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Category: Evening Report

  • MIL-Evening Report: Some Reddit users just love to disagree, new AI-powered troll-spotting algorithm finds

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marian-Andrei Rizoiu, Associate Professor in Behavioral Data Science, University of Technology Sydney

    ginger_polina_bublik/Shutterstock

    In today’s fractured online landscape, it is harder than ever to identify harmful actors such as trolls and misinformation spreaders.

    Often, efforts to spot malicious accounts focus on analysing what they say. However, our latest research suggests we should be paying more attention to what they do – and how they do it.

    We have developed a way to identify potentially harmful online actors based solely on their behavioural patterns – the way they interact with others – rather than the content they share. We presented our results at the recent ACM Web Conference, and were awarded Best Paper.

    Beyond looking at what people say

    Traditional approaches to spotting problematic online behaviour typically rely on two methods. One is to examine content (what people are saying). The other is to analyse network connections (who follows whom).

    These methods have limitations.

    Users can circumvent content analysis. They may code their language carefully, or share misleading information without using obvious trigger words.

    Network analysis falls short on platforms such as Reddit. Here, connections between users aren’t explicit. Communities are organised around topics rather than social relationships.

    We wanted to find a way to identify harmful actors that couldn’t be easily gamed. We realised we could, focusing on behaviour – how people interact, rather than what they say.

    Teaching AI to understand human behaviour online

    Our approach uses a technique called inverse reinforcement learning. This is a method typically used to understand human decision-making in fields such as autonomous driving or game theory.

    We adapted this technology to analyse how users behave on social media platforms.

    Behavioural analysis could help the fight against the growing problem of online misinformation.
    Tero Vesalainen/Shutterstock

    The system works by observing a user’s actions, such as creating new threads, posting comments and replying to others. From those actions it infers the underlying strategy or “policy” that drives their behaviour.

    In our Reddit case study, we analysed 5.9 million interactions over six years. We identified five distinct behavioural personas, including one particularly notable group – “disagreers”.

    Meet the ‘disagreers’

    Perhaps our most striking result was finding an entire class of Reddit users whose primary purpose seems to be to disagree with others. These users specifically seek out opportunities to post contradictory comments, especially in response to disagreement, and then move on without waiting for replies.

    The “disagreers” were most common in politically-focused subreddits (forums focused on particular topics) such as r/news, r/worldnews, and r/politics. Interestingly, they were much less common in the now-banned pro-Trump forum r/The_Donald despite its political focus.

    This pattern reveals how behavioural analysis can uncover dynamics that content analysis might miss. In r/The_Donald, users tended to agree with each other while directing hostility toward outside targets. This dynamic may explain why traditional content moderation has struggled to address problems in such communities.

    Soccer fans and gamers

    Our research also revealed unexpected connections. Users discussing completely different topics sometimes displayed remarkably similar behavioural patterns.

    We found striking similarities between users discussing soccer (on r/soccer) and e-sports (on r/leagueoflegends).

    This similarity emerges from the fundamental nature of both communities. Soccer and e-sports fans engage in parallel ways: they passionately support specific teams, follow matches with intense interest, participate in heated discussions about strategies and player performances, celebrate victories, and dissect defeats.

    Despite their differences, fans of soccer and the online multiplayer battle game League of Legends behave in very similar ways online.
    Vasyl Shulga/Shutterstock

    Both communities foster strong tribal identities. Users defend their favoured teams while critiquing rivals.

    Whether debating Premier League tactics or League of Legends champions, the underlying interaction patterns – the timing, sequence and emotional tone of responses – remain consistent across these topically distinct communities.

    This challenges conventional wisdom about online polarisation. While echo chambers are often blamed for increasing division, our research suggests behavioural patterns can transcend topical boundaries. Users may be divided more by how they interact than what they discuss.

    Beyond troll detection

    The implications of this research extend well beyond academic interest. Platform moderators could use behavioural patterns to identify potentially problematic users before they’ve posted large volumes of harmful content.

    Unlike content moderation, behavioural analysis does not depend on understanding language. It is hard to evade, since changing one’s behavioural patterns requires more effort than adjusting language.

    The approach could also help design more effective strategies to counter misinformation. Rather than focusing solely on the content, we can design systems that encourage more constructive engagement patterns.

    For social media users, this research offers a reminder that how we engage online – not just what we say – shapes our digital identity and influences others.

    As online spaces continue to grapple with manipulation, harassment and polarisation, approaches that consider behavioural patterns alongside content analysis may offer more effective solutions for fostering healthier online communities.

    Marian-Andrei Rizoiu receives funding from the Advanced Strategic Capabilities Accelerator, the Australian Department of Home Affairs, the Defence Innovation Network, and the National Science Centre, Poland.

    Lanqin Yuan and Philipp Schneider do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Some Reddit users just love to disagree, new AI-powered troll-spotting algorithm finds – https://theconversation.com/some-reddit-users-just-love-to-disagree-new-ai-powered-troll-spotting-algorithm-finds-255879

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Pope Leo XIV faces limits on changing the Catholic Church − but Francis made reforms that set the stage for larger changes

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dennis Doyle, Professor Emeritus of Religious Studies, University of Dayton

    Newly elected Pope Leo XIV appears at the balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica at the Vatican on Thursday, May 8, 2025. AP Photo/Andrew Medichini

    Cardinal Robert Prevost of the United States has been picked to be the new leader of the Roman Catholic Church; he will be known as Pope Leo XIV.

    Attention now turns to what vision the first U.S. pope will bring.

    Change is hard to bring about in the Catholic Church. During his pontificate, Francis often gestured toward change without actually changing church doctrines. He permitted discussion of ordaining married men in remote regions where populations were greatly underserved due to a lack of priests, but he did not actually allow it. On his own initiative, he set up a commission to study the possibility of ordaining women as deacons, but he did not follow it through.

    However, he did allow priests to offer the Eucharist, the most important Catholic sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, to Catholics who had divorced and remarried without being granted an annulment.

    Likewise, Francis did not change the official teaching that a sacramental marriage is between a man and a woman, but he did allow for the blessing of gay couples, in a manner that did appear to be a sanctioning of gay marriage.

    To what degree will the new pope stand or not stand in continuity with Francis? As a scholar who has studied the writings and actions of the popes since the time of the Second Vatican Council, a series of meetings held to modernize the church from 1962 to 1965, I am aware that every pope comes with his own vision and his own agenda for leading the church.

    Still, the popes who immediately preceded them set practical limits on what changes could be made. There were limitations on Francis as well; however, the new pope, I argue, will have more leeway because of the signals Francis sent.

    The process of synodality

    Francis initiated a process called “synodality,” a term that combines the Greek words for “journey” and “together.” Synodality involves gathering Catholics of various ranks and points of view to share their faith and pray with each other as they address challenges faced by the church today.

    One of Francis’ favorite themes was inclusion. He carried forward the teaching of the Second Vatican Council that the Holy Spirit – that is, the Spirit of God who inspired the prophets and is believed to be sent by Christ among Christians in a special way – is at work throughout the whole church; it includes not only the hierarchy but all of the church members. This belief constituted the core principle underlying synodality.

    Pope Francis with the participants of the Synod of Bishops’ 16th General Assembly in the Paul VI Hall at the Vatican on Oct. 23, 2023.
    AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia

    Francis launched a two-year global consultation process in October 2022, culminating in a synod in Rome in October 2024. Catholics all over the world offered their insights and opinions during this process. The synod discussed many issues, some of which were controversial, such as clerical sexual abuse, the need for oversight of bishops, the role of women in general and the ordination of women as deacons.

    The final synod document did not offer conclusions concerning these topics but rather aimed more at promoting the transformation of the entire Catholic Church into a synodal church in which Catholics tackle together the many challenges of the modern world. Francis refrained from issuing his own document in response, in order that the synod’s statement could stand on its own.

    The process of synodality in one sense places limits on bishops and the pope by emphasizing their need to listen closely to all church members before making decisions. In another sense, though, in the long run the process opens up the possibility for needed developments to take place when and if lay Catholics overwhelmingly testify that they believe the church should move in a certain direction.

    Change is hard in the church

    A pope, however, cannot simply reverse official positions that his immediate predecessors had been emphasizing. Practically speaking, there needs to be a papacy, or two, during which a pope will either remain silent on matters that call for change or at least limit himself to hints and signals on such issues.

    In 1864, Pius IX condemned the proposition that “the Church ought to be separated from the State, and the State from the Church.” It wasn’t until 1965 – some 100 years later – that the Second Vatican Council, in The Declaration on Religious Freedom, would affirm that “a wrong is done when government imposes upon its people, by force or fear or other means, the profession or repudiation of any religion. …”

    A second major reason why popes may refrain from making top-down changes is that they may not want to operate like a dictator issuing executive orders in an authoritarian manner. Francis was accused by his critics of acting in this way with his positions on Eucharist for those remarried without a prior annulment and on blessings for gay couples. The major thrust of his papacy, however, with his emphasis on synodality, was actually in the opposite direction.

    Notably, when the Amazon Synod – held in Rome in October 2019 – voted 128-41 to allow for married priests in the Brazilian Amazon region, Francis rejected it as not being the appropriate time for such a significant change.

    Past doctrines

    The belief that the pope should express the faith of the people and not simply his own personal opinions is not a new insight from Francis.

    The doctrine of papal infallibility, declared at the First Vatican Council in 1870, held that the pope, under certain conditions, could express the faith of the church without error.

    The limitations and qualifications of this power include that the pope be speaking not personally but in his official capacity as the head of the church; he must not be in heresy; he must be free of coercion and of sound mind; he must be addressing a matter of faith and morals; and he must consult relevant documents and other Catholics so that what he teaches represents not simply his own opinions but the faith of the church.

    The Marian doctrines of the Immaculate Conception and the Assumption offer examples of the importance of consultation. The Immaculate Conception, proclaimed by Pope Pius IX in 1854, is the teaching that Mary, the mother of Jesus, was herself preserved from original sin, a stain inherited from Adam that Catholics believe all other human beings are born with, from the moment of her conception. The Assumption, proclaimed by Pius XII in 1950, is the doctrine that Mary was taken body and soul into heaven at the end of her earthly life.

    The documents in which these doctrines were proclaimed stressed that the bishops of the church had been consulted and that the faith of the lay people was being affirmed.

    Unity, above all

    One of the main duties of the pope is to protect the unity of the Catholic Church. On one hand, making many changes quickly can lead to schism, an actual split in the community.

    In 2022, for example, the Global Methodist Church split from the United Methodist Church over same-sex marriage and the ordination of noncelibate gay bishops. There have also been various schisms within the Anglican communion in recent years. The Catholic Church faces similar challenges but so far has been able to avoid schisms by limiting the actual changes being made.

    On the other hand, not making reasonable changes that acknowledge positive developments in the culture regarding issues such as the full inclusion of women or the dignity of gays and lesbians can result in the large-scale exit of members.

    Pope Leo XIV, I argue, needs to be a spiritual leader, a person of vision, who can build upon the legacy of his immediate predecessors in such a way as to meet the challenges of the present moment. He already stated that he wants a synodal church that is “close to the people who suffer,” signaling a great deal about the direction he will take.

    If the new pope is able to update church teachings on some hot-button issues, it will be precisely because Francis set the stage for him.

    Dennis Doyle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Pope Leo XIV faces limits on changing the Catholic Church − but Francis made reforms that set the stage for larger changes – https://theconversation.com/pope-leo-xiv-faces-limits-on-changing-the-catholic-church-but-francis-made-reforms-that-set-the-stage-for-larger-changes-256181

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Grattan on Friday: Bitter struggle in Liberals for likely poisoned chalice, as Jacinta Price defects from Nationals

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    By late last week it was clear Labor would win the election, but it came as more of a surprise when Peter Dutton lost the Queensland seat of Dickson he’d held since 2001.

    Nor did many anticipate Greens leader Adam Bandt, member for Melbourne since 2010, would be swept away, in a lower house rout that has seen the minor party stripped of three of its four House of Representative seats.

    Both the Liberals and the Greens are in existential moments, in need of new leaders and some painful introspection’s about their future directions.

    Thinking back to the Liberal experience after Kevin Rudd’s 2007 victory, some wonder why anyone would be putting up their hand for the party leadership.

    The Liberals churned through three leaders between 2007 and 2009. Brendan Nelson took over the party after Labor’s victory; undermined by Malcolm Turnbull, he lasted less than a year. Turnbull survived just over a year before being ousted by Tony Abbott.

    Admittedly the experience of Peter Dutton was different – he was given a full term as opposition leader.

    But the chances of Dutton’s successor becoming prime minister will be very low. With the added seats Labor has won, the Liberals are looking at a two-term strategy. The odds are on more than one leader, and generational change, in that time. Tim Wilson, 45, who has won back Goldstein, obviously has his eye on the prize in the longer term.

    Despite all the disincentives, Sussan Ley, 63, and Angus Taylor, 58, both want this thankless post that’s up for grabs at Tuesday’s party meeting.

    The battle has turned into a fight over negatives as much as positives. Supporters of Ley say Taylor did a dreadful job as shadow treasurer, including not producing a tax policy. The Taylor camp argues Ley, the deputy leader, under-performed generally.

    Both contenders hold regional NSW electorates. Taylor’s support base is the conservative wing of the party; Leys’ is the moderate wing. The relative weightings of the factions in the Liberal party room has changed somewhat as a result of the election, in the favour of the moderates.

    For those Liberal MPs whose votes are not tightly locked in by factional allegiances, there are multiple questions they need to consider.

    Who will be able to keep the party together, while forcing it to face up to what changes it must make, and driving a major overhaul of policy? Who can improve the Liberals’ standing with women, and with younger voters? Who can better handle the relationship with the Nationals?

    On the last point, anyone who might think it would be best to break the Coalition is, I believe, misguided. Going it alone didn’t work in the 1970s and the 1980s. Different as they may be, the Liberals and Nationals are, electorally, two parts of a whole.

    They need their collective numbers to win and they’re better to stay together in opposition, to make the partnership in government work. But the relationship may be rocky.

    At the election, the Nationals retained almost all their seats and will have a relatively bigger voice from now on.

    On Thursday, however, their highest profile senator, Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, jumped from the Nationals to the Liberals. She said she thought she could be more effective in the Liberals, “especially as the party faces a significant rebuild […] I feel obliged to play a robust part in”.

    This was a concerted move from the right, and will play into the leadership contest in an as-yet unclear way. With speculation that she might run as Taylor’s deputy, Price was asked on Sky on Thursday night she would be willing to be drafted for a position. “I will not put limitations on myself,” she said.

    For the Liberals, there is absolutely no silver lining from this election. The Greens can take some comfort in the fact they’ve retained their numbers (11) in the Senate, with only a small fall in their Senate vote. On the projected results, the Greens are set to be the sole negotiators with the government in the Senate on legislation opposed by the Coalition.

    Who will become leader is still an open question, with South Australian veteran Senator Sarah Hanson-Young, deputy leader Mehreen Faruqi, and the party’s Senate leader, Larissa Waters, mentioned. Whoever gets the post, the leadership will return to the Senate, where it always was until Bandt obtained the position in early 2020.

    Post election, Anthony Albanese has continued his fierce pre-election attack on the Greens. “What I hope comes out of the new Senate is a bit of a recognition that one of the reasons why the Greens political party have had a bad outcome in the election is the view that they simply combined with the Coalition in what I termed the ‘noalition’, to provide blockages, and that occurred across a range of portfolios, housing, treasury, as well as environment,” he told the ABC.

    Albanese was particularly scathing about Greens housing spokesman Max Chandler-Mather who lost his seat and criticised parliament as a “sick place”.

    “Maybe what he needs is a mirror and a reflection on why he’s no longer in parliament. […] This is a guy who stood before signs at a CFMEU rally in Brisbane describing me as a Nazi.”

    Bob Brown, the Greens’ inaugural leader from 2005 to 2012, describes Albanese’s comments as “ungracious” in “his moment of glory”.

    While the Greens’ pro-Palestinian position came under much criticism, Brown strongly defends it, declaring it “honorable”.

    Brown, speaking to The Conversation, says the Greens will be in an extraordinarily powerful position in the Senate, and their “environmental origins will  come back to the fore”. He urges the Greens to “have deaf ears to calls for the Senate to be a rubber stamp”. The Constitution, he says, has the Senate with equal powers with the house except on money matters.

    Brown predicts the Greens will be “resurgent” at the next election.  His strongest message is directed squarely at the government. “The Greens should never direct preferences to Labor again – because Labor takes preferences with one hand and stabs the Greens with the other.”

    Like the new Liberal leader, Bandt’s successor will inherit a party at a fork in the road. Does it become more militant or more moderate, more confrontational in its dealing with the government, or as transactional as possible?

    Bandt’s hope of the Greens power-sharing with a Labor government in the lower house has evaporated. So how does the party use what power it has in the Senate, while trying to put itself in the best position to avoid going further backwards at the next election?

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Grattan on Friday: Bitter struggle in Liberals for likely poisoned chalice, as Jacinta Price defects from Nationals – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-bitter-struggle-in-liberals-for-likely-poisoned-chalice-as-jacinta-price-defects-from-nationals-255634

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fiji media’s Stan Simpson blasts ‘hypocrites’ in social media clash over press freedom

    Pacific Media Watch

    Barely hours after being guest speaker at the University of the South Pacific‘s annual World Press Freedom Day event this week, Fiji media industry stalwart Stanley Simpson was forced to fend off local trolls whom he described as “hypocrites”.

    “Attacked by both the Fiji Labour Party and ex-FijiFirst MPs in just one day,” chuckled Simpson in a quirky response on social media.

    “Plus, it seems, by their very few supporters using myriads of fake accounts.

    “Hypocrites!”

    Simpson, secretary of the Fiji Media Association (FMA), media innovator, a founder and driving force of Mai TV, and a gold medallist back in his university student journalist days, was not taking any nonsense from his cyberspace critics, including Rajendra, the son of Labour Party leader and former prime minister Mahendra Chaudhry.

    The critics were challenging recent comments about media freedom in his speech at USP on Monday and on social media when he took a swipe at “pop-up propagandists”.

    “I stand by my statements. And I love the attention now put on media freedom by those who went missing or turned a blind eye when it was under threat [under Voreqe Bainimarama’s regime post-2006 coup]. Time for them to own up and come clean.”

    Briefly, this is the salvo that Simpson fired back after Rajendra Chaudhry’s comment “This Stanley Simpson fella . . . Did he organise any marches [against the Bainimarama takeover], did he organise any international attention, did he rally the people against the Bainimarama regime?” and other snipes from the trolls.

    1. FLP [Fiji Labour Party]
    At a period 2006-2007 when journalists were being bashed and beaten and media suppressed — the Fiji Labour Party and Chaudhry went silent as they lay in bed with the military regime.

    Rajendra Chaudhry’s criticism. Image: APR screenshot

    “They try to gloss over it by saying the 1997 constitution was still intact. It was intact but useless because you ignored the gross human rights abuses against the media and political opponents.

    “Where was FLP when Imraz, Laisa, Pita and Virisila were beaten? Where were they when Netani Rika, Kenneth Zinck, Momo, Makeli Radua were attacked and abused, when our Fiji Living Office was trashed and burnt down, and Pita and Dionisia put in jail cells like common criminals?

    “It was when Chaudhry took on Fiji Water and it backfired and left the regime that they started to speak out. When Aiyaz [Sayed-Khaiyum, former Attorney-General] replaced him as No. 2. By then too late.

    “Yes FLP — some of us who survived that period are still around and we still remember so you can’t rewrite what happened in 2006-2007 and change the narrative. You failed!”

    “2. Alvick Maharaj [opposition MP for the FijiFirst Party]
    “The funny thing about this statement is that I already knew last night this statement was coming out and who was writing it etc. I even shared with fellow editors and colleagues that the attacks were coming — and how useless and a waste of time it would be as it was being done by people who were silent and made hundreds of thousands of dollars while media were being suppressed [under the draconian Fiji Media Industry Development Act 2010 (MIDA) and other news crackdowns].

    Troll-style swipes. Image: APR screenshot

    “Ex-Fiji First MPs protecting their former PR colleagues for their platform which has been used to attack their political opponents. We can see through it all because we were not born yesterday and have experience in this industry. We can see what you are doing from a mile away. Its a joke.

    “And your attacks on the [recent State Department] editors’ US trip is pathetic. Plus [about] the visit to Fiji Water.

    “However, the positive I take from this — is that you now both say you believe in media freedom.

    “Ok now practice it. Not only when it suits your agenda and because you are now in Opposition.

    “You failed in the past when you governed — but we in the media will continue to endeavor to treat you fairly.

    “Sometimes that also means calling you out.”

    USP guest speech
     As guest speaker at USP, Simpson had this to say among making other points during his media freedom speech:

    The USP World Press Freedom Day seminar on Monday. Image: USP/APR

    “Journalists today work under the mega spotlight of social media and get attacked, ridiculed and pressured daily — but need to stay true to their journalism principles despite the challenges and pressures they are under.

    “Today, we stand at a crossroads. To students here at USP — future journalists, leaders, and citizens — remember the previous chapter [under FijiFirst]. Understand the price paid for media freedom. Protect it fiercely. Speak out when it’s threatened, even if it’s unpopular or uncomfortable.

    “To our nation’s leaders and influencers: defend a free media, even when it challenges you. A healthy democracy requires tolerance of criticism and commitment to transparency.”

    • Fiji rose four places to 40th (out of 180 nations) in the RSF 2025 World Press Freedom Index to make the country the Oceania media freedom leader outside of Australia (29) and New Zealand (16).

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Politics with Michelle Grattan: David Pocock wants us to aim for up to 90% reduction in emissions by 2035

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    In the new parliament the government is expected to need only the Greens to pass the legislation opposed by the Coalition. Counting is not finished but on present indications it won’t require any other Senate crossbenchers.

    Given Labor’s enhanced position it makes much harder an independent’s job of holding the Labor government to account and pursuing their own agenda.

    One independent who had considerable success pursuing his issues in the last parliament is ACT Senator David Pocock. Pocock saw a massive 18-point swing towards him at the election, easily finishing first, above Labor’s Katy Gallagher.

    Pocock now faces the reality that, despite an increase in his vote share, his actual negotiating power is weakened.

    Pocock joins us today to talk about the new Senate situation, his aspirations for the next three years and the election generally.

    On his stunning result from the ACT,

    It was a really humbling result to see so much support. At the last election, I said to Canberrans that I wanted to be accessible and accountable to them and then stand on my record and I really tried to do that. So I think it’s probably a combination of things. One, people wanting someone who’s actually going to stand up for the ACT.

    Couple that with a campaign where Peter Dutton and the Coalition made it just so hard for Canberra Liberals. You had a situation where the ACT Senate candidate for the Libs, Jacob Vadakkedathu, was pushing back on public service cuts, was saying how desperately the national capital needs a convention centre and needs it to be funded at least partially by the feds.

    On the results more broadly, while Labor saw a massive positive result, Pocock asserts that voters don’t want the status quo.

    It’s clearly a big victory for the Labor Party, but I don’t think this is a vote for the status quo. We saw independents across the country making seats marginal, potentially winning seats or holding on to their seats. The swing towards independents was about the same as the swing towards the Labor party.

    I think the task of this next parliament is to really crack on with dealing with the big challenges we face in a really constructive way. I don’t think people just want more of the same.

    Asked what 2035 climate change target he would like to see, Pocock stresses now is not the time to be cautious,

    I think we’ve got to be really ambitious. From what I’ve heard from experts, we need to be looking at [a] 75 to 85, 90% [2035 emissions reductions target]. This is a time to go really hard on this, and we’ll hear the Labor Party, we’ll hear the Coalition say that, well we’re a small jurisdiction, what we do is important but it’s not the big game, we’ve got to support our partners overseas. We are one of the biggest fossil fuel exporters in the world, and we’re one of the highest per capita emitters. So what we do actually really matters.

    I think people want to see that sort of leadership. We’re being, I think, essentially conned now that places like Japan need our gas for their energy security – when Japan is now exporting more gas than we send to them.

    Pocock highlights that the conduct from both sides during this campaign is why truth in political advertising laws are needed,

    When it comes to something like electoral reform, we saw [Labor] do a deal with the Coalition under the guise of we need the major parties to agree on this and get it through parliament. Then when it comes to truth in political advertising laws, Which they’ve committed to doing, they introduced a bill and then they just shelved it because I think it was actually inconvenient for them – because we saw them during this election use some pretty questionable tactics. Both the major parties are doing this, and I think more and more Australians expect better, want better.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: David Pocock wants us to aim for up to 90% reduction in emissions by 2035 – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-david-pocock-wants-us-to-aim-for-up-to-90-reduction-in-emissions-by-2035-256218

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: NZ Māori Council, PSNA appeal for urgent action over Gaza starvation

    Asia Pacific Report

    The New Zealand Māori Council and Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa made a high profile appeal to Foreign Minister Winston Peters over Gaza today, calling for urgent action over humanitarian supplies for the besieged Palestinian enclave.

    “Starving a civilian population is a clear breach of international humanitarian law and a war crime under the Rome Statute to the International Criminal Court,” said the open letter published by the two organisations as full page advertisements in three leading daily newspapers.

    Noting that New Zealand has not joined the International Court of Justice for standing up to “condemn the use of starvation as a weapon of war”, the groups still called on the government to use its “internationally respected voice” to express solidarity for humanitarian aid.

    The plea comes amid Israel’s increased attacks on Gaza which have killed at least 61 people since dawn, targeting civilians in crowded places and a Gaza City market.

    The more than two-month blockade by the the enclave by Israel has caused acute food shortages, accelerating the starvation of the Palestinian population.

    Israel has blocked all aid into Gaza — food, water, fuel and medical supplies — while more than 3000 trucks laden with supplies are stranded on the Egyptian border blocked from entry into Gaza.

    At least 57 Palestinians have starved to death in Gaza as a result of Israel’s punishing blockade. The overall death toll, revised in view of bodies buried under the rubble, stands at 62,614 Palestinians and 1139 people killed in Israel.

    The open letter, publlshed by three Stuff-owned titles — Waikato Times in Hamilton, The Post in the capital Wellington, and The Press in Christchurch, said:

    Rt Hon Winston Peters
    Minister of Foreign Affairs
    Winston.Peters@parliament.govt.nz

    Open letter requesting government action on the future of Gaza

    Kia ora Mr Peters,

    The situation in Occupied Gaza has reached another crisis point.

    We urge our country to speak out and join other nations demanding humanitarian supplies into Gaza.

    For more than two months, Israel has blocked all aid into Gaza — food, water, fuel and medical supplies. The World Food Programme says food stocks in Gaza are fully depleted. UNICEF says children face “growing risk of starvation, illness and death”. The International Committee of the Red Cross says “the humanitarian response in Gaza is on the verge of total collapse”.

    Meanwhile, 3000 trucks laden with desperately needed aid are lined up at the Occupied Gaza border. Israeli occupation forces are refusing to allow them in.

    Starving a civilian population is a clear breach of International Humanitarian Law and a War Crime under the Rome Statute to the International Criminal Court.

    At the International Court of Justice many countries have stood up to condemn the use of starvation as a weapon of war and to demand accountability for Israel to end its industrial-scale killing of Palestinians in Gaza.

    New Zealand has not joined that group. Our government has been silent to date.

    After 18 months facing what the International Court of Justice has described as a “plausible genocide”, it is grievous that New Zealand does not speak out and act clearly against this ongoing humanitarian outrage.

    Minister Peters, as Minister of Foreign Affairs you are in a position of leadership to carry New Zealand’s collective voice in support of humanitarian aid to Gaza to the world. We are asking you to speak on behalf of New Zealand to support the urgent international plea for humanitarian aid to be allowed into Gaza and to initiate calls for a no-fly zone to be established over the region to prevent further mass killing of civilians.

    We believe the way forward for peace and security for everyone in the region is for all parties to follow international law and United Nations resolutions, going back to UNGA 194 in 1948, so that a lasting peace can be established based on justice and equal rights for everyone.

    New Zealand has an internationally respected voice — please use it to express solidarity for humanitarian aid to Gaza, today.

    Nā

    Ann Kendall QSM, Co-chair
    Tā Taihākurei Durie, Pou [cultural leader]
    NZ Māori Council

    Maher Nazzal and John Minto, National Co-chairs
    Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA)

    The NZ Māori Council and Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa advertisement in New Zealand media today. Image: PSNA

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: 100 years of boom and bust: a potted history of Hollywood’s long relationship with Australia

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew James Couzens, Lecturer in Digital Media, CQUniversity Australia

    Donald Trump has said the United States should be applying tariffs to movies “produced in foreign lands”. This has the potential to deeply impact the Australian film industry.

    Local crews are currently celebrating a boom in big budget production at studios on the Gold Coast, Sydney and Melbourne. Over the last five years, foreign production has represented almost half of all drama production expenditure in Australia.

    But the history of Hollywood making movies in Australia warns us not to get complacent.

    When times are good for Australian film crews they can be very good indeed. But global events can leave studios empty and film crew without work.



    Read more:
    How do you put a tariff on movies? Here’s what Trump’s plan could mean for Australia

    How Hollywood influenced Australian cinema

    Hollywood’s influence was felt in Australian production from the silent era.

    For its 1927 adaptation of Marcus Clarke’s literary classic For the Term of His Natural Life, local production and distribution company Australasian Films hired Hollywood director Norman Dawn. They felt this was necessary to appeal to American audiences.

    For most of the 20th century, Hollywood production used Australia for its exotic setting. Films like On the Beach (1959), Kangaroo (1952) and The Sundowners (1960) brought their crews from America, rather than using Australians.

    By the late 1960s, Hollywood’s cultural dominance was seen as a serious problem.

    The Australian federal government established new grant and investment schemes for local films, intended to establish Australian culture in response to American influence.

    The local industry’s independence was fervently protected, and we saw the release of films like Picnic at Hanging Rock (1975) and Newsfront (1978), aimed at establishing a distinct Australian film culture.

    The international box office success of George Miller’s 1979 film Mad Max motivated a shift to more commercial, Hollywood-aligned filmmaking in Australia. Many in the industry argued the film illustrated the value of pursuing a popular cinema modelled on American production practices.

    This laid the groundwork for Hollywood to become even more integrated with the local production industry.

    Studios and infrastructure

    The 1988 opening of Village Roadshow Studios and the filming of the 1988 Mission Impossible television series on the Gold Coast ignited the relationship between the Australian film industry and Hollywood that exists today.

    These studios were followed by Fox Studios Australia (now Disney Studios Australia) in Sydney, home to productions including The Matrix and Star Wars: Episodes I–III.

    These studios acquired international investment from Hollywood studios and received significant state government support. They supported new collaborations between Hollywood and the Australian film industry, though some criticised this direction for Australian cinema.

    Throughout the 1990s, there was a rapid increase in the quantity of footloose production – a term referring to films originating from Hollywood but shooting elsewhere to reduce costs.

    The comparatively weak Australian dollar, low labour and construction costs, and strong state government incentives meant that blockbusters like The Matrix could cut their budgets by as much as a third by shooting in Australia rather than Hollywood.

    The local industry grew as big budget Hollywood films created jobs for Australian production crews. These crews depended on a steady supply of foreign production, because local productions were not big enough to support local crews.

    Bust

    The Australian film production industry was thrust into crisis in the second half of the 2000s, when a strong Australian dollar coupled with the global financial crisis wiped out the supply of footloose productions.

    In 2008–09, foreign production brought just A$31 million into the country, from a high in 2003–04 of $519 million, adjusted for inflation.

    This saw screen employment drop and some production facilities close.

    Industry lobbying encouraged the federal government to introduce a 16.5% location tax offset for foreign films shooting in Australia, and a 30% tax offset for post, digital and visual effects.

    Combined with the weakening Australian dollar, this brought Hollywood production back with a vengeance by 2014–15.

    But the impact that a dry spell of blockbuster production could have on the Australian industry gave Hollywood producers significant negotiating power. In response, state and federal governments offered heavy hitters like Disney’s Pirates of the Caribbean: Dead Men Tell No Tales (2017) and Thor: Ragnarok (2017) tens of millions of dollars on top of existing offsets.

    Boom

    In 2020–21, the expenditure of foreign films shooting in Australia more than doubled compared to previous years. This was due to Australia, and especially Queensland, being one of the few places in the world where production could take place during COVID lockdowns.

    Foreign production, especially on the Gold Coast, exploded.

    Studio infrastructure was stretched to breaking point, with some films using makeshift studio spaces like the Gold Coast Convention and Exhibition Centre.

    Due to stretched infrastructure, parts of the film Spiderhead were shot in the Gold Coast convention centre.
    Netflix

    Growing capacity became a policy priority, and significant investment was directed towards training crew and expanding studio facilities.

    The boom in Hollywood expenditure in Australia has resulted in an expansion of local production capability through crew training and investment in facilities.

    But, as the global financial crisis bust shows, growth can be a double edged sword. It requires a consistent supply of footloose production to sustain itself.

    The anxiety around Trump’s recently proposed tariffs demonstrates the Australian film industry remains dependent on footloose production.

    Policy must now address how to exploit boom periods to support sustainability during the inevitable bust.

    Andrew James Couzens has received funding from The Gold Coast Film Commission.

    – ref. 100 years of boom and bust: a potted history of Hollywood’s long relationship with Australia – https://theconversation.com/100-years-of-boom-and-bust-a-potted-history-of-hollywoods-long-relationship-with-australia-256079

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Even as emissions level off, carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is growing faster than ever. Here’s why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Issy Borley, Research Technician, CSIRO

    Quality Stock Arts/Shutterstock

    Over the last decade, humanity’s emissions of carbon dioxide (CO₂) have stabilised after a period of huge growth. Average growth is now down to just 0.6% per year, compared to 2% per year in the previous decade. But levelling off isn’t the same as declining – and we’ve levelled off at a very high rate of emissions. The Global Carbon Project estimates human activities released a record high of 10.2 gigatonnes of carbon (GtC) in 2024.

    Last year, the atmosphere’s concentration of CO₂ rose at the fastest rate on record. Over the last decade, atmospheric CO₂ increased an average of 2.4 parts per million (ppm) a year. But last year, concentrations jumped by 3.5 ppm, reaching 424 ppm in the atmosphere. These concentrations are more than 50% higher than the pre-industrial period.

    While we’re burning more fossil fuels than ever, recent emissions growth has been offset by falling rates of deforestation and other land use emissions.

    Why are CO₂ concentrations still rapidly increasing? We’re still pumping massive amounts of long-buried CO₂ into our atmosphere. The only way for this carbon to leave the atmosphere is through natural carbon sinks – and they’re struggling to keep up.

    How do we know the amount of CO₂ in the atmosphere?

    Perched on a remote and windy clifftop on Tasmania’s northwest tip lies the Kennaook/Cape Grim Baseline Air Pollution Station. This station has an important job: monitoring baseline changes in atmospheric gases. The location was chosen because air here has travelled hundreds of kilometres over the ocean in an area unaffected by local pollution.

    CSIRO’s Kennaook/Cape Grim monitoring station on Tasmania’s northwestern tip was chosen because of the clean ocean air.
    Issy Borley, CC BY-NC-ND

    For decades, Australian scientists have directly measured the changes to the atmosphere here. Alongside other monitoring stations worldwide, this gives us an accurate and precise record of changes in greenhouse gases and ozone depleting chemicals in the atmosphere.

    Filling the bathtub

    Carbon dioxide is very good at trapping heat. Over the Earth’s 4.5 billion years, pulses of CO₂ have created hothouse worlds, very different to the pleasant climate humans have enjoyed since the last ice age, about 11,000 years ago. The last time CO₂ went past 400 ppm was likely more than two million years ago.

    It’s easy to confuse CO₂ emissions and concentrations of CO₂ in the atmosphere. Emissions influence atmospheric concentrations, but they are not the same.

    Releasing long-buried carbon back into the atmosphere by burning fossil fuels and producing CO₂ emissions is like turning on the tap in a bathtub and the amount of water in the tub is the atmospheric concentration.

    The Earth has natural ways of dealing with carbon dioxide. Plants, soils and oceans are carbon “sinks” – they all draw down carbon from the atmosphere and store it. Think of them as the bath’s plughole.

    If we think of the atmosphere as a bathtub, our emissions are the tap turned on, natural carbon sinks are the plughole and the water in the bath are the atmospheric CO₂ levels.
    Issy Borley, CC BY-NC-ND

    The problem is, we’re filling up the tub with CO₂ much faster than the Earth’s carbon sinks can pull them out. As a result, CO₂ concentration in the atmosphere rises. Atmospheric CO₂ matters because it is what actually influences climate.

    If we apply current global emissions and scenarios where emissions decrease either steadily or rapidly to the CSIRO Simple Carbon-Climate Model, we can estimate how much our bathtub is likely to fill. These graphs show emissions must be significantly cut before we can start to see a fall in atmospheric concentration.

    Why did CO₂ concentration jump last year?

    The single largest influence in last year’s spike in CO₂ concentration is likely to be changes to carbon sinks.

    Every year, oceans, forests and soils absorb about half the emissions humans produce. But this figure isn’t set – it changes as the Earth’s systems change.

    For instance, plants grow more in wetter years and store more carbon in their structures through photosynthesis and growth.

    But climate change is making fires more intense and more frequent. As trees burn, they release stored carbon back to the atmosphere. Emissions from enormous wildfires in Canada in 2023 and South America in 2024 likely contributed to the atmospheric CO₂ jump.

    Recent research suggests a weakened biosphere has strongly contributed. Severe droughts across the northern hemisphere in 2024 cut the ability of the planet’s soils and plant life to soak up and store CO₂.

    The speed at which carbon sinks soak up CO₂ depends on environmental conditions, which are largely out of our control. As climate change worsens, the capacity of natural carbon sinks to draw down our emissions will likely reduce.

    In the bathtub analogy, water leaves the tub through the plughole. If the plughole narrows, less water can escape and our tub will fill up even faster.

    The main lever we can control is the tap on the bathtub – the emissions we produce. Many nations are now cutting their emissions, but not enough to begin the sharp decline in concentration we need.

    In the 1980s, the Earth’s thin, protective layer of ozone – just 10 parts per million – was being eaten away by chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and other chemicals in fridges, air conditioners and aerosol cans. Nations replaced these chemicals and the ozone hole began to close. Fossil fuels are far more important to our current way of life than CFCs were. But we now have good options to replace them across many industries.

    This is a crucial moment. Our current rate of emissions will only cause CO₂ concentrations and global temperatures to rise. Natural carbon sinks will not pull out enough carbon to stabilise our climate on a time frame meaningful to humans. The earlier the action and decrease in emissions, the better our future.

    Issy Borley receives funding from the Australian Bureau of Meteorology.

    Cathy Trudinger does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    Ray Langenfelds receives funding from the Australian Bureau of Meteorology.

    – ref. Even as emissions level off, carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is growing faster than ever. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/even-as-emissions-level-off-carbon-dioxide-in-the-atmosphere-is-growing-faster-than-ever-heres-why-254072

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: In the age of the influencer, does the political backing of News Corp matter anymore?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Edward Hurcombe, Senior Lecturer in Media and Communication, RMIT University

    This year’s federal election demonstrated that Australia’s media landscape has changed. Big players are no longer “kingmakers” in politics.

    Influencers on TikTok and Instagram have seemingly become journalists. Politicians are going on podcasts, and campaign advertising has become memes.

    Australia’s news media has historically been concentrated in the hands of a few large companies. Now there are fresh new voices.

    But who are these new players? Are they even “journalists”? And to what extent are older media, such as News Corp, still influential?

    Too much attention?

    Labor’s stunning victory on Saturday night defied even the most optimistic predictions. But it was also evidence of the apparently declining influence of the largest commercial media company operating in Australia, News Corp.

    In the recent past, News Corp and its owner Rupert Murdoch were regarded by politicians as a major factor in deciding elections. Getting on Murdoch’s good side was an important goal for budding prime ministers.

    But despite its major papers supporting the Coalition at every state and federal election since 2010, the Labor Party still wins elections.

    In the aftermath of the Coalition’s smashing defeat, commentators were even openly considering whether the Liberal and National parties were providing Murdoch and its Sky News channel with too much attention.

    Analysts have suggested the Coalition’s fixation on “culture wars”, promoted by Sky News television hosts, left them out of touch with the issues ordinary Australians care about. The Coalition’s focus on Welcome to Country ceremonies in the final weeks of the campaign is an example of this tone-deaf misstep.



    Read more:
    In its soul-searching, the Coalition should examine its relationship with the media

    Shifts of influence

    The other major feature of this election was the rise of influencers. This started in December last year, when Peter Dutton appeared on Sam Fricker’s podcast. Fricker is a former diver with 168,000 Instagram followers.

    Anthony Albanese followed suit in early 2025, when he appeared on Abbie Chatfield’s podcast. Chatfield is a politically progressive Instagram star with more than 560,000 followers.

    Influencers weren’t just interviewing politicians, however. They were also reporting the news. In March, a dozen influencers were invited by the Labor Party to participate in the annual budget lock-up.

    The privilege of reading the budget ahead of its official launch is usually reserved for journalists, but financial and feminist influencers, among others, were also included.

    Some news outlets raised eyebrows at this development, while others expressed concern at reports the Labor Party had funded the travel costs for these influencers.

    But what was clear was the government felt it could no longer rely on traditional media to get the message out. Instead, it recognised that influencers are now a major source of news for many people – especially young people.



    Read more:
    Social media is the new election battleground. Is embracing influencers smart, risky or both?

    How do we make sense of this?

    Does this mean influencers have replaced journalists? Well, it’s more complicated than that.

    Research from the University of Canberra has shown young audiences receive most of their news from social media, and video content is increasingly popular for this demographic. The video platform YouTube has also become a powerhouse for political content, and upstart digital outlets such as The Daily Aus on Instagram have cemented themselves as legitimate news sources.

    But we shouldn’t ignore traditional media. The ABC, along with SBS, is still the most trusted news source in Australia. The ABC’s recent election night coverage broke viewership records.

    Established media has also been experimenting in digital news. This includes Guardian Australia’s influencer-style TikTok content, and the “Politics Explained” videos produced by the ABC’s multiplatform journalism team.

    These developments in Australia reflect what’s been happening in the United States, where legacy outlets such as the LA Times and the Washington Post have become adept at creating fun, accessible and informative news content for digital audiences.

    The recent focus on influencers also neglects how Australian news has been facing digital disruption for decades. In the 2010s, BuzzFeed Australia was also producing accessible and millennial-friendly news, and faced similar controversy when its journalists joined the Canberra Press Gallery.

    Still, influencers present both opportunities and challenges for news. On the one hand, they can reach audiences who would otherwise be avoiding news. They can provide fresh new perspectives on issues, especially on topics relevant to young people, such as housing.

    However, their ambivalent status also can present ethical concerns. Not being bound by newsroom codes of conduct can be freeing, but it can result in the transparency issues we saw in the budget lock-up.

    Influencers’ emphasis on “authenticity” can also lead to partisan news coverage. Some influencers who call themselves “citizen journalists” have even been accused of spreading misinformation.

    Australia’s news landscape is much more diverse than it used to be. But it’s also more complex than simply a story of old versus new media.

    Edward Hurcombe receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. In the age of the influencer, does the political backing of News Corp matter anymore? – https://theconversation.com/in-the-age-of-the-influencer-does-the-political-backing-of-news-corp-matter-anymore-255876

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Everyone lives in fear’: trapped between two warring nuclear giants, the people of Kashmir continue to suffer

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Leoni Connah, Lecturer in International Relations, Flinders University

    Tensions between India and Pakistan escalated this week after India launched missile strikes on its long-time rival, killing more than 30 people.

    India was retaliating for a terror attack on tourists in Indian-controlled Kashmir on April 22, which killed 26 civilians, most of them Indian. New Delhi has blamed a Pakistan-based militant group for the incident.

    Pakistan has vowed revenge for the airstrikes, calling them an “act of war”.

    If a full-scale war does break out between the two nuclear powers, it wouldn’t be the first time they have fought over the disputed region of Kashmir. In fact, the two sides have been in conflict over Kashmir since 1947.

    The people of Kashmir, meanwhile, are stuck in the middle of this geopolitical rivalry, trapped in a security state with little hope for the future.

    Life before the April 22 terror attack

    Before the attack on the tourists last month, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government had made repeated claims that “normalcy” was returning to the region.

    However, Kashmir remains one of the most heavily militarised zones in the world and the people have long suffered human rights abuses the Indian government has justified on the grounds of counter-terrorism.

    In 2019, the Modi government revoked Article 370 of the Indian constitution, which had granted a special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir, along with a high degree of autonomy.

    The revocation of this article brought Jammu and Kashmir, now a “union territory”, under the full control of the Modi government in New Delhi.

    This decision was made on behalf of Kashmiris, not in consultation with them. Speaking with Kashmiris in 2020 as part of my ongoing research on the region, there was a huge sense of betrayal at the move.

    One of my interview subjects claimed Indian security forces were “instilling fear and psychological warfare” in Kashmir. Another said “it’s no exaggeration to say after every three kilometres, there’s a checkpoint” manned by Indian security forces. The situation worsened during the COVID pandemic, with increased lockdowns and curfews.

    Some hope did return last September when Kashmiris were able to vote in regional assembly elections for the first time in a decade.

    The election meant the new local assembly would have the power to make and amend laws, debate local issues and approve decisions for the territory, particularly in education and culture.

    However, this doesn’t mean “normalcy” had returned, nor was Kashmir peaceful and tranquil.

    In February of this year, there were reports that Indian security forces had conducted operations against suspected militants, resulting in a lockdown and 500 people being detained.

    A young Kashmiri man died by suicide after allegedly being tortured by police in February. The next day, another man was shot dead by the army.

    These are just two incidents that are part of a wider cycle of violence that has become a part of everyday life in Kashmir.

    Life after April 22

    After the April 22 tourist attack, the central government has doubled down on its heavy-handed approach to Kashmir under the guise of counter-terrorism.

    Kashmiris have been subjected to an increased security presence, new lockdowns, “cordon and search operations”, social media surveillance, house demolitions and other draconian measures.

    Police say some 1,900 Kashmiris have been detained and questioned since the attack. This number will no doubt continue to rise.

    It is no wonder Kashmiris were saying “everyone lives in fear”, even before India launched missile strikes on its neighbour.

    Possible retaliation from Pakistan – or a wider war – now looms, with Kashmiris again on the front lines.

    Calls for India to follow Israel’s lead

    There is a very big concern that right-wing Indian media outlets and social media posts are now encouraging the Indian government to respond to the terror attack in the same way Israel has retaliated against Hamas in Gaza.

    Some commentators are portraying the April 22 attack as India’s version of the October 7 Hamas attack on southern Israel, which could become a dangerous precedent for what the future holds for Kashmir.

    Israel also recently announced its support for India’s right to “self-defence”.

    In addition, the rise in right-wing rhetoric increases the likelihood of Islamophobic attacks taking place against Kashmiris, as well as Muslims in India more broadly.

    Pathways to peace?

    Each war fought between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has ended with negotiations and treaties.

    Bilateral relations have been attempted numerous times over the years and would be a preferable option to increased escalation in the current conflict.

    Ultimately, it is the Kashmiris who suffer the most whenever tensions boil over between the two nuclear powers. As one young man recently said:

    My parents don’t allow me to step outside. Every time I get a call, I feel a wave of anxiety, fearing it might be the police.

    Kashmir might be a wonderland, a mini-Switzerland or a paradise for others, but for us, it is an open prison. Everyone lives in fear. What future do we have?

    Leoni Connah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Everyone lives in fear’: trapped between two warring nuclear giants, the people of Kashmir continue to suffer – https://theconversation.com/everyone-lives-in-fear-trapped-between-two-warring-nuclear-giants-the-people-of-kashmir-continue-to-suffer-256085

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Greens’ election hubris – how the minor party lost its way and now its leader

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Josh Holloway, Lecturer in Government in the College of Business, Government and Law, Flinders University

    The Greens’ federal election result has been widely condemned as a “disaster”.

    The party has been all but wiped out in the House of Representatives. It has lost three of its four members, including leader Adam Bandt, who has just conceded his once safe seat of Melbourne. This leaves the Brisbane electorate of Ryan as the Greens’ only remaining seat in the lower house.

    Yet the tired explanations being rolled out – the party is too extreme, too obstructionist, too distant from a mythical single-issue environmentalist past – misidentify the party’s dilemmas.

    And they overlook the fact the Greens’ influence will be greater in the new parliament, at least in the Senate.

    Under-delivering

    The Greens share the blame for the tone of these election post-mortems.

    This is a party of campaign hubris, consistently over-promising and under-delivering.

    Bob Brown’s “green government” is yet to emerge. Christine Milne’s aspirations of gains in the bush barely materialised. And the “small-l liberals” chased by Richard Di Natale now prop up independents.

    Bandt’s list of new target seats appears to have stretched resources too thin and underscored the challenges of taking a Senate party into the House.

    The campaign narrative of “keeping Dutton out and getting Labor to act” may have suited a time when either a Labor or Coalition minority government was a possibility. But it did little to distinguish the Greens as Labor gained momentum.

    Many voters may have thought kicking Peter Dutton out was best done by voting for Labor, backed up by supporting the Greens in the Senate to encourage more ambitious Labor action.

    National vote holds up

    And yet – is the election result all that bad?

    Despite a small negative swing, the Greens’ nationwide primary vote was still above 12%. This election sits alongside 2010 and 2022 as among the party’s largest ever share of votes.

    Support ticked up in seats as divergent as Lalor, Fraser, Macarthur, Barton, Newcastle, Page, Spence, and Swan. Even in divisions lost to Labor, such as Griffith and Brisbane, voters did not abandon the party in large numbers.


    aec.gov.au, CC BY

    The Greens will also maintain their Senate numbers. This gives them sole balance of power, making them pivotal to Labor’s legislative success.

    Clearly, if the Greens are too “extreme”, it’s an extremism shared by a significant and relatively stable share of Australians.

    Lower house obstacles

    So, what explains this mix of loss and achievement?

    The Greens routinely highlight the barriers of the lower house electoral system. They have a point. Single member districts tend not to produce a chamber that reflects primary vote share.

    Preferential voting can be a boon to minor parties. But it also makes the outcomes of tight, multiparty electoral contests – the kind the Greens relied on to win in 2022 – susceptible to even slight shifts in voters’ preferences.

    Given the Nationals and a slew of independents held their seats, this may read like a cop out.

    But unlike the Nationals, the Greens lack a clear geographic cleavage that corrals large numbers of electors their way. And contrary to vaguely centrist independents, the Greens occupy ideological space where most voters don’t reside – even if many of the Greens’ “social democratic” policy positions have broad support when considered individually.

    This is hardly new. The party is no more stridently left-wing than in 2022. But even in the country’s most progressive seats, there is always a conservative rump. If the Liberal Party is knocked out of a race, most of their preferences will flow to Labor, which can be decisive.

    Senate obstruction

    Much has been made of the Greens’ legislative obstruction in the Senate. Delaying Labor’s housing agenda is one such example.

    Dabbling in opposition before ultimately capitulating for minor concessions may have dampened Greens support.

    The Greens reaped neither the benefits of opposition nor those of compromise, but instead the costs of both. It’s hard to see crucial segments of voters in lower house seats not being repulsed by this, even as the party finds sufficient support to meet Senate quotas.

    Way forward

    The future requires serious internal reflection on who the party appeals to, and how.

    A new parliamentary strategy is needed to leverage Senate balance of power for progressive outcomes and electoral growth. Greens also need to navigate a relationship with the government that is seemingly hostile to the very existence of the party (has anyone mentioned the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme yet?).

    With the loss of Bandt from parliament, the party’s leadership – spilled following an election, regardless of outcome – is now wide open.

    Who will lead the Greens now?

    Bandt’s replacement will need to balance electoral appeal with an ability to contain internal ructions that have diminished, not disappeared.

    Senator Larissa Waters ought to be a frontrunner. She has held leadership positions for 10 years and is popular, both electorally and internally. Crucially, she represents Queensland, a state where the Greens need to regain votes.

    Another option is Senator Nick McKim, who would return the party’s centre of gravity to Tasmania, and offer previous state party leadership experience.

    Another candidate could be Senator Sarah Hanson-Young, who has long held leadership aspirations.

    In a party where members are stridently advocating for greater say in leadership selection, the process could open up and be unpredictable.

    All is not lost

    The Greens do best when voters turn away from Labor.

    As the government advances an unambitious agenda of, at best, “thin labourism”, the number of disappointed and disaffected voters will grow.

    Even a modest swing against Labor at the next election puts several House seats back in play, alongside the Greens’ ongoing presence in the Senate.

    Josh Holloway does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Greens’ election hubris – how the minor party lost its way and now its leader – https://theconversation.com/greens-election-hubris-how-the-minor-party-lost-its-way-and-now-its-leader-255954

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What is a blood cholesterol ratio? And what should yours be?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Clare Collins, Laureate Professor in Nutrition and Dietetics, University of Newcastle

    Shutterstock

    Have you had a blood test to check your cholesterol level? These check the different blood fat components:

    • total cholesterol
    • LDL (low-density lipoprotein), which is sometimes called “bad cholesterol”
    • HDL (high-density lipoprotein), which is sometimes called “good cholesterol”
    • triglycerides.

    Your clinician then compares your test results to normal ranges – and may use ratios to compare different types of cholesterol.

    High blood cholesterol is a major risk factor for cardiovascular disease. This is a broad term that includes disease of blood vessels throughout the body, arteries in the heart (known as coronary heart disease), heart failure, heart valve conditions, arrhythmia and stroke.

    So what does cholesterol do? And what does it mean to have a healthy cholesterol ratio?

    What are blood fats?

    Cholesterol is a waxy type of fat made in the liver and gut, with a small amount of pre-formed cholesterol coming from food.

    Cholesterol is found in all cell membranes, contributing to their structure and function. Your body uses cholesterol to make vitamin D, bile acid, and hormones, including oestrogen, testosterone, cortisol and aldosterone.

    When there is too much cholesterol in your blood, it gets deposited into artery walls, making them hard and narrow. This process is called atherosclerosis.

    High blood cholesterol is a major risk factor for cardiovascular disease.
    Halfpoint/Shutterstock

    Cholesterol is packaged with triglycerides (the most common type of fat in the body) and specific “apo” proteins into “lipo-proteins” as a package called “very-low-density” lipoproteins (VLDLs).

    These are transported via the blood to body tissue in a form called low-density lipoprotein (LDL) cholesterol.

    Excess cholesterol can be transported back to the liver by high-density lipoprotein, the HDL, for removal from circulation.

    Another less talked about blood fat is Lipoprotein-a, or Lp(a). This is determined by your genetics and not influenced by lifestyle factors. About one in five (20%) of Australians are carriers.

    Having a high Lp(a) level is an independent cardiovascular disease risk factor.

    Knowing your numbers

    Your blood fat levels are affected by both modifiable factors:

    • dietary intake
    • physical activity
    • alcohol
    • smoking
    • weight status.

    And non-modifiable factors:

    • age
    • sex
    • family history.



    Read more:
    Got high cholesterol? Here are five foods to eat and avoid

    What are cholesterol ratios?

    Cholesterol ratios are sometimes used to provide more detail on the balance between different types of blood fats and to evaluate risk of developing heart disease.

    Commonly used ratios include:

    1. Total cholesterol to HDL ratio

    This ratio is used in Australia to assess risk of heart disease. It’s calculated by dividing your total cholesterol number by your HDL (good) cholesterol number.

    A higher ratio (greater than 5) is associated with a higher risk of heart disease, whereas a lower ratio is associated with a lower risk of heart disease.

    A study of 32,000 Americans over eight years found adults who had either very high, or very low, total cholesterol/HDL ratios were at 26% and 18% greater risk of death from any cause during the study period.

    Those with a ratio of greater than 4.2 had a 13% higher risk of death from heart disease than those with a ratio lower than 4.2.

    2. Non-HDL cholesterol to HDL cholesterol ratio (NHHR)

    Non-HDL cholesterol is the total cholesterol minus HDL. Non-HDL cholesterol includes all blood fats such as LDL, triglycerides, Lp(a) and others. This ratio is abbreviated as NHHR.

    This ratio has been used more recently because it compares the ratio of “bad” blood fats that can contribute to atherosclerosis (hardening and narrowing of the arteries) to “good” or anti-atherogenic blood fats (HDL).

    Non-HDL cholesterol is a stronger predictor of cardiovascular disease risk than LDL alone, while HDL is associated with lower cardiovascular disease risk.

    Because this ratio removes the “good” cholesterol from the non-HDL part of the ratio, it is not penalising those people who have really high amounts of “good” HDL that make up their total cholesterol, which the first ratio does.

    Research has suggested this ratio may be a stronger predictor of atherosclerosis in women than men, however more research is needed.

    Another study followed more than 10,000 adults with type 2 diabetes from the United States and Canada for about five years. The researchers found that for each unit increase in the ratio, there was around a 12% increased risk of having a heart attack, stroke or death.

    They identified a risk threshold of 6.28 or above, after adjusting for other risk factors. Anyone with a ratio greater than this is at very high risk and would require management to lower their risk of heart disease.

    The greater this ratio, the greater the chance of having a heart attack or stroke.
    Alex Yeung/Shutterstock

    3. LDL-to-HDL cholesterol ratio

    LDL/HDL is calculated by dividing your LDL cholesterol number by the HDL number. This gives a ratio of “bad” to “good” cholesterol.

    A lower ratio (ideal is less than 2.0) is associated with a lower risk of heart disease.

    While there is lesser focus on LDL/HDL, these ratios have been shown to be predictors of occurrence and severity of heart attacks in patients presenting with chest pain.



    Read more:
    Health Check: five food tips that could save your life after a heart attack

    If you’re worried about your cholesterol levels or cardiovascular disease risk factors and are aged 45 and over (or over 30 for First Nations people), consider seeing your GP for a Medicare-rebated Heart Health Check.

    Clare Collins AO is a Laureate Professor in Nutrition and Dietetics at the University of Newcastle, NSW and a Hunter Medical Research Institute (HMRI) affiliated researcher. She is a National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Leadership Fellow and has received research grants from NHMRC, ARC, MRFF, HMRI, Diabetes Australia, Heart Foundation, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, nib foundation, Rijk Zwaan Australia, WA Dept. Health, Meat and Livestock Australia, and Greater Charitable Foundation. She has consulted to SHINE Australia, Novo Nordisk, Quality Bakers, the Sax Institute, Dietitians Australia and the ABC. She was a team member conducting systematic reviews to inform the 2013 Australian Dietary Guidelines update, the Heart Foundation evidence reviews on meat and dietary patterns and current Co-Chair of the Guidelines Development Advisory Committee for Clinical Practice Guidelines for Treatment of Obesity.

    Erin Clarke is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Newcastle, and an affiliated researcher with Hunter Medical Research Institute (HMRI). She is also an Accredited Practising Dietitian working in private practice. She is currently supported by L/Prof Clare Collins’ National Health and Medical Research Council Leadership Fellowship. She has received funding from the New South Wales Ministry of Health, University of Newcastle, HMRI, Hunter New England Health and has an industry grant with Honeysuckle Health Pty Limited. She also holds positions on the Nutrition Society of Australia Council as Co-Chair of the Newcastle Regional Group, she is an early career representative for the HMRI Food and Nutrition Research Program and the University of Newcastle College of Health, Medicine and Wellbeing ECR Research Sub-Committee. She is also a member of the Nutrition Society of Australia Precision and Personalised Nutrition Special Interest Group and the NSW Cardiovascular Research Network.

    – ref. What is a blood cholesterol ratio? And what should yours be? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-a-blood-cholesterol-ratio-and-what-should-yours-be-253126

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Explore the new House of Representatives

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Digital Storytelling Team, The Conversation

    Are you keen to know how many women there are in the new House of Representatives? And how the parties fare on gender balance?

    What about how many young people will have a vote in the parliament, given they’re such a big voting bloc?

    We’ve pulled together information from the Australian Electoral Commission, the ABC and some party websites to give you the most complete picture of the new parliament.

    Digital Storytelling Team does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Explore the new House of Representatives – https://theconversation.com/explore-the-new-house-of-representatives-256214

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘These violations should never have occurred’: the troubled history of intercountry adoption

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samara Kim, PhD Candidate & Researcher, Southern Cross University

    Korean adoptees worldwide are grappling with a devastating possibility: they were not truly orphans, but may have been made into orphans.

    For decades, adoptees were told they were “abandoned”, “rescued” or “unwanted”. Many were told their Korean families were too “poor” or “incapable” to raise them – and they should only ever feel grateful for being adopted.

    But these long-held stories are now under scrutiny.

    Our recent research interrogates the narratives that have obscured the darker realities of intercountry adoption. Rather than viewing adoption solely through the lens of “rescue”, our work examines the broader power structures that facilitated the mass migration of Korean children to western countries, including Australia.

    South Korea’s reckoning with its adoption history

    In March, South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission released its preliminary findings after collecting records and testimony from a coalition of overseas Korean adoptee-led organisations (including the Australia–US Korean Rights Group).

    The preliminary report revealed a disturbing pattern of human rights violations in the country’s adoption industry, including:

    • forced relinquishments
    • falsified records
    • babies switched at adoption
    • inadequate screening processes, and
    • deep-rooted institutional corruption.

    The commission’s chair described finding

    serious violations of the rights of adoptees, their biological parents – particularly Korean single mothers – and others involved. These violations should never have occurred.

    The commission is expected to release its final report soon, but due to the upcoming presidential election and political uncertainty in South Korea, the timeline remains unclear.

    Chilling cases

    This is not the first time intercountry adoption has made headlines for irregularities, human rights abuses, or illicit and illegal practices.

    While Australia was expanding the number of children for intercountry adoption from South Korea in the 1980s, Park In-keun – director of South Korea’s infamous Brothers Home, an illegal detention facility that sent children overseas for adoption – was arrested for embezzlement and illegal confinement.

    He was ultimately acquitted of the most serious charges in South Korea before escaping to Australia. He was then charged again in 2014 for embezzlement, including government subsidies and wages of inmates forced into slave labour in South Korea. He died two years later.

    Other allegations of human rights violations and abuses came to light around the same time with the arrest of Julie Chu.

    She was accused of facilitating a “baby export” syndicate. Children were believed to have been kidnapped from Taiwan to send to Western countries, including Australia, in the 1970s and 80s. She was convicted of forgery, but denied being involved in trafficking.

    Since then, other cases have continued to emerge involving countries such as Chile, Sri Lanka, India, Ethiopia and Guatemala.

    What is the adoption industrial complex?

    Intercountry adoption is not just a social practice. It’s also an economic and political system sometimes known as the transnational adoption industrial complex.

    This network of organisations, institutions, government policies and financial systems created a globalised adoption economy worth billions of dollars. According to numerous investigations, Western nations, as “receiving” countries, drove the demand for the continuous sourcing of children.

    As Park Geon-Tae, a senior investigator with South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, said:

    To put it simply, there was supply because there was demand.

    Australia received an estimated 3,600 Korean children from the 1970s to the present, as part of more than 10,000 intercountry adoptions.

    Prospective parents typically paid between US$4,500 and $5,000 to facilitate acquiring a child in Australia in the 1980s, equivalent to A$21,000 today.

    Since colonisation, Australia has had a long and painful history of child removal. From the Stolen Generations involving First Nations children to the forced adoption of children born to unwed mothers, child separation has been deeply embedded in the nation’s social policy.

    While national apologies have acknowledged the irreparable harms caused by these policies, the same ideologies and structures were repurposed as the blueprint for intercountry adoption.

    In recent years, other western nations, such as Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland, have begun to investigate their own roles in the intercountry adoption industry. These nations have either suspended their adoption programs, issued formal apologies or launched formal investigations.

    Thus far, Australia and the United States have not.

    Challenging the ‘rescue’ myth

    Intercountry adoption has long been framed as a humanitarian act. The central idea was that children needed “rescuing” and any life in a Western country would be “better” than one with their families in their home country.

    Many adoptees and their original families were expected to just move on or be grateful for being “saved”.

    However, research shows this gratitude narrative disregards the deep trauma caused by forced separation.

    Studies have reported that adoptees experience lifelong ruptures due to cultural, familial and ancestral displacement. Forced assimilation makes reconnection with family and culture complex or nearly impossible.

    Many intercountry adoptees have also voiced concerns about abuse, violence and mistreatment in adoptive homes.

    Questioning the ‘orphan crisis’ myth

    The myth of a global orphan crisis has also been a powerful driver of intercountry adoption.

    Adoption groups often reference outdated UNICEF estimates that there are 150 million orphans globally. However, this figure obscures the fact most of the children classified as “orphans” are children of single parents, or children currently living in homes with extended family or other caregivers.

    This was the case in South Korea. Most children sent for adoption were not true orphans, but children who had at least one parent or extended family they could have stayed with if they were adequately supported.

    The belief that millions of children of single parents were “orphans” in need of “rescue” was used to justify calls for faster, less regulated adoptions.

    Labelling these children as “orphans” also helped attract millions of dollars in philanthropic donations. However, donors were rarely interested in supporting children to stay with their families and communities in their home countries.

    Instead, the focus was often on removing and migrating them for the purpose of intercountry adoption.

    The question then emerges: was this about finding families for babies or finding babies for Western families?

    Samara Kim is a founding member of KADS Connect, an advocacy organisation for South Korean adoptees.

    Kathomi Gatwiri and Lynne McPherson do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘These violations should never have occurred’: the troubled history of intercountry adoption – https://theconversation.com/these-violations-should-never-have-occurred-the-troubled-history-of-intercountry-adoption-254200

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Inadmissible evidence: why a routine traffic stop and police photo went all the way to the Supreme Court

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexandra Allen-Franks, Senior Lecturer, Law School, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    sebra/Shutterstock

    A recent Supreme Court decision could have far reaching consequences on how police can use photographs as evidence.

    The central question in Mahia Tamiefuna v The King was whether a photo taken by a police officer on a public road during a routine traffic stop could be used to convict a person of an unrelated crime.

    According to the decision, which became public this week, the answer is no. And there are clear and compelling reasons why a majority of the court made this call.

    The Tamiefuna case

    The Tamiefuna case started with a traffic stop by a police officer in 2019. Finding the driver was unlicensed, the officer impounded the car and the occupants had to get out.

    While they were standing on the road, the officer took pictures of them with his phone and uploaded the images to the national intelligence database.

    The photo of Tamiefuna matched CCTV footage taken three days earlier after an aggravated robbery. At the time of the robbery, police weren’t able to identify Tamiefuna because his face was obscured.

    But after the photo was uploaded to the database, police realised the clothing Tamiefuna was wearing in the photo matched the clothing from the aggravated robbery. The photo became a key piece of evidence linking him to that case and resulted in a conviction of aggravated robbery.

    His appeal against the conviction was dismissed before the case came before the Supreme Court, where a majority of the court agreed with his arguments.

    The court found the taking of the photo was unlawful and unreasonable because the officer wasn’t investigating any specific crime when he took it. Uploading the photo to the database and keeping it there was also unlawful and unreasonable.

    If the officer had been investigating a specific crime, there is a legal framework that would have allowed the taking of photos and other information by police.

    The impropriety in taking and retaining the photo was such that the court said it should have been excluded from Tamiefuna’s trial under section 30 of the Evidence Act 2006. The Crown has subsequently said it would not seek a retrial of Tamiefuna due to insufficient evidence. He is a free man.

    The majority of New Zealand’s Supreme Court found photos taken by police during a routine traffic stop could not be used to convict a person for an unrelated crime.
    Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

    Improperly obtained evidence

    Under the Evidence Act, a judge must decide whether to exclude evidence from the trial if a court finds it was obtained improperly. That decision is made by balancing whether exclusion would be “proportionate to the wrongdoing”.

    In making that decision, the judge has to take account of “the need for an effective and credible system of justice”. If the evidence is excluded, the judge may be depriving the jury of relevant material which could help them determine what truly happened.

    As such, we need a strong justification for why it may be right to keep evidence out of a trial.

    In my view, there are two compelling justifications for what happened in Tamiefuna’s case. The first is called the “rights thesis”: the idea that we should exclude evidence if it has been obtained in breach of a defendant’s rights.

    The logic is that if parliament declares we have a right, it should be taken seriously. And there should be consequences for violating a person’s rights. When evidence is obtained through breaching a person’s rights, the most appropriate remedy is the exclusion of the evidence.

    For Tamiefuna, the evidence was obtained in breach of his right to be free from unreasonable search and seizure under section 21 of the Bill of Rights Act. With the rights thesis, we return a person back to the position they would have been in had the breach not happened.

    Protecting the integrity of the justice system

    The other justification is that we should exclude evidence if we need to uphold the integrity of the justice system (the “integrity principle”).

    Courts need the ability to exclude improperly obtained evidence, because integrity as a rule-of-law concept requires our courts to act coherently. By this logic, they shouldn’t ignore wrongdoing in the obtaining of evidence.

    The court shouldn’t condone illegal actions by state actors such as the police, while condemning some other conduct by finding someone guilty of crime. It matters if evidence is obtained in breach of a right.

    In circumstances where parliament has marked out certain rights by including them in the Bill of Rights Act, relying on evidence obtained in breach of such rights raises serious integrity concerns.

    The best way for the court to show it’s acting with integrity would be to approach this sort of evidence by presuming it should be excluded.

    This may mean that “the criminal is to go free because the constable has blundered”, as American judge Benjamin Cardazo once complained. But that is a consequence we have to accept to be sure we have an effective and credible system of justice.

    Tamiefuna’s case will likely lead to greater guidance for police around the taking of pictures so the same thing doesn’t happen in the future.

    Some people might baulk at Tamiefuna going free, but it’s the right decision overall.

    Alexandra Allen-Franks does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Inadmissible evidence: why a routine traffic stop and police photo went all the way to the Supreme Court – https://theconversation.com/inadmissible-evidence-why-a-routine-traffic-stop-and-police-photo-went-all-the-way-to-the-supreme-court-256203

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 8, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 8, 2025.

    Women’s sports are fighting an uphill battle against our social media algorithms
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hans Westerbeek, Professor of International Sport Business, Head of Sport Business Insights Group, Victoria University Women’s sport is more and more getting the attention it deserves. Stadiums are filling, television ratings for many sports are climbing and athletes such as the Matildas’ Mary Fowler, triple Olympic gold

    New taxes on super didn’t get much attention in the election campaign. But they could be tricky to implement
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Melatos, Associate Professor of Economics, University of Sydney Poetra.RH/Shutterstock The re-election of the Albanese government has led to renewed concern about planned changes to the taxation of investment returns in superannuation funds. Labor’s emphatic victory on Saturday night, including what looks like an increased presence in

    New Caledonia’s political talks – no outcome after three days of ‘conclave’
    By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific Desk After three solid days of talks in retreat mode, New Caledonia’s political parties have yet to reach an agreement on the French Pacific territory’s future status. The talks, held with French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls and French Prime Minister’s special advisor Eric Thiers, have since

    Forest home of ‘polar dinosaurs’ 120 million years ago in southern Australia recreated in detail for the first time
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vera Korasidis, Lecturer in Environmental Geoscience, The University of Melbourne Artwork © Bob Nicholls 2024 Roughly 140 million to 100 million years ago, the piece of land that is modern day Australia was located much further south on Earth. In fact, what is now Victoria was once

    Ovarian cysts can be painful when they burst. When do you need to see a doctor?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Chruścik, Lecturer in Biomedical Sciences, University of Southern Queensland PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock Cysts are small pockets of fluid that form inside the body. Ovarian cysts are common, affecting around one in ten women. But sometimes they can cause pain – especially when they burst. You

    Keith Rankin Chart Analysis – International Trade over time: gifts with strings
    Analysis by Keith Rankin. The ‘see-saw’ chart above shows the accumulated ‘excess benefits’ that Aotearoa New Zealand, and a few other countries, have enjoyed from international trade over the last 40 years. These are benefits arising from ‘unbalanced trade’ which are in addition to the regular benefits – arising from efficient specialisation – of ‘balanced’

    ‘Utu’ as foreign policy: how a Māori worldview can make sense of a shifting world order
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicholas Ross Smith, Senior Research Fellow, National Centre for Research on Europe, University of Canterbury Getty Images There is a growing feeling in New Zealand that the regional geopolitical situation is becoming less stable and more conflicted. China has ramped up its Pacific engagement, most recently with

    While the Liberals haemorrhaged, the Nationals held their own. Is it time to break up the Coalition?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Linda Botterill, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University Among the notable features of this year’s election campaign was that Australia’s second-oldest political party was apparently missing in action. At the same time, it managed to avoid the rout inflicted on its coalition partner.

    Why is hospital parking so expensive? Two economics researchers explain
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa Farrell, Professor of Economics (Health Economist), RMIT University ThirtyPlus/Shutterstock Imagine having to pay A$39 dollars a day to park your car while visiting your sick child in hospital. For families already struggling in a cost-of-living crisis, hospital parking fees are not just another expense. They can

    Vietnam is poised to become a top 20 economy, so why is Australia taking so long to make trade and investment links?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Vo, Senior lecturer in Vietnamese culture and politics, University of Wollongong Aritra Deb/Shutterstock At a time of widespread global trade instability, Australia should be expanding and diversifying its economic partnerships. Supply chains remain fragile, and protectionist rhetoric is once again gaining traction in major Western economies.

    Marvel’s Thunderbolts* shines a light on men’s mental illness – but falls down with this outdated plotline
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emily Baulch, Research Associate, Discipline of Media and Communications, University of Sydney Marvel Studios This piece contains spoilers. Marvel’s men are sad. And that’s a good thing. Thor’s depressed in Avengers: Endgame. Tony Stark has panic attacks in Iron Man 3. Peter grieves in Spider-Man: No Way

    Australia is set to be a renewables nation. After Labor’s win, there’s no turning back
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wesley Morgan, Research Associate, Institute for Climate Risk and Response, UNSW Sydney bmphotographer/Shutterstock An emphatic election victory for the incumbent Labor government means Australia’s rapid shift to renewable energy will continue. As Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen said on Saturday: In 2022, the Australian people

    Financial Times: The West’s shameful silence on Gaza – do more to restrain Benjamin Netanyahu
    EDITORIAL: The Financial Times editorial board After 19 months of conflict that has killed tens of thousands of Palestinians and drawn accusations of war crimes against Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu is once more preparing to escalate Israel’s offensive in Gaza. The latest plan puts Israel on course for full occupation of the Palestinian territory and would

    ‘Under no illusions’ about France, says author of new Rainbow Warrior book
    Pacific Media Watch The author of the book Eyes of Fire, one of the countless publications on the Rainbow Warrior bombing almost 40 years ago but the only one by somebody actually on board the bombed ship, says he was under no illusions that France was behind the attack. Journalist David Robie was speaking last

    Australia doesn’t have a federal Human Rights Act – but the election clears the way for overdue reform
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Maguire, Professor in Human Rights and International Law, University of Newcastle Master1305/Shutterstock The Albanese government has achieved an historic re-election, substantially building its majority in the House of Representatives. Much has already been written about the potential for a more ambitious legislative program on the back

    Samoa down in RSF media freedom world ranking due to ‘authoritarian pressure’
    Talamua Online News Samoa has dropped in its media and information freedom world ranking from 22 in 2024 to 44 in 2025 in the latest World Press Freedom Index compiled annually by the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders (RSF). For the Pacific region, New Zealand is ranked highest at 16, Australia at 29, Fiji at 40,

    How maximum security prison inmates and officers worked together to create a farm behind bars
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christian Tietz, Senior Lecturer in Industrial Design, UNSW Sydney Macquarie Correctional Centre Media Unit At Macquarie Correctional Centre in western New South Wales, a story of collaboration and persistence is unfolding. Inmates and prison officers are farming commercial quantities of fresh food in a purpose-built indoor facility.

    Can what you eat during pregnancy and breastfeeding affect whether your child develops food allergies?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Koplin, Evidence and Translation Lead, National Allergy Centre of Excellence; Chief Investigator, Centre of Food Allergy Research; Associate Professor and Group Leader, Childhood Allergy & Epidemiology Group, Child Health Research Centre, The University of Queensland Maria Evseyeva/Shutterstock Many questions pop up when you’re growing or raising

    How do you put a tariff on movies? Here’s what Trump’s plan could mean for Australia
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark David Ryan, Professor, Film, Screen, Animation, Queensland University of Technology Kirk Wester/Shutterstock US President Donald Trump’s recent announcement of a plan to impose a 100% tariff on movies “produced in foreign lands” could have a massive impact on the global entertainment industry. Film and television production

    Labor says its second term will be about productivity reform. These ideas could help shift the dial
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Roy Green, Emeritus Professor of Innovation, University of Technology Sydney Summit Art Creations/Shutterstock In his victory speech, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese highlighted social policy as a major factor in Labor’s electoral success, particularly Medicare, housing and cost of living relief. He was justified in doing so. But

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: New taxes on super didn’t get much attention in the election campaign. But they could be tricky to implement

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Melatos, Associate Professor of Economics, University of Sydney

    Poetra.RH/Shutterstock

    The re-election of the Albanese government has led to renewed concern about planned changes to the taxation of investment returns in superannuation funds.

    Labor’s emphatic victory on Saturday night, including what looks like an increased presence in the Senate, suggests the legislation is likely to become law in the near future.

    Retirement income in Australia

    Australia’s retirement income system comprises two pillars: a government-funded age pension as well as private superannuation.

    Super includes compulsory employer-funded contributions as well as additional personal contributions.

    These two pillars are complementary; a person can receive a pension even if they have private super. But the more super they have, the less pension they are eligible for.

    About 70% of superannuation assets are held in Australian Prudential Regulation Authority (APRA)-regulated funds and 25% are held in self-managed super funds (SMSFs).

    There are two types of tax – and tax concessions – on super. First, employer contributions and capped personal contributions are taxed at a concessional rate of 15%. Second, income earned by a super fund is taxed at 15% for balances in the accumulation phase (when contributions are being made). Income earned in the pension phase is tax-free.

    So what does the proposed reform entail?

    Starting July 1, the government proposes to increase the concessional tax rate on super account earnings in the accumulation phase from 15% to 30% for balances above A$3 million.

    Those affected – about 80,000 super account holders, or 0.5% of the total – will continue to benefit from the existing 15% concessional tax rate on earnings on the first $3 million of their super balance.

    They will also be able to carry forward any loss as an offset against their tax liability in future years.

    The proposed increase in taxes would affect about 80,000 account holders.
    Fizkes/Shutterstock

    Concerns with the proposed reform

    Concerns have been raised this reform implies the taxation of unrealised capital gains on assets held in super accounts, such as shares or property, even if they have not been sold.

    This is, indeed, a significant departure from the status quo. Both APRA-regulated funds and SMSFs are currently only required to pay capital gains tax once the asset is sold and the gain is crystallised.

    The move to tax unrealised capital gains is likely to prove particularly onerous for SMSFs. The typical industry super fund has a diversified portfolio of assets of varying liquidity, including significant cash holdings. But SMSF portfolios are often dominated by a large and illiquid asset (ones that cannot be easily sold and converted into cash) such as a farm or business property.

    As a result, an SMSF facing a large unrealised capital gain, say from an increase in property values, may not have sufficient cash flow to pay the associated tax bill. The SMSF trustee might be forced to prematurely sell assets to meet the fund’s tax liability.

    In the United States, President Joe Biden’s 2025 budget included a similar proposal to tax unrealised capital gains for households with more than US$100 million in wealth.

    Purpose of the proposed reform

    In announcing this initiative, Treasurer Jim Chalmers suggested the motivation was two-fold.

    First, the federal government is facing pressure on the budget bottom line and generous tax concessions for super are becoming expensive.

    Second, current super tax concessions are highly regressive. This means most benefits of the concessions flow to the wealthiest households which, in any case, will not be eligible for the pension.

    The cost of current super concessions to the federal budget is about $50 billion in foregone revenue, according to Treasury. That is almost the cost of the age pension.

    The Grattan Institute argues superannuation has become a “taxpayer-funded inheritance scheme”. A Treasury review found most Australians die with large outstanding super balances.

    The Association of Superannuation Funds of Australia Retirement Standard calculates that, for a comfortable retirement, a couple needs a super balance of about $700,000 if they retire at age 67. The $3 million threshold is out of the ballpark. However, if the threshold is not indexed more people will be affected over time.

    So, is this reform useful?

    According to the government’s Retirement Income Review, the objective of Australia’s super system should be to “deliver adequate standards of living in retirement in an equitable, sustainable and cohesive way”.

    While the proposed tax change aims to improve the equity and sustainability of Australia’s super system, it is not clear how it will work in practice.

    In response to SMSF concerns about the difficulty in paying tax bills, the government’s proposal gives taxpayers 84 days to pay the tax liability instead of the usual 21 days. This hardly mitigates the risk that SMSF trustees may have to liquidate the main asset in their fund.

    The Biden proposal had presented an alternative model, allowing for the tax liability to be paid over several years, not all at once. Alternatively, taxpayers could pay an interest-like charge while deferring their unrealised capital gains tax liability.

    Such alternatives do not appear to have been seriously considered in the Australian government’s proposal.

    Ultimately, though, the question must be asked: is taxing volatile unrealised capital gains really the most effective way to improve equity in, and the sustainability of, the superannuation system?

    Mark Melatos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. New taxes on super didn’t get much attention in the election campaign. But they could be tricky to implement – https://theconversation.com/new-taxes-on-super-didnt-get-much-attention-in-the-election-campaign-but-they-could-be-tricky-to-implement-255871

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Women’s sports are fighting an uphill battle against our social media algorithms

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hans Westerbeek, Professor of International Sport Business, Head of Sport Business Insights Group, Victoria University

    Women’s sport is more and more getting the attention it deserves.

    Stadiums are filling, television ratings for many sports are climbing and athletes such as the Matildas’ Mary Fowler, triple Olympic gold medallist Jess Fox and star cricketer Ellyse Perry are becoming household names.

    Despite this progress, an invisible threat looms, one that risks undoing years of advocacy and momentum.

    That threat is the algorithm.

    How sports consumption is changing

    As more fans consume sport through digital platforms such as YouTube, TikTok, Instagram and increasingly, AI-curated streaming services such as WSC Sports, the content they see is being selected not by editors but by artificial intelligence (AI).

    Algorithms, trained to maximise engagement and profits, are deciding what appears in your feed, which video auto-plays next, and which highlights are pushed to the top of your screen.

    But here is the problem: algorithms prioritise content that is already popular.

    That usually means men’s sport.

    This creates what researchers call an echo chamber effect, where users are shown more of what they already engage with and less of what they don’t.

    In sport, this can be deeply problematic.

    If a user clicks on highlights from the AFL men’s competition for example, the algorithm will respond by serving up more men’s footy content.

    Over time, content from women’s competitions risks being squeezed out, not because it is unworthy but because it has not yet achieved the same levels of engagement.

    This is not a glitch, it is a structural flaw in how digital platforms are designed to serve content.

    It means women’s sport, already underrepresented in traditional media, risks becoming all but invisible to many users in this AI-driven ecosystem.

    Also, generative AI tools such as ChatGPT, Sora and others don’t just curate content, they now create it.

    Match reports, fan commentary, video summaries and social posts are being generated by machines. But these systems are trained on historical data, which overwhelmingly favours men’s sport.

    So, the more content the algorithm generates, the more it reproduces the same imbalance. What was once human bias is now being automated and scaled across millions of screens.

    This may sound abstract, but it has real-world consequences.

    Young fans raised on algorithmically curated content are less likely to see women’s sport unless they actively search for it. And if they don’t see it, they don’t form emotional attachments to it.

    That has major implications for ticket sales, merchandise, viewership and sponsorship investment.

    An uphill battle

    In short, visibility drives viability. If women’s sport becomes digitally invisible, it risks becoming financially unsustainable.

    A 2024 study in Victoria shows only around 15% of traditional sports media coverage in the state goes to women’s sport. This mirrors a 2019 European Union study across 22 countries, which found 85% of print media coverage is dedicated to male athletes.

    And while progress has been made, particularly during events such as the FIFA Women’s World Cup or the Olympics, regular, everyday visibility remains an uphill battle.

    AI threatens to compound these historic disparities. A 2024 study found algorithms trained on historical data reproduce and even amplify gender bias.

    The very systems that could democratise access to sport content may, in fact, be reinforcing old inequalities.

    What can be done?

    We can’t turn off the algorithm. But we can hold it to account.

    Platforms like YouTube, TikTok and Netflix should be required to undergo independent algorithmic audits.

    These would evaluate whether content recommendation engines are systemically under-representing women’s sport and propose changes.

    In Europe, the Artificial Intelligence Act, one of the world’s first comprehensive AI regulations, requires transparency and oversight for high-risk AI applications. Australia and other countries should consider similar obligations for content platforms.

    Sport organisations and broadcasters need to create intentional pathways for fans to discover women’s sport, even if they haven’t previously engaged with it.

    That means curated playlists, featured stories and digital campaigns that surface content outside the fan’s usual algorithmic bubble.

    Platforms must balance personalisation with diversity.

    We also need better media literacy, especially for younger audiences. Fans should be encouraged to explore beyond what’s served to them, seek out women’s sport channels, and recognise when the algorithm is reinforcing narrow viewing habits.

    Teaching this in schools, sport clubs and community programs could make a big difference.

    An opportunity for Australia

    Australia is well placed to lead this change because our women’s national teams are globally competitive, our domestic leagues are growing and fan appetite is rising.

    But without visibility, this momentum can fade. We must remember that algorithms don’t just reflect our preferences, they shape them.

    In an age where AI can dictate what we see, the battle for attention becomes even more crucial.

    If we want women’s sport to thrive every week, we need to ensure it is seen, heard and valