quem procure ir além dela, nomeadamente em Portugal, dando continuidade e consequência às ameaças que têm recaído sobre a NAV, com vista ao desmembramento da sua atividade, com prejuízo para a soberania nacional e para a economia.

    Pela nossa parte, daqui reafirmamos que continuaremos a intervir, rejeitando o caminho de liberalização do controlo aéreo e em defesa da NAV, empresa pública estratégica para o desenvolvimento nacional.

     
       

       

    (Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)

     
       


     

      Wopke Hoekstra, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear Members, let me mention two quick points in response. The first one is on sovereignty. For those who are concerned about the impacts on the sovereignty of Member States over their airspace, let me be clear, and let me underline that all the provisions aim to foster better coordination within Europe. Member States will continue to decide whether and which parts of their airspace they open or they close. Full stop. It’s that simple. So I feel sovereignty will continue to be fully in place.

    Secondly, in response to the Members who have been speaking, let me reiterate what I said in the first term, and that is that more is needed. More needs to be done, and more today would have been better. But politics is also quite often the art of the possible. We are where we are today. Let’s seal this now and then let’s move forward from there.

     
       

     

      Jens Gieseke, Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich danke für diesen konstruktiven Austausch. Obwohl das natürlich ganz rechts und ganz links schwerfällt, bei so einem sachlichen Thema konstruktiv mitzuarbeiten, glaube ich, dass wir insgesamt eine gute Debatte hatten.

    Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum zeigt einmal mehr unser europäisches und auch unser EVP-Engagement für die kontinuierliche Unterstützung der Fluggäste, der Luftfahrtindustrie, der Forschung und Entwicklung, auch im Luftfahrt- und im Raumfahrtsektor, sowie auch die Einhaltung der Umweltversprechen. Wir streben ganz sicher nach effizienteren Flugsicherungsdiensten, weniger Verspätungen, einem geringeren ökologischen Fußabdruck und auch geringeren Kosten für Passagiere und Fluggesellschaften.

    Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum ist ein erster Schritt vorwärts, um die Engpässe im Luftraum zu beseitigen, um endlich einen wirklich einheitlichen EU-Raum zu schaffen, ohne die nationale Souveränität zu beeinträchtigen. Das wird dann auch zu weniger Kosten und zu einer besseren Umweltleistung führen.

    Ich glaube, morgen kann wirklich ein guter Tag werden für Europa. Von daher mein klarer Appell an alle Kolleginnen und Kollegen, morgen pünktlich zur Abstimmung zu kommen und für diese Neufassung zu stimmen. Ich stimme mit dem Kommissarsanwärter, aktuellen Kommissar und demnächst hoffentlich wiedergewählten Kommissar Hoekstra überein: Das ist ein erster Schritt heute, es werden weitere in den nächsten fünf Jahren folgen müssen. Aber für die EVP kann ich sagen: Wir sind bereit, diese Arbeit fortzusetzen. Unsere Bürger werden es sicherlich danken.

     
       

     

      Johan Danielsson, Föredragande. – Herr talman! Jag blir glad över det engagemang som visats under debatten. Avslutningsvis vill jag betona att vårt arbete inom flygsektorn inte slutar här. Vi har, som många konstaterat, fortfarande mycket att göra för att säkerställa en rättvis och hållbar flygsektor i Europa.

    Smidiga gränsöverskridande transporter är viktiga men får aldrig ske på bekostnad av arbetstagares rättigheter. Under denna mandatperiod hoppas jag därför att vi kan ta itu också med andra viktiga frågor som berör sektorn.

    En revidering av EU:s förordning om luftfartstjänster står högt på agendan. För det första måste vi stärka reglerna kring så kallad wet leasing, där flygbolag hyr in plan med besättning. Wet leasing ska naturligtvis kunna användas för att möta oförutsedda händelser, men inte för att konkurrera med löner och arbetsvillkor.

    Utvecklingen – där på ytan seriösa flygbolag skapar dotterbolag med enda syftet att pressa tillbaka personalens arbetsvillkor – är inte värdig och måste få ett slut. För det andra behöver vi tydligare definitioner kring personalens hemmabas. Vi har sett hur bolag i dag utnyttjar skillnader i nationell lagstiftning för att pressa ner lönekostnaderna. Också detta måste få ett slut.

    Med det sagt återstår nu att genomföra Single European Sky. Det kommer att kräva fortsatt hårt arbete från EU-kommissionen i övervakningen av de regler som vi nu ändå får på plats, för att säkerställa att det verkligen blir ett steg framåt och inte ett slag i luften. Jag hoppas att alla är här och röstar för förslaget i morgon.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

    The vote will take place tomorrow.

     

    15. A stronger Europe for safer products to better protect consumers and tackle unfair competition: boosting EU oversight in e-commerce and imports (debate)


     

      Didier Reynders, membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je suis ravi d’être parmi vous aujourd’hui pour débattre des défis que pose le commerce électronique, tant en matière de protection des consommateurs que de concurrence loyale ou de durabilité. Ces dernières années, des milliards de colis individuels ont été expédiés directement aux consommateurs de l’Union, notamment par voie aérienne, et de nouveaux acteurs du commerce électronique, principalement installés en dehors de l’Union, dominent désormais le marché. Quatre milliards de colis devraient être livrés en 2024.

    La Commission est consciente que cet afflux de marchandises achetées en ligne pose des défis en matière de conformité au cadre juridique applicable et de sécurité, de concurrence déloyale et de durabilité. En effet, bon nombre de ces produits s’avèrent dangereux, non conformes ou contrefaits.

    En raison de l’urgence de la situation, nous devons identifier une réponse européenne collective pour garantir la sécurité et la conformité des produits vendus sur ces plateformes de commerce électronique situées dans des pays tiers, pour préserver les consommateurs de pratiques commerciales déloyales et pour assurer des conditions de concurrence justes et équitables aux entreprises européennes.

    The Commission is ready to act in cooperation with the market surveillance authorities, the consumer protection and customs authorities, as well as with the digital services coordinators under the DSA to effectively enforce Union legislation and increase the controls on those platforms and products. We have instruments at our disposal that we are already using.

    First, the Digital Services Act is a powerful tool and it is a priority to enforce this regulation. The Commission is fully committed to ensuring strong and effective enforcement against very large online platforms, notably marketplaces not complying with all rules, which risk fines up to 6% of their global turnover. The DSA gives the Commission unprecedented enforcement powers that are already available. The recent enforcement action by the Commission, which resulted in TikTok’s commitment to withdraw its ‘lite rewards’ system from the EU market, as it raised concerns of addictiveness, is a good example of what the DSA can deliver for the whole European Union.

    More specifically, regarding e-commerce, the Commission has already launched an investigation in relation to AliExpress’ practices, including on suspicions related to the risk of dissemination of illegal products and the possible negative impact to consumer protection. We have also recently designated Temu and Shein as very large online platforms under the DSA, and already launched investigative actions in relation to these two online marketplaces. Consumer protection and compliance by online marketplaces is and will remain one of our enforcement priorities. We take this responsibility seriously and will not refrain to act decisively. The Commission will also coordinate closely with the digital services coordinators, which are responsible for the smaller online marketplaces, to ensure that smaller online marketplaces also follow the rules, and that these rules are consistently applied in the European Union. The European Board for Digital Services is crucial in this respect.

    Second, customs authorities are the first line of defence when it comes to products imported from third countries. They are also key actors in the supply chain to identify and suspend the release of non-compliant and dangerous goods. The customs reform, proposed by the Commission in 2023, is currently being discussed by the European Parliament and the Council. Under this proposed reform, the implementation of an EU customs data hub would enable risk management at EU level, making the enforcement of compliance with product requirements more targeted and effective. Additionally, the proposal includes an abolition of the current threshold that exempts goods valued at less than EUR 150 from customs duties. These measures would be important tools for combating fraud and abuse. However, customs authorities cannot act alone. It is crucial for them to collaborate with market surveillance authorities and digital services coordinators to combine their tools, capacity and expertise.

    Third, the Consumer Protection Cooperation Network, under the coordination of the Commission, has carried out several enforcement actions in recent years against key market players, such as Amazon and AliExpress, to bring them into line with EU consumer protection legislation. In May, the consumer organisation BEUC informed the Commission about practices of the e-commerce platform Temu and its alleged non-compliance with, among others, EU consumer laws. The Commission has immediately informed the CPC Network about this complaint, and discussions under that format are ongoing. Compliance by major e-commerce players, including those targeting European consumers from third countries, is a top priority for the Commission and national authorities. The Commission will continue to fully support and coordinate the enforcement work of the network.

    Looking ahead, it will be essential to further tackle challenges with e-commerce platforms and strengthen measures to prevent non-EU compliant products from entering the EU market. This would include ensuring an optimal articulation between the General Product Safety Regulation, the Market Surveillance Regulation and the Digital Services Act. To further improve online product safety and compliance with relevant rules, it will be our priority to fully use the enforcement toolbox provided for under these regulations, for example, by organising product safety control to check and improve compliance of the e-commerce sector with EU product safety requirements, organising joint product sampling and testing activities involving online mystery shopping, and facilitating further the cooperation between market surveillance and customs authorities to give an unified response to the challenges of e-commerce.

    To ensure that manufacturers outside the EU comply with all rules, the new GPSR also introduces a new obligation to appoint a responsible person for their products. This will guarantee traceability and responsibility for any goods sold on the open market. To address the issue at its source, it is also paramount to continue cooperating with manufacturing third countries. We are, for example, committed to continue the awareness-raising and training activities on EU product safety rules with Chinese companies. Apart from legal obligations, it is also important to explore voluntary cooperation mechanisms, such as the product safety pledge, which has enabled the removal of close to 60 000 unsafe products listings in the past six months.

    It will also be crucial to further improve the current enforcement framework for cross-border infringement of EU consumer law, in order to preserve the level playing field in the Union and the competitiveness of EU businesses. To achieve this aim, we will continue to explore possible approaches to strengthen the Commission’s role in specific circumstances that affect consumers throughout the Union and to further improve the enforcement cooperation among national authorities. Moreover, the Commission encouraged the swift adoption of some proposed legislative initiatives, namely the ‘VAT in the digital age’ package and the customs reform, that aim to structurally improve the transparency and control on the flow of goods entering and leaving the union, starting by e-commerce goods.

    I thank you for your attention. Of course, I am now looking forward to our debate and to try to collect your proposals, remarks, or maybe some criticism.

     
       

     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Onlineplattformen haben die Art und Weise, wie Verbraucher einkaufen, grundlegend geändert. Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher sind nicht mehr auf lokale Anbieter beschränkt, sondern können Waren bei internationalen Händlern einkaufen, wodurch ihre Auswahl erweitert wird und sie oft bessere Preise finden. Sie haben ja gerade angesprochen, Herr Kommissar: 4 Milliarden Pakete allein in diesem Jahr zeigen, dass die europäischen Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher an internationalen Produkten interessiert sind und auf den besten Preis achten. Aber viele Drittstaatenplattformen stehen in der Kritik wegen mangelhafter Produktqualität, unzureichender Kontrollen und damit unfairer Wettbewerbsbedingungen.

    Deswegen ist es gut, Herr Kommissar, dass Sie den Dreiklang aus Maßnahmen, die greifen können, dargestellt haben. Zoll: Wir haben nach wie vor 27 unterschiedliche Zollsysteme, obwohl das einheitliche europäische Zollrecht angewendet werden muss, und es wird leider unterschiedlich angewendet. Wir haben zum Zweiten die Marktaufsichtsbehörden, die alle in nationaler Hand sind und unterschiedlich stark ausgestattet sind, und wir haben das Gesetz über digitale Dienste. Und hier, Herr Kommissar, hätte ich mir etwas mehr erwartet, denn das Gesetz über digitale Dienste wird jetzt schon zum zweiten Mal gegenüber Temu in Anwendung gebracht – aber immer mit der Bitte um Auskunftserteilung und nicht mit Entscheidungen.

    Hier müssen wir schneller vorankommen, denn mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte hat das Europäische Parlament hier – dieses Haus – in den vergangenen Jahren wichtige Schritte unternommen, um das Vertrauen der Bürger in die Sicherheit des Internets zu stärken und um europäischen Unternehmen fairen Wettbewerb anzubieten. Daran wollen wir festhalten, und deshalb ist die Europäische Kommission gefordert, hier Schritte folgen zu lassen.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señor comisario, un 71 % de la población europea compra bienes y servicios en línea. El comercio en línea es cómodo, es barato, pero tiene muchos riesgos. Por ello, regularlo bien es ya inaplazable.

    Sabemos que plataformas de comercio electrónico, como Amazon, Aliexpress, Temu o Shein, están afectando a nuestro comercio en tres aspectos clave.

    En primer lugar, en la seguridad de productos que consumimos: juguetes, ropa, etc. Todos conocemos esos productos que nos llegan a casa y que no cumplen las condiciones mínimas.

    En segundo lugar, en el enorme impacto que tienen sobre el comercio local de nuestros municipios, que está siendo asfixiado por la competencia desleal de estas plataformas a nuestras pymes europeas.

    Y, en tercer lugar, en el medio ambiente, porque sabemos que estas empresas abandonan a su suerte toneladas de paquetes devueltos por clientes en Europa y en otros continentes, lo que pone en riesgo la salud de todo el planeta.

    Para eso tenemos leyes, apliquémoslas: más controles en las aduanas, y comercio y consumo responsable para proteger nuestro medio ambiente, a nuestros consumidores y nuestro comercio local.

     
       

     

      Virginie Joron, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous voici en marche vers cinq ans de teutonneries supplémentaires. On avait espéré en 2019 que le premier mandat von der Leyen ferait état d’une gestion saine et honnête. Mais on a eu le matraquage des automobilistes, un dérapage budgétaire et les fourberies de Pfizer.

    Ce soir, nous parlons donc de la surveillance européenne des marchés du commerce en ligne, pendant que nos commerces de proximité ferment les uns après les autres. La vente de produits dangereux, illicites, contrefaits ou volés est encore légion sur les grandes plateformes. Cette lutte, c’était pourtant ce que vous aviez promis lors de l’adoption de toutes les législations précédentes sur la question. Votre slogan? «Le règlement sur les services numériques protégera vos enfants.» Aujourd’hui, ce n’est plus un règlement sur les services numériques, mais un règlement sur la surveillance numérique qui a été mis en place, sous l’impulsion du démissionnaire Thierry Breton. Les associations de consommateurs ont signalé en avril dernier le géant chinois Temu, parce qu’il n’assurait pas l’identification des vendeurs. C’est l’article 30 du règlement sur les services numériques. Ces mêmes associations ont fait état de cas où le consommateur est manipulé par des prix qui changent ou qui ne correspondent pas au produit choisi. C’est l’article 25 du règlement sur les services numériques. On a eu la directive de 1998 sur les indications de prix, la directive de 2005 sur les pratiques commerciales prohibées, les nouvelles règles de sécurité des jouets ou encore la réforme du code des douanes.

    Mais la réalité, c’est une jungle de normes qui empêchent nos entreprises françaises ou européennes de se développer, et des pays tiers, comme la Chine, leader mondial du commerce électronique, qui contournent sans problème nos règles – dixit un inspecteur de l’OLAF – ou, pis, qui bénéficient d’exemptions des frais de douane pour les achats dont la valeur ne dépasse pas 150 euros. Une jungle où, finalement, c’est Bruxelles qui tire une balle dans le pied du commerce électronique européen.

     
       

     

      Piotr Müller, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Szanowni Państwo! Regulacje dotyczące bezpieczeństwa produktów w Europie są niezwykle ważne. One powodują, że z jednej strony konsumenci są bezpieczni, a z drugiej strony, że standaryzujemy pewnego rodzaju rozwiązania produkcyjne w Europie, co oczywiście też przynosi wymierne korzyści i bezpieczeństwo dla konsumentów. Jednak widzimy tę rosnącą konkurencję ze strony w szczególności rynków azjatyckich i moją obawą jest to, że te przepisy w praktyce nie będą obowiązywały właśnie wobec tych krajów, które dostają się na rynek europejski w sposób inny niż produkcja na naszym rodzimym rynku.

    W związku z tym mam pytanie do Pana Komisarza, jakie działania tutaj można byłoby podjąć (chociażby być może zapisując w nowej perspektywie budżetowej, nad którą będziemy pracować, dodatkowe środki dla urzędów, dla instytucji krajowych i unijnych, ale przede wszystkim krajowych, bo one najczęściej kontrolują jakość produktów), aby właśnie rzeczywista kontrola tych produktów, które pochodzą w szczególności z Azji, miała miejsce.

     
       

     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Wenn Spielzeuge für Babys so leicht auseinanderfallen, dass sie daran ersticken können, dann haben Eltern zu Recht Angst. Vor allem, wenn Untersuchungen zeigen, dass mehr als die Hälfte von Spielzeugen aus Drittländern wie China gefährlich ist.

    Wenn Designs von kleinen europäischen Designern kopiert werden und die Klamotten aus fragwürdiger Produktion mit giftigen Chemikalien belastet sind und dann auch noch über Plattformen wie Temu und Shein zu Billigpreisen verschleudert werden, dann leiden wir Verbraucher, unsere Umwelt und unsere Unternehmen, die sich an Recht und Gesetz halten.

    Illegale und unsichere Produkte dürfen nicht in unseren Binnenmarkt kommen, am besten, weil sie bereits vor Verkauf gestoppt werden. Die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten müssen geltendes Recht rigoros durchsetzen: das Gesetz über digitale Dienste und die neuen Regeln zu Produktsicherheit. Wir müssen gemeinsam unsere Marktüberwachung und unseren Zoll stärken. Vor allem die Digitalisierung des Zolls muss schneller vorangehen, damit wir die digitale Voranmeldung und auch den Wegfall der Freigrenze für illegale Produkte haben können, damit wir illegale Produkte aus unserem Markt fernhalten können.

    Ich baue darauf, dass die Kommission zügig einen Aktionsplan mit den Mitgliedstaaten umsetzen wird, damit unsere Kleinsten sicher sind, damit Shopping weder zur Ausbeutung von Umwelt noch von Menschen führt und Wettbewerb fair ist.

     
       

     

      Saskia Bricmont, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, vous l’avez dit: Temu, Shein, AliExpress, Amazon et de plus petites plateformes inondent le marché européen de produits à faible coût. Mais, derrière ces bas prix, il y a des coûts énormes, notamment des techniques de manipulation en ligne incitant à l’hyperconsommation ou des produits de mauvaise qualité pouvant s’avérer dangereux pour la santé et la sécurité.

    Une enquête a même révélé que 80 % des jouets testés ayant été importés par le biais de ces plateformes ne respectaient pas les normes de sécurité européennes. Cela induit aussi une concurrence déloyale pour les entreprises européennes qui respectent les normes sociales, environnementales, de produits, de sécurité. Ces normes existent au niveau européen pour de bonnes raisons: la protection des consommateurs, des travailleurs, de l’environnement. Elles doivent donc être respectées par tout le monde, y compris par les entreprises importatrices et par les plateformes de pays tiers.

    Des centaines de milliers de colis arrivent chez nous tous les jours, en un clic et sans avoir fait l’objet de contrôles. Autant de produits potentiellement dangereux, qui ne respectent pas les normes européennes. Cette concurrence déloyale touche tous les secteurs et constitue souvent un frein au développement de filières locales durables et sociétalement responsables. C’est le cas notamment du secteur textile, où la concurrence déloyale de l’«ultrafast fashion» venant des plateformes chinoises menace l’émergence d’un secteur textile durable en Europe.

    L’Union européenne est bien là pour protéger les consommateurs et nos entrepreneurs: il faut donc assurer effectivement le respect des règles, la transparence et l’information des consommateurs, mais aussi des contrôles douaniers renforcés et les moyens nécessaires à de tels contrôles, des droits de douane même pour les achats de moins de 150 euros, et un renforcement des sanctions à l’égard des plateformes qui ne respectent pas les règles.

     
       

     

      Hanna Gedin, för The Left gruppen. – Herr talman! Jag ska börja med att säga att jag är glad att vi har den här diskussionen, för situationen är ohållbar.

    Från Vänstern har vi länge krävt ett stramare regelverk för e-handelsplattformar. Ett test som nyligen gjordes av leksaksbranschen visar att åtta av tio leksaker som importeras till EU och kan köpas på olika internetsajter riskerar att kväva eller förgifta barn – kväva och förgifta våra barn.

    De uppfyller inte EU:s säkerhetskrav. Vår uppgift som lagstiftare är att se till att minska risken för olyckor, att se till att medborgarna är trygga och säkra. Det gör vi genom att premiera miljövänliga och säkra produkter, samtidigt som vi ser till att arbetsvillkoren för dem som producerar de här sakerna är bra.

    Det är inte bara barn och andra konsumenter i Europa som riskerar att skadas. Det finns återkommande indikationer på att många av de här produkterna, förutom att de är skadliga, dessutom är tillverkade genom tvångsarbete.

    Kommissionen måste agera – inte bara för att den här slapphäntheten mot utländska internetsajter konkurrerar med lägre standarder och sämre arbetsvillkor än varor som produceras i enlighet med EU-lagstiftning. Dagens regelverk leder faktiskt till stora risker för alla medborgare – inte minst för våra barn. Lösningen måste vara att även utländska sajter får samma skyldigheter som inhemska aktörer, att tullen får större resurser och att varor som importeras, till exempel från Kina, inte längre ska subventioneras när det kommer till exempelvis fraktkostnader.

     
       

     

      Zsuzsanna Borvendég, a ESN képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A helyi termelők által helyben előállított termékek védik a környezetet és a nemzetgazdaságot is erősítik, vagyis minden szempontból a társadalom jólétét szolgálják. Emiatt kezdett pártom, a Mi Hazánk Mozgalom hazai termelői vásárokat szervezni Magyarországon, ezzel is népszerűsítve a jó minőségű helyi termékek fogyasztását. Az élelmiszeripar különösen veszélyeztetett ezen a területen. Vissza kell szorítani a globális élelmiszerláncok sokszor gyenge minőségű, földrészeken át utaztatott, agyonvegyszerezett termékeinek dömpingjét.

    A multik gazdasági érdekei nem írhatják felül az emberek egészséges élethez való jogát, de meg kell akadályozni azt is, hogy politikai elfogultság alapján olyan mezőgazdasági termékeknek nyissunk szabad utat, amelyek nem felelnek meg az EU-s előírásoknak, ahogy az számos ukrán termék esetében megtörténik. Azonnali hatállyal meg kell tiltani a harmadik országokból érkező hamisított méz importját is. Ennek érdekében egy előterjesztést is készítettem, amelyet az ESN frakció benyújtott, de az AGRI bizottság napirendre sem volt hajlandó ezt tűzni. Kérem, gondolják ezt át újra!

     
       


     

      Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Hr. Formand, kommissær. Flere og flere handler på nettet. Legetøj, tøj, gaver. Det er nemt, det er bekvemt, og det er praktisk. Men hvis man handler på platforme som Temu, så kan det altså skade både din sundhed, vores miljø og den europæiske konkurrenceevne, og alt for mange af f.eks. Temu’s produkter de lever simpelthen ikke op til de europæiske regler. De er sundhedsskadelige, miljøskadelige, og så er de også ødelæggende for vores konkurrencesituation for vores europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er der brug for, at der sker noget. Vi har fået mange nye regler, men vi har brug for, at de bliver håndhævet. Derfor vil jeg gerne opfordre EU-Kommissionen til at komme i gang med at håndhæve reglerne og gøre det lidt hurtigere, end det, der sker i dag. Vi har fået nogle gode regler i det, jeg sagde. Spørgsmålet er, om de er gode nok, spørgsmålet er, om der skal mere til. Noget af det, som jeg tror, vi skal kigge på, er, om vi egentlig ikke burde give disse handelsplatforme et importøransvar, så de fik et meget konkret og direkte ansvar for at sikre, at de produkter, de sælger, overholder de europæiske regler. Så hurtigere og bedre, og hvis ikke det er nok, så tror jeg, at vi skal se på, om der skal endnu flere strammere regler til.

     
       

     

      Ernő Schaller-Baross (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A termékbiztonság egyre sürgetőbb kérdés Európában, különösen az e-kereskedelem gyors ütemű terjedése révén. Mondjuk ki őszintén, a piacfelügyelet rendszere ma nem elég hatékony, hogy lépést tartson a digitális világ kihívásaival. A fellépés hiánya komoly kockázatot jelent polgáraink biztonságára nézve, és hosszú távon veszélyezteti Európa versenyképességét is. Az e-kereskedelem gyors üteme és a határokon átnyúló eladások miatt a tagállami hatóságoknak nehéz feladatuk van, hogy minden egyes terméket ellenőrizzenek.

    Így a fogyasztók biztonsága gyakran veszélybe kerül, és a szabályozás átláthatóságának fenntartására s kihívásokkal szembesül. Az Európai Parlament nem blokkolhatja tovább a háromoldalú tárgyalásokat, kezdje el a munkát. Kezdje el a termékbiztonságot érintő javaslatok, többek között a játékbiztonságról szóló szabályok tárgyalását is. Ne hagyjuk, hogy a késlekedés ára az európai polgárok vagy gyermekeink biztonsága legyen! Tegyük meg a szükséges lépéseket közösen, hogy Európa továbbra is az innováció és a biztonságos termékek kontinense lehessen. A jelenlévő vagy nem jelenlévő TISZA párti képviselőknek pedig azt üzenem, hogy ne féljenek, ha kérdést tesznek föl ebben a Házban, ebben a teremben válaszolni is lehet.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la protezione dei consumatori e la lotta alla concorrenza sleale, soprattutto nel commercio online, sono una questione prioritaria per l’Europa.

    Troppi prodotti non conformi agli standard europei continuano a entrare nel nostro mercato attraverso l’e-commerce, mettendo a rischio la sicurezza dei consumatori e penalizzando le nostre aziende, in particolare le piccole e medie imprese italiane ed europee.

    Non possiamo più accettare che le nostre imprese siano costrette a competere ad armi impari con prodotti di bassa qualità provenienti da paesi che non rispettano le nostre regole. Le aziende che rispettano rigorosamente la normativa europea su sicurezza e qualità sono penalizzate da una concorrenza sleale.

    Dobbiamo rafforzare i controlli alle frontiere, garantire che i prodotti importati rispettino gli stessi standard che le nostre imprese sono tenute a seguire. Chiediamo che l’Unione europea intervenga con decisione: è fondamentale che le piattaforme di e-commerce non diventino un canale privilegiato per la vendita di prodotti non conformi. Questo è un punto essenziale per difendere la sovranità economica italiana e quella europea, proteggendo il nostro tessuto produttivo.

    Come abbiamo spesso sottolineato, la nostra economia non può continuare a subire le conseguenze di politiche commerciali che favoriscono attori esterni a scapito delle nostre eccellenze.

     
       


     

      Majdouline Sbai (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, en dix ans, le chiffre d’affaires du commerce électronique a été multiplié par trois. Rien qu’en France, le chiffre d’affaires du site Shein se monte à 1,63 milliard d’euros. C’est un tsunami économique.

    Alors oui, oui à la protection des consommateurs, oui à la fin de l’exonération des droits de douane en dessous de 150 euros d’achats, oui à une enquête précise sur les soupçons de subventions chinoises et de concurrence déloyale, oui à la fin de la publicité mensongère, oui, encore oui au contrôle sur la toxicité, la propriété intellectuelle et la sécurité des données personnelles.

    Oui, mais quand? Combien d’enseignes et de marques européennes auront fermé entre-temps? Combien de chaussures pour enfants intoxiquées au plomb aurons-nous achetées? Combien de jeunes auront adopté des comportements de consommation détestables pour notre avenir?

    Alors, oui à tout cela, mais quand? Je vous le dis: agissons maintenant!

     
       

     

      Leila Chaibi (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, des ballons de baudruche à gonfler soi-même bourrés de substances cancérigènes, des jouets comprenant des pièces qui peuvent être avalées, des casques de moto pour enfants qui, en fait ne protègent pas du tout, des détecteurs de fumée qui ne détectent pas la fumée… Ces produits dangereux ne sont pas des exceptions: ils pullulent sur des plateformes de vente en ligne comme Amazon, Temu ou Wish. Les associations de consommateurs les ont testées, et le constat est alarmant.

    Comment est-il possible que ces objets puissent envahir le marché européen? La réponse est simple. Pour les géants du commerce électronique, la priorité c’est: les profits, et le marché européen, c’est le jackpot.

    C’est un triple jackpot, en réalité. D’abord, un jackpot sur les normes de sécurité, car ces plateformes ignorent les normes de sécurité en vigueur chez nous. Elles inondent l’Union européenne de produits qui ne respectent pas les réglementations en matière de sécurité, et mettent donc les Européens en danger.

    C’est un jackpot sur les conditions de travail, car ces produits sont fabriqués dans des conditions inacceptables, en exploitant les travailleurs et en détruisant la planète.

    C’est un jackpot sur les obligations fiscales, car, pour couronner le tout, ces plateformes trouvent le moyen d’échapper à leurs obligations fiscales. Et tout cela permet à ces plateformes de commerce électronique de casser les prix et d’écraser nos entreprises européennes, qui ne peuvent pas rivaliser face à cette concurrence déloyale.

    Chers collègues, il est temps de sonner la fin de la récré pour Amazon, pour Temu, pour Alibaba et compagnie. L’Union européenne passe beaucoup de temps à discuter, à légiférer sur le poids des pommes ou sur la pulpe des poires. Je ne dis pas que ce n’est pas intéressant, que ce n’est pas important, mais je crois qu’il y a plus important et plus urgent en matière de normalisation au sein du marché unique.

    Les plateformes de commerce électronique doivent assumer leurs responsabilités et se soumettre à nos règles communes. Elles doivent être tenues pour responsables des produits qu’elles vendent, comme n’importe quel commerçant en réalité. Si elles veulent jouer dans notre cour, alors elles doivent se conformer à nos règles. Pas de passe-droit. La santé et la sécurité des Européennes et des Européens passent avant leurs profits.

     
       

     

      Kateřina Konečná (NI). – Pane předsedající, kolegyně a kolegové, hračky pro batolata, které se snadno rozbijí na malé kousky, u nichž hrozí vdechnutí, nefungující plynové alarmy či hračky a kosmetika obsahující nebezpečné chemikálie – zkrátka produkty, které ohrožují spotřebitele a které jsou v Evropské unii zakázány vyrábět i prodávat.

    Jenže e-shopy až do této chvíle dokáží naše pravidla zdatně obcházet a společně s nimi je obchází i výrobci ze zemí mimo Evropskou unii. Tyto zdraví i život ohrožující výrobky, jež často cílí na děti, nadále zaplavují evropský trh díky e-shopům a nízkým nákladům na jejich výrobu. Budu ráda, pokud konečně tuto skulinu, jednou provždy, odstraníme. On-line platformy musí také nést odpovědnost za produkty, které na svých stránkách nabízejí. Jejich stahování musí mít jasná pravidla. Informační systémy musí být lépe připraveny a pokuty za jejich prodávání musí být značně vyšší, než byly dosud. Jsem ráda, že alespoň zde se věci mají s novými pravidly ubírat správným směrem.

     
       

     

      Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz (PPE). – Panie Komisarzu! Koledzy, koleżanki! Unia Europejska jest liderem we wprowadzaniu regulacji chroniących konsumentów na rynku cyfrowym, a jednocześnie miliony Europejczyków korzystają z niespełniających standardów Unii Europejskiej produktów. Dlaczego? Po pierwsze dlatego, że europejski rynek jest zalewany przez chińskie subsydiowane towary sprzedawane po bezkonkurencyjnie niskich cenach. 2023 rok 2 miliardy paczek, 2024 rok dwa razy tyle paczek – 4 miliardy.

    Po drugie wjeżdżają niebezpieczne produkty. W liście, który otrzymałam od 100 producentów zabawek z Polski, wskazano na sprawozdanie Toy Industries of Europe, z którego dowiadujemy się, że 18 z 19 zabawek kupionych na platformie Temu stanowi rzeczywiste zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa dzieci. Po trzecie chińskie platformy sprzedażowe stosują agresywny marketing i manipulują klientami. Często informacje o tym, kto sprzedaje i za ile sprzedaje wymagają dziesiątki kliknięć, a i tak na koniec są podawane po chińsku.

    Co możemy zrobić, żeby przywrócić uczciwą konkurencję? Po pierwsze wprowadzić poza nielicznymi wyjątkami cła na paczki o wartości do 150 euro. Po drugie Komisja musi skutecznie i szybko egzekwować istniejące prawo. Po trzecie działania organów nadzoru krajowych i unijnych muszą być skoordynowane. Musimy to zatrzymać, zanim będzie za późno, zanim miliony produktów niespełniających standardów bezpieczeństwa trafią do naszych domów, do rąk naszych dzieci, zanim setki tysięcy miejsc w Europie znikną. Musimy to zrobić teraz.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, discutăm de protecția consumatorului și concurența loială în piață, domnule comisar. Sigur, am dezbătut astăzi și dezbatem comerțul online. Avem foarte multe reglementări, le-ați enumerat și dumneavoastră. Întreb: poate un cetățean, un consumator care a achiziționat online un produs să se apere dacă produsul e defect, dacă se îmbolnăvește, dacă produsul nu este conform? Avem reglementare de la etichetare până la dreptul la repararea produselor.

    Totuși, în piața internă sunt extrem de multe produse neconforme din țări terțe și – sigur nu vă dau, cred, o noutate – și în comerțul online avem produse din țări terțe pentru că acordurile nu sunt bine comercial făcute. Nu este subliniată respectarea standardelor de produs, cele europene, și atunci întrebarea este: cum le aplicăm? Reformarea vămilor – pentru prima dată vom avea o autoritate europeană pentru vămi. Problema este de aplicare, nu de reglementare. Am rămas în urmă cu implementarea și cred că aici trebuie să punem accent împreună cu statele membre, evident, ca să protejăm cu adevărat consumatorii.

     
       

     

      Gilles Pennelle (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, nous ne pouvons bien évidemment, au groupe des Patriotes pour l’Europe, que saluer l’intention de protéger les consommateurs européens. Cependant, le rapport Letta nous démontre que nous assistons à une augmentation des fraudes, à une augmentation de la concurrence déloyale et à ces fameuses importations de produits dangereux.

    Alors certes, on a beaucoup parlé des jouets. Je voudrais aussi parler des médicaments, par exemple, qui sont extrêmement dangereux pour la santé lorsqu’ils sont achetés sur des sites que personne ne contrôle. Dans la réalité, vous récoltez, à la Commission et dans cette Union européenne, les fruits de votre politique. C’est le résultat du dogme suprême du libre-échange qui nous amène là où nous en sommes.

    En effet, comment contrôler cette jungle qu’est devenu aujourd’hui le commerce électronique, où les géants du numérique règnent en maîtres. Je pense que les solutions ne sont, comme d’habitude, pas celles que vous proposez. Les solutions sont nationales. Il faut renforcer les douanes nationales pour contrôler ces importations de produits dangereux.

    Je voudrais, puisqu’il me reste quelques secondes, rappeler que, dans la plus grande opacité, dans le plus grand secret, la Commission européenne négocie actuellement le traité de libre-échange avec le Mercosur. Mais, là aussi, nous allons probablement importer des produits dangereux, des viandes de très mauvaise qualité, nourries par des produits interdits dans l’Union européenne.

    Finalement, vous êtes face à vos contradictions. Il est temps de changer de politique.

     
       

     

      Francesco Torselli (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi l’Unione europea sta subendo un vero e proprio attacco da parte di certe nazioni straniere a colpi di prodotti non conformi, di bassissima qualità, spesso anche pericolosi per il consumatore finale.

    Un attacco che sfrutta due falle esistenti nel nostro sistema di difesa: la prima, la possibilità di aggirare facilmente le regole da parte di certe piattaforme online; e la seconda, il fatto che l’Europa negli ultimi anni ha promulgato una serie di regolamenti autolesionisti, che spesso sembravano più favorire chi stava fuori dall’Europa piuttosto che le nostre imprese.

    È essenziale che oggi l’Unione europea intensifichi i controlli alle frontiere, protegga i consumatori, contrasti la concorrenza sleale. Dobbiamo migliorare la cooperazione, responsabilizzare le piattaforme online. Cooperazione e responsabilità: queste sono le ricette per un’Europa più forte che contrasti il commercio illegale.

     
       

     

      Nikola Minchev (Renew). – Mr President, the European Union is a global leader in setting high standards with the aim of ensuring quality and protecting our consumers. ‘Made in the EU’ is not just a label; it’s an unmatched guarantee of quality and safety. Yet we allow unreasonably cheap, low-quality, sometimes even dangerous, products to flood our markets, undercutting our industries. This must change.

    We need stronger enforcement of anti-dumping measures to defend the integrity of our single market. The European Commission has made recent strides, improving trade defence instruments by over 40 % to allow faster investigations and duties on unfair imports. But more action and especially enforcement of the existing rules is needed.

    Take my own country, Bulgaria. As the EU’s sixth largest exporter of electric bikes, our manufacturers face competition from cheap, lower quality imports from non-EU countries. These imports threaten to destabilise the growing sector. Robust enforcement, like recent EU actions against Chinese e-bikes, is essential to protect jobs, innovation and fair competition across Europe.

     
       

     

      Anna Cavazzini (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Teddybär auf der Onlineplattform Temu, der sieht süß und flauschig aus und kostet auch nur zwölf Euro. Aber wenn die Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher diesen Teddy bestellen, besteht die 95-prozentige Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass er den europäischen Vorgaben für Produktsicherheit nicht entspricht. In anderen Worten: Das Kuscheltier ist gefährlich: Seine Augen können verschluckt werden, oder das Fell ist vielleicht giftig.

    Dem immer schneller wachsenden Anteil des Onlinehandels, besonders mit Billigprodukten aus China, stehen Zoll und Marktüberwachung hier in Europa hilflos gegenüber. Dieses Jahr gehen Schätzungen zufolge vier Milliarden Pakete in die Europäische Union ein, die unter der Zollgrenze von 150 Euro liegen, und sie landen direkt bei den Verbraucherinnen und Verbrauchern.

    Es ist allerhöchste Zeit, unseren hohen europäischen Verbraucherschutz auch im Onlinehandel durchzusetzen. Die Kommission muss das Gesetz über digitale Dienste konsequent umsetzen und Online-Marktplätze mehr in die Verantwortung nehmen. Die EU-Zollreform ist der Schlüssel, um Kontrollen an unseren Grenzen zu verbessern. Das Parlament hat seine Hausaufgaben gemacht; der Rat schleicht und blockiert, und wir verlieren kostbare Zeit.

    Wir brauchen endlich mehr rechtliche und finanzielle Verantwortung für die Onlineplattformen. Den großen Wurf hat leider die konservative Seite dieses Parlaments in der letzten Legislatur blockiert; jetzt erkennen alle, glaube ich, dass es ein Fehler war.

     
       

     

      Christian Doleschal (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ein T-Shirt für drei Euro, eine Jacke für sieben oder ein Kinder-Plüschtier für wenige Cents: E-Commerce-Händler wie Temu oder Shein überfluten mit aggressiven Vermarktungsstrategien und Dumpingpreisen unsere Märkte. Allein 2023 exportierten Shein und Temu zusammen täglich 9000 Tonnen Fracht nach Europa. Mit ihren unlauteren Praktiken setzen sie unsere Onlinehändler, aber auch unsere Geschäfte in unseren schönen Innenstädten unter enormen Druck. Während diese sich an strenge europäische Vorschriften halten, verstoßen Temu und Shein gegen Vorgaben zur Produktsicherheit, Arbeitsbedingungen, Nachhaltigkeit, Urheberrecht und Datenschutz – ohne spürbare Konsequenzen.

    Doch eigentlich mangelt es nicht an Regeln, sondern an deren konsequenter Durchsetzung. E-Commerce-Plattformen wie Temu oder Shein nutzen geschickt Lücken in der Marktüberwachung und bei der Wareneinfuhr zu ihrem Vorteil. Fehlende innereuropäische Vernetzung beim Datenaustausch, unzureichende Zollkontrollen und die aktuell noch gültigen Zollbestimmungen begünstigen die oftmals ungeprüfte Einfuhr von Waren aus dem Ausland in massenhaften Paketen mit geringem Warenwert.

    Ja, es ist wichtig, die Aufhebung der Zollbefreiung von Waren unter 150 Euro im Rahmen der EU-Zollreform anzuregen, und dafür danke ich der Kommission. Wir müssen sehen, dass diese neuen Regeln so schnell wie möglich in Kraft treten und durchgesetzt werden. Es geht nicht darum, Protektionismus zu fördern, vielmehr geht es um fairen Wettbewerb – wenn unsere Innenstädte leer gefegt und unsere europäischen Onlinehändler zerstört sind, ist es zu spät.

     
       

     

      Bernd Lange (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Temu-Schlagzeile „Shoppen wie ein Millionär“ müsste man wahrscheinlich umdichten in „Verkaufen wie ein Milliardär“. Wir haben gehört, vier Milliarden Päckchen kommen dieses Jahr von den Onlineplattformen Temu, Shein und AliExpress, und da frage ich mich schon, Herr Kommissar: Warum haben wir da nicht eine Gleichbehandlung mit Verkäufen innerhalb der Europäischen Union?

    Ich möchte ja nicht den Markt zumachen, überhaupt nicht. Aber es kann doch nicht sein, wenn wir innerhalb der Europäischen Union RAPEX haben, andere Möglichkeiten haben und wenn da ein Laden Produkte verkauft, die nicht akzeptabel sind, wird der Laden zugemacht, und hier fragen wir immer nur nach Informationen und machen im Grunde nicht klar, wenn ein Produkt auf der Plattform ist, und das ist mehrmals passiert, dass diese Plattform eben nicht mehr liefern kann.

    Oder auch – Sie sagen, die 150 Euro müssen fallen. Fallen die 2028, wie die Kommission vorschlägt, oder eben früher? Und was ist mit dem Rat und der Zollreform? Auch hier passiert zu wenig. Nicht nur klagen, sondern auch handeln für einen fairen Wettbewerb.

     
       

     

      Valérie Deloge (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, quand on entend parler de contrefaçons, on ne pense pas tout de suite à la nourriture. Pourtant, rien qu’en 2023, ce sont 1 150 000 produits alimentaires contrefaits qui ont été saisis en France. Yaourts, pâtes, fromages, mais aussi vin, cognac, huîtres et petits pots pour bébé: tout y passe. Ces produits sont faits pour ressembler à s’y méprendre aux originaux, mais ils ne répondent pas à nos normes et peuvent causer des risques pour notre santé. Pis: ces contrefaçons sont souvent 20 % à 70 % moins chères que les originaux. Nombreux sont les consommateurs qui les achètent, pensant profiter d’offres attrayantes sur des lots de déstockage.

    Cette situation est aussi dangereuse qu’intolérable. Elle signifie que nos agriculteurs et nos transformateurs ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec les pays étrangers qui inondent notre marché à cause d’accords de libre-échange irresponsables, ils sont aussi en concurrence avec ces fraudes, qui ternissent l’image des filières et véhiculent une image négative des produits.

    Après les manifestations de l’an dernier, vous avez dit entendre la colère du monde agricole. Vous prétendez vouloir rétablir la réputation des agriculteurs et défendre les filières européennes: voici une bonne occasion de le faire. Traquez ces produits, contrôlez l’entrée des marchandises de mauvaise qualité ou qui ne répondent pas à nos normes et rendez au consommateur l’assurance qu’en achetant des produits européens ils achèteront de la qualité. La colère des agriculteurs, elle, est toujours là. À vous maintenant de prouver que vous pouvez vraiment agir.

     
       

     

      Nicolas Bay (ECR). – Monsieur le Président, à quoi bon avoir les normes les plus strictes et les plus exigeantes du monde si c’est pour laisser notre marché être inondé par des importations qui ne les respectent pas? À quoi bon étouffer nos producteurs par la paperasse, les taxes, les règles, si c’est pour laisser leurs concurrents tricher?

    Face à la concurrence déloyale, l’Union doit autant protéger ses consommateurs que défendre ses entreprises et ses producteurs. La réciprocité et des conditions équitables de concurrence sont nécessaires pour que le commerce soit bénéfique à tous. Il est impératif de multiplier les contrôles sur les importations et il est surtout impératif de ne pas nouer des accords commerciaux déséquilibrés. Le traité avec le Mercosur, en particulier, que la Commission cherche à conclure dans la précipitation, sacrifiera comme toujours nos agriculteurs. C’est une telle certitude, d’ailleurs, qu’un fonds est déjà prévu pour les indemniser.

    Nos producteurs sont les plus respectueux à la fois des consommateurs, de leurs animaux et de l’environnement. Leurs produits sont les meilleurs au monde. Ils ne veulent pas vivre de la charité. Ils veulent vivre du plus vieux et du plus noble des métiers: le travail de la terre, le travail de nos pères. Libérons-les et laissons-les se battre à armes égales en cessant d’organiser la concurrence déloyale, qui les condamne à la disparition.

     
       

     

      Anna Stürgkh (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Ja, bei fast jeder Diskussion zur EU fällt ein Wort wie das Amen im Gebet: Regulierung. Die EU als Regulierungsweltmeister und die Regulierung als quasi Endgegner der Innovation, ganz nach dem Motto „Du, glückliches Europa, reguliere“. Dabei steckt ja hinter den Regulierungen eigentlich ein wichtiges Ziel: nämlich Menschen und Unternehmen zu schützen und sie zu unterstützen, sicherzugehen, dass sie nicht Produzentinnen und Produzenten ausgeliefert werden, die Gesetze mit Füßen treten und Profit am Ende sogar noch mit dem Leben ihrer Konsumentinnen und Konsumenten machen.

    Dafür müssen wir aber die richtige Regulierung machen, und dafür müssen wir uns auch trauen, manchmal hinderliche Regulierungen wegzulassen. Wir müssen Menschen die Sicherheit geben, dass die Produkte, die sie in Europa auch online kaufen, nicht ihre Gesundheit oder ihr Leben gefährden. Wir müssen dafür sorgen, dass die Regeln, die für europäische Produzentinnen und Produzenten gelten, auch für Produkte gelten, die in unserem Land aus Drittstaaten in unsere Haushalte kommen. Wir müssen sichergehen, dass europäische Regeln auch europäisch gelten und nicht 27-mal unterschiedlich ausgelegt werden.

    Die Ziele sind richtig, der Weg noch holprig. Aber ja, „Du glückliches Europa – reguliere“.

     
       


     

      Δημήτρης Τσιόδρας (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, οι Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες σε πολλές περιπτώσεις νιώθουν απροστάτευτοι από αθέμιτες πρακτικές, αλλά και από τον τρόπο με τον οποίο γίνονται πολλές συναλλαγές, ιδιαίτερα στο νέο ψηφιακό περιβάλλον.

    Στο ηλεκτρονικό εμπόριο πολλές φορές οι καταναλωτές δεν αισθάνονται ότι έχουν τον πλήρη έλεγχο των συναλλαγών τους λόγω των πολύπλοκων κανόνων και των ρητρών που περιλαμβάνονται στα περιβόητα ψιλά γράμματα. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις υπάρχουν συγκαλυμμένες χρεώσεις, ενώ ο σχεδιασμός πολλών ψηφιακών υπηρεσιών δημιουργεί εθισμό στα παιδιά και οδηγεί σε πρόσθετες χρεώσεις μέσω βιντεοπαιχνιδιών. Παράλληλα, κάθε χρόνο, καταναλωτές στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αγοράζουν, χωρίς να το γνωρίζουν, προϊόντα τα οποία δεν πληρούν τα ευρωπαϊκά πρότυπα ποιότητας και ασφάλειας.

    Ένα άλλο σημαντικό θέμα είναι ότι μεγάλες πολυεθνικές εταιρείες εκμεταλλεύονται τη δεσπόζουσα θέση τους στην αγορά για να επιβάλουν γεωγραφικούς εφοδιαστικούς περιορισμούς, επιβάλλοντας αδικαιολόγητα υψηλές τιμές. Ο πρωθυπουργός Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης έχει στείλει στην Επιτροπή μια σχετική επιστολή και πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να επιληφθεί του θέματος. Είναι αναγκαία η αυστηρή τήρηση των κανόνων και, όπου χρειάζεται, περαιτέρω αυστηροποίηση της νομοθεσίας και συνεργασία των αρχών, προκειμένου οι Ευρωπαίοι καταναλωτές να αισθάνονται ότι προστατεύονται.

     
       

     

      Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, potrošačke organizacije čak 17 država prijavile se Europskoj komisiji najnoviji kineski div Temu. Propituje se sigurnost proizvoda, štetnost za zdravlje, pa čak i prodajni lanac u smislu prodaje ilegalnih proizvoda. Temu i dalje prodaje, ljudi i dalje kupuju.

    Prije nekoliko godina 18 potrošačkih organizacija prijavilo je Tik Tok europskim tijelima radi štetnog utjecaja na maloljetnike, koji čine 30 posto njihovih korisnika. Narušavanje mentalnog zdravlja, izazivanje ovisnosti, poticanje nezdravih navika i ponašanja kod djece gorući su problemi koji traže hitnu reakciju. Unatoč tome, promjene na platformi su minimalne.

    Kako prisiliti internetske divove da poštuju europska pravila? Treba dati veće ovlasti Europskoj komisiji u slučaju povrede potrošačkih prava. Pokažimo građanima da nisu sami, da je udar na naše ljude, udar i na naše institucije i da će one brzo i efikasno odgovoriti ondje gdje ih najviše boli. One koji rade greške – udarimo ih po džepu.

     
       

     

      Philippe Olivier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, la question de la sécurité des produits n’est pas toujours affaire de développement juridique ou de normes, mais de contrôles. Elle pose la question des portes d’entrée de l’Europe, et les portes d’entrée de l’Europe, ce sont les ports. Sur Le Havre, sur 6 000 conteneurs, seuls 5 sont contrôlés. D’une manière générale, tous les ports européens tendent à être pris en main par les mafias, soit par la peur et par la menace, soit par la corruption. Personne ne s’en préoccupe.

    Comment croire que le libre-échange puisse être vertueux quand même les règles les plus élémentaires de surveillance sont en pratique bafouées aux endroits où les contrôles devraient être implacables? Que dire des matières premières qui sont vendues en Europe par des pays qui ne les possèdent pas, mais qui les volent? La République démocratique du Congo est ainsi pillée par son voisin, le Rwanda, et l’Europe commet des actes de recel en achetant à Kigali de telles matières premières.

    Si vous souhaitez ramener un peu d’éthique dans le commerce sans limites et sans règles, rétablissez les contrôles nécessaires.

     
       


     

      Henrik Dahl (PPE). – Hr. Formand. Tak for ordet. Kinesiske online platforme som Temu og Sheen presser det europæiske marked med produkter, der for det første er lodret ulovlige og for det andet er farlige. Disse produkter er for det første en risiko for forbrugerne, men de er også en direkte trussel imod det indre marked. Temu undergraver systematisk de regler, vi har bygget op for at beskytte de europæiske borgere. De regler overholder de europæiske virksomheder i modsætning til Temu. Når Temu udnytter huller i lovgivningen, så får de en unfair konkurrencefordel, som de bruger til at udkonkurrere europæiske virksomheder. EU har skabt et robust regelsæt for forbrugersikkerhed, men uden en effektiv håndhævelse er de regler ikke noget værd. Vi skal ikke tolerere, at kinesiske platforme systematisk bryder reglerne og underminerer europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er det på tide at tage kampen op mod de aktører, der misbruger systemet, skader forbrugerne og fører en form for økonomisk krig imod Europa. Europa skal være stærkt, og derfor skal Europa sanktionere de kinesiske virksomheder, som bevidst bryder reglerne.

     
       

     

      Pierre Jouvet (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, pour éviter un anniversaire ou un Noël sans cadeaux, des parents achètent à bas prix des jouets sur des sites chinois. Comment leur en vouloir, quand les fins de mois sont devenues si difficiles? C’est pourtant un cadeau empoisonné, parce que ces jouets sont certes peu chers, mais très probablement toxiques. D’après des tests menés en laboratoire, près de 80 % d’entre eux sont dangereux.

    En plus de ces jouets toxiques, combien de parfums irritants, de lunettes de soleil inefficaces, de jeans de contrefaçon seront vendus par ces plateformes chinoises qui inondent le marché? Temu, Shein, AliExpress importeront près de 4 milliards d’articles en Europe cette année. Ce chiffre a triplé en trois ans. Ces plateformes profitent du seuil douanier de 150 euros sur les colis internationaux pour échapper à tout contrôle. Ces entreprises violent les droits des consommateurs et nuisent aux fabricants européens, qui, eux, respectent les normes sociales et environnementales.

    L’Europe doit se réveiller et faire respecter un principe simple: «Notre marché, nos règles.»

     
       

     

      Zala Tomašič (PPE). – Gospod predsednik. V skladu s Temujevo politiko zasebnosti se osebni podatki, kot so ime, priimek, naslov, zgodovina nakupov in lokacija, lahko delijo s tretjimi oglaševalci, ponudniki storitev in poslovnimi partnerji. Temu včasih ponuja storitve, Temu včasih ponuja izdelke celo brezplačno. Ampak potrebno se je zavedati, da nič ni brezplačno.

    V zameno platforma pridobiva osebne podatke in spremlja obnašanje potrošnikov na spletu. Obstajajo pa tudi skrbi, da se ti podatki potem prodajajo tudi naprej. Le malokateri potrošnik pa se tega tudi zaveda.

    Poleg tega je kvaliteta teh izdelkov vprašljiva. Slišali smo že, kako otroške igrače takoj razpadejo na majhne dele, kako detektorji dima dima ne zaznajo. Ampak problem so tudi kozmetični izdelki, ki lahko pustijo nepopravljive poškodbe sluznice in kože.

    Močno podpiram prosti trg in konkurenčnost na trgu, vendar pa moramo zaščititi tako potrošnike pred zlorabo osebnih podatkov in škodljivimi izdelki kot tudi naše podjetnike pred nelojalno konkurenco.

     
       

     

      Maria Guzenina (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, komission edustajat, EU:n pitäisi olla maailman turvallisin alue ostaa tavaraa. Meillä on tiukat standardit sille, millaisia tuotteita täällä saa myydä, joten miten ihmeessä on mahdollista, että tuoreissa testeissä jopa 80 prosenttia leluista, joita myydään muun muassa kiinalaisissa verkkokaupoissa, eivät täyttäneet lelujen turvallisuusvaatimuksia. Kyse on kuluttajien, erityisesti lasten terveydestä. Kyse on ympäristömme suojelemisesta. Kyse on turvallisuudesta ja kyse on eurooppalaisten yritysten mahdollisuudesta pärjätä.

    Kiinalaiset säännöistä piittaamattomat jättimäiset verkkokaupat toimittavat kiihtyvällä vauhdilla tavaroita Eurooppaan. Suomen tullin mukaan kiinalaisten pakettien valtava määrä vaarantaa jo tullinkin toimintakyvyn.

    Tuoteturvallisuusdirektiivi, se on hyvä alku, mutta on tärkeää, että me emme lisää vastuullisten eurooppalaisten yritysten sääntelyä, vaan meidän pitää varmistaa, että kiinalaiset kaupat noudattavat eurooppalaisia sääntöjä.

    Tämän asian ratkaisemisella on kiire. Komission on tehtävä tässä tehtävänsä. Euroopan on oltava yhtenäinen tässä asiassa. Kyse on eurooppalaisten terveydestä.

     
       

     

      Niels Flemming Hansen (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, honourable colleagues, e-commerce has rapidly expanded, offering consumers access to products from around the globe. A recent study found that 30 out of 38 products from the Temu platform failed to meet European safety standards, posing a serious risk to consumers. Some 30 out of 38, my dear friends: that’s 78 %.

    This is not about protectionism. It’s about ensuring fairness and safety. Non-compliance puts the consumers at risk and creates an uneven playing field, especially for European SMEs that follow EU rules. SMEs, which are the backbone of our economy, will suffer the most.

    The scale of e-commerce makes it impossible for national customs to manage alone. In Germany, it’s estimated that there are around 400 000 packages a day from China; 78 % of that is 320 000 packages.

    Finally, this is a test of the EU’s ability to address the challenges of a globalised marketplace. We must be decisive, not only to protect our consumers, but to prove that Europe can enforce its own rules and uphold fairness in the single market.

     
       

     

      Pierfrancesco Maran (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, caro Commissario, come ha ben sottolineato, è necessario sistemare alcuni aspetti del mercato online e questo va fatto rapidamente.

    Oggi il 70% dei cittadini europei compra beni e servizi online. Eppure esistono due mercati: uno per chi rispetta le regole e uno per chi non le rispetta e le aggira. In molti abbiamo sottolineato come alcuni soggetti sono certamente protagonisti delle violazioni.

    Operatori come Temu, Shein, AliExpress – che insieme contano 300 milioni di utenti in Europa – immettono sul mercato migliaia di prodotti non sicuri a prezzi stracciati. Loro lo sanno bene e sanno che possono farlo, perché non mettiamo ancora in campo azioni strutturali che li rendano corresponsabili.

    Questo è il punto di lavoro principale, perché non possiamo pensare di andare ad inseguire ogni consegna alle dogane. È necessario agire alla fonte nei loro confronti, perché si adoperino per una svolta nei loro comportamenti commerciali.

    Lo dobbiamo ai cittadini europei, che devono sapere che i prodotti che comprano sono sempre sicuri e non essere tentati dalla convenienza del low cost senza regole. E lo dobbiamo alle aziende che invece rispettano le regole e che meritano di non avere questa concorrenza.

     
       


     

      Elisabeth Grossmann (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Die Digitalisierung und der wachsende E-Commerce haben unsere Märkte grundlegend verändert, und es ist unerlässlich, dass wir als EU entschlossen handeln, um Sicherheit und Fairness zu gewährleisten. Der europäische Handel gerät durch das Onlineangebot aus dem EU-Ausland zunehmend unter Druck, und große Plattformen, vorwiegend aus China, überschwemmen gerade den europäischen Markt mit Billigangeboten und nutzen die bestehenden Schlupflöcher aus, was den Wettbewerb verzerrt und europäische Unternehmen stark benachteiligt und auch europäische Arbeitsplätze kostet und natürlich auch europäische Wertschöpfung.

    Und ich sage Ihnen: Es ist nicht fünf vor zwölf, es ist fünf nach zwölf, weil es hat sich bereits das Kaufverhalten der Menschen erheblich verändert, und es sind bereits zahlreiche Unternehmen im Produktionsbereich und auch im Handelsbereich insolvent. Und hier haben wir in Zukunft mitunter auch ein Problem mit der Versorgungssicherheit.

    Deshalb ist dringendes Handeln, rasches Handeln geboten. Es ist mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte einiges gelungen – aber diese Gesetze gehören auch konsequent umgesetzt, und zwar sofort.

     
       

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ESTEBAN GONZÁLEZ PONS
    Vice-President

     
       

     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, EU consumer rights are worth absolutely nothing unless they are effectively enforced. We have made some progress with the General Product Safety Regulation, which is going to come into effect later on this year, and we are working on ambitious reforms, but it’s not just about laws.

    The EU’s many market surveillance authorities have to work together in order to take risk-based market surveillance seriously, because when it comes to illegal products coming into EU countries, we should be really, really vigilant. According to the Commission, last year, 2.3 billion items worth less than EUR 150 entered the EU last year. And we’re facing what could only be described as a flood of cheap products. Member State authorities are frequently overwhelmed and sometimes just to verify whether something meets a product safety standard is next to impossible. So we need to support these authorities and make sure that they have the resources they need to do their work online markets such as China’s Temu must meet the standards that we uphold every single European company to in order to have the right to operate in the EU market.

    We don’t want protectionism, we don’t want to reduce global trade. We just want to make sure that the level playing field is level and that the people who are consuming the goods are safe from them.

     
       

     

      Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in questi mesi ricorre insistentemente il tema della competitività, soprattutto in quest’Aula. Però leggiamo dalla recente relazione Letta che il 75% dei prodotti pericolosi in circolazione in Europa deriva da Paesi terzi ed è un dato in crescita preoccupante.

    Potete ben capire che questo non solo mette a rischio la competitività delle nostre imprese ma anche la salute dei nostri consumatori, ai quali invece dobbiamo garantire prodotti sicuri con controlli rigorosi, in particolare quelli acquistati sull’e-commerce, piattaforme esplose durante il periodo del COVID.

    Dobbiamo intervenire con urgenza per contrastare l’eccessiva presenza di prodotti dei Paesi terzi, che attraverso le piattaforme riescono a raggiungere con comodità milioni di utenti in tempi rapidissimi. Questa situazione crea una concorrenza sleale che penalizza le nostre imprese, che invece sono obbligate a rispettare norme sempre più stringenti, mentre molti prodotti sono importati senza i dovuti controlli.

    E allora particolare attenzione va rivolta soprattutto ai giocattoli, oppure ai farmaci, perché rivolti ai bambini e alle persone che hanno bisogno di cure. Dobbiamo garantire standard di sicurezza.

    In questo contesto, l’unione doganale può fare ovviamente molto di più e auspichiamo che, ovviamente, la riforma che è stata avviata possa essere portata a termine per garantire una vigilanza più stringente sulle importazioni, proteggendo il nostro mercato e soprattutto i nostri cittadini.

    Solo così potremo assicurare una concorrenza equa e un futuro di crescita e sicurezza per tutti.

     
       

       

    Catch-the-eye procedure

     
       



     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Menschen Europas, Hohes Haus! Wir haben heute bereits über die Wichtigkeit des europäischen Binnenmarkts gesprochen. Umso glücklicher bin ich über diese Debatte, denn wir müssen unseren Binnenmarkt auch schützen. Wir können es nicht akzeptieren, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unter Missachtung der Menschenrechte, teilweise sogar von uigurischen Zwangsarbeitern in Konzentrationslagern hergestellt werden. Wir können es nicht hinnehmen, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unseren Sicherheitsstandards nicht gerecht werden. Wir können es nicht tatenlos geschehen lassen, wenn diese Produkte von autoritären Staaten gezielt subventioniert werden.

    Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn diese Produkte von internationalen Großkonzernen unter bewusstem Ausnutzen verschiedener Steuersysteme innerhalb der EU vertrieben werden. Schließlich: Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn der Binnenmarkt zerstört wird, indem er von ausländischer Konkurrenz ausgespielt wird.

    Die Menschen wollen einen starken Binnenmarkt, nicht einen auf Wish bestellt; und das fängt, wie viele meiner Kollegen zu Recht betont haben, beim Zollsystem an.

     
       


       

    (End of catch-the-eye procedure)

     
       

     

      Didier Reynders, membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je voudrais d’abord vous remercier pour ce débat sur le marché intérieur et la manière dont des produits arrivent sur ce marché intérieur. Les plateformes jouent un rôle de plus en plus important en la matière. J’entends bien l’ensemble des remarques sur les règles – qui, pour une grande part, existent, même s’il y a encore du travail à faire – et sur le besoin d’un contrôle renforcé.

    Je dirais tout d’abord que nous devons mieux utiliser les outils qui arrivent et qui sont parfois déjà à notre disposition. Je voudrais féliciter les autorités chargées de la protection des consommateurs dans les États membres, que nous avons organisées en réseau. Ce réseau d’acteurs, le réseau CPC, fait déjà aujourd’hui, en relation avec les associations de consommateurs, un travail sur le terrain remarquable pour détecter et retirer des produits régulièrement, non seulement des magasins, mais aussi des plateformes en ligne. Nous avons d’ailleurs développé au sein de la Commission un outil numérique qui permet de vérifier que ces produits ne reviennent pas sur les plateformes.

    Je ne dis pas que nous détectons l’ensemble des produits ou que nous retirons l’ensemble des produits dangereux, que ce soit pour la sécurité proprement dite ou pour la santé des consommateurs, mais je voudrais saluer ce travail, sur lequel il faudra d’ailleurs à nouveau se pencher. Beaucoup ont évoqué le rôle particulier des douanes. Je voudrais confirmer que la Commission souhaite avancer en la matière. Le dossier est entre les mains des colégislateurs pour l’instant. Plusieurs ont évoqué la limite des 150 euros: nous souhaitons l’abolir. J’espère que nous pourrons aboutir prochainement à un accord entre les colégislateurs sur ce sujet. Le travail des douanes est un travail important dans le cadre de la protection des consommateurs.

    Le règlement sur les services numériques est en vigueur. Des pouvoirs ont été octroyés à la Commission, des pouvoirs que nous avons commencé à utiliser, y compris dans les domaines que vous avez évoqués et en particulier dans le cadre de plateformes qui inondent l’Union européenne de produits à bas prix. Le règlement général sur la sécurité des produits, que j’ai évoqué tout à l’heure, entrera en vigueur le 13 décembre. À travers ce règlement, comme plusieurs d’entre vous l’ont évoqué, la responsabilité personnelle des plateformes pourra être mise en cause, non seulement celle des grandes plateformes, mais aussi celle des plus petites, puisque nous avons prévu qu’une personne responsable devait être désignée dans l’Union européenne lorsque des produits sont effectivement importés sur le marché. Mais, je le répète, ce règlement général, que nous avons souhaité mettre en place pour remplacer une directive, entre en vigueur le 13 décembre prochain. Je vous invite donc à utiliser, pour le moment, les outils à disposition ou dont disposeront bientôt les différents acteurs chargés de la protection des consommateurs.

    Pour ce qui est de la poursuite du dialogue avec nos partenaires, j’ai mis en place au cours de la législature écoulée un dialogue avec les autorités américaines, notamment en matière de protection des produits. En ce qui concerne la politique des consommateurs, il y a aux États-Unis trois agences différentes, et la commission américaine chargée de la sécurité des produits est en dialogue constant avec la Commission européenne. Nous développons un dialogue similaire avec le Royaume-Uni, le Canada, le Japon, ou la Corée du Sud.

    Pour la première fois, nous avons tenu, à Paris, au sein de l’OCDE, une réunion ministérielle concernant la politique des consommateurs. Et l’OCDE, pour une fois, s’est penchée non plus seulement sur la production, mais aussi sur la consommation, et donc, réellement, sur la sécurité des produits pour les consommateurs. On voit que ce thème progresse. Nous avons d’ailleurs tenu à Bruxelles, très récemment, une semaine consacrée à la sécurité des produits, avec l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux.

    Il est vrai que nous devons aussi poursuivre le travail entamé avec la Chine. Nous le faisons par un dialogue direct, nous le faisons aussi, parfois, en collaboration avec des partenaires internationaux – nous avons mené une action trilatérale avec nos collègues américains. Je ne suis pas naïf, mais on doit continuer à tenter de convaincre nos partenaires chinois qu’il s’agit aussi d’un enjeu de réputation pour leurs produits et pour leurs entreprises, et probablement pour un nombre croissant de consommateurs chinois, qui souhaitent eux-mêmes une plus grande sécurité de leurs produits. C’est un travail qui a aussi été entamé au cours de ces dernières années.

    Enfin, vous avez évoqué des cas concrets de sécurité des produits sur des plateformes, mais aussi de produits à bas prix – je pense à Temu ou à Shein. Je l’ai dit, des actions sont en cours. Nous avons saisi le réseau des agences chargées de la protection des consommateurs sur ce sujet. Le réseau CPC y travaille. Le règlement sur les services numériques est lui aussi à l’œuvre dans le cadre de procédures visant ces plateformes, lesquelles ne posent pas seulement un problème de sécurité de produits ou de santé des consommateurs, mais aussi, vous l’avez rappelé, de concurrence déloyale, en raison de prix très faibles, de prix particulièrement bas. Elles ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec la production de nouveaux produits en Europe, elles le sont aussi avec le marché de seconde main.

    Nous avons, avec certains d’entre vous, beaucoup travaillé au développement du droit à la réparation, qui concerne chaque consommateur et qui permet par ailleurs de renforcer le marché de seconde main. Il est clair que nous devons la protéger contre l’évolution de la concurrence déloyale, tout en demandant bien entendu au secteur de la seconde main de garantir la sécurité de ses produits au même titre que le respect d’un certain nombre de règles européennes.

    Alors, bien entendu, je ne voudrais pas conclure sans évoquer un ou deux aspects, notamment une remarque plus personnelle. La Commission a vu ses compétences directes renforcées: aussi bien celles qu’elle détient, depuis longtemps, dans le domaine de la concurrence que celles acquises plus récemment dans celui des plateformes – à travers le règlement sur les services numériques.

    Pour ce qui est des consommateurs, il est peut-être temps aussi de se poser la question, au-delà du réseau des acteurs nationaux, d’une action possible et plus directe de la Commission pour des cas qui le méritent – des cas manifestement transfrontaliers et qui concernent l’ensemble des consommateurs européens. Cela nécessite des moyens, bien entendu. C’est donc un débat qui reviendra, je l’espère, dans les prochaines années: le travail en la matière ne doit plus se limiter aux agences nationales, il doit aussi advenir à l’échelon de la Commission.

    Je terminerai en vous disant que plusieurs ont évoqué la nécessité d’agir vite. J’ai notamment entendu des remarques sur la manière dont on produit un certain nombre de biens vendus sur le marché européen, parfois en violation des règles environnementales ou des droits de l’homme. Nous avons mis cinq ans à faire adopter une directive sur le devoir de vigilance. Maintenant, il faut en entamer la mise en œuvre.

    J’espère donc que la détermination de l’ensemble des acteurs – des colégislateurs comme des États membres – sera très grande pour agir: pas uniquement quand un produit arrive sur le marché européen, mais aussi sur les chaînes d’approvisionnement, en réfléchissant à la manière de faire respecter les règles environnementales aussi bien que celles en matière de droits de l’homme, tant par les entreprises européennes que par les entreprises de pays tiers qui viennent sur le marché intérieur – y compris à travers des plateformes.

    Beaucoup reste à faire, mais je crois que des règles sont en place. Il faut maintenant les rendre effectives et, surtout, renforcer le contrôle, pour une part à l’échelon européen – lorsque c’est nécessaire.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

     

    16. One-minute speeches on matters of political importance


     

      Φρέντης Μπελέρης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, θα ήθελα να μοιραστώ μαζί σας μια όμορφη πρωτοβουλία στην Ελλάδα και συγκεκριμένα στη Φουρνά Ευρυτανίας, ένα ελληνικό χωριό όπου Δήμος, Περιφέρεια και Εκκλησία συνεργάζονται αρμονικά, προσφέροντας μια καλύτερη ζωή σε μέλη νέων οικογενειών με στόχο να τους πείσουν να εγκατασταθούν στον τόπο τους. Θέλω να σας πω ότι αυτές ακριβώς τις μικρές νίκες πρέπει να αναζητούμε απέναντι στη δημογραφική κρίση· τις μάχες, δηλαδή, που δίνονται μεμονωμένα, ώστε η ευρωπαϊκή ύπαιθρος να μη «σβήσει».

    Ας δούμε όμως και τη μεγάλη εικόνα. Είναι αναγκαία η άμεση επανεκκίνηση της ευρωπαϊκής περιφέρειας. Αυτό θα το πετύχουμε με την αξιοποίηση επιτυχημένων πολιτικών και σωστή αναδιάρθρωση του ευρωπαϊκού προϋπολογισμού. Η Ευρώπη δεν πρέπει να επανέλθει στις διαφορετικές ταχύτητες με τις οποίες εξαπλώνεται το δημογραφικό πρόβλημα στα 27 κράτη μέλη, αλλά να χρηματοδοτήσει δράσεις με την ίδια ένταση και να δώσει ουσιαστικά κίνητρα.

    Κλείνοντας, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, οφείλουμε να φροντίσουμε ώστε να μη νιώθουν οι περιφέρειες και τα νησιά μας απομονωμένα. Κάθε κουκκίδα στον ευρωπαϊκό χάρτη που διασυνδέουμε με μια άλλη, είναι αυτομάτως μια μεγάλη κατάκτηση προς τον κοινό μας στόχο: να δώσουμε ξανά πνοή στην ήπειρό μας.

     
       

     

      Gabriela Firea (S&D). – Domnule președinte, vinerea trecută, tocmai a trecut, a marcat Ziua Europeană de Luptă împotriva Traficului de Persoane, o zi care ne amintește cât de fragilă este siguranța pentru multe femei și mulți copii din Europa. Din păcate, traficul de persoane, care este strâns legat de violența domestică, continuă să fie o problemă gravă. Observăm la nivelul Uniunii Europene că se fac pași importanți. A fost adoptată o versiune revizuită a directivei antitrafic, cu măsuri mai stricte pentru combaterea noilor forme de exploatare, inclusiv a celor din mediul online. Programe precum Fondul pentru azil, migrație și integrare și Programul „Cetățeni, egalitate, drepturi și valori” sprijină victimele și încearcă să prevină traficul de persoane.

    Totuși, nu este suficient și este clar că avem nevoie de o mai bună coordonare între statele membre și de o utilizare mai eficientă a fondurilor, inclusiv prin Mecanismul de redresare și reziliență. Este vital să investim mai mult în educație, în prevenție și mai ales în protecția reală a victimelor, iar cei care comit aceste crime să fie aduși în fața justiției, pentru că asta înseamnă să facem dreptate: să-i protejăm pe cei vulnerabili și să nu lăsăm nicio victimă fără voce.

     
       

     

      Julien Sanchez (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, le récent rapport de la Cour des comptes européenne sur le fonds fiduciaire d’urgence en faveur de la stabilité et de la lutte contre les causes profondes de la migration irrégulière et du phénomène des personnes déplacées en Afrique, fonds doté rappelons-le de 5 milliards d’euros d’argent public de nos concitoyens, est édifiant et accablant.

    Si les besoins sont réels et la situation préoccupante, les exemples de gaspillage sans aucun contrôle sont hélas innombrables et choquants. Oui, la Commission européenne gère notre argent avec amateurisme et légèreté. Ainsi, en Gambie, des bénéficiaires ont reçu deux fois la même aide pour des projets agricoles qui, en plus, sont des projets fictifs. En Afrique subsaharienne, des mixeurs ont été distribués dans des écoles qui n’ont même pas accès à l’électricité. Il y a des dizaines d’exemples dans ce rapport, que j’invite chacun à lire.

    J’ai trois questions. Ce programme existe-t-il juste pour se donner bonne conscience? Comment peut-on balancer des milliards et se désintéresser à ce point de l’utilisation réelle et concrète de ces fonds? Enfin: n’avez-vous pas honte de voir l’argent des contribuables ainsi dilapidé? Comment tout cela est-il possible, et pourquoi les gens qui laissent faire cela ne sont-ils pas limogés?

     
       






     

      Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, we are broadly agreed across this House that nothing we do or say would reward Russia for its aggression and its contempt for human rights. Equally, we are broadly agreed that we would not do or say anything that would reward Iran for its aggression. Yet we are now slowly embarking on a policy to do just that, under the banner of so-called normalisation of relations with Assad’s Syria. This will send a clear message to Russia and Iran.

    Having stood by those who sought freedom, having passed countless resolutions condemning Assad’s prisons and gulags and executions, and his use of chemical warfare, and looking for an end to impunity, now we quietly return to restore normal relations at a time that can only send one clear message: the EU will stand by those who seek freedom, but if autocrats have the patience and seek the protection of Iran and Russia, they might just succeed.

     
       

     

      Vicent Marzà Ibáñez (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, mientras en este Parlamento, hace unos años, y en el Consejo, justo este mes, se ha aprobado una normativa, la nueva Directiva de calidad del aire ambiente, mucho más restrictiva de acuerdo con los criterios científicos, en la ciudad de Elx, en nuestra tercera ciudad valenciana, el Gobierno da rienda suelta a la contaminación y lo que hace es destruir carriles bici, pervertir la zona de bajas emisiones promoviendo el uso del coche y, además, poner en peligro doce millones de euros de fondos europeos que no va a ejecutar con el fin para el que fueron asignados.

    Por eso, desde aquí queremos lanzar esta denuncia, en relación con todas las denuncias ciudadanas que están luchando contra esta situación en Elx, en la tercera ciudad valenciana, y pedimos a la Comisión Europea que tome cartas en el asunto. Le queremos preguntar si va a seguir permitiendo que se destinen fondos europeos contra la salud de los ilicitanos y las ilicitanas.

     
       



     

      Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, v týchto dňoch si pripomíname osemdesiate výročie Slovenského národného povstania, ktoré vypuklo 29. augusta 1944, a osemdesiate výročie karpatsko-duklianskej operácie, ktorá bola najväčšou horskou bitkou druhej svetovej vojny a najväčšou bitkou v Československu. Bohužiaľ, dnes nás opustil jeden z posledných žijúcich partizánov na Slovensku, pán Karol Kuna, ktorý sa dožil 96 rokov, a tých pamätníkov Slovenského národného povstania máme stále menej a menej. Rada by som citovala pána Kunu, ktorý povedal: Keby nebolo toľkých, ktorí pretrhli putá zotročenia, dnes by sme nežili v slobodnej krajine. Slovenskí partizáni bojovali za hodnoty odboja proti fašizmu, ako bola sloboda, spravodlivosť a rovnosť, a len vďaka nim bolo nakoniec Československo a Slovenská republika slobodnou krajinou, ktorá stála na strane víťazov. Rada by som dnes vzdala česť týmto ľuďom, ktorí padli za našu slobodu. V Slovenskom národnom povstaní padlo približne desaťtisíc ľudí, ktorí boli nielen vojaci, nielen partizáni, ale takisto civilisti, ktorí pomáhali týmto ľuďom prežiť v horách. A takisto pri duklianskej operácii padlo asi 150 tisíc ľudí. Buď stratili svoj život, svoje zdravie, alebo boli zajatí. Česť ich pamiatke.

     
       



     

      Michele Picaro (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il turismo dentale nei paesi extra-UE è un fenomeno in crescita che solleva importanti preoccupazioni per la salute pubblica.

    Negli ultimi anni molti pazienti europei, in particolare italiani, si sono rivolti a destinazioni come Albania e Turchia per trattamenti odontoiatrici a prezzi competitivi. Tuttavia, un’indagine della British Dental Association ha evidenziato che il 70% dei pazienti che hanno cercato cure all’estero ha sperimentato eventi avversi gravi, come infezioni e ascessi o difficoltà masticatoria, condizioni che hanno compromesso non solo la loro salute, ma anche la durata di protesi e impianti, vanificando così il vantaggio economico iniziale.

    Le norme sanitarie in questi Paesi spesso mancano di una regolamentazione rigorosa. Per questo è necessario promuovere campagne informative che forniscano ai cittadini dati chiari e affidabili sui rischi e i benefici delle cure odontoiatriche all’estero. Informare i pazienti riguardo alle normative sanitarie dei Paesi di destinazione, alla formazione del personale medico, agli standard di qualità delle strutture è cruciale per consentire scelte consapevoli.

    Per tale ragione è imperativo che il Parlamento europeo consideri queste problematiche e promuova iniziative per garantire la sicurezza e la qualità delle cure odontoiatriche. Al contrario, si tratta di garantire ad ogni paziente scelte informate, sicure e supportate da normative adeguate. Solo così potremo garantire e proteggere la salute dei cittadini e mantenere la fiducia nel sistema sanitario.

     
       

     

      Ciaran Mullooly (Renew). – Mr President, reports along the corridors of this building say a trade deal with the Mercosur countries has all but been agreed by our Commission, and talk of compensation for Irish farmers and others is widespread. But I come here this evening to give you one message, and a message back to those who send those briefs. No way! No way will we accept this.

    A study by the Irish Government Department of Enterprise in 2021 indicated that Ireland’s beef sector would lose between EUR 44 million and EUR 55 million if the EU-Mercosur deal goes ahead.

    We are the fifth largest beef exporter in the world and the biggest EU exporter, with more than 90 % traded internationally on an annual basis.

    It is not acceptable that Ireland and key other European Member States incur high environmental food-safety traceability charges, while third countries just sail in here and are simply allowed to avoid such costs and undercut our beef in prime EU markets.

    This Parliament has and must insist on one rule for everyone equally applied to the Mercosur countries, and until this equality rule applies, Ireland says no deal and no sell-out!

     
       




     

      Christophe Clergeau (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, jeudi matin, j’étais dans ma ville de Nantes, aux côtés des salariés de General Electric, qui s’apprête à supprimer près de 400 emplois dans son usine et son centre de recherche-développement consacrés à la production d’éoliennes maritimes.

    Il y a plus de dix ans, alors que j’étais vice-président de ma région, j’avais œuvré à la naissance de cette filière et montré aux citoyens que l’écologie pouvait créer des centaines d’emplois: d’ouvriers, de techniciens et d’ingénieurs. Aujourd’hui, je vois ces emplois disparaître parce que l’Europe et la France sont incapables de développer des projets éoliens en mer à un tarif qui permettrait de rémunérer une chaîne de valeur et des emplois européens, incapables d’imposer un contenu européen là où il y a pourtant un soutien public important.

    Nos usines risquent de fermer alors que nous en aurons besoin pour équiper les nouveaux parcs éoliens en mer. Pendant ce temps, les Chinois construisent des usines en Écosse et en Italie pour assembler des éoliennes essentiellement fabriquées en Chine. Nous parlons de politique industrielle et de compétitivité, mais, dans la vie réelle, nous laissons s’effondrer les filières des industries vertes et nous sacrifions les emplois.

    L’Europe va-t-elle enfin se réveiller, ou va-t-elle s’enferrer dans ce lent suicide collectif? Il est temps de réagir et de lutter.

     
       

     

      Mélanie Disdier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, si je m’adresse à vous aujourd’hui, c’est pour vous parler d’une filière en danger: celle du bois.

    En 2020, toutes les grandes centrales syndicales et patronales du secteur de l’industrie de transformation du bois ont pris l’initiative d’une déclaration commune pour dire stop à l’exportation massive de grumes en Asie, et particulièrement en Chine. L’exportation du bois non transformé prend des proportions inquiétantes, et pas uniquement pour le chêne – comme c’est le cas dans la forêt de Mormal, qui m’est chère. Toutes les essences sont concernées ou le seront à court terme. Les menuisiers, artisans, constructeurs, fabricants de parquets sont très nombreux à s’alarmer, car ils sont inquiets pour leur avenir. Si les scieries sont privées d’approvisionnement, c’est toute la filière qui va être touchée à court terme.

    Dans un contexte de pénurie de matériaux, il est donc suicidaire de laisser perdurer la situation sans réagir. Le bois est devenu une ressource stratégique, qui fait partie intégrante de notre souveraineté, et une clé de la neutralité carbone. Il est grand temps que l’Union européenne s’empare de ce dossier. Des milliers d’emplois sont en jeu en France et en Europe.

     
       

     

      Dick Erixon (ECR). – Herr talman! Efter polisrazzior i Öst- och Sydeuropa tidigare i år beslagtogs Rolexklockor, guld, diamanter, smycken, lägenheter, villor, kryptovaluta, Lamborghini, Porsche och en Audi Q8.

    Ett enda kriminellt gäng misstänks ha stulit över sex miljarder kronor från coronafonden Next Generation, med hjälp av experter på bidragsansökningar, AI-verktyg och bluffbolag. När socialdemokrater och moderater släppte igenom coronafonden lovades rigorösa kontroller. Så blev det inte. Den överdimensionerade EU-budgeten göder korruption och slöseri, men hjälper även kriminella som hittat en ny kassako att mjölka genom ekobrottslighet.

    Bidragen är så stora och mottagarna så många att rigorösa kontroller inte är möjliga. Detta måste få ett slut.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, o inquérito pós‑eleitoral feito pelo Parlamento Europeu mostrou que a principal preocupação dos povos é o custo de vida. Este Parlamento deveria estar a discutir as soluções para esse problema, mas nenhum outro grupo político aceitou fazer esse debate. Nenhum outro grupo político quis discutir as opções para combater o aumento do custo de vida, as medidas de controlo e fixação dos preços dos bens essenciais, medidas de combate aos preços especulativos que garantem lucros milionários dos grupos da distribuição da energia e dos combustíveis, das telecomunicações ou da banca.

    Deveríamos também estar a discutir as consequências das novas regras da governação económica. Em Portugal, o Governo acabou de apresentar uma proposta de Orçamento do Estado que mostra bem os impactos dessas novas regras, que mostra os condicionamentos e restrições orçamentais, as limitações nos serviços públicos e nas funções sociais do Estado, as restrições ao investimento; tudo isso em contraste com as políticas de privilégio aos grupos económicos e às multinacionais. Também este debate foi travado, porque, para grande parte deste Parlamento, verdadeiramente as condições de vida dos povos pouco interessam.

     
       

     

      Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la solidaridad y la cohesión son el modelo social europeo y si hay una amenaza que pende sobre ese modelo es la dificultad de acceso a la vivienda que recorre toda Europa.

    Este último fin de semana en Canarias, de nuevo, miles de personas han vuelto a salir a la calle para protestar contra lo que consideran que es un exceso de presión turística, porque en Canarias se ha producido un incremento de población de un 30 % en los últimos veinte años y porque, además, se han declarado en los últimos años 60 000 ofertas alojativas extrahoteleras, lo que equivale a doce hoteles con 250 camas cada uno. Pero no se han realizado las inversiones correspondientes ni en hospitales, ni en residencias, ni en redes eléctricas, ni en aeropuertos, ni en conexiones marítimas, ni tampoco en el ciclo del agua y en relación con los vertidos al mar.

    Y tenemos puestas nuestras esperanzas en la próxima Comisión Von der Leyen, en la que va a haber por fin un comisario encargado de vivienda, el danés Dan Jørgensen, que podrá movilizar fondos europeos contra los fondos de inversión, contra los fondos buitre, para generar, por fin, oferta de vivienda en alquiler o en venta que permita la emancipación de la gente joven y el acceso a la vivienda de la clase trabajadora. Eso significará una oportunidad de restaurar el modelo social europeo con una política de vivienda europea.

     
       

     

      Csaba Dömötör (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A legutóbbi uniós csúcson a felek arra jutottak, hogy fokozni kell az erőfeszítéseket az uniós versenyképesség növelésére. Ezzel egyet is értünk, de azt is szomorúan állapíthatjuk meg, hogy hiányzik a szókimondó párbeszéd arról, hogy mi is okozza Európa egyre nagyobb leszakadását a versenyképességi versenyben. Sok okot azonosíthatunk, de a legfontosabb mégiscsak az, hogy elszálltak az energiaárak.

    Azért szálltak el, mert Európa a brüsszeli intézmények nyomására ideológiai okokból hátat fordított a vezetékes gáznak. A helyette beszerzett cseppfolyós gáz jóval drágább. A zöld energia a legtöbb esetben sajnos szintén drágább, és ez drasztikus terhet ró az európai vállalatokra, kicsikre és nagyokra is. Nem véletlen, hogy egyre több vállalat helyezi át a termelését máshová. A Draghi-jelentés szerint Európában ma kétszer-háromszor magasabbak az áramárak az Egyesült Államokhoz képest, a gázárak pedig négyszer-ötször. Ha ez tartósan így marad, akkor Európa maradék versenyképessége is megy a levesbe. Nem kell beletörődnünk, hogy ez így legyen, újratervezésre van szükség.

     
       

     

      Thierry Mariani (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, le Liban est en danger de mort. Ni l’Union européenne ni la France ne sont à la hauteur du drame humain qui s’y joue. Face à cette guerre impitoyable, l’Union européenne s’entête dans ses certitudes et refuse de venir en aide à Damas, qui est pourtant en première ligne pour gérer l’accueil des réfugiés dans cette crise.

    Chaque jour, des milliers de personnes traversent la frontière pour chercher refuge et protection en Syrie. Aujourd’hui, ce sont déjà près de 240 000 personnes qui ont fait le choix de passer en Syrie, considérant que ce pays est un territoire sûr. Mais l’Europe et la France restent immobiles, tandis que l’Italie, elle, plaide pour renouer le dialogue avec la République arabe syrienne. La situation au Liban ne fait qu’empirer, et avec elle, si rien n’est fait, plane la menace d’une nouvelle vague migratoire de réfugiés vers l’Europe.

    Les Syriens, derrière Bachar el-Assad, ont résisté vaillamment aux islamistes qu’une partie d’entre vous, dans cet hémicycle, avait soutenus. Il est urgent de renouer les liens avec la Syrie. C’est l’intérêt des réfugiés qu’elle accueille, mais également des pays de la région, et c’est aussi l’intérêt de l’Europe.

     
       



     

      Marko Vešligaj (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, uvažene kolege, ruralna područja čine 83 posto teritorija Europske unije, a u njima živi 137 milijuna ljudi.

    Ova područja su ključna za proizvodnju temeljnih resursa poput hrane i energije. Ipak, unatoč njihovoj važnosti, ruralne zajednice sustavno se marginaliziraju konkretnim politikama i programima financiranja. Da, postoje dokumenti poput Ruralnog pakta i dugoročne vizije za ruralna područja, koje su dobre smjernice, ali njihova implementacija je spora, a problemi se gomilaju.

    Iseljavanje, manjak javnih usluga, neadekvatna infrastruktura svakodnevica su lokalnih zajednica u ruralnim prostorima, a nedostatak podrške viših razina vlasti stvara neodrživu situaciju. Danas je dodatno ruralna Europa uslijed klimatskih promjena suočena i s prirodnim katastrofama, od klizanja tla, suša, poplava do potresa i požara.

    I za takve situacije trebamo brže i jednostavnije financijske mehanizme. Zato je nužno osigurati izravna i lako dostupna europska sredstva kao garanciju razvoja i održivosti ruralnih područja i ostanka ljudi u njima.

     
       



     

      Angéline Furet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, sous couvert d’un humanisme totalement dévoyé et de faux bons sentiments, des politiciens traîtres aux peuples européens promeuvent une idéologie fanatique qu’ils ont érigée en dogme: l’immigrationnisme.

    Malheureusement, cette volonté de suicide altruiste imposée aux Européens a des conséquences concrètes au quotidien. La ville du Mans, en France, en est un triste exemple. L’immigration y a plus que doublé en quinze ans et, avec elle, les délits et les crimes. Augmentation des vols de plus de 300 %, augmentation des viols de plus de 500 % et augmentation des attaques au couteau, elle, de 1 000 %, carrément. Oui, dix fois plus qu’avant l’arrivée sur notre sol de ces étrangers délinquants, de ces criminels importés aux frais des Européens que vous appelez les «migrants».

    Le sang des victimes de cette abomination est sur les mains des membres de la Commission européenne qui ont ordonné cette submersion et sur les mains des députés qui l’ont votée.

     
       


     

      President. – That concludes this item.

     

    17. Agenda of the next sitting

     

      President. – The next sitting is tomorrow, Tuesday, 22 October 2024 at 09:00. The agenda has been published and is available on the European Parliament website.

     

    18. Approval of the minutes of the sitting

     

      President. – The minutes of the sitting will be submitted to Parliament for its approval tomorrow, at the beginning of the afternoon.

     

    19. Closure of the sitting

       

    (The sitting closed at 22:02)

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Enphase Energy Reports Financial Results for the Third Quarter of 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    FREMONT, Calif., Oct. 22, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Enphase Energy, Inc. (NASDAQ: ENPH), a global energy technology company and the world’s leading supplier of microinverter-based solar and battery systems, announced today financial results for the third quarter of 2024, which included the summary below from its President and CEO, Badri Kothandaraman.

    We reported quarterly revenue of $380.9 million in the third quarter of 2024, along with 48.1% for non-GAAP gross margin. We shipped 1,731,768 microinverters, or approximately 730.0 megawatts DC, and 172.9 megawatt hours of IQ® Batteries.

    Financial highlights for the third quarter of 2024 are listed below:

    • Quarterly revenue of $380.9 million
    • GAAP gross margin of 46.8%; non-GAAP gross margin of 48.1% with net IRA benefit
    • Non-GAAP gross margin of 38.9%, excluding net IRA benefit of 9.2%
    • GAAP operating income of $49.8 million; non-GAAP operating income of $101.4 million
    • GAAP net income of $45.8 million; non-GAAP net income of $88.4 million
    • GAAP diluted earnings per share of $0.33, non-GAAP diluted earnings per share of $0.65
    • Free cash flow of $161.6 million; ending cash, cash equivalents, and marketable securities of $1.77 billion

    Our revenue and earnings for the third quarter of 2024 are provided below, compared with the prior quarter:

    (In thousands, except per share and percentage data)

      GAAP   Non-GAAP
      Q3 2024   Q2 2024   Q3 2023   Q3 2024   Q2 2024   Q3 2023
    Revenue $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082     $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082  
    Gross margin   46.8 %     45.2 %     47.5 %     48.1 %     47.1 %     48.4 %
    Operating expenses $ 128,383     $ 135,367     $ 144,024     $ 81,612     $ 81,706     $ 99,027  
    Operating income $ 49,788     $ 1,799     $ 117,989     $ 101,411     $ 61,080     $ 167,593  
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 88,402     $ 58,824     $ 141,849  
    Basic EPS $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.04  
    Diluted EPS $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.02  
                                                   

    Total revenue for the third quarter of 2024 was $380.9 million, compared to $303.5 million in the second quarter of 2024. Our revenue in the United States for the third quarter of 2024 increased approximately 43%, compared to the second quarter of 2024. The increase was due to higher shipments to distributors as inventory returned to normal levels. Our revenue in Europe decreased approximately 15% for the third quarter of 2024, compared to the second quarter of 2024. The decline in revenue was the result of a further softening in European demand.

    Our non-GAAP gross margin was 48.1% in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 47.1% in the second quarter of 2024. Our non-GAAP gross margin, excluding net IRA benefit, was 38.9% in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 41.0% in the second quarter of 2024.

    Our non-GAAP operating expenses were $81.6 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $81.7 million in the second quarter of 2024. Our non-GAAP operating income was $101.4 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $61.1 million in the second quarter of 2024.

    We exited the third quarter of 2024 with $1.77 billion in cash, cash equivalents, and marketable securities and generated $170.1 million in cash flow from operations in the third quarter of 2024. Our capital expenditures were $8.5 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $9.6 million in the second quarter of 2024.

    In the third quarter of 2024, we repurchased 434,947 shares of our common stock at an average price of $114.48 per share for a total of approximately $49.8 million. We also spent approximately $6.3 million dollars by withholding shares to cover taxes for employee stock vesting that reduced the diluted shares by 59,607 shares.

    We shipped 172.9 megawatt hours of IQ Batteries in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 120.2 megawatt hours in the second quarter of 2024. We are now shipping our third generation of IQ Batteries, the IQ® Battery 5P™, to the United States, Puerto Rico, Mexico, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium. More than 9,000 installers worldwide are certified to install our IQ Batteries, compared to more than 7,400 installers worldwide in the second quarter of 2024.

    During the third quarter of 2024, we shipped approximately 1,176,000 microinverters from our contract manufacturing facilities in the United States that we booked for 45X production tax credits. We began shipping IQ8HC™ Microinverters with higher domestic content, produced at our contract manufacturing facilities in the United States. We expect to begin shipping our commercial microinverters, and batteries with higher domestic content, produced at our United States contract manufacturing facilities in the fourth quarter of 2024.

    During the third quarter of 2024, we launched AI-based software that is designed to optimize energy use by integrating solar and consumption forecasting with electricity tariff. This is intended to help consumers maximize savings as energy markets become increasingly complex, such as with dynamic electricity rates in parts of Europe and NEM 3.0 in California. We are gearing up to launch our second-generation IQ® EV charger, the 3-Phase IQ Battery with backup, and the IQ® Balcony Solar Kit all for the European market – pushing the boundaries of innovation. Finally, our fourth-generation energy system, featuring the IQ® Meter Collar, 10 kWh IQ Battery, and enhanced IQ® Combiner, is expected to debut in the United States in early 2025, targeting a substantial reduction in installation costs.

    BUSINESS HIGHLIGHTS

    On Oct. 16, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8™ Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar panels in select countries and territories, including the Netherlands, Austria, New Caledonia, and Malta.

    On Oct. 9, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it is expanding its support for grid services programs – or virtual power plants (VPPs) – in New Hampshire, North Carolina, and California, powered by the new IQ Battery 5P.

    On Oct. 3, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its IQ8X™ Microinverters in Australia, and that all IQ8 Microinverters activated starting Oct. 1, 2024 in Australia come with an industry-leading 25-year limited warranty, currently the longest standard residential warranty in the Australian market.

    On Sept. 24, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its most powerful Enphase® Energy System™ to-date, featuring the new IQ Battery 5P and IQ8 Microinverters, for customers in India.

    On Sept. 16, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping the IQ Battery 5P in Belgium. Enphase also introduced IQ® Energy Management, its new AI-based energy management software to enable support for dynamic electricity rates and the integration of third-party EV chargers and heat pumps in Belgium.

    On Sept. 10, 2024, Enphase Energy announced initial shipments of IQ8HC Microinverters supplied from contract manufacturing facilities in the United States with higher domestic content than previous models. The microinverters have SKUs with a “DOM” suffix, indicating the increased amount of domestic content.

    On Sept. 4, 2024, Enphase Energy announced a solution for expanding legacy net energy metering (NEM) solar energy systems in California without penalty using new Enphase Energy Systems configurations with IQ® Microinverters, IQ Batteries, and Enphase Power Control.

    On Aug. 27, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the availability of pre-orders for IQ Battery 5Ps produced in the United States. Pre-orders are also available for IQ8HC Microinverters, IQ8P-3P™ Microinverters, and IQ8X Microinverters produced in the United States with higher domestic content.

    On Aug. 19, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping the IQ Battery 5P in the Netherlands. Enphase also introduced IQ Energy Management, its new energy management software to enable support for dynamic electricity rates and the integration of third-party EV chargers and heat pumps in the Netherlands.

    On Aug. 8, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its new North American Charging Standard (NACS) connectors for its entire line of IQ EV Chargers. NACS connectors and charger ports have recently become the industry standard embraced by several major automakers for electric vehicles (EVs).

    On Aug. 5, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8P™ and IQ8HC Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar panels in select countries throughout the Caribbean.

    On Aug. 1, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8 Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar modules in select countries throughout Europe, including France, Germany, Spain, Bulgaria, Estonia, Slovakia, and Croatia.

    FOURTH QUARTER 2024 FINANCIAL OUTLOOK

    For the fourth quarter of 2024, Enphase Energy estimates both GAAP and non-GAAP financial results as follows:

    • Revenue to be within a range of $360.0 million to $400.0 million, which includes shipments of 140 to 160 megawatt hours of IQ Batteries
    • GAAP gross margin to be within a range of 47.0% to 50.0% with net IRA benefit
    • Non-GAAP gross margin to be within a range of 49.0% to 52.0% with net IRA benefit and 39.0% to 42.0% excluding net IRA benefit. Non-GAAP gross margin excludes stock-based compensation expense and acquisition related amortization
    • Net IRA benefit to be within a range of $38.0 million to $41.0 million based on estimated shipments of 1,300,000 units of U.S. manufactured microinverters
    • GAAP operating expenses to be within a range of $135.0 million to $139.0 million
    • Non-GAAP operating expenses to be within a range of $81.0 million to $85.0 million, excluding $54.0 million estimated for stock-based compensation expense, acquisition related expenses and amortization

    For 2024, GAAP and non-GAAP annualized effective tax rate with IRA benefit, excluding discrete items, is expected to be within a range of 17.0% to 19.0%.

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    Use of non-GAAP Financial Measures

    Enphase Energy has presented certain non-GAAP financial measures in this press release. Generally, a non-GAAP financial measure is a numerical measure of a company’s performance, financial position, or cash flows that either exclude or include amounts that are not normally excluded or included in the most directly comparable measure calculated and presented in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles in the United States (GAAP). Reconciliation of each non-GAAP financial measure to the most directly comparable GAAP financial measure can be found in the accompanying tables to this press release. Non-GAAP financial measures presented by Enphase Energy include non-GAAP gross profit, gross margin, operating expenses, income from operations, net income, net income per share (basic and diluted), net IRA benefit, and free cash flow.

    These non-GAAP financial measures do not reflect a comprehensive system of accounting, differ from GAAP measures with the same captions and may differ from non-GAAP financial measures with the same or similar captions that are used by other companies. In addition, these non-GAAP measures have limitations in that they do not reflect all of the amounts associated with Enphase Energy’s results of operations as determined in accordance with GAAP. As such, these non-GAAP measures should be considered as a supplement to, and not as a substitute for, or superior to, financial measures calculated in accordance with GAAP. Enphase Energy uses these non-GAAP financial measures to analyze its operating performance and future prospects, develop internal budgets and financial goals, and to facilitate period-to-period comparisons. Enphase Energy believes that these non-GAAP financial measures reflect an additional way of viewing aspects of its operations that, when viewed with its GAAP results, provide a more complete understanding of factors and trends affecting its business.

    As presented in the “Reconciliation of Non-GAAP Financial Measures” tables below, each of the non-GAAP financial measures excludes one or more of the following items for purposes of calculating non-GAAP financial measures to facilitate an evaluation of Enphase Energy’s current operating performance and a comparison to its past operating performance:

    Stock-based compensation expense. Enphase Energy excludes stock-based compensation expense from its non-GAAP measures primarily because they are non-cash in nature. Moreover, the impact of this expense is significantly affected by Enphase Energy’s stock price at the time of an award over which management has limited to no control.

    Acquisition related expenses and amortization. This item represents expenses incurred related to Enphase Energy’s business acquisitions, which are non-recurring in nature, and amortization of acquired intangible assets, which is a non-cash expense. Acquisition related expenses and amortization of acquired intangible assets are not reflective of Enphase Energy’s ongoing financial performance.

    Restructuring and asset impairment charges. Enphase Energy excludes restructuring and asset impairment charges due to the nature of the expenses being unusual and arising outside the ordinary course of continuing operations. These costs primarily consist of fees paid for cash-based severance costs and asset write-downs of property and equipment and acquired intangible assets, and other contract termination costs resulting from restructuring initiatives.

    Non-cash interest expense. This item consists primarily of amortization of debt issuance costs and accretion of debt discount because these expenses do not represent a cash outflow for Enphase Energy except in the period the financing was secured and such amortization expense is not reflective of Enphase Energy’s ongoing financial performance.

    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment. This item represents the amount adjusted to Enphase Energy’s GAAP tax provision or benefit to exclude the income tax effects of GAAP adjustments such as stock-based compensation, amortization of purchased intangibles, and other non-recurring items that are not reflective of Enphase Energy ongoing financial performance.

    Non-GAAP net income per share, diluted. Enphase Energy excludes the dilutive effect of in-the-money portion of convertible senior notes as they are covered by convertible note hedge transactions that reduce potential dilution to our common stock upon conversion of the Notes due 2025, Notes due 2026, and Notes due 2028, and includes the dilutive effect of employee’s stock-based awards and the dilutive effect of warrants. Enphase Energy believes these adjustments provide useful supplemental information to the ongoing financial performance.

    Net IRA benefit. This item represents the advanced manufacturing production tax credit (AMPTC) from the IRA for manufacturing microinverters in the United States, partially offset by the incremental manufacturing cost incurred in the United States relative to manufacturing in Mexico, India, and China. The AMPTC is accounted for by Enphase Energy as an income-based government grants that reduces cost of revenues in the condensed consolidated statements of operations.

    Free cash flow. This item represents net cash flows from operating activities less purchases of property and equipment.

    Conference Call Information

    Enphase Energy will host a conference call for analysts and investors to discuss its third quarter 2024 results and fourth quarter 2024 business outlook today at 4:30 p.m. Eastern Time (1:30 p.m. Pacific Time). The call is open to the public by dialing (833) 634-5018. A live webcast of the conference call will also be accessible from the “Investor Relations” section of Enphase Energy’s website at https://investor.enphase.com. Following the webcast, an archived version will be available on the website for approximately one year. In addition, an audio replay of the conference call will be available by calling (877) 344-7529; replay access code 2677879, beginning approximately one hour after the call.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This press release contains forward-looking statements, including statements related to Enphase Energy’s expectations as to its fourth quarter of 2024 financial outlook, including revenue, shipments of IQ Batteries by megawatt hours, gross margin with net IRA benefit and excluding net IRA benefit, estimated shipments of U.S. manufactured microinverters, operating expenses, and annualized effective tax rate with IRA benefit; its expectations regarding the expected net IRA benefit; its expectations on the timing and introduction of new products and updates to existing products; its expectations for global capacity of microinverters; its ability to support grid services in new locations; the ability of its AI-based software to help consumers maximize savings as energy markets become increasingly complex; and the capabilities, advantages, features, and performance of its technology and products. These forward-looking statements are based on Enphase Energy’s current expectations and inherently involve significant risks and uncertainties. Enphase Energy’s actual results and the timing of events could differ materially from those anticipated in such forward-looking statements as a result of certain risks and uncertainties including those risks described in more detail in its most recently filed Annual Report on Form 10-K, Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q, and other documents on file with the SEC from time to time and available on the SEC’s website at http://www.sec.gov. Enphase Energy undertakes no duty or obligation to update any forward-looking statements contained in this release as a result of new information, future events or changes in its expectations, except as required by law.

    A copy of this press release can be found on the investor relations page of Enphase Energy’s website at https://investor.enphase.com.

    About Enphase Energy, Inc.

    Enphase Energy, a global energy technology company based in Fremont, CA, is the world’s leading supplier of microinverter-based solar and battery systems that enable people to harness the sun to make, use, save, and sell their own power—and control it all with a smart mobile app. The company revolutionized the solar industry with its microinverter-based technology and builds all-in-one solar, battery, and software solutions. Enphase has shipped approximately 78.0 million microinverters, and over 4.5 million Enphase-based systems have been deployed in more than 160 countries. For more information, visit https://enphase.com/.

    © 2024 Enphase Energy, Inc. All rights reserved. Enphase Energy, Enphase, the “e” logo, IQ, IQ8, and certain other marks listed at https://enphase.com/trademark-usage-guidelines are trademarks or service marks of Enphase Energy, Inc. Other names are for informational purposes and may be trademarks of their respective owners.

    Contact:

    Zach Freedman
    Enphase Energy, Inc.
    Investor Relations
    ir@enphaseenergy.com

    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF OPERATIONS
    (In thousands, except per share data)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended Nine Months Ended
      September 30,
    2024
      June 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
      September 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
    Net revenues $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082     $ 947,670     $ 1,988,216  
    Cost of revenues   202,702       166,292       289,069       516,825       1,076,490  
    Gross profit   178,171       137,166       262,013       430,845       911,726  
    Operating expenses:                  
    Research and development   47,843       48,871       54,873       150,925       172,045  
    Sales and marketing   49,671       51,775       55,357       154,753       178,383  
    General and administrative   30,192       33,550       33,794       98,924       104,456  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171             3,755       870  
    Total operating expenses   128,383       135,367       144,024       408,357       455,754  
    Income from operations   49,788       1,799       117,989       22,488       455,972  
    Other income, net                  
    Interest income   19,977       19,203       19,669       58,889       49,235  
    Interest expense   (2,237 )     (2,220 )     (2,196 )     (6,653 )     (6,571 )
    Other income (expense), net   (16,785 )     (7,566 )     1,883       (24,264 )     2,276  
    Total other income, net   955       9,417       19,356       27,972       44,940  
    Income before income taxes   50,743       11,216       137,345       50,460       500,912  
    Income tax provision   (4,981 )     (383 )     (23,392 )     (9,962 )     (82,895 )
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Net income per share:                  
    Basic $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.30     $ 3.06  
    Diluted $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.30     $ 2.92  
    Shares used in per share calculation:                  
    Basic   135,329       135,646       136,165       135,621       136,491  
    Diluted   139,914       136,123       143,863       136,236       145,081  
                                           
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEETS
    (In thousands)
    (Unaudited)
     
      September 30, 
    2024
      December 31, 
    2023
    ASSETS      
    Current assets:      
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 256,325   $ 288,748
    Marketable securities   1,510,299     1,406,286
    Accounts receivable, net   232,225     445,959
    Inventory   158,837     213,595
    Prepaid expenses and other assets   203,195     88,930
    Total current assets   2,360,881     2,443,518
    Property and equipment, net   148,444     168,244
    Operating lease, right of use asset, net   28,120     19,887
    Intangible assets, net   51,152     68,536
    Goodwill   214,292     214,562
    Other assets   185,448     215,895
    Deferred tax assets, net   275,854     252,370
    Total assets $ 3,264,191   $ 3,383,012
    LIABILITIES AND STOCKHOLDERS’ EQUITY      
    Current liabilities:      
    Accounts payable $ 112,417   $ 116,164
    Accrued liabilities   189,819     261,919
    Deferred revenues, current   129,556     118,300
    Warranty obligations, current   35,755     36,066
    Debt, current   99,931    
    Total current liabilities   567,478     532,449
    Long-term liabilities:      
    Deferred revenues, non-current   354,210     369,172
    Warranty obligations, non-current   148,477     153,021
    Other liabilities   62,392     51,008
    Debt, non-current   1,200,261     1,293,738
    Total liabilities   2,332,818     2,399,388
    Total stockholders’ equity   931,373     983,624
    Total liabilities and stockholders’ equity $ 3,264,191   $ 3,383,012
               
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF CASH FLOWS
    (In thousands)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
      September 30, 
    2024
      June 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
      September 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
    Cash flows from operating activities:                  
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Adjustments to reconcile net income to net cash provided by operating activities:                  
    Depreciation and amortization   20,103       20,484       19,448       60,724       53,867  
    Net amortization (accretion) of premium (discount) on marketable securities   (2,904 )     (1,030 )     5,094       (1,109 )     (12,611 )
    Provision for doubtful accounts   2,704       1,897       653       4,471       1,282  
    Asset impairment   17,568       6,241       903       24,141       903  
    Non-cash interest expense   2,173       2,157       2,114       6,462       6,254  
    Net loss (gain) from change in fair value of debt securities   741       1,931       (1,910 )     1,730       (5,408 )
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Deferred income taxes   (5,276 )     (14,076 )     (11,499 )     (27,644 )     (38,295 )
    Changes in operating assets and liabilities:                  
    Accounts receivable   49,414       82,183       (34,752 )     208,956       (118,249 )
    Inventory   17,231       31,825       (8,003 )     54,758       (24,406 )
    Prepaid expenses and other assets   (64,149 )     (42,810 )     (15,383 )     (117,856 )     (57,376 )
    Accounts payable, accrued and other liabilities   32,088       (23,944 )     9,903       (58,140 )     117,128  
    Warranty obligations   7,053       15       8,151       (4,855 )     57,420  
    Deferred revenues   1,690       (1,401 )     13,369       (5,265 )     105,169  
    Net cash provided by operating activities   170,138       127,062       145,855       346,401       661,330  
    Cash flows from investing activities:                  
    Purchases of property and equipment   (8,533 )     (9,636 )     (23,848 )     (25,540 )     (90,326 )
    Purchases of marketable securities   (319,190 )     (300,053 )     (470,766 )     (1,091,511 )     (1,743,674 )
    Maturities and sale of marketable securities   215,241       282,063       494,804       994,677       1,406,608  
    Investments in private companies               (15,000 )           (15,000 )
    Net cash used in investing activities   (112,482 )     (27,626 )     (14,810 )     (122,374 )     (442,392 )
    Cash flows from financing activities:                  
    Partial settlement of convertible notes   (5 )                 (7 )      
    Repurchase of common stock   (49,794 )     (99,908 )     (110,000 )     (191,698 )     (310,000 )
    Proceeds from issuance of common stock under employee equity plans   14       6,769       719       7,969       1,315  
    Payment of withholding taxes related to net share settlement of equity awards   (6,286 )     (7,473 )     (8,465 )     (73,801 )     (93,100 )
    Net cash used in financing activities   (56,071 )     (100,612 )     (117,746 )     (257,537 )     (401,785 )
    Effect of exchange rate changes on cash and cash equivalents   2,638       (374 )     (1,900 )     1,087       (322 )
    Net increase (decrease) in cash and cash equivalents   4,223       (1,550 )     11,399       (32,423 )     (183,169 )
    Cash and cash equivalents—Beginning of period   252,102       253,652       278,676       288,748       473,244  
    Cash and cash equivalents —End of period $ 256,325     $ 252,102     $ 290,075     $ 256,325     $ 290,075  
                                           
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    RECONCILIATION OF NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES
    (In thousands, except per share data and percentages)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
      September 30, 
    2024
      June 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
      September 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
    Gross profit (GAAP) $ 178,171     $ 137,166     $ 262,013     $ 430,845     $ 911,726  
    Stock-based compensation   2,948       3,730       2,708       10,860       9,775  
    Acquisition related amortization   1,904       1,890       1,899       5,685       5,686  
    Gross profit (Non-GAAP) $ 183,023     $ 142,786     $ 266,620     $ 447,390     $ 927,187  
                       
    Gross margin (GAAP)   46.8 %     45.2 %     47.5 %     45.5 %     45.9 %
    Stock-based compensation   0.8       1.3       0.6       1.1       0.5  
    Acquisition related amortization   0.5       0.6       0.3       0.6       0.2  
    Gross margin (Non-GAAP)   48.1 %     47.1 %     48.4 %     47.2 %     46.6 %
                       
    Operating expenses (GAAP) $ 128,383     $ 135,367     $ 144,024     $ 408,357     $ 455,754  
    Stock-based compensation(1)   (42,992 )     (49,027 )     (41,106 )     (148,670 )     (147,860 )
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   (3,102 )     (3,463 )     (3,891 )     (10,027 )     (11,429 )
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   (677 )     (1,171 )           (3,755 )     (901 )
    Operating expenses (Non-GAAP) $ 81,612     $ 81,706     $ 99,027     $ 245,905     $ 295,564  
                       
    (1)Includes stock-based compensation as follows:                  
    Research and development $ 19,790     $ 20,210     $ 19,285     $ 64,550     $ 64,528  
    Sales and marketing   14,237       16,784       13,297       49,199       49,231  
    General and administrative   8,965       12,033       8,524       34,921       34,101  
    Total $ 42,992     $ 49,027     $ 41,106     $ 148,670     $ 147,860  
                       
    Income from operations (GAAP) $ 49,788     $ 1,799     $ 117,989     $ 22,488     $ 455,972  
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   5,006       5,353       5,790       15,712       17,115  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171             3,755       901  
    Income from operations (Non-GAAP) $ 101,411     $ 61,080     $ 167,593     $ 201,485     $ 631,623  
                       
    Net income (GAAP) $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   5,006       5,353       5,790       15,712       17,115  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171             3,755       901  
    Non-cash interest expense   2,173       2,157       2,114       6,462       6,254  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (11,156 )     (13,447 )     (23,822 )     (30,775 )     (61,413 )
    Net income (Non-GAAP) $ 88,402     $ 58,824     $ 141,849     $ 195,182     $ 538,509  
                       
    Net income per share, basic (GAAP) $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.30     $ 3.06  
    Stock-based compensation   0.34       0.39       0.32       1.17       1.15  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   0.04       0.04       0.04       0.12       0.13  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   0.01       0.01             0.03       0.01  
    Non-cash interest expense   0.02       0.02       0.02       0.05       0.04  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (0.10 )     (0.11 )     (0.18 )     (0.23 )     (0.44 )
    Net income per share, basic (Non-GAAP) $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.04     $ 1.44     $ 3.95  
                       
    Shares used in basic per share calculation GAAP and Non-GAAP   135,329       135,646       136,165       135,621       136,491  
                       
    Net income per share, diluted (GAAP) $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.30     $ 2.92  
    Stock-based compensation   0.33       0.38       0.32       1.17       1.17  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   0.04       0.04       0.04       0.12       0.12  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   0.01       0.01             0.03       0.01  
    Non-cash interest expense   0.02       0.02       0.02       0.05       0.04  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (0.08 )     (0.10 )     (0.16 )     (0.24 )     (0.40 )
    Net income per share, diluted (Non-GAAP)(2) $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.02     $ 1.43     $ 3.86  
                       
    Shares used in diluted per share calculation GAAP   139,914       136,123       143,863       136,236       145,081  
    Shares used in diluted per share calculation Non-GAAP   135,839       136,123       138,535       136,236       139,753  
                       
    Income-based government grants (GAAP) $ 46,552     $ 24,329     $ 18,532     $ 89,498     $ 20,583  
    Incremental cost for manufacturing in U.S.   (11,396 )     (5,950 )     (4,085 )     (22,228 )     (4,491 )
    Net IRA benefit (Non-GAAP) $ 35,156     $ 18,379     $ 14,447     $ 67,270     $ 16,092  
                       
    Net cash provided by operating activities (GAAP) $ 170,138     $ 127,062     $ 145,855     $ 346,401     $ 661,330  
    Purchases of property and equipment   (8,533 )     (9,636 )     (23,848 )     (25,540 )     (90,326 )
    Free cash flow (Non-GAAP) $ 161,605     $ 117,426     $ 122,007     $ 320,861     $ 571,004  
                                           

    (2) Calculation of non-GAAP diluted net income per share for the three and nine months ended September 30, 2023 excludes convertible Notes due 2023 interest expense, net of tax of less than $0.1 million from non-GAAP net income.

    This press release was published by a CLEAR® Verified individual.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Dot plots for the Eurosystem? | Speech at Harvard University

    Source: Bundesbank

    Check against delivery.

    1 Introduction

    Ladies and gentlemen,

    it is a great pleasure to be at Harvard again, to meet long time companions like Hans-Helmut Kotz and to exchange ideas with top scientists such as Benjamin Friedman. When I was in this round two years ago, we were dealing with an unprecedented global inflation spike.[1] Fortunately, the worst is behind us, and inflation in the euro area is heading back to the Eurosystem’s target. We have not brought the inflation ship safely back into the 2% harbour, but the port is in sight. Thus, I can focus on another question today.

    Before I do that, let me share an analogy to set the stage for my discussion. Back in the 1970s and 1980s, the field of economics was split into two seemingly incompatible schools of thought: New Keynesian and New Classical. Their proponents were not too polite in their language, calling assumptions “foolishly restrictive” or comparing an opponent to someone attempting to pass himself off as Napoleon Bonaparte.[2] But, over time, ideas from both camps ultimately merged to form a consensus called the New Neoclassical Synthesis, the very foundation of modern macroeconomics.[3] Gregory Mankiw neatly described this story in his essay “The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer”.[4]

    The takeaway from this analogy is that complex issues are rarely black or white. With this in mind, I want to explore whether the conduct of monetary policy in the euro area could be enhanced by offering more detailed and nuanced information regarding its future outlook. More specifically, today I will address the following question: Should the Eurosystem introduce dot plots?

    To explore this, I will first examine current experience with dot plots and other forms of forward guidance in both the United States and the euro area. I will then evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of incorporating dot plots into the Eurosystem’s communication strategy. In this analysis, I will concentrate on the implications for policymakers’ independence, the effectiveness of monetary policy and the management of uncertainty.

    2 The dot plot and other forms of forward guidance

    Let me begin with some basics. Most central banks in advanced economies have a clear mandate to keep prices stable. They do this mainly by setting the policy rate and communicating their decisions in order to manage the expectations of economic agents, including market participants, households and firms. When central banks provide explicit signals about the future path of the policy rate, we call it forward guidance.

    We can classify forward guidance into two ideal types: “Odyssean” and “Delphic”.[5] Odyssean forward guidance means the central bank makes a firm commitment to a future course of action, like promising to keep interest rates at a certain level for a certain time. Like Odysseus, who famously tied himself to the mast of his ship to resist the call of the sirens, central banks are committing to staying on course – whatever the future brings.

    In contrast, Delphic forward guidance is conditional and involves sharing information about the central bank’s economic outlook and policy intentions without making firm commitments. This term comes from the Oracle of Delphi, famous for its prophecies and predictions, which were so ambiguous and open to interpretation that they always seemed to be borne out in hindsight. A prime example of Delphic forward guidance is the policy rate forecasts published by central banks such as Norges Bank and Sweden’s Riksbank.

    A more subtle way of monetary policy communication is through the central bank’s reaction function. A reaction function indicates how the central bank adjusts its policy rate in response to key macroeconomic variables like the inflation rate or economic growth. When economic agents have a clear understanding of this reaction function, communication about the expected development of these macroeconomic variables can also help shape their expectations regarding the future trajectory of the policy rate.

    2.1 The Fed’s dot plot

    To consider if the Eurosystem should introduce dot plots, let me briefly recall what the Fed dot plots are and how market observers view them. Twelve years ago, the Fed began publishing the federal funds rate projections of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) participants. Its intention was to boost transparency and communication with financial markets and the general public. On the other side of the Atlantic, the Eurosystem has, from its inception, held public press conferences and published monetary policy statements, the minutes of its meetings, and the results of its quarterly macroeconomic projections.

    As you are well aware, before the FOMC meeting, FOMC participants share their individual assessment of the appropriate level of the fed funds rate for the end of the current year, the end of the coming two to three years and over the longer run. The longer run projection refers to “each participant’s assessment of the value to which each variable would be expected to converge, over time, under appropriate monetary policy and in the absence of further shocks to the economy.”[6]

    Due to its visual representation in the Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), the combined projections of all FOMC members are known as the dot plot. These dots complement the FOMC participants’ projections for GDP growth, unemployment and inflation. While each FOMC participant submits their funds rate projection together with corresponding projections for macroeconomic variables, these correspondences are not revealed by the SEP. Accordingly, market observers cannot directly link the interest rate projections to the projections of the other macro variables.

    The dot plot was meant to complement the Fed’s communication, not to replace the forward guidance it provided in the monetary policy statement at that time during the press conference. For example, in January 2012, the FOMC statement provided explicit forward guidance on rates, saying that the Committee “[…] anticipates that economic conditions […] are likely to warrant exceptionally low levels for the federal funds rate at least through late 2014.”[7] During the accompanying press conference, Chairman Ben Bernanke introduced the dot plot, observing that “[…] eleven participants expect that the appropriate federal funds rate at the end of 2014 will be at or below 1 percent, while six participants anticipate higher rates at that time.”[8]

    Although the Federal Reserve did not introduce the dot plots as an explicit tool for forward guidance, many market analysts began to interpret them as such. When the forward guidance in the statement and the dot plot sent mixed signals, FOMC chairs often downplayed the dot plot’s importance.

    In 2014, Janet Yellen famously stated: “[…] one should not look to the dot plot, so to speak, as the primary way in which the Committee wants to or is speaking about policy […].”[9] Similarly, in 2019, Jerome Powell noted that “[…] the dot plot has, on occasion, been a source of confusion. Until now, forward guidance in the statement has been a main tool for communicating committee intentions and minimizing that confusion.”[10]

    And this is also how Fed watchers now see the dot plot, ranking it as the Fed’s fifth most important communication tool.[11] The top communication tools are the press conference, the Summary of Economic Projections (excluding the dots), the FOMC statement, and speeches by the chair.

    Numerous studies show that the Fed has successfully used monetary policy communication to influence long-term interest rates and other asset prices.[12] And some research suggests that the dot plots significantly and independently influence market interest rates. [13] But there is a fundamental issue about these results: it is very challenging to determine how much each communication channel contributes to the overall effect.

    To identify the causal effect of monetary policy, scholars often define a so-called event window around central banks’ monetary policy meetings. Changes in market interest rates during this event window are then attributed to monetary policy.

    But there is a problem: when the dot plot is released, it is published together with the monetary policy statement. That makes it hard to determine which one caused the interest rate changes observed during the event. And because of this, it is unclear whether those channels actually provide complementary information or are just substitutes.

    2.2 Monetary policy communication at the Eurosystem

    So, what does the Eurosystem’s monetary policy communication look like? The Eurosystem began using explicit forward guidance in the introductory statement to its July 2013 meeting. At that time, inflation in the euro area was low, and the Eurosystem expected underlying price pressures to stay subdued in the medium term. Interest rates were already at the effective zero lower bound.

    To provide further accommodation, the ECB’s Governing Council, which is the counterpart of the FOMC, announced in its July 2013 meeting that it “expects the key ECB interest rates to remain at present or lower levels for an extended period of time.”[14] The Governing Council continued to use variations of this statement for almost a decade. And there is now also ample evidence that the Eurosystem has been successful in implementing its forward guidance.[15]

    With the resurgence of inflation in 2021 and high uncertainty caused by major shocks and structural changes, the Eurosystem shifted to a data-dependent, meeting-by-meeting approach, largely stepping away from explicit forward guidance.

    More specifically, we now base our interest rate decisions on three elements: first, our assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, second, the dynamics of underlying inflation, and third, the strength of monetary policy transmission. These three elements can be seen as a further specification of our reaction function. However, the Governing Council does not pre-commit to any specific rate path.

    Taken together, apart from the publication of the dot plot, the approaches to monetary policy communication taken by the Federal Reserve System and the Eurosystem are largely comparable. Both institutions regard the monetary policy statement and the press conference as their primary communication tools. And both central banks have recently shifted from explicit forward guidance towards a data-dependent meeting-by-meeting approach.

    But the Eurosystem also continues to provide signals about future policy rates. It simply does it more implicitly. For example, the wording of the monetary policy statement and the answers of the ECB President during press conferences provide insights into future policy rates. As do speeches and interviews given by Governing Council members. Additionally, the Eurosystem influences market expectations through its quarterly staff projections.[16]

    Unlike some other central banks, the Eurosystem uses the interest rate implied by financial market prices on a specific cut-off day as a conditioning assumption for its macroeconomic projections. Specifically, this means that our medium-term inflation forecast aligns with market expectations for a particular policy rate path. Market participants can subsequently compare the exogenous path for the policy rate, as embedded in our macroeconomic projections, with our actual monetary policy decisions, in order to gain insights into our reaction function.

    You could say that the Eurosystem provides Athenian communication. Athena was known as the Goddess of wisdom and as a protector and guide to many Greek heroes. Rather than communicating directly with those she protected, Athena often used indirect guidance. And through her subtle guidance, Athena empowered the heroes she protected to take decisive action and make wise choices.

    3 A dot plot for the Eurosystem?

    Now, let us get to the heart of the matter. Should the Eurosystem introduce dot plots? Although this question can only be answered “yes” or “no”, complex issues are rarely black and white, as mentioned earlier.

    In the following, rather than simply listing the pros and cons of introducing dot plots in the Eurosystem, I will structure my discussion around three themes: First, the impact dot plots could have on the independence of the Eurosystem. Second, the potential for dot plots to improve the effectiveness of our monetary policy communication. And third, the role dot plots could play in capturing projection uncertainty around our baseline forecasts.

    Throughout, I will only consider adding projections for the policy rates to the existing macroeconomic projections by Eurosystem staff. For simplicity, I will not consider whether to also complement our current consensus projections for macroeconomic variables with individual macroeconomic projections.

    3.1 Independence

    Let me begin with the theme of independence. The ECB’s Governing Council consists of the six ECB Executive Board members and the 20 governors of the euro area’s national central banks. Although this setting may resemble that of the Federal Open Market Committee, which includes Federal Reserve Bank Presidents, there is a significant difference.

    The euro area is not composed of regions within a single country but of individual countries within a larger union, each with its own fiscal authority and national laws, as well as considerable differences in economic size and performance. Therefore, within the Governing Council we have a strong interest in finding and communicating a consensus perspective. This is, for example, enshrined in our statute, which states that the proceedings of the meetings of the Governing Council are confidential.

    When we discussed introducing ECB accounts from our Governing Council meetings – comparable to the published minutes of FOMC meetings – about a decade ago, we aimed to balance two things: On the one hand, to clearly articulate the consensus perspective. Yet on the other hand to represent the full spectrum of views in order to help market participants better understand the ECB Governing Council’s decision-making process.[17]

    In the end, the Eurosystem decided to represent the full spectrum of the discussion without naming individuals. Nevertheless, despite the anonymity of the arguments presented, markets and the media alike continue to attempt to discern the identities of the individuals behind them. Given that numerous members of the Governing Council express their views on monetary policy through speeches and interviews, identifying their positions is not a particular challenge.

    If there were anonymous dot plots of Governing Council members, media and the markets alike would probably attempt to match individual members to each dot as well. The primary distinction between speeches and dot plots is that Governing Council members deliver speeches voluntarily. In contrast, dot plots would force all Governing Council members to regularly articulate their perspectives on the future trajectory of interest rates. And this could potentially influence the Governing Council’s independence.

    Once national stakeholders become aware of “their” representative’s views on future interest rates, they may exert pressure on the representative to align with national interests. I am confident that, even if we were to publish dot plots, every member of the Governing Council would continue to act independently and in the best interests of the entire euro area. However, I believe we are well advised not to put ourselves in a situation that might increase pressure on us to act in ways others want us to.

    3.2 Effectiveness of monetary policy communication

    My second theme is whether a dot plot could significantly enhance the Eurosystem’s effectiveness of monetary policy communication. And here I am sceptical. To begin with, there is the previously discussed issue: the dot plot may conflict with the consensus message conveyed in the monetary policy statement. But the main reason for my scepticism is that comparative studies on different methods of monetary policy communication are inconclusive.

    A BIS working paper shows that interest rate projections provide additional information to macroeconomic projections, meaning that they are not redundant.[18] That could be seen as an argument for introducing dot plots. However, while market participants in countries that publish both interest rate projections and macroeconomic projections prefer the former, they might still be able to obtain sufficient information from macroeconomic projections alone.

    Furthermore, research on central bank communication in Norway and Sweden shows that publishing interest rate projections has not improved market understanding of what new macroeconomic information implies for future interest rate.[19] In other words, the publication of interest rate paths did not help market participants better understand the central banks’ reaction functions.

    This finding aligns with research published by the Reserve Bank of New Zealand that shows that announcements with interest rate forecasts and those with only written statements lead to similar market reactions across the yield curve.[20] The authors pointedly conclude that, while central bank communication is important, the exact form it takes is less relevant.

    This result echoes a seminal study by Blinder and co-authors, who concluded back in 2008 that there was no consensus on what constitutes an optimal communication strategy.[21]

    All things considered, I see no compelling evidence that the Eurosystem’s monetary policy communication would be significantly enhanced by the introduction of a dot plot.

    3.3 Projection uncertainty

    Now to the third and final theme – uncertainty. I am quite sure that the Eurosystem has room to improve how we handle projection uncertainty. Currently, the ECB’s Governing Council summarises its view on the uncertainty surrounding economic growth and inflation in the risk assessment section of its monetary policy statement. More specifically, the Eurosystem addresses the uncertainty around its baseline inflation forecast in two ways.[22]

    First, it produces fan charts with symmetric ranges around the point forecast, based on past projection errors. In this setup, past projection errors act as a catch-all proxy for uncertainty. Second, it occasionally publishes risk scenarios, conditional on assumptions different from those in the baseline projection. For instance, during the pandemic, the Eurosystem began using alternative assumptions about the future path of infections and contact restrictions to illustrate macroeconomic uncertainty.

    Could the use of dot plots enhance the communication of inflation forecast uncertainty within the Eurosystem? Given that dot plots offer only an indirect method for conveying uncertainty about the inflation outlook, there may be more effective alternatives.

    One might be to enhance the communication of our existing measures of uncertainty. Another might be to develop new measures, such as scenario and sensitivity analyses, as well as improved fan charts. We must carefully evaluate the pros and cons of each approach.

    Hence, it is quite fitting that the Eurosystem is currently performing an interim strategic review, which includes an analysis of how risk and uncertainty should inform both policy decisions and policy communication. I’m already looking forward to the results.

    4 Conclusion

    Ladies and gentlemen, let me conclude. I began my talk by discussing different schools of thought – New Keynesian and New Classical – and argued that complex issues are rarely black or white. When it comes to central bank communication about the future, there are certainly many promising approaches. And, undoubtedly, dot plots are an intriguing instrument for central bank communication.

    However, given the prevailing evidence, I do not see a compelling case for introducing dot plots for the Eurosystem.

    On the other hand, I firmly believe that we can and should enhance how we account for uncertainty in our macroeconomic projections. I have outlined a few options which the Eurosystem will address in the ongoing strategy review.

    Footnotes:

    1. Nagel, J. (2022), The ECB’s mandate: maintaining price stability in the euro area, speech at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University.
    2. Mankiw, G. (2006), The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 20(4), pp. 29-46.
    3. Goodfriend, M. and R. King (1997), The New Neoclassical Synthesis and the Role of Monetary Policy, in: NBER Macroeconomics Annual, Bernanke, B. and J. Rotemberg (eds.), MIT Press, pp. 231-283.
    4. Mankiw, G. (2006), op. cit.
    5. Campbell, J. et al. (2012), Macroeconomic Effects of Federal Reserve Forward Guidance, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol. 43(1), pp. 1-80. Another distinction is between time-dependent (or calendar-dependent) and state-dependent forward guidance. The former ties monetary policy to a specific time frame, whereas the latter ties future policy actions to specific economic conditions or thresholds. The concepts can overlap and be used in combination.
    6. SEP: Compilation and Summary of Individual Economic Projections, 24-25 January 2012.
    7. FOMC Statement, 25 January 2012.
    8. Bernanke, B. (2012), Transcript of Chairman Bernanke’s Press Conference, 25 January 2012,
    9. Yellen, J. (2014), Transcript of Chair Yellen’s Press Conference, 19 March 2014.
    10. Powell, J. (2019), Monetary Policy: Normalization and the Road Ahead, speech at the SIEPR Economic Summit, Stanford Institute of Economic Policy Research, Stanford, California.
    11. Wessel, D. and S. Boocker (2024), Federal Reserve communication – survey results, Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at Brookings.
    12. See, for example, Gürkaynak, R. et al. (2005), Do Actions Speak Louder Than Words? The Response of Asset Prices to Monetary Policy Actions and Statements, International Journal of Central Banking, International Journal of Central Banking, Vol. 1(1), pp. 55-93; Wright, J. (2012), What Does Monetary Policy Do to Long‐term Interest Rates at the Zero Lower Bound?, Economic Journal, Vol. 122(564), pp. 447-466; and Swanson, E. (2021), Measuring the effects of federal reserve forward guidance and asset purchases on financial markets, Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol. 118(C), pp. 32-53.
    13. See, for example, Couture, C. (2021), Financial market effects of FOMC projections, Journal of Macroeconomics, Vol. 67 and Hillenbrand, S. (2023), The Fed and the Secular Decline in Interest Rates, Accepted, Review of Financial Studies.
    14. Draghi, M. and V. Constâncio (2013), Introductory statement to the press conference (with Q&A), Frankfurt am Main, 4 July 2013.
    15. See, for example, Altavilla, C. et al. (2021), Assessing the efficacy, efficiency and potential side effects of the ECB’s monetary policy instruments since 2014, ECB Occasional Paper, No. 278; Andrade, P. and F. Ferroni (2021), Delphic and Odyssean monetary policy shocks: Evidence from the euro area, Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol. (117), pp. 816-832; Kerssenfischer, M. (2022), Information effects of euro area monetary policy, Economics Letters, Vol. 216(C); and Monetary Policy Committee, Taskforce on Rate Forward Guidance and Reinvestment (2022), Rate forward guidance in an environment of large central bank balance sheets: A Eurosystem stock-taking assessment, ECB Occasional Paper No. 290.
    16. The Eurosystem produces macroeconomic projections four times a year. ECB staff produces them in March and September. In June and December, they are co-produced by ECB and national central bank staff.
    17. See Morris, S. and H. Shin (2005): Central Bank Transparency and the Signal Value of Prices, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol.36(2), pp. 1-66 for a general treatment of the role of transparency.
    18. Hofmann, B. and D. Xia (2022), Quantitative forward guidance through interest rate projections, BIS Working Paper No. 1009.
    19. Natvik, G. et al. (2020), Does publication of interest rate paths provide guidance?, Journal of International Money and Finance, Vol. 103.
    20. Detmers, G.-A (2021), Quantitative or Qualitative Forward Guidance: Does it Matter?, Economic Record, Vol. 97(319), pp. 491-503.
    21. Blinder, A. et al. (2008), Central Bank Communication and Monetary Policy: A Survey of Theory and Evidence, Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 46(4), pp. 910-945.
    22. See ECB (2024), ECB staff macroeconomic projections for the euro area, March 2023, box 6 for a rundown.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Breaking the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns for good | Joint guest contribution by Joachim Nagel and Nicolas Véron, op-ed for Politicoby Politico

    Source: Bundesbank

    Twelve years after its initiation, it is time to complete the banking union

    In the early hours of 29 June 2012, boldness and clarity came together. After a long night of negotiations, European leaders laid the foundations for the banking union project. They found strong and clear words on its purpose, stating it is imperative to break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns.

    The decision was taken in the aftermath of a twin crisis that had shaken the euro area – a sovereign debt crisis coupled with a banking crisis. The close links between sovereigns and banks had created a “doom loop”: sovereigns bailed out teetering banks, straining public finances, and rising sovereign yields put pressure on banks’ home-biased sovereign exposures. Such loops emerged as a particular vulnerability of the euro area, with its unique institutional setup as a monetary union of otherwise sovereign states, increasing the pressure on the Eurosystem to save the day. The banking union was conceived as the sword that would sever the doom loop.

    Today’s banking union is primarily the result of intensive legislative efforts between 2012 and 2014. They established a complete framework for supervising European banks, and an incomplete one for dealing with banking crises. This helped to mitigate the vicious circle, in particular by creating the Single Supervisory Mechanism under the European Central Bank and the national supervisory authorities. That has proven its effectiveness, but the vicious circle has not yet been broken.

    Before the lessons of 2012 are forgotten, the new EU term offers an opportunity to finish the task and break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns for good. Action must go both ways. First, block the direct contagion channel from banks to sovereigns. Taxpayers should not have to suffer when banks run into problems. Second, close the contagion channel from sovereigns to banks. A sovereign credit event cannot and should not be ruled out in a monetary union with sovereign fiscal policies at the national level. At the same time, it must not be permitted to drag down banks with it and thus further jeopardise financial stability.

    The first aim calls for strengthening the crisis intervention framework. Valuable progress has been made with the establishment of the Single Resolution Board and the Single Resolution Fund. The latter reached its target level, currently at €78 billion, after a decade of build-up. However, a more streamlined and predictable framework is needed. Specifically, resolution should be a credible and feasible option to manage more, if not all, failing banks under EU law, instead of the current confusing mix of European and national procedures that leaves too much scope for national state aid and moral hazard.

    The reform of the framework for crisis management is closely linked to deposit insurance. A common European deposit insurance mechanism would strengthen confidence in depositor protection and thus reduce the risk of bank runs. It is intended to weaken the link between banks and their national sovereigns and thus to contribute to making the euro area as a whole more resilient. The two of us have different views on how it should be structured, whether fully centralised or a hybrid involving national authorities. However, we share the firm conviction that deposit protection needs a European level. All banks in the euro area should participate in it. Its funding can and should be risk-based, taking into account arrangements such as the institutional protection schemes that play a significant role in Austria and Germany.

    Under that mechanism, certain risks would be shouldered jointly within the EU. Conversely, risks that are within the remit of the individual Member States must be appropriately limited. To reduce negative spillovers from sovereigns to banks – the second aim – it is crucial to avoid large and undiversified exposures of bank balance sheets to a single sovereign. Concentration limits and capital charges can serve as effective tools here. With adequate calibration and a transition phase, these tools could incentivise banks to diversify their sovereign exposures, thereby gradually overcoming home bias.

    As it turns out, the issues of crisis management, deposit insurance and banks’ sovereign exposures are intertwined. Attempts to make progress have so far failed, not least because they were not comprehensive enough. Part of why the European Commission’s 2015 legislative proposal on deposit insurance was shelved is because banks’ concentrated sovereign exposures were not tackled at the same time. It seems that Member States are unwilling to make concessions if the outcome is merely a halfway house. A comprehensive approach that addresses the interlinked issues holistically is worth considering. It could complete the work that began with a promise twelve years ago – to break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns.

    Nicolas Véron is a French economist. He is a senior fellow at Bruegel in Brussels, which he co-founded in 2002–05, and at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington DC.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Small business group advances work programme, focuses on business support organizations

    Source: World Trade Organization

    Thematic discussions: Business support organizations

    The meeting shed light on the work of business support organizations, such as the Enterprise Europe Network (EEN) and the International Trade Centre, in connecting small businesses with partners to help them export to international markets and utilise opportunities provided by free trade agreements.

    It was noted that business support organizations play an important role in facilitating the information flow between the public and private sectors, particularly small business, in addition to gathering feedback and providing advisory services to MSMEs to help them access financing opportunities.

    The session was in response to a proposal by the United States (INF/MSME/W/51), which suggested exploring how small businesses are linked to the mechanisms that shape trade policy through local chambers of commerce, trade associations, and/or other local business support organizations.

    Success stories

    As part of its efforts to strengthen engagement with the private sector, the Group invited Mr Aziz Ndiaye, Founder and Owner of ANEP Company, a small business headquartered in Switzerland, to present his enterprise. ANEP Company specializes in the import and export of exotic fruits and vegetables from Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Togo and  Benin and seeks to deliver positive social impact for the communities benefiting from these trade opportunities.  

    The two winners of the Small Business Champions initiative (CLAC – Coordinadora Latino americana de Comercio Justo and O’KANATA) presented their winning projects to the Group. Their projects are aimed at helping indigenous people trade internationally through needs assessment surveys, technical assistance and online platforms.

    Dr Ayman El Tarabishy, President and CEO of the International Council for Small Business (ICSB), spoke to the Group about the ICSB’s efforts to advance small business research and good practice.

    Future work

    The Group’s next meeting on 10 December will focus on good regulatory practices for MSMEs and trade digitalization in response to a proposal put forward by the United Kingdom (INF/MSME/W/52).

    The UK will explain how MSMEs’ interests are considered in regulatory development, referencing Annex 4 of the December 2020 MSME package. The UK will also discuss various processes and tools used in domestic regulatory procedures that may benefit MSMEs. Various speakers will be invited to talk about the importance of trade digitalization for small businesses and how trade digitalization efforts can be accelerated.

    Work is underway to build on the compendium of special provisions on the integration of MSMEs into Authorised Economic Operators programmes published earlier this year. A joint study by the World Customs Organization and the International Chamber of Commerce is being prepared on this issue, using a recent survey as a basis for the report.

    New proposal

    The Russian Federation presented a proposal (INF/MSME/W/58 – INF/TGE/COM/10) to have a compendium of educational programmes aimed at empowering women entrepreneurs in finance and marketing. The compendium’s objective is to help women-owned businesses participate in international trade and assist governments in drafting supporting policies.

    Updates

    Members shared updates on their implementation of the December 2020 MSME package of recommendations aimed at helping small businesses trade globally. China reported on its ninth Trade Policy Review (TPR), where measures taken to integrate small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in its policies were included in its report. Such measures include the provision of policy support documents, tax extensions and the establishment of funds.  

    China also highlighted its efforts to create a business-friendly environment, such as addressing financing challenges and supporting research and development.

    The ITC provided updates on the Global Trade Helpdesk, an online platform intended to bring together trade and business information for companies, especially MSMEs. The ITC noted an increase in the usage of the platform in the United States, India, China and Indonesia, and highlighted recent events including the launch of Bahasa and Chinese versions of the HelpDesk.

    MSME-related discussions in the Technical Barriers to Trade Committee and Government Procurement Committee were also shared with the Group. This included a new good practice guide on how to comment on members’ notifications, focusing on the ability of the private sector to provide feedback and track such notifications and on the adoption of a best practice report on measures facilitating the participation of SMEs in government procurement.

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  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: MoS Dr Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani addresses concluding session of two day Workshop on Modern Technologies in Survey-Resurvey for Urban Land Records at New Delhi today

    Source: Government of India (2)

    MoS Dr Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani addresses concluding session of two day Workshop on Modern Technologies in Survey-Resurvey for Urban Land Records at New Delhi today

    More than administrative tools, accurate land records are the back bone of socio economic planning, public service delivery and conflict resolution: Dr Pemmasani

    International workshop explored range of innovations including advances in survey-Resurvey techniques, Geo spatial tools, Drone and Aircraft technologies and GIS integrated solutions: MoS Dr Pemmasani

    Posted On: 22 OCT 2024 5:16PM by PIB Delhi

    Minister of State for Rural development Dr Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani addressed concluding session of   two day Workshop on Modern Technologies in Survey-Resurvey for Urban Land Records at Dr. Ambedkar International Centre (DAIC), New Delhi today.  Minister of state during his speech emphasized that more than administrative tools, accurate land records are the back bone of socio economic planning, public service delivery and conflict resolution .This  international workshop explored range of innovations including advances in survey-Resurvey techniques, geo spatial tools, drone and aircraft technologies and GIS integrated solutions. The collective insights shared in this workshop will act as bedrock for building smarter and more efficient urban management system in India. This event has brought together global experts and leaders united in the mission to explore innovative solution for urban land survey, he added.

    Dr. Pemmasani said that as rural land records evolved urban land management must also rise to meet the demand of rapid urbanisation of cities and land administration must keep pace to ensure equitable development. We now stand at a pivotal moment in urban governance where technology meets opportunity. More than tools like Drones, aircraft based survey and satellite imagery offer unparalleled precisions, these technologies provide Ortho rectified images (ORI) , geo referenced maps  that are both accurate and truth to the earth surface. By deploying these tools we reduce human errors increase efficiency and collect consistent up-to-date data in the most challenging urban environment with tall buildings, dense vegetation and complex land usage patterns. Integrating these images into GIS platforms will turn data into actionable insights enabling urban planning real estate development infra structure management, and even disaster preparedness with unprecedented precisions.

    The union minister of State added over the past decade, India, under the visionary Leadership of  Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi has made significant strides with initiatives such as the Digital India Land Records Modernization Programme (DILRMP). He added that India has digitized Records of Rights (RoR) across over 6.25 lakh villages, launched the Unique Land Parcel Identification Number (ULPIN), also known as Bhu-Aadhaar, and created seamless integration between revenue and registration systems. However, as rural land records evolve, urban land management must also rise to meet the demands of rapid urbanization. Cities are expanding vertically and horizontally, and land administration must keep pace to ensure equitable development. He emphasized that urban land management is not just a technical exercise but is the foundation of economic growth, industrial development, and social harmony.

     Dr Pemmasani said that moreover by creating spatially enabled land records we can resolve longstanding issues such as overlapping ownership claims, inconsistent land valuations and boundary disputes. The time has come to move beyond traditional costly and time consuming surveys and adapt these advanced technologies for a new era in urban governance.  Union minister of state  pleased to learn that this workshop features impactful case studies  and representative from several countries across the globe US, South Korea, Spain, Germany, India and other countries shared experiences overcoming the challenges of urban land management . This workshop is not the end but the beginning of a transformative journey. The insights gained here will shape national programme to modernize urban land records.  We envision the creation of pilot projects across select cities combined with capacity building initiatives for local bodies and state officials. As we leave this workshop let us Carrie with a shared commitment to apply the knowledge technologies and solutions discussed here. Together we will create a transparent efficient and equitable system of urban land management, he added.  Dr Pemmasani emphasised that urban land management is not just a technical exercise and it is the foundation of economic growth, industrial development and social harmony.

    Union minister congratulated the entire department of land resources and the all officials for this one of a kind movement and presenting the modern India’s capabilities to the rest of the world.

    The Department of Land Resources has sanctioned a pilot programme called the “National geospatial Knowledge-based land Survey of urban Habitations (NAKSHA)” with a view to create Land Records in about 130 cities in all the States / UTs within an expected time of one year to be followed by more phases to complete the whole exercise in about 4900 Urban Local Bodies within an expected period of 5 years.

    The workshop was organized with a view to consult experts of other countries on creation and collation of land records, discuss and understand the global best practices in usage of new and emerging technologies for the benefit of the stakeholders, especially the representatives of State Governments. The workshop facilitated discussions on Advanced Land Mapping with Accurate and Efficient Ortho Rectified Image Generation using aerial photography for mapping urban land parcels and properties. The speakers from Industry partners and international experts from USA, Spain, South Korea, France, Germany, Netherlands, UK, Japan and Australia presented their views during the workshop. The workshop facilitated presentations on successful case studies innovative approaches, policy frameworks, technological advancements and stakeholder involvement.

    The workshop has been an excellent gathering of experts and leaders from across the globe and from within the country and one of its kind on the important topic of Urban land survey. It facilitated discussions on the advancements and innovations in modern technologies in survey-resurvey for urban land records and also showcased cutting-edge technologies by both Indian and international firms that can revolutionize land administration in urban areas of our country.

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  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Human Rights Committee Commend Greece on Measures Taken for Unaccompanied Minors, Raise Questions on Domestic Violence and Allegations of Border Pushbacks

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Human Rights Committee today concluded its consideration of the third periodic report of Greece on how it implements the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  Committee Experts commended Greece for the measures taken for unaccompanied minors, while raising questions on domestic violence, and allegations of pushbacks at the border. 

    One Committee Expert said the Committee welcomed measures taken by the State party, including the establishment of the Special Secretariat for the Protection of Unaccompanied Minors, the Emergency Response Mechanism, and law 4960/2022 on the establishment of a National Guardianship System for unaccompanied minors.  The Committee also appreciated the national protection strategy (2021–2025) and the mechanism for unaccompanied children living in precarious conditions. 

    Another Expert asked how the State party addressed the root causes of gender-based violence? Was there a comprehensive strategy to prevent, raise awareness on, and respond to gender-based violence?  Was there mandatory and continuous capacity building for judges, prosecutors, and other law enforcement officials about gender-based violence? 

    A Committee Expert said numerous reports documented instances of pushbacks by the Hellenic police and Hellenic coast guards, including patterns of excessive use of force, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, incommunicado detention, and unlawful destruction of personal belongings.  How would Greece ensure thorough, systematic, effective, and independent investigations into allegations of pushbacks and hold those responsible accountable?  Reports before the Committee indicated that from January 2020 to June 2024, there were 1,452 incidents at the borders affecting approximately 46,649 people. What measures were being taken to ensure that border control operations prioritised the protection of life and that rescue efforts were conducted in compliance with human rights?

    The delegation said violence against women had increased significantly during the pandemic. In April 2020, there was a significant increase of more than 200 per cent regarding phone calls to the hotline for reporting violence.  Psychosocial support was provided upon request, including both online and in-person. An awareness raising campaign was launched in 2024 and was displayed in the Athens urban rail network.  A panic button application was launched, enabling women in immediate danger to call for help in a safe manner by pressing a button on their phone which was linked to the police. 

    The delegation said pushbacks were not the policy of the Greek Government in any way, shape, or form; the Government policy was clear.  Actions taken by Hellenic authorities at the sea borders were carried out in full compliance with international obligations.  Allegations on so-called pushbacks were not compatible with the well-established operations of the Hellenic authorities.  However, any allegations of pushbacks or mistreatment of third country nationals were thoroughly investigated.  From 2015 to the present, the Hellenic coast guards had rescued more than 254,000 people.  Several mechanisms allowed complaints against pushbacks to be submitted to the Hellenic authorities, and the coast guards had a robust disciplinary mechanism.

    Introducing the report, Katerina Patsogianni, Secretary General for Equality and Human Rights, Ministry of Social Cohesion and Family of Greece and head of the delegation, said in recent years, Greece had confronted the combined effects of the economic crisis, the migration crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic.  The country was now on a path to long-term progress and sustainability, benefiting its human rights framework.  Greece had developed one of Europe’s most efficient asylum services and continued to improve its capacities and infrastructure.  The fight against human trafficking was a top priority for authorities, who worked closely with non-governmental organizations in a strategic alliance. 

    In concluding remarks, Ioannis Ghikas, Permanent Representative of Greece to the United Nations Office at Geneva, thanked the Committee for the frank and honest exchange.  Greece had worked hard to improve the situation, particularly on migration; the number of deaths in the Aegean Sea had fallen by 40 per cent. Greece had a vibrant society with few resources but was working to do better. 

    Tania María Abdo Rocholl, Committee Chairperson, thanked the delegation for the dialogue, which had covered a wide range of subjects under the Covenant.   The Committee aimed to ensure the highest level of implementation of the Covenant in Greece. 

    The delegation of Greece was made up of representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Ministry of Social Cohesion and Family; the Ministry of Justice; the Ministry of Citizen Protection; the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Insular Policy; the Ministry of Migration and Asylum; the Ministry of National Defence; the Ministry of Interior; the Ministry of Education, Religious Affairs and Sports; the Ministry of Health; the Presidency of the Government; and the Permanent Mission of Greece to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Human Rights Committee’s one hundred and forty-second session is being held from 14 October to 7 November 2024.  All the documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 22 October, to begin its consideration of the sixth periodic report of France (CCPR/C/FRA/6).

    Report

    The Committee has before it the third periodic report of Greece (CCPR/C/GRC/3).

    Presentation of Report

    IOANNIS GHIKAS, Permanent Representative of Greece to the United Nations Office at Geneva, said since the last review, Greece had made significant progress in key areas, including the protection of vulnerable groups, ensuring gender equality, and promoting human rights safeguards.  Despite unprecedented challenges, Greece had remained committed to protecting and promoting human rights and looked forward to the Committee’s recommendations. 

    KATERINA PATSOGIANNI, Secretary General for Equality and Human Rights, Ministry of Social Cohesion and Family of Greece and head of the delegation, said in recent years, Greece had confronted the combined effects of the economic crisis, the migration crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic.  The country was now on a path to long-term progress and sustainability, benefiting its human rights framework.  Faced with the COVID-19 pandemic, Greece implemented restrictive measures to curb the spread of the disease, which were proportionate, non-discriminatory, and scientifically evaluated.  At the same time, the authorities enacted policies to protect public health and mitigate the social and economic effects of the pandemic. The National Vaccination Programme ran smoothly and efficiently, targeting specific and vulnerable groups. Following recommendations to improve policy coordination, Greece launched national human rights action plans with input from independent bodies and civil society. 

    Significant progress had been made on gender equality, including ratifying the Council of Europe Convention on Violence against Women and the International Labour Organization Convention on Sexual Harassment in the Workplace.  The Labour Inspection Body was now an independent authority, and the Greek Ombudsperson’s role in equal treatment had been strengthened. In 2019, Greece introduced a comprehensive legal framework to promote gender equality.  The new national action plan 2026-2030 would guide future policies with civil society input. 

    This year marked a significant milestone for the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons, with the enactment of marriage equality for all, without gender discrimination.  On the rights of the child, key policy actions were focused on strengthening foster care and adoption, preventing child abuse, and setting rules for child protection units and childcare centres. 

    Greece was actively implementing the Roma National Strategy 2021–2030, guided by the principle “for the Roma, with the Roma.”  Key committees, including the Roma Forum, were fully operational. All available European Union funding was being used to enhance Roma’s employment, education, healthcare, and housing participation.  Harsher penalties now applied to crimes with racist characteristics. The National Council against Racism and Intolerance, an inter-ministerial body with the participation of independent bodies, adopted the first national action plan in December 2020. 

    For persons with disabilities, Greece established a National Accessibility Authority and was developing a national strategy for 2024-2030.  Key policies included deinstitutionalisation and a personal assistant programme for independent living.  A 2023 law improved access to justice for persons with disabilities and removed derogatory language from the legislation.  Additionally, the Ministry of Health had enacted legislation for psychiatric reform, shifting from institutional to community-based care.

    Greece had developed one of Europe’s most efficient asylum services and continued to improve its capacities and infrastructure.  Since 2021, the National Emergency Response Mechanism had supported thousands of unaccompanied minors in precarious conditions.  This year, Greece launched the new national guardianship system to serve vulnerable asylum applicants better at the first reception stage. In 2023, the General Secretariat of Vulnerable People and Institutional Protection was established in the Ministry of Migration and Asylum to address challenges faced by vulnerable refugees and migrants. 

    Greek law enforcement authorities fulfilled their border protection responsibilities in compliance with domestic, European and international law.  Allegations regarding violations of the principle of non-refoulement at land or sea borders did not correspond to the operational activities of law enforcement agencies.  Greece applied a firm policy for the effective monitoring of fundamental rights and the assessment of complaints of ill treatment at the border, comprised of internal disciplinary procedures; prosecutorial supervision under criminal law; and independent monitoring by the Greek Ombudsman and the National Transparency Authority.  In addition, a Special Committee for Compliance with Fundamental Rights and the position of the Fundamental Rights Officer were established in the Ministry of Migration and Asylum in 2022. 

    The fight against human trafficking was a top priority for authorities, who worked closely with non-governmental organizations in a strategic alliance.  In 2019, the National Referral Mechanism for trafficking victims was launched, which trained staff on standard operating procedures for victim protection, including in reception and identification centres.  A key development in the field of justice was the recent reform of the judicial map for civil and criminal courts, which aimed to reorganise courts geographically, streamline procedures, and speed up case resolution.  Greece had also undertaken several key initiatives to further develop a resilient and pluralistic media ecosystem, focusing on protecting, ensuring safety, and empowering journalists.  Ms. Patsogianni expressed gratitude for being able to engage in a constructive and frank dialogue with the Committee.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the Committee noted that awareness raising on the Covenant was part of training activities for judges, lawyers and law enforcement officials. What were the channels used by the State party, the number of beneficiaries of these training courses, and the number of cases in which the provisions of the Covenant were invoked by the national courts?  What measures were taken by Greece to ensure the full implementation of the Committee’s views, including by providing victims with an effective remedy for the violation of their rights in several cases in the courts? 

    According to the information received, the measures taken by the State party during the COVID-19 pandemic had particularly wider implications for the human rights of asylum seekers, refugees and migrants, who were subject to mandatory quarantine, late vaccinations, lack of access to vaccination for certain groups, and policing people’s movements.  To what extent and how long were asylum procedures suspended due to restrictions imposed as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic?  Could figures be provided on the number criminal investigations opened, and prosecutions and convictions of the perpetrators of domestic violence and femicide committed during the prolonged COVID-19 quarantine?  What measures had been taken by the State party to ensure effective reparation for the damage suffered by the victims?

    The Committee welcomed the decision taken by the Court of Appeal of Athens in a landmark judgment handed down on 7 October 2020 against the neo-Nazi party “Golden Dawn”, which was described as a criminal organization.  The report also provided figures on the number of alleged racist incidents.  However, information received indicated that there was not enough prosecution to punish the perpetrators of the wrongdoings.  What measures were being taken to encourage victims of discrimination to report the situation to authorities?  How was it ensured that victims of hate crimes had access to support services? 

    Another Expert said the Committee appreciated the adoption of several laws, including amendments to the whistleblower protection law, increasing the fines for foreign bribery offenses, as well as the creation of new anti-corruption institutions, including the National Transparency Authority in 2019.  However, the Committee was concerned about the limited practical impact of these reforms.  Could statistics on corruption efforts be provided, including the number of investigations, prosecutions and convictions in corruption cases?  How did the State party ensure thorough and impartial investigations into all allegations of corruption, regardless of the officials or institutions involved?  Could more information on technical initiatives be provided?  How were whistleblower protection mechanisms being implemented? 

    The Committee remained concerned about the use of excessive force during pushbacks of migrants and asylum seekers, including instances of pointing guns, hitting with batons, slapping, and pushing asylum seekers.  Could the State party comment on these reports?  Could the State party also comment on allegations that no investigations had been conducted into police violence against Roma communities nearly five years after the incidents?

    The Committee commended Greece for adopting the 10-year national action plan for mental health in 2023, and for adopting law 5129/2024 for the completion of the psychiatric reform.  What steps were being taken to reduce overcrowding and improve the overall quality and supervision of psychiatric care?  How was the State party working to improve the capacity of the Committee for the Protection of the Rights of People with Psychosocial Disability and the Health Quality Assurance Body?

    While the Committee commended Greece for making the reduction of involuntary hospitalisations a priority, how did the State party ensure that patients being evaluated for involuntary commitment were provided with appropriate legal safeguards.  How was the State party working to reduce the total number of involuntary commitments to psychiatric care?  The Committee was concerned by the use of physical and chemical restraints in psychiatric care; what was being done to ensure that the use of restraints was properly regulated and minimised. 

    One Committee Expert said the Committee welcomed measures taken by the State party, including the establishment of the Special Secretariat for the Protection of Unaccompanied Minors, the Emergency Response Mechanism, and law 4960/2022 on the establishment of a National Guardianship System for unaccompanied minors.  The Committee also appreciated the national protection strategy (2021–2025) and the mechanism for unaccompanied children living in precarious conditions.  It was hoped these measures were robust and effective. 

    However, the Committee had been informed that unaccompanied minors were still sometimes detained in police stations and subjected to heavy restrictions of movement. How did the State party ensure that short-term detention and restrictions did not amount to a disproportionate limitation of the rights to liberty, security, and freedom of movement of unaccompanied minors?  The Committee was aware of the National Guardianship System for unaccompanied minors and of the Hippocrates project on medical and psychosocial services.  How would the State party ensure that the system and project had sufficient resources to be effective, that available guardians were appointed, and that services would be provided in practice? How did Greece ensure that the age determination procedure was multidisciplinary, scientifically based, harmonised across the country, and used only in cases of serious doubts about the claimed age?

    The Committee understood that law 4800/2021 allowed perpetrators of domestic violence or sexual offences to retain child custody and unrestricted contact with their children until they were convicted by a first instance court.  What measures had Greece taken to protect the safety of women and children who were forced into contact with alleged abusers under shared custody arrangements?  It was understood that in cases of imminent danger to a child’s mental or physical health, a prosecutor could take immediate protection measures for up to 90 days and renewable.  How often was this measure taken?  How well-known was this option to prosecutors and lawyers, as well as to women and children involved?  Why did Greece decide not to include femicide as a crime within the law?  What other measures had it taken to protect women against femicide?  What measures had been taken to increase the availability of shelters across the country?

    Could the State party inform the Committee on how it addressed the root causes of gender-based violence?  Was there a comprehensive strategy to prevent, raise awareness on, and respond to gender-based violence?  Was there mandatory and continuous capacity building for judges, prosecutors, and other law enforcement officials about gender-based violence?  The Committee had received information that Greek coast guards were involved in incidents where women, including pregnant women, were beaten and sexually assaulted.  What concrete measures had the State party taken to protect women from assaults and to prosecute and punish perpetrators?

    Another Expert welcomed information from the State party regarding measures taken to improve conditions in reception and detention centres.  However, reports indicated that migrants and asylum seekers continued to be held in poor and prison-like conditions of detention, and that their living conditions may be considered as amounting to inhuman and degrading treatment. What measures did Greece plan to take to address inadequate conditions of detention in reception and detention centres?  Did the State party have any policies in place to ensure adequate resources were available for migrants and asylum seekers at times of increased arrivals? What steps would Greece take to prevent the detention of third country nationals and asylum seekers and ensure that measures of detention were only used as a last resort? 

    Would Greece consider abolishing the administrative detention of asylum seekers on the grounds of illegal entry, particularly those belonging to vulnerable groups?  Would Greece consider putting in place a proper procedure for individualised risk assessment before imposing a detention order for an asylum seeker or a third party national?  What steps would be taken to ensure that all persons deprived of their liberty enjoyed fundamental legal safeguards against ill treatment from the outset of their detention, including the rights to be assisted by a lawyer without delay?  How was it ensured that all foreign nationals deprived of their liberty were granted access to a lawyer and doctor? 

    Another Expert asked what steps were being taken to develop a comprehensive statistical system on trafficking and improve early identification and referral systems? Could disaggregated data be provided on the number of trafficking cases investigated, convictions secured, and sentences imposed?  What steps was the State party taking to adopt a new national action plan and ensure sufficient resources for its implementation?  The situation on support and redress for victims was concerning, as there was a lack of adequately funded and inclusive shelters for trafficking victims and no victims had successfully obtained compensation.  What measures were being taken to increase the capacity of shelters and ensure that they were accessible to all victims?  How did Greece ensure the quality of services provided in shelters, and what long-term reintegration programmes were available?  What steps were being taken to facilitate access to compensation for victims, ensuring they received legal assistance? 

    It was reported that in 2023, of the 10,973 asylum appeals submitted to the Appeals Committees, only 5,915 cases, around 53 per cent, received legal aid.

    What steps were being taken to streamline the legal aid application process and court fee waivers for vulnerable populations?  What measures were being considered to increase the capacity and resources of the legal aid system to ensure timely and effective representation?  How was the State party addressing delays in providing legal aid, especially during critical stages such as police investigations and initial detention?  How did Greece plan to resolve ongoing delays in compensating legal aid lawyers? 

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said that once ratified, international conventions formed part of domestic law. The national school of the judiciary provided training to judges and prosecutors.  Initial training was mandatory since 2022 and covered topics including human rights, gender law, and the treatment of victims.  Thirteen seminars were held online and in-person for judges in 2023, while 15 seminars were planned for 2024.  Greece did not have specific legislation to receive Views from the Committee. 

    During the COVID-19 pandemic, Greek authorities resorted to a wide array of restrictive measures to protect public health.  All these measures were necessary and applied in a non-discriminatory manner.  The Greek Ministry of Justice recently amended the Criminal Code concerning the fight against corruption with a new law in 2024.  Greece had an increased number of ongoing corruption investigations and cases and looked forward to final judgments in the immediate future. 

    In 2021, Greece significantly amended the provisions relating to family law.  The law had since triggered widespread concerns regarding its impact on custody in situations of domestic violence.  The Greek legal system offered certain possibilities to suspend or regulate the parental rights of parents who had been abusive to their spouses or children. 

    The National Council against Racism, through strengthened collaboration, would focus on enhancing victims’ access to services, improving the skills of public officials to draft the second national action plan against racism and intolerance, and raising public awareness through a national campaign which reached over 100,000 people. 

    Violence against women had increased significantly during the pandemic.  In April 2020, there was a significant increase of more than 200 per cent regarding phone calls to the hotline for reporting violence. Psychosocial support was provided upon request, including both online and in-person.  A social media campaign had succeeded in raising awareness on the gender-based violence issue.  Since 2010, a comprehensive strategy had been implemented to combat gender-based violence, comprised of prevention measures.  An awareness raising campaign was launched in 2024 and was displayed in the Athens urban rail network.  A panic button application was launched, enabling women in immediate danger to call for help in a safe manner by pressing a button on their phone which was linked to the police. 

    The National Centre for Social Solidarity operated two support centres in Athens for families that faced psychosocial crises, with an emphasis on victims of violence and trafficking.  Short-term accommodation was provided. 

    One thousand and one hundred persons with disabilities had received personal assistance to enhance their independent living.  A protection officer was stationed at each institution to report any cases of abuse. The Transparent Authority was the intendent mechanism responsible for conducting inspections in institutions where there were allegations or suspicions of abuse. 

    From 2019 to 2023, incidents of domestic violence had increased from 5,221 victims to 11,589. There had been 10 homicides of female victims by male perpetrators last year and six so far this year.  Five offices for the protection of minors had been established and a special hotline was operational, enabling citizens to call and make complaints. 

    Foreigners in prison who did not have sufficient knowledge of the Greek language had the right to appear before courts with an interpreter.  Alternative detention measures were applied under certain conditions. Detainees were immediately informed of their rights upon arrival at the prisons.  Information, lawyer representation, and linguistic assistance were provided to any foreign prisoners.  There were plans to recruit interpreters for implementing linguistic projects.

    Sixty-eight offices had been established in the country to combat violence which arose due to racist motives.  A special hotline was put into operation for reporting hate motivated crimes.  The cybercrime division had developed a series of actions aimed at informing the public on hate speech.  Police personnel were trained in the use of weapons and carried appropriate weapons when performing their duties.  The promotion of ethical standards and the code of conduct of police officers was received through training. 

    For people who tried to illegally cross the maritime borders of Greece, Hellenic officers undertook all legal and necessary measures.  There were clear legal rules that governed the use of force during law enforcement and border control activities.  When Hellenic officers used firearms, it was mandatory to inform the local prosecutor.  Detailed instructions had been disseminated to coast guard officers, and it was ensured that vulnerable groups were immediately provided with appropriate medical care.  It was important to recognise the humanitarian efforts of the coast guard officers; hundreds of thousands of migrants had been rescued by the Hellenic coast guard officers throughout the migrant crisis. 

    Since 2002, the Hellenic police had been dealing with the issue of human trafficking.  There were 12 human trafficking teams and officers had received specialised training in identifying victims and providing support. The fight against trafficking remained a top priority for the Greek authorities.  The establishment of the Office of a National Rapporteur on Trafficking was followed by the National Referral Mechanism.  The Office of the National Rapporteur was responsible for a national strategy to combat trafficking, and was mandated to cooperate closely with all national authorities.  The National Referral Mechanism was in its fifth year of operation; it specialised in victim protection and facilitated training sessions. 

    The national crisis management plan for refugees had been activated during the COVID-19 pandemic and consisted of allocating specific areas for medical care and a temporary restriction on movement for foreign nationals.  This did not constitute a detour from the rights in the Covenant.  Regardless of their legal status, migrants and asylum seekers were offered vaccinations free of charge.  Free transport was provided to asylum seekers to reach the local markets and health centres. Restriction on freedom of movement procedures for third country nationals was temporary and was done to verify a person’s identity.  This did not apply to people who urgently required medical support. 

    The work of the Special Secretariat for Unaccompanied Minors had been remarkable.  The National Guardianship System aimed to ensure that every unaccompanied minor had a guardian.  It was a new system that was implemented in January 2024.  There was a system for submitting complaints and a national registry for unaccompanied minors.  There were 137 guardians active in Greece, with more than 500 minors under the programme.  Greece was following an established procedure regarding age assessment. 

    Current penitentiary legislation provided for the protection of prisoners, including the right to appeal their sentence in an appeals court.  A total of 226 appeals had been launched, of which 15 had been awarded a compensation amount, a favourable sentence, or transfer to another penitentiary.  A working group had been set up to develop a short, easy to use guide for prisoners, informing them of their rights.   

    A training programme had been implemented for mental health service professionals, related to the de-escalation of violence and issues of chemical restraints, to ensure the protection of the rights of those with mental disabilities.   

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said femicide was more than murder; it had specific gender motives and was driven by wider issues.  Could the delegation respond to this?  How were women made aware of the panic/warning application on the phone? What happened if men checked the phones? Did the police have sufficient capacity to respond?  Was it also available in rural areas? 

    Another Expert asked if all detention centres had good conditions?  Previously, the alterative to detention was determined by the asylum office, but now it was done by police officers.  Were individual assessments made before detention? 

    An Expert asked what concrete successes had been achieved in corruption cases, and what had been the challenges?  Could information about timely investigations into excessive use of force be provided? 

    One Expert said domestic violence was a real issue facing Greece.  Could information be provided on the sentences handed down and financial types of reparations to victims during the COVID-19 pandemic? 

    A Committee Expert asked for clarification on services available for trafficking victims. 

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said more medical staff were joining the reception centres every day. Referrals were also made to local public hospitals for serious cases.  Two reception centres had been established on the mainland, which accepted many applicants from the islands and helped to decongest the islands’ reception centres.  There were centres for women victims of violence and accommodation to child victims was also guaranteed.  Access to compensation was provided by Hellenic authorities.  There had been a strong campaign for raising awareness of domestic violence, including a campaign on the nightly news.  The legal framework would not be changed. 

    The delegation said that at the borders, persons were obliged to remain within the premises to be registered for a minimum of five days, up to a maximum of 25.  Usually, registration was completed before the five days and then the restriction on movement was lifted.  Work was done to promote alternative measures to imprisonment, including electronic monitoring and community services. 

    The root causes of violence against women were identified as persistent gender stereotypes. The national action ban to combat violence against women addressed many areas to combat this scourge.  The panic button had specific features to ensure it remained undetectable by the abuser.  Only the victim was aware of its presence on the phone. 

    In Greece, persons with low income could apply for free legal aid.  Victims of trafficking and domestic violence could receive free legal aid regardless of their income.  The new legislation of the Penal Code made sanctions for violence against women more severe, with a victim-centred approach.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the Committee was concerned about the system for the appointment of the most senior judges and prosecutors, including the President and Vice-President of the Council of State, the Supreme Court, and the Court of Audit. 

    Did the State party have any plans to revise the current system for appointing the highest positions of the judiciary and ensure the involvement of the judiciary in the process?  Were there any other measures in place to ensure that the highest positions of the judiciary were not subject to a strong influence from the executive and to safeguard the independence of the judiciary? 

    Greece had yet to establish a statelessness determination procedure; could the State party clarify its plans to finalise and implement a Presidential Decree establishing a statelessness determination procedure?  Would the State party consider ratifying the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness?

    The Committee was concerned about reports that unregistered Roma people faced lengthy and costly judicial procedures to acquire Greek citizenship, and that children born to stateless parents faced substantial barriers to obtaining Greek nationality.  Did Greece have any plans to amend the list of documents required to apply for Greek nationality on the basis of birth and non-acquisition of a foreign nationality at birth, especially for children born to stateless parents?  What concrete steps were in place to eliminate the barriers that stateless Roma faced to acquiring Greek nationality and to address the risk of statelessness within this community? 

    Concerns persisted about the application of the “safe third country” concept, particularly with the designation of Türkiye as a safe third country for asylum seekers from Syria, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Somalia.  Despite the lack of readmissions to Türkiye since March 2020, Greece continued to reject numerous applications as inadmissible under this concept, leaving many individuals in prolonged legal limbo without access to international protection.  What measures had been taken to reconsider the extensive use of the safe third country concept given the non-implementation of returns to Türkiye?  How was the State party addressing the protracted legal limbo experienced by asylum seekers, and what protections and support were available for their rights?  What had been done to 

    ensure the implementation of law 4939/2022, which mandated an in-merit examination when a third country did not permit entry?  What support mechanisms were in place for those whose applications had been deemed inadmissible? 

    Another Expert said the State party had asserted that pushbacks had never been practiced as a de facto border policy of the State party and that the Hellenic police and Hellenic coast guard consistently followed the established legal and procedural frameworks.  Yet numerous reports documented instances of pushbacks, including patterns of excessive use of force, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, incommunicado detention, and unlawful destruction of personal belongings.  Reports before the Committee indicated that from January 2020 to June 2024, there were 1,452 incidents at the borders affecting approximately 46,649 people.  Could the State party comment on such allegations and provide information on measures in place to prevent such practices and to safeguard the principle of non-refoulement? 

    Could information be provided on the outcome of investigations undertaken by the National Transparency Authority and other monitoring mechanisms on pushback allegations, and whether there was any follow-up or redress measures taken on allegations of pushbacks?  How would Greece ensure thorough, systematic, effective, and independent investigations into allegations of pushbacks and hold those responsible accountable?  What was the outcome of the 200 documented complaints of pushback cases?  What measures were being taken to ensure that border control operations prioritised the protection of life and that rescue efforts were conducted in compliance with human rights?

    Another Expert said according to the information received, conscientious objectors who performed civilian service would receive either food and accommodation without any salary, or €223.53, which was well below the legal minimum wage.  In addition, the law provided for the possibility for persons over the age of 33 to perform only part of their service and to buy back the rest, at a significantly higher rate than that for military service.  Could the State party comment on this information?  What measures did the State party intend to take to avoid imposing repeated sanctions on conscientious objectors?  What measures did the State party intend to take to ensure non-punitive alternative civilian service?

    It was evident that Roma were considered as a vulnerable social group, and could exercise all civil and political rights.  What measures were being taken to prevent, combat and eliminate all forms of discrimination against Roma children in the education system?  What measures were being taken to limit the use of forced evictions by adopting viable alternatives to eviction, including alternative housing for evicted families?

    The Committee was concerned that stricter registration and financial regulations could compromise civil society’s capacity to monitor human rights, particularly those of asylum seekers, refugees and displaced people.  How did the State party ensure that registration and financial requirements were necessary and proportionate?  How was it guaranteed that these requirements did not indirectly discriminate? 

    The Committee continued to receive information that human rights defenders, especially those working with migrants, asylum seekers and refugees, and on pushbacks, were regularly subjected to smear campaigns, harassment, threats and criminal prosecution. In one case, a human rights defender faced restrictions, including a travel ban.  How were these measures considered proportionate?  How were human rights defenders protected in order to ensure that they could carry out their work safely?

    The Committee had received reports linking blanket bans on assemblies to political events. Could the State party confirm that authorities limited their discretion to prohibit assemblies to those strictly necessary and not merely due to their political content?  Now that the COVID-19 emergency measures had ended, what steps had the State party taken to prevent the imposition of blanket bans on all demonstrations?

    One Expert said credible reports indicated that police officers had used excessive force against, and caused serious injuries to, protestors and journalists participating in demonstrations.  What measures were being taken to ensure that police officers used the minimum force necessary in response to high-tension demonstrations?  Could updates be provided about the installation and use of surveillance systems in public demonstrations, including any efforts to establish clear criteria for identifying the persons and places subjected to surveillance, to limit the time period of data retention, and to make information about the systems publicly accessible? 

    What specific reform measures had been adopted to strengthen internal oversight and accountability within the Hellenic Police, especially regarding protest management? How was it ensured that all police officers consistently complied with the requirement to wear visible identification during public assemblies?

    Greece’s Ethics Committee had the authority to exclude media from state advertising and funds for up to two years, raising concerns that government control could have a chilling effect on press freedom.  How was it ensured that the Ethics Committee operated independently from government influence and respected journalistic integrity?  Would the State party revise the legal framework to protect journalists against the use of retaliatory lawsuits?  How were journalists informed about their rights and responsibilities during public demonstrations? 

    Responses by the Delegation 

    The delegation said the Supreme Judicial Council decided on the placements, postings and promotion of judicial officers. The principle of non-refoulment was a cornerstone of the framework for the protection of refugees. Strict adherence to this principle applied, and the Hellenic police had circulated clear guidelines for Hellenic police staff regarding the protection of those arriving in the country, particularly women and children.  It was clarified that no third country national who applied for international protection should be returned until their application had been reviewed. 

    The Hellenic police conducted border surveillance duties with full respect of the human rights of third country nationals.  Particular emphasis was given in the provisions of the European Convention of Human Rights.  Land border activities conducted by the Hellenic police aimed at detecting all illegal crossings.  Greece’s legislative framework did not have a specific framework for protecting human rights defenders.  However, an article within the Penal Code set out a special aggravating condition for crimes or misdemeanours committed out of hatred. 

    Actions taken by Hellenic authorities at the sea borders were carried out in full compliance with international obligations. Allegations of so-called pushbacks were not compatible with the well-established operations of the Hellenic authorities.  However, any allegations of pushbacks or mistreatment of third country nationals were thoroughly investigated.  Hellenic coast guards demonstrated a high level of professionalism and were trained to respect the rights of all who were crossing the borders.  From 2015 to the present, the Hellenic coast guards had rescued more than 254,000 people. 

    Several mechanisms allowed complaints against pushbacks to be submitted to the Hellenic authorities, and the coast guards had a robust disciplinary mechanism. Upon receiving a complaint on human rights violations, an administration investigation was launched, and depending on findings, disciplinary sanctions were carried out.  An independent investigation had been launched by the Greek Ombudsman, the results of which were pending.  The law aimed to ensure people in distress at sea and migrants received the highest level of assistance. 

    Greece enacted a law in 2020, followed by a presidential decree, pertaining to public assembly.  This law clearly defined the power of police authorities while ensuring protection, fully protecting the right to freedom of assembly. The Greek police had imposed assembly bans during COVID-19 based on exceptional public health concerns. Greece’s primary aim was to promote the right to assembly, not to restrict it.  In 2023, only three rallies had been banned.  The Hellenic police prioritised de-escalation and the use of “soft measures”, with force being used as a last resort.  Around 34 cases of excessive use of force had been recorded against journalists in 2021, and were sent to the Ombudsman for review. 

    The use of the surveillance system in the context of public open-air assemblies was limited to the assemblies only, without focusing on particular people and without recording sound.  Police officers were obliged to wear a badge of identity on their uniforms during the assemblies. 

    The Greek asylum service had significantly expanded its operational capacity, now operating in 26 different locations across the country, including islands such as Lesbos; these islands were the frontlines of migratory flows.  The number of employees had tripled after 2019 to manage the high volume of cases. By implementing reforms, the Greek asylum service managed to reduce the large number of pending asylum cases to around 18,000 in 2024, down from over 200,000.  Asylum seekers whose appeal had been rejected had the right to file for the annulment of the decision within 30 days.  During 2023, refugee and protection status had been granted to 873 applicants.  This number was around 400 so far in 2024. 

    Greece had designated Türkiye as a safe third country concerning asylum seekers from certain countries.  Based on this information, it could safely be assumed that Türkiye respected the principle of non-refoulment.  Since March 2020, Türkiye had not been responding to requests from nationals from countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan, Syria and other countries and was therefore not implementing its obligations. 

    Free legal aid was provided to asylum applicants.  Appeals committees were instructed to rule that the applicants were stateless if asylum applicants could not prove which country they came from.  Acquisition of Greek citizenship did not discriminate, and children born to Greek Roma parents were awarded Greek citizenship from birth.  The Greek Citizenship Code aimed to prevent statelessness.  Stateless children enjoyed a right to Greek citizenship if they resided permanently in Greece and had between six to nine years of Greek schooling, even if they had not been born in Greece.   

    Several laws referred to the requirements of registration for non-governmental organizations.  The new registration process aimed to set the same rules for all non-governmental organizations and was free of charge.  This year, 10 registrations had been accepted and only one was rejected. 

    In July 2022, the revision of the school curriculum for primary and secondary education was completed, seeking to foster a more equitable educational environment.  In this framework, the teaching of religious education in Greece was viewed as an essential component.  Like other subjects, religious education was intended to foster critical thinking and respect for diverse beliefs and values.  This course would be provided with alternative educational opportunities for students who did not participate in religious education due to their beliefs or backgrounds.

    Military service was a universal obligation in Greece.  Those who identified as conscientious objectors could fulfil this duty through another service, other than within the armed forces.  In the case of the person banned from leaving the country, this ban had been lifted. 

    The Greek authorities had gone the extra mile regarding the adoption of a law in 2022 to strengthen the transparency of print and electronic media. The conditions which had been set out for print and electronic media enhanced the protection of journalists. Regarding the two-year penalty of exclusion from media, this only occurred following a careful examination. This two-year penalty had been approved by the federal journalistic organizations of Greece. 

    More than 200 print media and 400 electronic media had been approved in Greece.  In July 2022, a taskforce was created to focus on issues including gender-based challenges in the media area.  Most recently, a training was conducted in collaboration with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization for law enforcement operators and media professionals to foster better cooperation between the two groups. From this taskforce, a law was developed to protect journalists covering sports events from violence. 

    A new programme was being designed to help Roma people with no documents acquire them.  There was no specific legislation on minority associations or organizations.  Over 200 associations had been formed by members of the Muslim minority. 

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert asked how often demonstrations were completely prohibited?  How were associations informed about procedural rights? 

    Another Expert asked for more information regarding the income of conscientious objectors? 

    An Expert said there were overwhelming reports that had documented instances of forced returns.  How was it possible to follow the principle of non-refoulment in these instances?   

    Another Expert thanked the delegation for their thorough answers.  Could further clarification be provided about the State party’s plan to develop a statelessness determination procedure? 

    Responses by the Delegation 

    The delegation said each case of public assembly was evaluated directly, taking into account proportionality and necessity.  The police aimed to facilitate the legal rights to assembly without incident.  The new Penitentiary Code introduced a remedy, enabling those serving in pretrial detention to lodge complaints about the conditions of their living conditions and medical care. 

    Pushbacks were not the policy of the Greek Government in any way, shape, or form; the Government policy was clear.  Greece had significantly approved the asylum system for migration and was now the fourth most productive in the European Union. The State had made all the progress it could considering the difficult region.  Legislation protected everyone, including human rights defenders. Alleged “smear campaigns” needed to be examined by the courts; they could not always be presumed. 

    Closing Remarks

    IOANNIS GHIKAS, Permanent Representative of Greece to the United Nations Office at Geneva, thanked the Committee for the frank and honest exchange.  Although progress had been made, there was still work which needed to be done. Greece had worked hard to improve the situation, particularly on migration; the number of deaths in the Aegean Sea had fallen by 40 per cent.  Greece had a vibrant society with few resources but was working to do better. 

    TANIA MARÍA ABDO ROCHOLL, Committee Chairperson, thanked the delegation for the dialogue, which had covered a wide range of subjects under the Covenant.   The Committee aimed to ensure the highest level of implementation of the Covenant in Greece. 

    ____

    CCPR.24.023E

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    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI USA News: Readout of President Joe  Biden’s Meeting with Prime Minister Robert Golob of the Republic of  Slovenia

    Source: The White House

    President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. met today with Prime Minister Robert Golob of the Republic of Slovenia at the White House.  The leaders had an in-depth discussion on a range of foreign policy issues of mutual interest.  President Biden expressed his gratitude for Slovenia’s role in the historic deal that secured the release of three Americans unjustly detained by Russia, as well as an American green card holder who won a Pulitzer Prize while in Russian detention, and 12 other human rights defenders and political dissidents.  They discussed U.S.-Slovenian cooperation on clean energy and advanced technologies, and a joint approach to Western Balkans – an area of strategic interest for both  the United States and the Republic of Slovenia.  They reaffirmed their unwavering support for Ukraine as it continues to defend against Russia’s aggression.  They discussed the latest developments in the Middle East, the need to reach a diplomatic resolution to the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah that allows civilians on both sides of the Blue Line to safely return to their homes, to ensure civilians – including humanitarians and journalists – are protected, and to address the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, and to achieve a ceasefire deal that secures the release of the hostages.  President Biden underscored the need for increased defense investments to ensure NATO is properly resourced to face tomorrow’s challenges.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA News: Remarks by President  Biden and Prime Minister Robert Golob of the Republic of Slovenia Before Bilateral  Meeting

    Source: The White House

    Oval Office

    11:48 A.M. EDT

    PRESIDENT BIDEN: Got everybody?

    Well, Mr. Prime Minister, welcome to the White House. We were just talking very briefly that I spent a little time in Slovenia early on, and it’s a beautiful, beautiful country.

    Twenty years ago, when I was a United States senator, I pushed very hard for your country’s admission to NATO, as you know, because I knew then what I know now: We’re stronger and a safer world when we stand together with good partners like you.

    We’ve seen it in support for the brave people of Ukraine as they defend themselves against Russia’s brutal aggression. And we see it in — in our work to support democracy and prosperity across the W- — the Western Balkans. And we see it — and we saw it earlier this past summer when we secured the release of 16 people, including four Americans, unjustly held in Russia. And I want to thank you. It was a feat of diplomacy. I want to thank your country for your support and your leadership and partnership that made it possible. And that’s not hyperbole. You made it possible. Thank you.

    We made it clear to anyone who questions whether our allies matter — well, they just look at what you did. And they — you matter a great deal.

    And so, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you. Thank you, thank you, thank you. And we look forward to our discussion today.

    The floor is yours.

    PRIME MINISTER GOLOB: Mr. President, dear Joe, just couple of words, and that is that, with a little help of true friends, nothing is impossible. And I think that’s really what our joint effort with the prisoner swap demonstrated to all of the world. And let’s continue to work in a true fr- — friendship and with a lot of trust.

    PRESIDENT BIDEN: Well, there’s a lot we agree on. So, welcome. Good to have you here.

    PRIME MINISTER GOLOB: Glad to be here.

    PRESIDENT BIDEN: And we got to get our — get moving.

    Thank you all.

    11:50 A.M. EDT

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: NEWS: Sanders Leads Call on Biden, Blinken, Garland to Investigate Israeli Attack on American Journalist

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Vermont – Bernie Sanders
    WASHINGTON, Oct. 22 — Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Sen. Peter Welch (D-Vt.), Rep. Becca Balint (D-Vt.), and nine other Members of Congress today wrote to the Biden Administration demanding the United States open an independent investigation into an Israeli attack on a group of journalists, including American journalist and Vermonter Dylan Collins.
    “It has now been more than one year since Mr. Collins was injured in a targeted Israeli strike while on assignment for AFP,” wrote the members in the letter to President Biden, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, and U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland. “To date, Mr. Collins has received no explanation for the attack, and there have been no steps toward accountability. Given the inaction of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, the United States must open an independent investigation into this incident.”
    On October 13, 2023, American journalist Dylan Collins was injured in a targeted Israeli strike while on assignment for Agence France-Presse (AFP). Collins was part of a group of journalists covering the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. The group was clearly marked as press and had selected an open and highly visible position to minimize the risk of misidentification – one that was clearly visible to several Israeli military positions. The group had been filming from that location for close to an hour when they were struck twice by Israeli tank rounds and machine gun fire.
    Reuters journalist Issam Abdallah was killed. Six other journalists from Reuters, AFP, and Al Jazeera were seriously wounded. Collins – the only U.S. citizen involved in the incident – sustained shrapnel wounds to his face, arms, and back. Despite Collins’s efforts to apply a tourniquet, his colleague lost her leg in the attack.
    Six rigorous investigations – by UNIFIL, Reuters, AFP, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the Netherlands Organisation for Applied Scientific Research – have all independently corroborated these details, based on video footage and multiple first-hand accounts, and concluded that it was an unlawful attack on civilians. 
    In response to an earlier letter sent in May by the Vermont delegation, the State Department indicated that the incident was under investigation in Israel. In fact, more than one year later, no survivors or other witnesses have been approached to provide testimony. No updates have been provided to the public, the survivors, or the media organizations that they worked for. Given the Israeli government’s failure to investigate numerous similar attacks on journalists, “there is no reason to believe the Netanyahu government will take any action,” wrote the members. “The U.S. government must therefore act to ensure accountability for attacks on its citizens.
    In addition to criminal culpability under the War Crimes Act of 1996 (18 USC 2441), as well as other relevant U.S. and customary international law, the U.S. must also credibly establish whether the Israeli attack violated applicable laws governing the use of U.S. security assistance. 
    This is particularly important as the U.S. Congress will soon consider Joint Resolutions of Disapproval – introduced in September by Sen. Sanders, Welch, and Merkley – regarding the sale of additional arms to Israel, including 32,739 additional 120mm tank cartridges, the same rounds used against Collins and his journalist colleagues.
    Joining Sanders on the letter are Sens. Peter Welch (D-Vt.), Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), and Reps. Becca Balint (D-Vt.), Cori Bush (D-Mo.), Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.), Melanie Stansbury (D-N.M.), and Rashida Tlaib. (D-Mich.).
    “Mr. Collins deserves better from his own government,” wrote the members.
    Read the full letter, here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: NEWS: Senator Bernie Sanders and President Joe Biden Hold Event in New Hampshire to Discuss Lowering Prescription Drug Costs in America

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Vermont – Bernie Sanders
    WASHINGTON, Oct. 22 – Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Chairman of the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP), today joined President Joe Biden in Concord, New Hampshire at the New Hampshire Technical Institute for an event on their work to lower prescription drug costs for the American people.
    Sanders’ remarks, as prepared for delivery, are below and the full event can be watched live here and here:
    In America today we spend almost twice as much per person as any other major country on health care – over $13,000 for every man, woman and child.
    And one of the reasons for that is the outrageously high cost of prescription drugs in this country.
    The truth is that the American people, whether they are Democrats, Republicans or Independents, are sick and tired of paying, by far, the highest prices in the world for prescription drugs.
    There is no rational reason why Merck should be charging diabetes patients in America $6,900 for Januvia when that same product can be purchased in Canada for $900 and just $200 in France.
    Why Johnson & Johnson charges Americans with arthritis $79,000 for Stelara when that same exact product can be purchased for just $16,000 in the United Kingdom.
    Why Bristol Myers Squibb charges patients in America $7,100 for Eliquis when that same exact product can be purchased for just $900 in Canada and just $650 in France.
    I personally, on two occasions, have led Americans into Canada where we purchased on one occasion a breast cancer drug and on another occasion insulin for one-tenth, one-tenth, the price Americans were paying for the same exact drug.
    The result of this absurd reality is that while ten top pharmaceutical companies made over $110 billion in profits last year, and paid their CEOs exorbitant salaries, 1 out of 4 Americans cannot afford the medicine their doctors prescribe. 
    How crazy is that?
    This is unacceptable, and it has got to change.
    In America, we must substantially lower the cost of prescription drugs so that our people can afford the medicine they need; so that we can lower hospital costs; so that we can lower insurance costs; so that we can lower out of pocket costs.
    In the midst of all of this let me give you some good news and that is that under the leadership of President Biden and Vice President Harris we are making some very significant progress in taking on the greed of the pharmaceutical industry and lowering prescription drug costs in America.
    Today, no senior in America is paying over $35 a month for insulin.
    Beginning next year, no senior in America will pay over $2,000 a year for prescription drugs. 
    And Medicare, despite the fierce opposition of pharma, is for the first time in history negotiating with the pharmaceutical industry to lower the price of some of the most expensive drugs in America.
    And as a result of these negotiations, guess what? 
    The price of Januvia in America will be cut by 79%.
    The price of Eliquis in America will be cut by 56%.
    And the price of Stelara in America will be cut by 66%.
    That is real progress. Thank you, President Biden for your courage in being the first President in history to take on the power of the big drug companies and thank you Vice President Harris for your hard work on this issue as well.
    I am also proud of the accomplishments the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP), which I chair, has made to bring down the cost of prescription drugs.
    Earlier this year, the HELP Committee launched an investigation into the outrageously high price of inhalers that 25 million Americans with asthma and 16 million Americans with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) need to breathe.
    And what we learned is that the American people were paying, in many cases, 10-70 times more for inhalers than the people in Canada and Europe.
    Working with the Biden Administration and Lina Khan of the FTC I am proud to tell you that the CEOs of 3 major inhaler manufacturers, agreed to cap the cost of their inhalers at no more than $35.
    When we first started this investigation Americans were paying up to $645 for these inhalers.  Today, they are only paying $35 for them. That’s progress.
    But, despite all that we’ve accomplished, it is not enough.  Much more has to be done.
    In his State of the Union address, President Biden called on Congress to pass legislation to cap out-of-pocket prescription drug costs for all Americans at no more than $2,000 a year and to substantially increase the number of drugs that can be negotiated with the pharmaceutical industry.  I strongly agree with him.
    And let me give you one example of what we have got to be doing in the future.
    Earlier this year, President Biden and I called on Novo Nordisk and Eli Lilly to substantially reduce the price of their blockbuster drugs for diabetes and weight loss.
    In the President’s view and in my view, it is unacceptable for Novo Nordisk to charge Americans with diabetes $969 for Ozempic when that same exact drug can be purchased for just $155 in Canada, $122 in Denmark, $71 in France, and just $59 in Germany.
    It is also unacceptable for this extremely profitable pharmaceutical company to charge Americans struggling with obesity $1,349 for Wegovy when this same exact drug can be purchased for just $265 in Canada, $186 in Denmark, $137 in Germany, and $92 in the United Kingdom.
    As President Biden and I stated in an op-ed:
    “If Novo Nordisk and other pharmaceutical companies refuse to substantially lower prescription drug prices in our country and end their greed, we will do everything within our power to end it for them. Novo Nordisk must substantially reduce the price of Ozempic and Wegovy.”
    And the good news is that some progress is being made.
    In August, Eli Lilly took a modest step forward by reducing the starter price for Zepbound from over $1,000 a month to less than $400 a month.
    Last month, the CEO of Novo Nordisk committed to working with Pharmacy Benefit Managers to lower the list price of Ozempic and Wegovy and expand access to these drugs at a hearing my committee held on this issue.
    But let’s be clear.
    If Novo Nordisk and Eli Lilly do not do more to substantially reduce the price of these drugs, I believe the Administration should take bold action to make these drugs more affordable and more accessible.
    The outrageously high price of these drugs are forcing hundreds of thousands of Americans to buy cheaper, copycat versions of these drugs that have not been approved as safe and effective by the FDA.
    That is unprecedented and, in my view, that is unacceptable.
    Generic drug companies have told me that if the Administration exercises its authority to end the monopoly Novo Nordisk has over Ozempic they could sell this same FDA-approved drug for less than $100 in the United States.
    And it’s not just the high price of weight loss and diabetes drugs, as important as they are.
    In my view, we have to move forward aggressively so that the people in the United States are no longer paying more for the same prescription drugs than our friends in Europe, Canada, or Japan. And if we did that we can cut the price of prescription drugs in America by at least 50%.
    Bottom line: The pharmaceutical industry must stop ripping off the American people.
    Now, I understand that this fight will not be easy. 
    The pharmaceutical industry today has over 1,800 well-paid lobbyists on Capitol Hill – including former leaders of the Democratic and Republican parties.
    In the last 25 years, they have spent over $8.5 billion on lobbying and over $750 million in campaign contributions.
    Their greed has no end.
    But, in my view, if Congress stops listening to the needs of the CEOs in the pharmaceutical industry and starts listening to the needs of the American people we can make this happen.
    Again. This is not a progressive idea.  It’s not a conservative idea. It’s not a Democratic idea or a Republican idea.  It’s precisely what the American people want.
    Thanks to President Biden and Vice President Harris we have begun to take on the greed of the pharmaceutical industry. 
    Now, it’s time to finish the job.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Kaine, Colleagues Urge President Biden to Protect Undersea Cables from China, Russia

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Virginia Tim Kaine
    WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Senator Tim Kaine (D-VA), a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, joined a bipartisan group of colleagues in sending a letter to President Biden expressing concerns about the security of the global network of undersea communications and energy cables upon which American workers and businesses rely.
    More than 95% of international internet traffic travels via these undersea cables, resulting in trillions of dollars in financial transactions each day. The locations of these cables are often openly published to prevent accidental damage.
    As American companies look to expand and invest in this critical infrastructure, it is imperative that the United States has a complete understanding of existing vulnerabilities, especially those that impact our economic and national security.
    “America’s adversaries have been developing their capabilities to attack or disrupt critical undersea infrastructure. There is a long tradition, dating back well over a century, of belligerents attacking their opponents’ underwater communications lines in the first phase of a conflict,” the senators wrote. “Given these threats and challenges, it is imperative that the United States undertake a review of existing vulnerabilities to global undersea cable infrastructure, including the threat of sabotage by Russia as well as the growing role of the People’s Republic of China in cable laying and repair. If we are truly to deepen vital commercial and security relationships with willing partners and allies, this must be a national priority.”
    In addition to Kaine, U.S. Senators Todd Young (R-IN), Chris Murphy (D-CT), Marco Rubio (R-FL), Pete Ricketts (R-NE), Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Dan Sullivan (R-AK), and Brian Schatz (D-HI) also signed the letter.
    Read the full text of the letter to President Biden here and below:
    Dear Mr. President: 
    We write to you to express our concern about the security of global undersea communications and energy cables, especially those that impact America’s economic and national security and that of our allies and partners. As you are well aware, more than 95% of international internet traffic travels via undersea cables, including trillions of dollars in financial transactions each day. Moreover, the exact locations of most of these cables are openly published in order to reduce the likelihood of accidental damage from ships’ anchors or fishing activities. Internet and telecommunications providers, including American firms, intend to invest billions of dollars in expanding the global network of undersea communications cables. Additionally, energy transmission cables are proliferating as governments look to new sources of electricity generation. 
    America’s adversaries have been developing their capabilities to attack or disrupt critical undersea infrastructure. There is a long tradition, dating back well over a century, of belligerents attacking their opponents’ underwater communications lines in the first phase of a conflict. For example, in both World Wars, Britain’s first naval actions were to cut the telegraph cables connecting Germany to the Americas, and in 1918 a German U-boat severed lines connecting New York to both Nova Scotia and Panama. In addition to this kind of overt, kinetic attack, the nature of undersea infrastructure increases the feasibility of gray zone actions with plausible deniability. It is difficult to distinguish between an accident and a deliberate action on the seabed, and more difficult still to confirm who conducted such an action. On top of this, because this infrastructure is privately owned by commercial enterprises, repairs are the responsibility of these private companies, which are likely not prepared to maintain them under wartime conditions and are likely to seek the most cost-effective repair and maintenance options—even if that option is owned or operated by a foreign adversary or strategic competitor. 
    Given these threats and challenges, it is imperative that the United States undertake a review of existing vulnerabilities to global undersea cable infrastructure, including the threat of sabotage by Russia as well as the growing role of the People’s Republic of China in cable laying and repair. If we are truly to deepen vital commercial and security relationships with willing partners and allies, this must be a national priority. We respectfully request that you provide responses to the following questions and direct senior administration officials to brief Members of Congress, including members of relevant committees of jurisdiction, on your plans and the resources and authorities needed to carry them out.
    1) What is your Administration’s overall strategy to guarantee the security of America’s undersea infrastructure and to promote the security of that of our allies and partners? 
    2) The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020 established the Cable Security Fleet (CSF). If authorized and sufficiently funded, what would be your assessment of the ideal size of the U.S.-flagged and -operated cable laying and repair vessel fleet to ensure sufficient cable repair capacity during a conflict or national emergency? How can the United States work with trusted allies and partners for additional capacity to support the expansion and repair of trusted undersea cable networks? 
    3) What is the Administration’s strategy to encourage other nations to choose trusted suppliers in their selection of undersea cable manufacturers, particularly in any nation of concern or which may be vulnerable to coercion or covert action by America’s adversaries? 
    4) How is the Administration working with the private sector to ensure that commercial enterprises’ investments in undersea cables align with U.S. national security priorities? 
    5) How do you intend to protect the physical security of undersea cables in the open ocean, including through any interpretation of customary international law? 
    6) How is the Administration working multilaterally to collectively enhance security and monitor potential threats to undersea infrastructure, including through NATO, the Quad, and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity? 
    Thank you for your prompt attention to this request. As Congress works to continue its oversight of national security, it is vital that we understand the current state of the information backbone of our economy and efforts to protect it. 
    Sincerely, 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of World Economic Outlook October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers:
    Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, Director, Research Department, IMF
    Petya Koeva Brooks, Deputy Director, Research Department, IMF
    Jean‑Marc Natal, Division Chief, Research Department, IMF

    Moderator:
    Jose Luis De Haro, Communications Officer, IMF

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I think we can start. First of all, welcome, everyone. Good morning for those who are joining, as online. I am Jose Luis De Haro with the Communications Department here at the IMF. And once again, we are gathered here today for the release of our new World Economic Outlook, titled Policy Pivot Raising Threats. I hope that by this time, all of you have had access to a copy of the flagship. If not, I would encourage you to go to IMF.org. There, you’re going to find the document, but also, you’re going to find Pierre‑Olivier’s blog, the underlying data for the charts, videos, and other assets that I think are going to be very, very helpful for your reporting. And what’s best, that to discuss all the details of the World Economic Outlook that, to be joined here today by Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, the Economic Counsellor Chief Economist and the Director of the Research Department. Next to him are Petya Koeva Brooks. She is the Deputy Director of the Research Department. And also with us, Jean‑Marc Natal, the Division Chief at the Research Department. We are going to start with some opening remarks from Pierre‑Olivier, and then we will proceed to take your questions. I want to remind everyone that this press conference is on the record and that we will also be taking questions online.

    With no further ado, Pierre‑Olivier, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you, Jose, and good morning, everyone. Let me start with the good news. The battle against inflation is almost won. After peaking at 9.4 percent year on year in the third quarter of 2022, we now project headline inflation will fall to 3.5 percent by the end of next year, and in most countries, inflation is now hovering close to central bank targets.

    Now, inflation came down while the global economy remained resilient. Growth is projected to hold steady at 3.2 percent in 2024 and 2025. The United States is expected to cool down, while other advanced economies will rebound. Performance in emerging Asia remains robust, despite the slight downward revision for China to 4.8 percent in 2024. Low‑income countries have seen their growth revised downwards, some of it because of conflicts and climate shocks.

    Now, the decline in inflation without a global recession is a major achievement. Much of that disinflation can be attributed to the unwinding of the unique combination of supply and demand shocks that caused the inflation in the first place, together with improvements in labor supply due to immigration in many advanced countries. But monetary policy played a decisive role, keeping inflation expectations anchored.

    Now, despite the good news, on inflation, risks are now tilted to the downside. This downside risks include an escalation in regional conflicts, especially in the Middle East, which could cause serious risks for commodity markets. Policy shifts toward undesirable trade and industrial policies could also significantly lower output, a sharp reduction in migration into advanced economies, which can unwind some of the supply gains that helped ease inflation in recent quarters. This could trigger an abrupt tightening of global financial conditions that would further depress output. And together, these represent about a 1.6 percent of global output in 2026.

    Now, to mitigate these downside risks and to strengthen growth, policymakers now need to shift gears and implement a policy triple pivot.

    The first pivot on monetary policy is already underway. The decline in inflation paved the way for monetary easing across major central banks. This will support activity at a time when labor markets are showing signs of cooling, with rising unemployment rates. So far, however, this rise has been gradual and does not point to an imminent slowdown. Lower interest rates in major economies will also ease the pressure on emerging market economies. However, vigilance remains key. Inflation in services remains too elevated, almost double prepandemic levels, and a few emerging market economies are seeing rising price pressures, calling for higher policy rates. Furthermore, we have now entered a world dominated by supply shocks, from climate, health, and geopolitical tensions. And this makes the job of central banks harder.

    The second pivot is on fiscal policy. It is urgent to stabilize debt dynamics and rebuild much‑needed fiscal buffers. For the United States and China, current fiscal plans do not stabilize debt dynamics. For other countries, despite early improvements, there are increasing signs of slippage. The path is narrow. Delaying consolidation increases the risk of disorderly adjustments, while an excessively abrupt turn toward fiscal tightening could hurt economic activity. Success requires implementing, where necessary, and without delay, a sustained and credible multi‑year fiscal adjustment.

    The third pivot and the hardest is toward growth‑enhancing reform. This is the only way we can address many of the challenges we face. Many countries are implementing industrial and trade policy measures to protect domestic workers and industries. These measures can sometimes boost investment and activity in the short run, but they often lead to retaliation and ultimately fail to deliver sustained improvements in standards of living. They should be avoided when not carefully addressing well‑identified market failures or narrowly defined national security concerns.

    Economic growth must come, instead, from ambitious domestic reforms that boost innovation, increase human capital, improve competition and resource allocation. Growth‑enhancing reforms often face significant social resistance. Our report shows that information strategies can help improve support, but they only go so far. Building trust between governments and citizens and inclusion of proper compensation measures are essential features.

    Building trust is an important lesson that should also resonate when thinking about ways to further improve international cooperation to address common challenges in the year that we celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Bretton Woods Institutions. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Thank you, Pierre‑Olivier. Before we open the floor for your questions, let’s remind some ground rules. First of all, if you have any question that it is related to a country program or a country negotiation, I would recommend not to formulate that question here. Basically, those questions can be formulated in the different regional press briefings that are going to happen later this week.

    Also, if you want to ask a question, just raise your hand, wait until I call you. Identify yourself and the outlet that you represent. And let’s try to keep it to just one question. I know that there are going to be many, many questions. We might not be able to take all of you. So please be patient. There are going to be many other opportunities to ask questions throughout the week.

    Let me start—how I am going to start. I am going to start in the center. A couple of questions here. Then I am going to go to my right, and then I am going to go there. I am going to start in the first row, the lady with the white jacket, thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you, Jose, for taking my question. I am Moaling Xiong from Xinhua News Agency. I want to ask about the geopolitical tensions that was mentioned in the report. It says there are rising geopolitical tensions. So far, the impact has been limited. But further intensification of geopolitical rifts could weigh on trade, investment, and beyond. I wonder whether Pierre‑Olivier, could you talk a little bit about what are the economic impacts of growing geopolitical tensions? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. This is, of course, a very important question. This is something that we are very concerned about, the rising geoeconomic fragmentation, trade tensions between countries, measures that are disrupting trade, disrupting cross‑border investment. This is something that we have looked at in our World Economic Outlook report. In Chapter 1, we have a box that evaluates the impact of various adverse measures, measures that could be taken by policymakers or various of shocks that would impact output. And when we look at the impact that rising trade tensions could have, there are two dimensions of this. One is, of course, you are increasing tariffs, for instance, between different blocs. That would disrupt trade. That will misallocate resources. That will weigh down on economic activity. But there is also an associated layer that comes from the uncertainty that increases related to future trade policy. And that will also depress investment, depress economic activity and consumption. When we put these two together, what we find is, we find an impact on world output that is on the order of about 0.5 percent of output levels in 2026. So it’s a quite sizable effect of both an increase in tariffs between different countries and an increase in trade policy uncertainty.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to continue here in the center. We’re going to go to the gentleman on the third row. Yep. There. There, third row, there. Third row. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Hi. Thanks very much for taking my question. I just want to ask about the inflation side of the WEO. You mentioned just now inflation, you know, the battle is almost won. I am just wondering, there’s sort of a divergence between the advanced economies and emerging markets and developing economies. When do you expect inflation to sort of fall toward that 2 percent target in emerging markets and developing economies? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So inflation, the progress on inflation has been more pronounced for advanced economies, and now we expect advanced economies to be back to their target sometime in 2025 for most of them. For emerging markets and developing economies, there is more variation, and we see an increase in dispersion of inflation, so a lot of countries have made a lot of progress. You look, for instance, at emerging Asia. There are inflation levels very similar to advanced economies for a number of them. You look at other regions—in the Middle East, for instance, or sub‑Saharan Africa—and you have countries that still have double‑digital inflation rates and will maybe take more time to converge back. So we see an increased divergence that reflects some of the shocks that are specific to some of these regions. Of course, conflict or climate‑related shocks can have an impact on inflation, and that’s what we’re seeing in these two regions I mentioned.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I’m going to move to my right. The first row here, the lady with the red suit.

    QUESTION: Hello. This is Norah from Asharq Business with Bloomberg from Dubai.

    Pierre, you mentioned that the geopolitical tensions could account for 0.5 percent of output if things kind of get out of hand. To what extent is this a very optimistic number here? Because we’re talking about tensions not only in the Middle East. You have things going down in the Taiwan Strait. We have the Russian‑Ukraine war still ongoing. And there is a very big risk that shipping lines, straits might get disrupted. And this would affect very substantially the price of oil and other commodities. To what extent this would affect output—again, global output and inflation levels? Would inflation be a big risk again if major commodities prices increased substantially?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So you are absolutely right. The scenario I was referring to earlier is a scenario where we have increased trade disruptions, tariffs, and trade policy uncertainty. But one can think also about geopolitical tensions impacting commodity market or shipping. Now, this is not something that we looked at in this report. That’s something that we had looked at in our April report. And in April, when we looked at the potential for escalation in conflicts in the Middle East, the impact it could have on oil prices or on shipping costs, we found that this would very much be in the nature of adverse supply shock. It would negatively impact output, and it would increase inflation pressures. Now, the numbers we had when we did that exercise back in April, they’re still very relevant for the environment we’re in now. And that was one of the layers I showed today, is that it would reduce output by another about 0.4 percent by 2026 and would increase inflation by something on the order of 0.7 percent higher inflation in 2025. So this is something that is very much on top of the other tensions that I mentioned. This is why we are living in this world where there are multiple layers of risk that could be compounding each other.

    Mr. De Haro: I’m going to stay here. First row, here. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. My name is Simon Ateba. I am with Today News Africa Washington, D.C. I would like you to talk a little bit more about the situation in Africa. I know two years ago it was about COVID and then Ukraine. What do you see now? And what are some of the recommendations for sub‑Saharan Africa? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So sub‑Saharan African region is one that is seeing growth rates that are fairly steady this year, compared to last year, at about 3.6 percent, and then expected to increase to about 4.2 percent next year. So we’re seeing some pickup in growth from this year to next year. But now, this is certainly a region that’s been adversely impacted by weather shocks and, in some cases, conflict. So the growth remains subdued and somewhat uneven, and that’s certainly something that we are concerned about.

    Let me turn it over to my colleague Jean‑Marc Natal to add some color.

    Mr. Natal: I would be happy to. Do you hear me? OK.

    So yes, so there has been over the last year, year and a half, there has been some progress in the region. You saw, you know, inflation stabilizing in some countries going down even. And reaching close—level close to the target. But half of them is still at distance, large distance from the target. And a third of them are still having double‑digital inflation.

    In terms of growth, as Pierre‑Olivier mentioned, it’s quite uneven, but it remains too low. The other issue is debt in the region. Obviously, it is still high. It has not increased. It has stopped increasing, and in some countries already starting to consolidate. But it’s still too high. And the debt service is correspondingly still high in the region. So the challenges are still there. There has been some progress. So in terms of the recommendation, in countries where inflation is very high, you would recommend, you know, tight monetary policy and in some cases, when possible, helped by consolidation on the fiscal side.

    It’s complicated. In many countries, you know, there are trade‑offs, and, you know, consolidating fiscal is difficult when you also have to provide for relief, like in Nigeria, for example, due to the flooding. So targeting the support to the poor and the vulnerable is part of the package when you consolidate. I will stop here.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I am moving to my left. I am going to go to the gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. Joel Hills from ITV News. We know that the chancellor in the United Kingdom is planning on changing the fiscal rule on debt to allow for—to borrow more for investment. Pierre‑Olivier, do you support this idea? And what, in your view, are the risks? And should the U.K. government continue to target a fall in debt of some description or a rise in public sector net worth?

    Mr. De Haro: Pierre‑Olivier, before you answer, are there any other questions on the U.K. in the room? I am going to take just two more from this group of U.K. reporters on my right that they are very eager. Just two questions more. We do not want to overwhelm—

    QUESTION: Alex Brummer from the Daily Mail in London. Again, around the chancellor’s upcoming budget. In your opening remarks, you referred to the possibility of abrupt changes in fiscal policy, disrupting what might happen to economies. U.K., according to your forecast, is in a quite good place in terms of growth heading upward. Do you fear that too strong a change in direction in fiscal policy in the U.K. could affect future growth?

    Mr. De Haro: Just one more question.

    QUESTION: Mehreen Khan from The Times. You mentioned that there are some countries at risk of fiscal slippage because governments have promised to do their consolidation have struggled to execute. Is the U.K. in that group? Also, the IMF has previously recommended that countries are under fiscal strain should—can keep sort of investment flowing if they do shift to measures like public sector net worth. Is that still a recommendation that you stand by in particular relevance for the U.K.?

    Mr. De Haro: And to give Pierre‑Olivier a little bit of time, I just want to remind everyone that we will have regional press briefings later this week, and some of these questions can be brought to all heads of departments that are going to be talking later on in the week. Pierre‑Olivier?

    Mr. Gourinchas: First, I will make three quick remarks. We are going to wait and see at the end of this month, on October 30, the details of the budget that will be announced by the U.K. government. And at that point, we’ll be able to evaluate and see the detail of the measures and how they will impact the U.K. economy.

    The broader question, I think, is relevant for many countries, not just the U.K. And it goes to the second pivot I mentioned, this narrow path in terms of fiscal consolidation. I think when countries have elevated debt levels, when interest rates are high, when growth is OK but not great, there is a risk that things could escalate or get out of control quickly. And so there is a need to bring debt levels down, stabilize them when they are not stabilized and rebuild fiscal buffers. That is true for many countries around the world. And if you are not doing that—and that is getting to the question that was asked by the gentleman on the right here—if you’re not doing that, that’s when you find yourself potentially later on at the mercy of market pressures that will force an adjustment that is uncontrolled to a large extent. At which point you have very few degrees of freedom, so you do not want to get in that position. And I think the effort to stabilize public debt has to be seen in that context.

    Now, the other side of the narrow path is, of course, if you try to do too much too quickly, you might have an adverse impact on growth. And you have to be careful there because we do have important—most countries have important needs when it comes to spending, whether it’s about central services, what we think about healthcare, or if we think about public investment and climate transition. So we need to protect also the type of spending that can be good for growth. So finding ways—and this is something that our colleagues in the Fiscal Monitor report emphasize, finding ways to consolidate by reducing expenditures where it’s needed. Maybe raising revenues. Often, it’s a combination of both but doing so in a way that is least impactful on growth. It’s country by country. There is no general formula. But that’s kind of the nature of the exercise.

    That pivot, that second pivot is absolutely essential. At the point we’re at again precisely because we’re in a world in which there will be more shocks and countries need to be prepared and need to have some room on the fiscal side to be able to build that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Last question on this side. Then I will go online, and then I will go around the room again. The gentleman in the second row.

    QUESTION: Thanks, Jose. Pierre‑Olivier, a question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for the country for next year, improving GDP and inflation, 45 percent at the end of the year. Oh, yes. Sorry. Alam Md Hasanul from International.

    A question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for next year, but I wanted to see if you could give us a little bit more detail on, where do you see the economy going. And if it’s accurate to say at this point that the worst of the crisis is in the past? Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: We have received other questions regarding Argentina online from Lilliana Franco. Basically, she wants to know what’s behind our expectations for inflation for 2025. And I think that there are other Argentine reporters in the room. I see them in the back. Please, if somebody can get them the mic and we can get all the questions on Argentina and then move on to other regions. There. There. Those two, please. Try to keep it short.

    QUESTION: Hi. Patricia Valli from El Cronista. You mentioned the need to keep going with the reforms. And the government in Argentina is implementing a series of reforms. What’s the take of the IMF in terms of these? And if they are perhaps hurting the most vulnerable due to the increase of poverty numbers in Argentina in the past report?

    QUESTION: Hello. Juan Manuel Barca from Clarín Newspaper. I want to know if you raised your employment projection compared to the April—compared to the July forecast.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So let me first state at the outset that our projections for Argentina have not been updated since July, and the reason for this is because there are ongoing program discussions between the authorities and the Fund. And so while that process is going on, we did not update the projections for the October round.

    Now, to come to the question that was asked on the left. There are two things that are relevant for Argentina, two main things. One is what’s happening on the inflation side. Here, I think the progress has been very substantial. We are now seeing month‑on‑month inflation in Argentina close to 3.5 percent, and this is down from about 25 percent month on month back in December of last year. So very, very significant decline in the inflation rate. So that’s something to acknowledge. And the hope is, of course, that the measures in place will continue to improve the situation on that front.

    On the growth front, what we are saying is that activity has contracted substantially in the first half of the year, but there are signs that it’s starting to gradually recover. Now how much again, I cannot give you an update because we do not have it as of now. But there are signs that there is a recovery in real wages and in private credit and activity.

    Now, of course, this has been difficult for the Argentine economy, the decline in growth of that nature. And that’s something that, again, we are engaged in discussions with the authorities on the best way forward. I cannot comment more than that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I am going to get a question from our colleagues on WebEx. I think that Weier is there.

    QUESTION: I have a question on China. Given China’s recent implementation of various stimulus measures, such as support for the real estate—real sector and interest rate reductions and other economic incentives, we’ve already seen a major boost in its capital market. So how do you assess the potential impact of these developments on China’s economic recovery and growth perspective?

    Also, how the external effects, such as the Federal Reserve’s easing monetary path, will play a role here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Before you answer on the Federal Reserve, there’s other questions on China of a similar nature. Recent stimulus announced by the Governor and its effects.

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So China, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, we have a slight downward revision for its 2024 growth, compared to our July projections to 4.8 percent. And that’s a revision that’s coming largely due to a weaker second quarter of the year. And that weaker second quarter of the year is reflecting continued decline in confidence in the household and corporate sector and also the continued problems in the property sector in China.

    Now, this is something that, of course, is a top priority to address for the Chinese authorities. And we’ve seen a number of measures that have been announced since the end of last month. First measures, monetary and financial measures announced by the People’s Bank of China, and then some fiscal measures that were announced a few weeks ago.

    These measures in general go in the right direction, from our perspective. They are trying to improve the situation in the property sector. They’re trying to, for instance, lowering borrowing rates or trying to improve the balance sheet of the property developers.

    In our view, in our assessment, the measures announced at the end of last month by the PBOC, although they go in the right direction, are not sufficient to lift growth in a substantially material way. And that’s why our forecast is still at about 4.8 percent for 2024 and is unchanged for next year, at 4.5 percent.

    The new, more recent measures announced a few weeks ago by the Ministry of Finance are not incorporated in our forecast. We are waiting to see the details. I should mention, however, that since then, there has also been a release of the Q3 growth for China, and this has also been a little bit on the disappointing side. So I would say that what we’re seeing in terms of where the Chinese economy might be going is a little bit of a downward revision coming from the Q3 forecast and then potentially some measures that will help lift the economy going forward.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. So we have an additional question online. Basically, it comes from a reporter in Israel who wants to know how the current conflict is affecting the region and the global economy. Also, if there’s any other questions regarding the ongoing conflict, we can go here in the first row, please.

    QUESTION: Hi. Amir Goumma from Asharq with Bloomberg. With the GCC countries increasingly focusing and diversifying their economies away from oil now, how the IMF sees the progress and how you assess that with geopolitical tensions that may affect the attraction of the investment?

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So on the impact of the conflict in the Middle East on the countries in the region, and more broadly, let me ask my colleague Petya Koeva Brooks to come in.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Sure. Indeed, the conflict has inflicted a heavy toll on the region, and our hearts go to all who have been affected by it. We are monitoring the situation very closely. And what we could say at this stage is apart from the enormous uncertainty that we see is that the fallout has been the hardest in the countries in the region, at the epicenter of the conflict. We’ve seen significant declines in output in West Bank, in Gaza. Lebanon has also been hard hit. Now, we’ve also seen impact in the—on the economy in Israel, although there, I think the—so far at least, the impact has been smaller.

    Now, beyond that, there has also been an impact on commodity prices, on oil prices. We’ve seen quite a lot of volatility, though, as other factors have also come in, such as the concerns about global demand kind of have pushed prices in the opposite direction.

    Now, beyond that, when it comes to specific countries in the GCC region, when it comes to, for instance, Saudi Arabia, we’ve seen there, actually the non‑oil output has done very well, and we do have a small downward revision in the overall growth rate, but that is pretty much because of the voluntary oil cuts that have now been extended through November. Let me stop here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We are coming here to the center of the room. I’m going to go way back. The gentleman in the blue shirt that I think is the third row from the back. Yep. There. He has—there, there, there. A little bit. Can you stand up? Yep. Perfect. And then I will go with you, with the lady.

    QUESTION: Thank you for doing this. Your alternative scenario about the trade war does not seem so far from reality. Indeed, especially if Trump wins the elections. So could you augment about that? Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: We have a couple of questions similar to that nature.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, of course, I will first preface by saying we are not commenting on elections or potential platforms here at the IMF. What we are seeing and when we’re looking at the world economy goes beyond what might be happening in a single country. This is why the scenario that we are looking at in Box 1.2 of our World Economic Outlook is one that focuses on, if you want, an escalation of trade tensions between different regions—whether the U.S., the European Union, or China. And the numbers I quoted earlier are reflecting our model estimates of the cumulative impact of this increase in tensions. So I think that this is something that we are very concerned about. We’ve seen a very sharp increase in a number of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries since 2019, roughly. They’ve gone from 1,000 to 3,000, so tripling of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries, and 2019 was not a low point. That was already something that was above what we were seeing in the 2010s. So there is definitely, you know, a direction of travel here that we are very concerned about because a lot of these trade‑distorting measures could reflect decisions by countries that are self‑centered but could be ultimately harmful not just to the global economy, but this is the benefits of doing a scenario analysis like the one we did. They are also hurtful for the countries that want to implement them, as well, because the impact on global trade also makes the residents of a country poorer.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to take a question from WebEx and then I’m going to go to you. I think that we have a question on the U.S. Please go ahead.

    QUESTION: My question would be regarding the U.S. resilience toward inflation shock. I remember talks about this during the April meetings and the April report. And I wanted to ask you whether you’re still committed to this forecast of the U.S. resiliency, and whether we can still see the risk of recession in the U.S. since recent talks about the unemployment data, it has not always come to the expectations of what the bond market or the stock exchange thinks.

    So is the U.S. still as resilient as you saw it in April this year?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, the news on the U.S. is good in a sense. We have had an upgrade in growth forecasts for 2024 and 2025. The historical numbers have also been revised, so even upgraded 2023, that is already sort of behind us. But the numbers came in, and they were stronger than what was realized. And that strong growth performance has been happening in a context of a continued disinflation. There have been some bumps in the road. The disinflation may not have been proceeding, especially earlier in the year, as quickly as was projected, but lately it has been quite substantial.

    So what accounts for this is two things that are really important there. One is, there is strong productivity growth that we see when we look at the U.S. That’s somewhat unlike other advanced economies, in fact. When we look around the world. And the second is also a very significant role that immigration has played, the increase in foreign‑born workers in the U.S. that have been integrated fairly quickly into the labor force. Now, the increase in unemployment that we’ve seen recently—I just showed it in my opening remarks—reflects to a large extent the fact that you have this increase in foreign‑born workers. And it takes—they have been integrated quickly in the labor force, but still there was an influx of them or there was an influx of them, and it’s taken a little bit of time to absorb them. And that’s what is reflected in the increased unemployment rate. So the labor market picture remains one that is fairly, fairly robust, even though it has cooled off but from very, very tight levels. Growth is solid. So I think the answer to the question that was posed, I think a risk of a recession in the U.S. in the absence of a very sharp shock would be somewhat diminished.

    Now, that is really what paved the way when you think about what the Federal Reserve is doing, seeing this inflation coming down a lot but noticing the increase in unemployment, pivoting away from just fighting inflation, that fight is almost done, and now being more concerned about, maybe what might be happening going forward with the labor market and wanting to make sure that that cooling off of the labor market does not turn into something that is more negative.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. The clock here says that I have seven minutes that I can push a little bit, but we go there. Then we will go to this side. And come back here and maybe end around here.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. My name is Hope Moses‑Ashike from Business Day Nigeria. So I am right here in this room, in April, you projected the Nigeria economy to grow by 3.3 percent, and you cited improved oil sector, security, and then agriculture. So I want to understand, what has changed since then in terms of Nigeria’s growth and the factors you mentioned? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. Jean‑Marc, do you want to comment on Nigeria?

    Mr. Natal: Yes. Rightly so. We revised growth for Nigeria in 2024 by .2 down. And, you know, things are volatile, I suppose, because the reason for the revision is precisely issues in agriculture related to flooding. And also issues in the production of oil related to security issues, and also maintenance issues that have pushed down the production of oil. So these two factors have played a role.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We go to this side. I’m going to go to the front row, the lady with the white jacket. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. So this is still a follow‑up question since you just answered on Nigeria. What’s the IMF’s projection for the social impacts on full subsidy removal, especially when you—full subsidy removal and forex unification in terms of poverty, inequality, and food insecurity? And also, can give us your medium‑term projections for Nigeria’s growth? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So I am afraid on this one I will have to go back and check because I do not have the number ready on the impact of the removal of the fuel subsidies specifically that you asked about. I do not know if my colleagues—

    Mr. De Haro: And I would encourage you to formulate this question in the press briefing for the regional outlook for the African Department. Probably there, you will get your answer, but reach out to us bilaterally and then we will get you the question.

    We are going to stay—we’re going to go to the gentleman in the back. Yep.

    QUESTION: Thanks very much. Andy Robinson of La Vanguardia, Barcelona, Spain. There seems to be a strange sort of divergence in the euro zone economy in which Spain—you have revised upwards Spain’s GDP growth forecast a whole point, percentage point, whilst Germany is languishing. Could I ask you, is Spain’s performance sustainable? And Germany’s in a recession?

    Also, one other question. You seem in your box on inflation and wage share and profit share, wage share you seem to be suggesting if there’s any danger of increasing inflation in the future, it’s more an excessive profit share than exactly wage? Could you tell me if that’s a correct interpretation? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So just a few words on the euro area in general. And then I will let my colleague Petya come in on Spain. We do see some divergence across the different countries of the euro area. And one of the drivers is how reliant they are on manufacturing, as one of the key sectors in domestic production. And what you are seeing is, there is a general weakness in manufacturing and that’s heating countries like Germany. While countries that are maybe a bit more reliant on services, including tourism—and Spain is one of them—are seeing a better performance.

    Now, on the second part of your question, and I will turn it over to Petya, on the profit share and wages. We’re seeing now wage growth that is in excess of inflation. And sometimes people say, well, that’s a problem because that means, you know, maybe that cannot be sustained and therefore there will be more inflation. Well, not quite. That’s not the view we have here at the Fund. A lot of the increase in wages in excess of inflation right now—so that’s an improvement in real wages in standards of living—is reflecting a catchup phenomenon. It’s after years during which inflation was higher than wage inflation, wage increase. So real wages are catching up. They are covering lost ground.

    Now, during those years when inflation was higher than wages, profit margins somewhere were higher in the economy. And that is the profit margin that is being eroded back. So it’s not that we’re squeezing profits inordinately right now. It’s just they’re coming back more toward their historical level as real wages are catching up, and that’s not necessarily a concern in terms of inflation dynamics going forward. With this, let me turn it over to Petya.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Thank you. Indeed Spain does stand out as one of the countries with a substantial upward revision for this year. We’re now projecting growth to be 2.9, after last year, when it was 2.7. So what’s behind this revision is the positive surprises that we’ve already seen, especially in the second quarter, as well as some of the revisions to the back data.

    And then when we look at the composition of these surprises, again, it was net exports and the receipts from tourism that were a substantial contributor. But also, private consumption and investment also played a role, which may imply that some of the impact of the national recovery plan and the EU funds that are being used could—we could already be seeing the impact of that. And then when we move forward, we are expecting a slowdown in growth next year, but, again, if these—if this investment continues, of course, that would be a very positive factor behind the recovery. Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I have time for just one question because literally, we have 15 seconds. So I’m going to go with the gentleman here.

    QUESTION: Thank you. Barry Wood, Hong Kong Radio. Mr. Gourinchas, in April you said likely we will see one rate cut in the United States. We’ve seen it. The data, as you just said, is very good. Would further rate cuts be counterproductive?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Well, in our projections, of course, we need to make some assumptions about what central banks, and this round of projection is no exception. So in our projections just released today, we’re assuming that there will be two more rate cuts by the Fed in 2024 and then four additional rate cuts in 2025. And that would bring the policy rate towards the terminal rate that is around 2.75, 3. Why do we see the additional rate cuts? Well, in part it’s the progress on inflation. And then as I mentioned earlier, as an answer to an earlier question, the fact that we’re seeing the labor markets cooling and therefore the concern for the Fed is now to make sure that that last part of the disinflation process is not one that is going to hit activity. In the Chapter 2 of our report, we describe how that last mile could be somewhat more costly because, as the supply constraints have eased and moved away, it becomes harder to bring down inflation in that last mile without hurting economic activity, so it’s important to also adjust the policy rate path in a direction of a little bit more easing, as the economy is smooth landing.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. As in life, all good things have to come to an end. But before that, I want to thank you all, on behalf of Pierre‑Olivier, Petya, and Jean‑Marc. Also, on behalf of the Communications Department and a couple of reminders for all of you, the Global Financial Stability Report press briefing is going to happen in this same room at around 10:15 a.m. Tomorrow morning, you have the press briefing for the Fiscal Monitor, and later on in the week, you will have the Managing Director’s press briefing and all the regional press briefings that we’ve been talking about. I want to encourage you to go to IMF.org, download the flagships, the World Economic Outlook, and if you have any questions, comments, feedback, everything to media at IMF.org. So have a great day.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER:

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Governments launch largest review of sector since privatisation

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    The UK and Welsh Governments have introduced major legislation with new powers to bring criminal charges against water executives and a ban on bonuses.

    An Independent Commission into the water sector and its regulation will be launched by the government tomorrow (Wednesday 23 October), in what is expected to form the largest review of the industry since privatisation.   

    The Commission forms the next stage in the Government’s long-term approach to ensuring we have a sufficiently robust and stable regulatory framework to attract the investment needed to clean up our waterways, speed up infrastructure delivery and restore public confidence in the sector. 

    It follows the Government’s inaugural International Investment Summit last week at which the Prime Minister spoke of the need for regulation and regulators to support growth and investment in the UK.  

    Launched by the UK and Welsh governments, the Commission will report back next year with recommendations to the Government on how to tackle inherited systemic issues in the water sector to restore our rivers, lakes and seas to good health, meet the challenges of the future and drive economic growth. 

    These recommendations will form the basis of further legislation to attract long-term investment and clean up our waters for good – injecting billions of pounds into the economy, speeding up delivery on infrastructure to support house building and addressing water scarcity, given the country needs to source an additional 5 billion litres of water a day by 2050.  

    Former Deputy Governor of the Bank of England, Jon Cunliffe, will chair the Commission. With several decades of economic and regulatory experience, his appointment demonstrates the Government’s serious ambitions.  

    The Commission will draw upon a panel of experts from across the regulatory, environment, health, engineering, customer, investor and economic sectors. It forms part of the Government’s reset of the water sector by establishing a new partnership between government, water companies, customers, investors, and all those who enjoy our waters and work to protect our environment.  

    Launching the review, Secretary of State Steve Reed said:    

    Our waterways are polluted and our water system urgently needs fixing.   

    That is why today we have launched a Water Commission to attract the investment we need to clean up our waterways and rebuild our broken water infrastructure.  

    The Commission’s findings will help shape new legislation to reform the water sector so it properly serves the interests of customers and the environment. 

    Water Commission Chair Sir Jon Cunliffe said:  

    I’m honoured to be appointed as chair of the government’s new Water Commission. It is vital we deliver a better system to attract stable investment and speed up the building of water infrastructure.

    Working over many years in the public sector, in environment, transport and the Treasury, and the Bank of England, I have seen how the regulation of private firms can be fundamental to incentivising performance and innovation, securing resilience and delivering public policy objectives.  

    I am looking forward to working with experts from across the water sector, from environment and customer groups and investors, to help deliver a water sector that works successfully for both customers, investors and our natural environment.

    Huw Irranca Davies, Wales’ Deputy First Minister with responsibility for Climate Change and Rural Affairs, added:  

    This vital review couldn’t come at a more urgent time for our water environment and water industry.      

    This shows the fresh approach of our two governments working together on an issue which affects us all as consumers, investors and as stewards of the natural world.   

    Both the Welsh and UK Governments are determined to improve water quality and the resilience of the water sector for future generations. We have clear priorities for reform and a shared sense of the work needed across both countries’ policy and regulatory regimes to make this change happen.

    A set of recommendations will be delivered to the Defra Secretary of State, and Deputy First Minister and Cabinet Secretary for Climate Change and Rural Affairs next year. The UK Government and Welsh Government will then respond with the proposals they intend to take forward.  

    The objectives of the Commission are to recommend measures to ensure the regulatory system delivers:  

    • Clear Vision: Establishing clear outcomes for the future and a long-term vision for delivering environmental, public health, customer, and economic outcomes.  

    • Strategic Planning: Adopting a collaborative, strategic, catchment approach to managing water, tackling pollution and restoring nature.  

    • Better Regulation: Rationalising and clarifying requirements for companies to secure better customer and environmental outcomes. 

    • Empowered Regulators: Ensuring regulators are effective in holding water companies accountable, for example for illegal pollution.    

    • Improved Delivery: Enhancing the sector’s ability to meet obligations, including clean rivers, lakes, and seas, while driving innovation. 

    • Stable Framework: Ensuring a regulatory environment that attracts investment and supports financial resilience for water companies.  

    • Consumer Protection: Safeguarding consumer interests and affordability through transparent and fair governance.  

    • Resilient Infrastructure: Delivering and maintaining robust infrastructure on time, anticipating future needs and climate challenges.   

    The independent commission is the third stage of the government’s water strategy. In his first week in office, the Secretary of State secured an agreement from water companies and Ofwat to ringfence money for vital infrastructure upgrades so it cannot be diverted to shareholder payouts and bonus payments.   

    In just 70 days, the Government also introduced the Water (Special Measures) Bill, which sets out tough new measures to crack down on water companies failing their customers. This includes:    

    • Bringing criminal charges against persistent lawbreakers, including imprisonment.  

    • Strengthening regulation to ensure water bosses face personal criminal liability for lawbreaking.  

    • Giving the water regulator new powers to ban the payment of bonuses if environmental standards are not met.  

    • Boost accountability for water executives through a new ‘code of conduct’ for water companies, so customers can summon board members and hold executives to account.  

    • Introduce new powers to bring automatic and severe fines.  

    • Require water companies to install real-time monitors at every sewage outlet with data independently scrutinised by the water regulators.  

    In addition, the cost recovery powers of regulators will be expanded to ensure that water companies bear the cost of enforcement action taken in response to their failings. The Environment Agency will undertake a consultation on the implementation of these new powers.

    Further quotes

    Jon Phillips, Chief Executive of the Global Infrastructure Investor Association said:

    The Secretary of State should be congratulated for acting swiftly to put in place this much needed review and reset of the water sector. No parties involved in the sector can be happy with the current arrangements, and that includes investors whose capital is vital to addressing current and future environmental challenges.

    The government has heard loud and clear that the sector needs both a long-term plan and a regulatory framework that places greater emphasis on attracting investment. We look forward to the opportunity to support the Commission’s work and hope that its findings can be put into practice at the earliest opportunity.

    Gail Davies-Walsh, CEO of Afonydd Cymru, said:

    This independent review of Welsh and English water companies is very welcome news and something that we hope will ultimately result in a much needed boost for river health.

    We would like to understand how long-term water company investment can be secured to deliver the environmental performance that we need.

    Afonydd Cymru welcome the collaboration of Welsh Government and the UK Government on this matter, particularly given the current cross-border management issues that hinder river restoration efforts.

    Richard Benwell, CEO of Wildlife and Countryside Link, said:

    The water sector is a perfect example of where stronger, better enforced regulation can drive up investment and drive down pollution.

    We welcome this significant review as the next step in Defra’s work to clean up our water environment. We’ll be looking for strong new rules that tie the industry into environmental investment and improve the way that money is spent in every river catchment to deliver quick, clean results for nature and communities.

    Jamie Cook, CEO of Angling Trust, said:

    The Angling Community has been calling for a root and branch review of Britain’s failing water sector, so we are pleased the Government has moved swiftly to set up an independent commission to deliver this.

    However, there is inevitably going to be a difficult balancing act between economic, consumer and environmental priorities that this review will need to address. We are pleased the views of water users, like the two million anglers, are going to be a key part of this review. 

    The Angling Trust is committed to working with the commission to ensure the health of our rivers, lakes and seas remains front and centre of its work.

    Mark Lloyd, CEO of Rivers Trust, said:

    35 years after water privatisation, this review is long overdue, which makes it even more welcome.  Our rivers have been flatlining for far too long, alongside the failure of our current systems to manage ageing infrastructure and population increase they face huge strategic challenges from climate change and biodiversity decline.

    Incremental policy tweaks will not fix our water system, and the review must look beyond the water industry to include land and water management in both urban and rural areas.  There needs to be much more focus on delivery of cost-effective solutions, through an integrated systems approach. 

    We will be keeping a close eye on the work of the commission to ensure it considers land use, nature, drought, flood and pollution in concert, because they are all intrinsically linked.  We look forward to working closely with Sir Jon Cunliffe and his team on a new system.

    Nicci Russell, CEO of Waterwise, said:

    We welcome this review, its wide scope and the collaborative way the government is approaching it. We agree with the government that now is the time for a reset in the water sector – nothing happens without water, so access to water needs to be at the heart of everything the government does.

    We will aim to put water efficiency at the heart of the Commission’s work, and look forward to working with Sir Jon and his team of experts to do this. The first objective in our Water Efficiency Strategy to 2030 is that governments and regulators show clear, visible leadership for water efficiency and reflect this in their policy and regulatory frameworks. 

    We are also delighted to see that Ministers are placing environmental and social outcomes as equally important to economic ones – because nothing happens without water. This is a great opportunity for the water sector to play a part in the Government’s mission of national renewal – not just in delivering a vital public service, but also in playing a proactive role to ensure a just society and a strong economy.

    Joan Edwards, Director Policy and Public Affairs at The Wildlife Trusts, said:

    This review comes not a moment too soon, given the precarious and polluted state of our waters, and the looming threat of future water shortages.

    It’s crucial that regulation drives companies to invest in the solutions that can best deliver improvements for nature at the same time as limiting bill increases.

    We look forward to supporting the Commission’s work by feeding in on the importance of a healthy environment and the changes needed to get us there.

    Updates to this page

    Published 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Security: Oklahoma Man Sentenced to 30 Years in Prison for Child Exploitation Crime

    Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) State Crime News

    CHARLESTON, W.Va. – Jerrod Lee Sharp, 41, of Ponca City, Oklahoma, was sentenced on Monday, October 21, 2024, to 30 years in prison, to be followed by a lifetime of supervised release, for attempted enticement of a minor. Sharp must also register as a sex offender.

    According to court documents and statements made in court, on July 17, 2022, Sharp began messaging a woman located in West Virginia whom he believed to be the mother of two minor girls. Sharp repeatedly stated in his messages to the woman that he wished to engage in sexual relations with both girls, and that he wished to travel to West Virginia to meet them.

    Sharp exchanged over 1,600 messages with the woman. On July 30, 2023, Sharp flew from Oklahoma to Charleston, West Virginia, where he planned to meet the woman and the two minor girls. Upon his arrival in Charleston, Sharp was arrested by law enforcement officers.

    United States Attorney Will Thompson made the announcement and commended the investigative work of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) West Virginia Human Trafficking and Child Exploitation Task Force and the West Virginia State Police.

    United States District Judge Joseph Robert Goodwin imposed the sentence. Assistant United States Attorneys Jennifer Rada Herrald and Francesca C. Rollo prosecuted the case.

    This case was prosecuted as part of Project Safe Childhood, a nationwide initiative of the Department of Justice to combat the growing epidemic of child sexual exploitation and abuse. Led by the United States Attorney’s Offices and the Criminal Division’s Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section, Project Safe Childhood marshals federal, state, and local resources to locate, apprehend, and prosecute those who sexually exploit children, and to identify and rescue victims. For more information about Project Safe Childhood, please visit http://www.justice.gov/psc.

    A copy of this press release is located on the website of the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of West Virginia. Related court documents and information can be found on PACER by searching for Case No. 5:23-cr-126.

    ###

     

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Landmark UK-Germany defence agreement to strengthen our security and prosperity

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    A landmark defence agreement will be signed by Defence Secretary John Healey MP and German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius in London today in a major moment for NATO, and European security and prosperity. It is the first-of-its-kind agreement between the UK and Germany on defence.

    • Defence Secretary John Healey MP and German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius will sign the landmark Trinity House Agreement today (Wednesday 23 October), bringing the two nations closer together than ever before.

    • Agreement will boost the economy, investment, and jobs, paving the way for a new artillery gun barrel factory to open in the UK.

    • German aircraft will operate from Scotland as part of the agreement, bolstering European security.

    The signing of the Trinity House Agreement marks a fundamental shift in the UK’s relations with Germany and for European security. This agreement between Europe’s two biggest defence spenders will strengthen national security and economic growth in the face of growing Russian aggression and increasing threats.

    The new partnership will help drive investment into the UK – with the agreement paving the way for a new artillery gun barrel factory to be opened in the UK, supporting more than 400 jobs and nearly half a billion-pounds boost to the British economy. The opening of the Rheinmetall factory will see the UK manufacture artillery gun barrels for the first time in 10 years, using British steel produced by Sheffield Forgemasters.

    The deal will see the UK and Germany work together systemically for years to come on a range of ground-breaking defence projects and across all domains (air, land, sea, space and cyber). This includes working jointly to rapidly develop brand-new extended deep strike weapons that can travel further with more precision than current systems, including Storm Shadow.

    It will bring the two nation’s defence industries closer than ever, including a long-term commitment to manufacturing Boxer armoured vehicles, supporting skilled jobs across the UK. The deal also aims to support and expanded complex weapons development in the UK, laying a path for Sting Ray Torpedoes procurement.

    The Trinity House Agreement includes:

    • New long-range strike weapons – working jointly to rapidly develop a new system that can fire even further and be more precise in its targeting than any current system.

    • New boost for British industry – a new large calibre gun manufacturing facility in the UK, supporting more than 400 jobs, and planned to use British steel, bringing nearly half a billion-pound economic boost to the UK over 10 years.

    • New cooperation to strengthen the Eastern Flank – the armies training and exercising more together, using the front as a catalyst for developing new ways of fighting.

    • Land Industrial Cooperation – cooperation on Boxer armed vehicles and kickstarting collaboration of land-based drones.

    • Protecting critical underwater infrastructure – working together to protect the vital cables in the seabed on the North Sea. This includes exploring new offboard undersea surveillance capabilities to improve detection of adversary activity.

    • German planes in Scotland – German P8 aircraft will periodically operate out of Lossiemouth to help protect the North Atlantic.

    • New drones – working towards drones that could operate alongside our fighter jets, as well as drones that can be used by other military force.

    • Exploration and development of new Maritime Uncrewed Air System capabilities.

    • New Ukraine support – new joint work to enable German Sea King helicopters to be armed with modern missile systems as well as work on capability coalitions.

    • Joint work with partners to integrate air defence systems to better protect European air space against the threat of long-range missiles, building on work agreed at the NATO Defence Ministers meeting just last week.

    The agreement is a key example of the Government delivering on its commitment to reset relations with European allies and bolster national security. It will be signed less than 100 days after the Defence Secretary visited Berlin to kick off negotiations in July and is the first pillar in a wider UK-Germany treaty pledged by Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Chancellor Olaf Scholz in August.

    Defence Secretary John Healey MP said:

    The Trinity House Agreement is a milestone moment in our relationship with Germany and a major strengthening of Europe’s security.

    It secures unprecedented levels of new cooperation with the German Armed Forces and industry, bringing benefits to our shared security and prosperity, protecting our shared values and boosting our defence industrial bases.

    This landmark agreement delivers on the Government’s manifesto commitment to strike a new defence relationship with Germany – less than four months since winning the election in July – and we will build on this new cooperation in the months and years ahead.

    I pay tribute to our negotiating teams who have worked hard at pace to deliver this.

    German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius said:

    The UK and Germany are moving closer together. With projects across the air, land, sea, and cyber domains, we will jointly increase our defence capabilities, thereby strengthening the European pillar within NATO. We can only strengthen our ability to act together. This is why our cooperation projects are open to other partners.

    We must not take security in Europe for granted. Russia is waging war against Ukraine, it is increasing its weapons production immensely and has repeatedly launched hybrid attacks on our partners in Eastern Europe.

    With the Trinity House Agreement, we are showing that the NATO Allies have recognised what these times require and are determined to improve their deterrence and defence capabilities. As it lays the foundation for future projects, the Trinity House Agreement is an important contribution to this. It is particularly important to me that we cooperate even more closely to strengthen NATO’s eastern flank and to close critical capability gaps, for instance in the field of long-range strike weapons.

    Armin Papperger, CEO and Chairman of Rheinmetall AG commented that:

    Rheinmetall’s investment in the gun hall reflects a forward-looking approach to innovation, collaboration, and national defence. It ensures the UK remains a leader in developing and manufacturing defence technologies that safeguard both national and global security.

    Gary Nutter, Chief Executive Officer at Sheffield Forgemasters, said:

    I am delighted to confirm that Sheffield Forgemasters will reinstate gun barrels manufacture after a 20-year hiatus, to supply large-calibre gun-barrels to Germany’s Rheinmetall AG, servicing UK defence contracts and exports.

    Updates to this page

    Published 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Prime Minister warns Russian threat to global stability is accelerating as Putin ramps up attacks on Black Sea

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    • Grain ships collateral damage in the Black Sea as Russian risk appetite increases, UK intelligence shows.
    • Prime Minister calls out Russia’s actions, saying the Black Sea strikes underscore that Putin is willing to risk anything in attempts to force Ukraine into submission.
    • UK and Norway at the forefront of protecting the corridor, funding cutting edge maritime capabilities for Ukraine to ensure grain can reach the global south.

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    The acceleration in attacks coincides with harvest season in Ukraine, a country which remains a major supplier of agricultural produce, crucial for global food security.

    Putin’s almost 1000-day conflict in Ukraine has reduced supplies for some of the world’s most in need and helped drive up food and fuel prices across the globe.

    Now, UK intelligence shows that there has been a noticeable increase in Russian risk appetite when conducting strikes on port infrastructure, with grain ships becoming collateral damage in Russia’s campaign. 

    Those strikes are believed to have delayed the MV SHUI SPIRIT from departing Ukraine while carrying vegetable oil destined for the World Food Programme in Palestine.

    It has also hit ships loaded with grain destined for Egypt, two vessels carrying corn – which Ukraine is the second biggest supplier to China of – and World Food Programme shipments bound for southern Africa. 

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer said:

    “Russia’s indiscriminate strikes on ports in the Black Sea underscore that Putin is willing to gamble on global food security in his attempts to force Ukraine into submission. 

    ‘’In doing so, he is harming millions of vulnerable people across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, to try and gain the upper hand in his barbaric war. 

    “In recent weeks, we have seen reporting that the Kremlin has been forced to turn to North Korea to provide troops to fuel its self-destructing war machine, an embarrassing and desperate act, and now they are intensifying attacks on areas of Ukraine that support the global south with much-needed food. 

    “Russia has no respect for the norms and laws that govern our international system. Not only was their illegal invasion a blatant attack on the principles of the UN Charter, but the way they have executed their war in Ukraine shows no respect for human life, or the consequences of their invasion across the world.” 

    According to Defence Intelligence, between 05 – 14 October 2024, at least four merchant vessels have been struck by Russian munitions. 

    These include: 

    1.       05 October 2024 – Yuzhny port – MV PARESA (St Kitts and Nevis flagged) was almost certainly the target of the strike that damaged it. Following the attack, the Russian MoD released a video of what they say shows the vessel unloading containerised cargo which they likely perceive to be weapons. 

    2.       07 October 2024 – Odesa port – MV  OPTIMA (Palau flagged). There is a realistic possibility that the vessel was collateral damage as a result of a strike on port infrastructure and was not the direct target of the attack. MV OPTIMA was also likely further damaged in a strike on port infrastructure on 15 October 2024. 

    3.       08 October 2024 – Chronomorsk port MV SHUI SPIRIT (Panama flagged).Ukraine’s Minister of Agrarian Policy and Food Vitalii Koval stated the MV SHUI SPIRIT was carrying sunflower oil as part of a UN shipment. However, the vessel was a containerised cargo carrier and noting the earlier strike on MV OPTIMA, there is a realistic possibility that this vessel was also the target of the strike as opposed to collateral damage. 

    4.       14 October 2024 – Odesa port – NS MOON (Belize flagged) was likely damaged in strikes on port infrastructure. The vessel was likely collateral damage in strikes on port infrastructure. 

    The announcement comes as this government announces a further £2.26 billion for Ukraine as part of the UK’s contribution to the G7 Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans to Ukraine scheme.  

    Through the scheme, $50 billion from G7 countries will be delivered to Ukraine for its military, budget and reconstruction needs. The loan will be repaid using the extraordinary profits on immobilised Russian sovereign assets. 

    The UK has been at the forefront of work to protect the maritime corridor in the Black Sea. The Maritime Capability Coalition – led by the UK and Norway – is focused on delivering a future naval fighting force for Ukraine and has been instrumental in helping to equip Ukraine’s navy with items such as uncrewed surface vessels, better known as maritime drones, which will protect the corridor. 

    The UK is donating an additional £120 million toward the Maritime Capability Coalition and is seeking partners to co-fund delivery of hundreds more maritime drones (aerial and uncrewed boats), as well as surveillance radars to protect the Grain Corridor. 

    And together, the UK and Norway are seeking a further £100 million to co-fund hundreds more. 

    Recent gifting packages have provided dozens of amphibious all-terrain vehicles and raiding craft, hundreds of anti-ship missiles for coastal defence and river operations, and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition to accompany the machine guns we have provided. 

    Russia’s brutal and indiscriminate attacks have not been limited to the Black Sea, Putin’s forces have also been targeting civilian infrastructure in Ukraine throughout this year, aiming to make life intolerable for the Ukrainian people, especially as the country heads into winter. 

    They have attacked thousands of civilian targets, including hospitals and energy infrastructure. 

    Open-source intelligence shows there has been 1,522 attacks on Ukraine’s health care system since February 2022, 774 attacks damaged or destroyed hospitals and clinics, and 234 health workers have been killed.

    Updates to this page

    Published 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Press release: Prime Minister warns Russian threat to global stability is accelerating as Putin ramps up attacks on Black Sea

    Source: United Kingdom – Prime Minister’s Office 10 Downing Street

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    • Grain ships collateral damage in the Black Sea as Russian risk appetite increases, UK intelligence shows.
    • Prime Minister calls out Russia’s actions, saying the Black Sea strikes underscore that Putin is willing to risk anything in attempts to force Ukraine into submission.
    • UK and Norway at the forefront of protecting the corridor, funding cutting edge maritime capabilities for Ukraine to ensure grain can reach the global south.

    Russia has stepped up attacks on Ukrainian port infrastructure in the Black Sea, delaying vital aid from reaching Palestinians, and stopping crucial grain supplies from being delivered to the global south.

    The acceleration in attacks coincides with harvest season in Ukraine, a country which remains a major supplier of agricultural produce, crucial for global food security.

    Putin’s almost 1000-day conflict in Ukraine has reduced supplies for some of the world’s most in need and helped drive up food and fuel prices across the globe.

    Now, UK intelligence shows that there has been a noticeable increase in Russian risk appetite when conducting strikes on port infrastructure, with grain ships becoming collateral damage in Russia’s campaign. 

    Those strikes are believed to have delayed the MV SHUI SPIRIT from departing Ukraine while carrying vegetable oil destined for the World Food Programme in Palestine.

    It has also hit ships loaded with grain destined for Egypt, two vessels carrying corn – which Ukraine is the second biggest supplier to China of – and World Food Programme shipments bound for southern Africa. 

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer said:

    “Russia’s indiscriminate strikes on ports in the Black Sea underscore that Putin is willing to gamble on global food security in his attempts to force Ukraine into submission. 

    ‘’In doing so, he is harming millions of vulnerable people across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, to try and gain the upper hand in his barbaric war. 

    “In recent weeks, we have seen reporting that the Kremlin has been forced to turn to North Korea to provide troops to fuel its self-destructing war machine, an embarrassing and desperate act, and now they are intensifying attacks on areas of Ukraine that support the global south with much-needed food. 

    “Russia has no respect for the norms and laws that govern our international system. Not only was their illegal invasion a blatant attack on the principles of the UN Charter, but the way they have executed their war in Ukraine shows no respect for human life, or the consequences of their invasion across the world.” 

    According to Defence Intelligence, between 05 – 14 October 2024, at least four merchant vessels have been struck by Russian munitions. 

    These include: 

    1.       05 October 2024 – Yuzhny port – MV PARESA (St Kitts and Nevis flagged) was almost certainly the target of the strike that damaged it. Following the attack, the Russian MoD released a video of what they say shows the vessel unloading containerised cargo which they likely perceive to be weapons. 

    2.       07 October 2024 – Odesa port – MV  OPTIMA (Palau flagged). There is a realistic possibility that the vessel was collateral damage as a result of a strike on port infrastructure and was not the direct target of the attack. MV OPTIMA was also likely further damaged in a strike on port infrastructure on 15 October 2024. 

    3.       08 October 2024 – Chronomorsk port MV SHUI SPIRIT (Panama flagged).Ukraine’s Minister of Agrarian Policy and Food Vitalii Koval stated the MV SHUI SPIRIT was carrying sunflower oil as part of a UN shipment. However, the vessel was a containerised cargo carrier and noting the earlier strike on MV OPTIMA, there is a realistic possibility that this vessel was also the target of the strike as opposed to collateral damage. 

    4.       14 October 2024 – Odesa port – NS MOON (Belize flagged) was likely damaged in strikes on port infrastructure. The vessel was likely collateral damage in strikes on port infrastructure. 

    The announcement comes as this government announces a further £2.26 billion for Ukraine as part of the UK’s contribution to the G7 Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans to Ukraine scheme.  

    Through the scheme, $50 billion from G7 countries will be delivered to Ukraine for its military, budget and reconstruction needs. The loan will be repaid using the extraordinary profits on immobilised Russian sovereign assets. 

    The UK has been at the forefront of work to protect the maritime corridor in the Black Sea. The Maritime Capability Coalition – led by the UK and Norway – is focused on delivering a future naval fighting force for Ukraine and has been instrumental in helping to equip Ukraine’s navy with items such as uncrewed surface vessels, better known as maritime drones, which will protect the corridor. 

    The UK is donating an additional £120 million toward the Maritime Capability Coalition and is seeking partners to co-fund delivery of hundreds more maritime drones (aerial and uncrewed boats), as well as surveillance radars to protect the Grain Corridor. 

    And together, the UK and Norway are seeking a further £100 million to co-fund hundreds more. 

    Recent gifting packages have provided dozens of amphibious all-terrain vehicles and raiding craft, hundreds of anti-ship missiles for coastal defence and river operations, and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition to accompany the machine guns we have provided. 

    Russia’s brutal and indiscriminate attacks have not been limited to the Black Sea, Putin’s forces have also been targeting civilian infrastructure in Ukraine throughout this year, aiming to make life intolerable for the Ukrainian people, especially as the country heads into winter. 

    They have attacked thousands of civilian targets, including hospitals and energy infrastructure. 

    Open-source intelligence shows there has been 1,522 attacks on Ukraine’s health care system since February 2022, 774 attacks damaged or destroyed hospitals and clinics, and 234 health workers have been killed.

    Updates to this page

    Published 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Cutting-edge transport projects receive £1.4 million to encourage innovation and deliver growth

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 2

    Winners of the Transport Research and Innovation Grant (TRIG) will help make travel cleaner, safer and more efficient for everyone in the UK.

    • 32 pioneering projects granted a share of £1.4 million to drive innovation and revolutionise the UK transport sector
    • visionary designs include an air purification product to tackle pollution and a pedestrian management system to enhance road safety
    • ideas will boost economic growth by creating jobs – sparking further innovation and cementing the UK’s position as a global leader in green transport

    Winners of a £1.4 million competition to transform the transport sector, grow the economy and inspire innovation have been announced by the Department for Transport today (23 October 2024).

    Organisations and academics with innovative ideas were able to win up to £45,000 in funding to offer sustainable, forward-thinking alternatives and contribute to the government’s aim of cleaner, greener and more efficient transport networks.

    Over the last decade, the Transport Research and Innovation Grant (TRIG) programme has invested over £15 million to support industries in the pursuit for new technologies and collaborations – helping deliver key economic growth throughout the country.

    This year sought proposals focused on local transport decarbonisation, maritime decarbonisation and emerging technologies such as AI and drones.

    Aviation, Maritime and Security Minister, Mike Kane, said:  

    Innovation is the driving force behind our transport system and these winning projects are leading the charge by creating cutting-edge solutions that could offer so much benefit for all.

    With sustainability at the core of this year’s competition, we’re helping to shape the future of transport – making travel cleaner, safer and more efficient for everyone.

    Among the groundbreaking projects awarded funding through the government’s TRIG is Vox Aeris, with an invention that hopes to use sound waves and music vibrations from a speaker to reduce harmful pollution across transport networks.

    Selene Sari, founder and CEO of Vox Aeris, said: 

    We are beyond excited to be a TRIG 2024 winner. This support will be pivotal for developing our technology, assessing feasibility with refined prototypes and engaging early stakeholders. We look forward to collaborating with Connected Places Catapult and the Department for Transport.

    The financial backing, expertise, and network support we’re receiving will be crucial for us to advance to the next stage. Having such robust support early in our journey will enable us to move faster and connect with networks that would otherwise be challenging to bring together.

    Previous TRIG winners include OpenSpace – a cutting-edge project using digital twinning and AI to tackle rail station disruption. By using special algorithms, it created the world’s first real-time simulated environment of St Pancras station to help operators manage people flow, improve safety and boost customer experience. 

    TRIG has been running for over a decade, funding more than 430 projects that have ranged from better connecting rural communities with a shuttle bus app to trialling the use of hydrogen to make plane and boat journeys greener. 

    Erika Lewis, Chief Executive Officer at Connected Places Catapult, said:

    Innovation in transport can unlock many benefits for society, the economy and the environment. The Transport Research and Innovation Grants programme has been supporting high-potential innovators for a decade, through funding and dedicated business support, helping them realise their commercial potential.

    This year’s TRIG competition drew a fantastic response from innovators, with the ‘critical and emerging technologies’ challenge proving to be especially popular.

    Today, the Aviation, Maritime and Security Minister is at the Transport Research and Innovation Grant Awards in Birmingham to celebrate last year’s successful winners and see firsthand what the funding can achieve.

    See the complete list of TRIG winners for more information.

    Aviation, Europe and technology media enquiries

    Media enquiries 0300 7777 878

    Switchboard 0300 330 3000

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK Development Minister to push for gender equality at World Bank Annuals

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3

    Anneliese Dodds to outline priorities for gender equality and announce funding to boost women’s economic and social empowerment during visit to Washington D.C.

    • World’s finance and development ministers gather in Washington D.C. to discuss pressing international development issues at Annual Meetings of the World Bank Group and IMF.
    • UK Development Minister to announce funding to boost women’s economic and social empowerment in speech on priorities for gender equality.
    • UK to send two female governors to the World Bank Group and IMF Annual Meetings for the first time.

    The UK’s Development Minister Anneliese Dodds will arrive at the World Bank Group and IMF Annual Meetings in Washington D.C. today [23 October] for a series of engagements focused on advancing gender equality.

    It will mark the Minister’s first time attending in her capacity as the UK’s Governor to the World Bank Group. Her visit coincides with Chancellor Reeves attending the IMF Annual Meetings, marking the first time for the UK to send two female governors to the Meetings.

    In a speech at the conference tomorrow [24 October], the Minister will outline her priorities for gender equality and announce a £7.5 million investment over the next two years, and continued support beyond that, in the World Bank’s Umbrella Facility for Gender Equality (UFGE). The facility supports the generation of high-quality data and evidence to address gender inequality and boost women’s economic and social empowerment.

    The UFGE, which has received funding from the UK since 2012, has, for example, benefitted half a million women in Rwanda who were found to be losing rights over land due to not having marriage certificates. In Nigeria, the programme funded research on the benefits of cash transfers, which the government used to inform the expansion of its national livelihoods programme, covering more than 4 million vulnerable households.

    The new funding will enable the UK’s support to the UFGE to expand beyond Africa into Asia and the Pacific and support the development of new methods to collect and use gender data, including through the adoption of AI technology.

    The UK’s Development Minister Anneliese Dodds said: 

    My mission is to help create a world free from poverty, on a livable planet, for all. Women and girls are at the heart of this.

    Britain is back with a voice on the world stage. We are playing a leading role with the World Bank to improve the lives of women and girls around the world.

    The funding announced today will deliver projects that will have an enormous impact on the lives and economic situations of women and girls across the globe and drive economic growth.

    This year’s Meetings come as the World Bank Group and IMF celebrate their 80th founding anniversary and will bring together finance and development ministers from all over the world to agree joint approaches to addressing pressing international development issues.

    Minister Dodds’ attendance follows a keynote speech at Chatham House, in which she outlined her vision for a modern approach to international development.

    Over the course of the Annual Meetings, the Minister will also host an event on conflict prevention, bringing together ministers from the Global South, international financial institutions, humanitarian actors, and academics, to discuss how the World Bank Group and IMF can work better in an increasingly fragile world.

    Media enquiries

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    Contact the FCDO Communication Team via email (monitored 24 hours a day) in the first instance, and we will respond as soon as possible.

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-Evening Report: New Caledonia crisis: Pacific leaders’ mission must ‘look beyond surface’

    INTERVIEW: By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

    Last week, New Caledonia was visited by France’s new Overseas Minister, François Buffet, offering a more conciliatory position by Paris.

    This week, the territory, torn apart by violent riots, is to receive a Pacific Islands Forum fact-finding mission comprised of four prime ministers.

    New Caledonia has been riven with violence and destruction for much of the past five months, resulting in 13 deaths and countless cases of arson.

    Islands Business journalist Nic Maclellan is back there for the first time since the rioting began on May 13 and RNZ Pacific asked for his first impressions.

    Nic Maclellan: Day by day, things are very calm. It’s been a beautiful weekend, and there were people at the beach in the southern suburbs of Nouméa. People are going about their daily business. And on the surface, you don’t really notice that there’s been months of clashes between Kanak protesters and French security forces.

    But every now and then, you stumble across a site that reminds you that this crisis is still, in many ways, unresolved. As you leave Tontouta Airport, the main gateway to the islands, for example, the airport buildings are surrounded by razor wire.

    The French High Commission, which has a very high grill, is also topped with razor wire. It’s little things like that that remind you, that despite the removal of barricades which have dotted both Noumea and the main island for months, there are still underlying tensions that are unresolved.

    And all of this comes at a time of enormous economic crisis, with key industries like tourism and nickel badly affected by months of dispute. Thousands of people either lost their jobs, or on part-time employment, and uncertainty about what capacity the French government brings from Paris to resolve long standing problems.

    Don Wiseman: Well, New Caledonia is looking for a lot of money in grant form. Is it going to get it?

    NMac: With, people I’ve spoken to in the last few days and with statements from major political parties, there’s enormous concern that political leaders in France don’t understand the depth of the crisis here; political, cultural, economic. President Macron, after losing the European Parliament elections, then seeing significant problems during the National Assembly elections that he called the snap votes, finds that there’s no governing majority in the French Parliament.

    It took 51 days to appoint a new prime minister, another few weeks to appoint a government, and although France’s Overseas Minister Francois Noel Buffet visited last week, made a number of pledges, which were welcomed, there was sharp criticism, particularly from anti-independence leaders, from the so called loyalists, that France hadn’t recognised the enormity of what’s happened, and to translate that into financial commitments.

    The Congress of New Caledonia passed a bipartisan, or all party proposal, for significant funding over the next five years, amounting to almost 4 billion euros, a vast sum, but money required to rebuild shattered economic institutions and restore public institutions that were damaged during months of riots and arson, is not there.

    France faces, in Metropolitan France, a major fiscal crisis. The current Prime Minister Michel Barnier announced they cut $250 million out of funding for overseas territories. There’s a lot of work going on across the political spectrum, from politicians in New Caledonia, trying to make Paris understand that this is significant.

    DW: Does Paris understand what happened in New Caledonia back in the 1980s?

    NMac: Some do. I think there’s a real problem, though, that there’s a consistency of French policy that is reluctant to engage with France’s responsibilities as what the United Nations calls it, “administering power of a non-self-governing territory”.

    You know, it’s a French colony. The Noumea Accord said that there should be a transition towards a new political status, and that situation is unresolved. Just this morning (Tuesday), I attended the session of the Congress of New Caledonia, which voted in majority that the provincial elections should be delayed until late next year, late 2025.

    The aim would be to give time for the French State and both supporters and opponents of independence to meet to talk out a new political statute to replace the 1998 Noumea Accord. However, it’s clear from different perspectives that have been expressed in the Congress that there’s not a meeting of minds about the way forward. And key independence parties in the umbrella coalition, the FLNKS make it clear that they only see a comprehensive agreement possible if there’s a pathway forward towards sovereignty, even with a period of inter-dependence with France and over time to be negotiated.

    The loyalists believe that that’s not a priority, that economic reconstruction is the priority, and a talk of sovereignty at this time is inappropriate. So, there’s a long way to go before the French can bring people together around the negotiating table, and that will play out in coming weeks.

    DW: The new Overseas Minister seems to have taken a very conciliatory approach. That must be helpful.

    NMac: For months and months, the FLNKS said that they were willing to discuss electoral reforms, opening up the voting rolls for the local political institutions to more French nationals, particularly New Caledonian-born citizens, but that it had to be part of a comprehensive, overarching agreement.

    The very fact that President Macron tried to force key independence parties, particularly the largest, Union Caledoniénne, to the negotiating table by unilaterally trying to push through changes to these voting rules triggered the crisis that began on the 13th of May.

    After five months of terrible destruction of schools, of hospitals, thousands of people, literally leaving New Caledonia, Macron has realised that you can’t push this through by force. As you say, Overseas Minister Buffet had a more conciliatory tone. He reconfirmed that the controversial reforms to the electoral laws have been abandoned. Doesn’t mean they won’t come back up in discussions in the future, but we’re back at square one in many ways, and yet there’s been five months of really terrible conflict between supporters and opponents of independence.

    The fact that this is unresolved is shown by the reality that the French High Commissioner has announced that the overnight curfew is extended until early November, that the French police and security forces that have been deployed here, more than 6000 gendarmes, riot squads backed by armoured cars, helicopters and more, will be held until at least the end of the year.

    This crisis is unresolved, and I think as Pacific leaders arrive this week, they’ll have to look beyond the surface calm to realise that there are many issues that still have to play out in the months to come.

    DW: So with this Forum visit, how free will these people be to move around to make their own assessments?

    NMac: I sense that there’s a tension between the government of New Caledonia and the French authorities about the purpose of this visit. In the past, French diplomats have suggested that the Forum is welcome to come, to condemn violence, to address the question of reconstruction and so on.

    But I sense a reluctance to address issues around France’s responsibility for decolonisation, at the same time, key members of the delegation, such as Prime Minister Manele of Solomon Islands, Prime Minister Rabuka, have strong contacts through the Melanesian Spearhead Group, with members of the FLNKS and the broader political networks here. To that extent, there’ll be informal as well as formal dialogue. As the Forum members hit the ground after a long delay to their mission.

    DW: There have been in the past, Forum groups that have gone to investigate various situations, and they’ve tended to take a very superficial view of everything that’s going on.

    NMac: I think there are examples where the Forum missions have been very important. For example, in 2021 at the time of the third referendum on self-determination, the one rushed through by the French State in the middle of the covid pandemic, a delegation led by Ratu Inoke Kubuabola, a former Fiji Foreign Minister, with then Secretary-General of the Forum, Henry Puna, they wrote a very strong report criticising the legitimacy and credibility of that vote, because the vast majority of independence supporters, particularly indigenous Kanaks, didn’t turn out for the vote.

    France claims it’s a strong no vote, but the Forum report, which most people haven’t read, actually questions the legitimacy of this politically. The very fact that four prime ministers are coming, not diplomats, not ministers, not just officials, but four prime ministers of Forum member countries, shows that this is an important moment for regional engagement.

    Right from the beginning of the crisis, the then chair of the Forum, Mark Brown, who’ll be on the delegation, talked about the need for the Forum to create a neutral space for dialogue, for talanoa, to resolve long standing differences.

    The very presence of them, although it hasn’t had much publicity here so far, will be a sign that this is not an internal matter for France, but in fact a matter of regional and international attention.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Trade Secretary launches new fund to unlock multi-billion exports boost 

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Jonathan Reynolds will announce Regulatory Partnership for Growth Fund on visit to Brazil including his first G20 meeting

    • New £2.3million Regulatory Partnership for Growth Fund will help to unlock export opportunities worth nearly £5 billion for UK companies over five years   
    • Sectors like clean energy and life sciences set to benefit, as fund targets trade barriers worth £300m in its first year   
    • Announcement comes as Jonathan Reynolds visits Brazil for G20 trade talks  

    The UK’s pharmaceutical industry will find it easier to sell innovative medicines in huge markets like Brazil and around the world thanks to a new fund to cut red tape and boost exports.  

    Trade Secretary Jonathan Reynolds will announce the new £2.3 million Regulatory Partnership for Growth Fund as part of a three-day visit to Brazil, which will include his first G20 meeting.  

    The fund builds on the Prime Minister’s call at the International Investment Summit last week for UK regulators to support the Government’s growth mission, keep pace with emerging industries and upgrade the regulatory regime to make it fit for the modern age.  

    The fund will help UK regulators work with international partners to remove trade barriers and shape markets in various growing sectors. This will see sectors benefit from a potential £5 billion of new export opportunities over five years, with trade barriers worth £300 million being targeted within the first 12 months – which would be equal to an average of £135 in exports per pound invested.   

    In an exciting project in the life sciences sector, this will see UK regulators and expert bodies work closely with Brazil’s Ministry of Health in sharing best practice around evaluating cancer drugs, supporting them to improve their nation’s health while making it easier for the industry to access Brazil’s pharmaceutical market. 

    Business and Trade Secretary Jonathan Reynolds said:   

    We are rolling up our sleeves and removing red tape where it is holding this country back from harnessing every opportunity available.  

    This multi-million-pound fund will unleash the potential of some of the most prominent sectors in the UK, and through our excellent regulators businesses will find it easier to sell their world class goods and services to Brazil and other partners around the world, as we continue to build momentum ahead of our new Industrial Strategy.

    The fund will also:  

    • enable the Offshore Renewable Energy (ORE) Catapult to partner with Brazil as it develops a comprehensive offshore wind regulatory framework, which could generate an additional £55 million of exports over five years for the UK supply chain.   
    • in the professional services sector, the Law Society will build closer relationships with other countries to reduce requirements for UK lawyers to practice overseas, including in some US states, where they have faced onerous requirements.    
    • support UK regulators who will aim to improve the process for accreditation of UK education programmes, such as university degrees, in countries all over the world, including Malaysia.  

    Dr Stephen Wyatt, Director – Strategy and Emerging Technology, ORE Catapult said:   

    The UK is a world leader in offshore wind and, in partnership with the Department for Business & Trade, we now have the opportunity to translate two decades of experience into new export opportunities for UK companies.    

    Our work will help other countries to accelerate their plans to develop offshore wind and pinpoint key areas, such as floating wind, project development, and operations and maintenance where the UK’s leading companies can also flourish overseas.

    Richard Atkinson, President of The Law Society England and Wales said:   

    The Law Society of England and Wales appreciates the government’s initiative to establish the Regulatory Partnership for Growth Fund.  

    This funding will provide essential support to UK businesses by helping them move past regulatory barriers in various global markets.  

    By building closer relationships with countries overseas, this fund will contribute to the growth and progression of the legal profession globally.

    It comes as the Trade Secretary heads to São Paulo and Brasília to build on the UK’s strong and enduring relationship with Brazil, meeting investors including one of the world’s biggest aircraft manufacturers, Embraer, as well as some of the largest UK businesses in Brazil such as Astra Zeneca.   

    The Trade Secretary will then meet Brazil’s Vice President and Trade Minister Geraldo Alckmin in Brasília, where they will talk about how to build on the over £10bn of UK-Brazil trade last year and implementation of Brazil’s Industrial Strategy ahead of the UK publishing its own next year. He will then meet his G20 counterparts and call for pragmatic and meaningful reform to strengthen the World Trade Organization, as well as action to promote gender equality in trade.   

    The Trade Secretary will also use the visit to hold the first bilateral meeting on trade between the UK and Argentina since 2019 when he meets with his counterpart Diana Mondino, where he will commit to strengthening the UK’s trade and investment relationship in line with both governments’ goals to support economic growth.  

    He will also speak to the Vice-President of the European Commission Valdis Dombrovskis, where he will emphasise the importance on resetting the relationship between the UK and the EU.   

    The meetings are alongside wider G20 discussions under Brazil’s presidency on sustainable investment and how trade can drive greener and more sustainable development, ahead of South Africa taking on the G20 Presidency in 2025.   

    Notes to Editors

    • Not all the trade barriers that are part of the £2.3m fund can be made public due to commercial or diplomatic sensitivity.  
    • The data on trade barriers to be resolved by the £2.3m fund is extracted from the Digital Market Access Service (DMAS). DMAS is not a comprehensive repository of all market access issues facing UK exporters, and reporting rates vary widely across countries and regions  
    • The £2.3m fund will be used to aid the resolution of 36 barriers in scope – the aggregate valuation of these barriers is around £5bn over 5 years. The aggregate figure of around £300m over 5 years is for a sample of 6 barriers only. To calculate the aggregate figures, the mid-point for each valuation range is estimated over a five-year period and added to provide a central estimate. Further details on the methodology for the aggregate valuation figures are published in a DBT analytical working paper. In some cases, estimates may have been sourced externally from industry.  
    • The figure of around £135 in export value per pound over five years is calculated by dividing £300m by the cost of the fund (£2.3m). This is a potential export win and it should not be interpreted that every additional pound might get another £135 in return.

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Government pledges to make UK ‘top destination for women’s sport investment’ following record-breaking summit

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    The government has launched the 2024-25 Women’s Sport Investment Accelerator scheme, helping to attract more private investment in women’s sport and drive growth into the sector.

    • New scheme launched to attract more private investment in women’s sport to help drive growth in the sector.
    • Over 20 leagues, teams and competitions across 9 different sports set to benefit, including England Women’s Cricket and Barclays Women’s Super League.
    • Follows record-breaking International Investment Summit which secured over £63bn of private investment into the UK.

    Women’s sport in the UK is set for a massive boost as the Government announces a scheme to drive investment in elite clubs and leagues across the country, as part of a new pledge to make the UK the world’s top destination for women’s sport investment. 

    The scheme will prioritise development, commercial growth and financial sustainability. Sponsorship and investment are key to increasing visibility and inspiring young female athletes to ensure greater talent pathways are created, and to develop their careers in sport.

    Investment Minister Poppy Gustafsson will today [Wednesday 23 October] launch the 2024-25 Women’s Sport Investment Accelerator scheme, which will bring over 20 elite leagues, competitions and teams across nine different sports, such as the Barclays Women’s Super League and England Women’s Cricket, together with investors and industry experts to help them secure transformational investment and sponsorships.

    It will provide them with comprehensive market insights, seminars, connections and networking opportunities over a series of sessions, led by the Department for Business and Trade in collaboration with Deloitte, which will give them the tools and expert insight to help them attract investment and grow their business.

    Investment Minister Poppy Gustafsson will launch the scheme at a sport investment conference at Rothschild & Co today, involving leaders from major UK sports and some of the world’s most prominent investors.

    Minister for Investment Poppy Gustafsson said:

    The UK is already an elite home of women’s sport, and my goal is to make us the top destination for women’s sport investment.  

    The launch of this scheme, a week after our record-breaking International Investment Summit, shows the UK is truly the best place to do business in this fast-growing industry. 

    Off the back of the latest figures showing the industry could be worth over £1 billion this year, I’m looking forward to speaking to investors and clubs, leagues and teams today about how the Accelerator can drive this growth even further.

    The scheme will capitalise on the rapid growth of the women’s sport industry, which is expected to be worth over £1 billion by the end of the year according to Deloitte, marking a 300 percent increase since 2021.

    By supporting women’s sport to attract new private investment into the UK it will help deliver on the Government’s central Growth Mission, building on existing support for growing women’s sport including the £30 million Lionesses Future Fund and over £12 million to grow women’s rugby.

    It follows a successful pilot of the scheme in 2023-24 which supported leagues, teams and competitions across football, cricket, rugby and more to secure game-changing investment and sponsorship deals.

    Now, with two new sports and a range of new competitions and teams signed up, the scheme will provide even more dedicated advice and support to attract investment and offer more connections with investors.

    The launch also comes after major recent UK women’s sport investment successes, including a £45 million sponsorship deal for the Barclays Women’s Super League, Michelle Kang’s acquisition of the London City Lionesses, and the England & Wales Cricket Board launching the process to secure private investment into The Hundred early next year.

    Minister for Sport Stephanie Peacock said:

    Women’s sport has been growing rapidly in recent years and we are committed to supporting its expansion, from the grassroots to elite level.

    Last year, we welcomed Karen Carney OBE’s Review of Women’s Football which addressed the importance of growing investment in women’s sport.

    As Sports Minister, I want to see as many women and girls as possible enjoy sport and physical activity, and this scheme will be instrumental in securing investment to grow the sector even further.

    England & Wales Cricket Board Director of the Women’s Professional Game Beth Barrett-Wild said:

    The first edition of the Women’s Sport Investment Accelerator scheme provided an engine to help power conversations and connections between rights holders, investors, and commercial partners, with expert insight from Deloitte helping to deepen understanding for all about the landscape and opportunities.   

    I’m really looking forward to the launch of year two, and the chance to take this discussion to the next level, as we all work together to unlock the full potential of women’s sport.

    Deloitte Sports Business Group Lead Partner Tim Bridge said:

    We’re witnessing a surge in investment opportunities within women’s sport. The rise of dedicated funds and brand sponsorships for women’s and girls’ clubs, leagues and competitions signals a powerful shift. The Accelerator programme has been built to connect investors and brands with these opportunities, showcasing the strength and remarkable growth potential of women’s sport. This influx of investment will be instrumental in driving professionalisation and boosting participation across the UK, creating a lasting impact for women’s sport at all levels while delivering significant economic returns.

    The Government’s pledge to make the UK the top destination for women’s sport investment comes after the record-breaking International Investment Summit held just last week, which secured £63 billion of private investment into the UK which will create over 38,000 new jobs across the country.

    Full list of the elite sports represented in the 2024-25 Women’s Sport Investment Accelerator: 

    • Football 
    • Cricket 
    • Rugby union 
    • Rugby league 
    • Tennis 
    • Golf 
    • Netball 
    • Volleyball 
    • Cycling

    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom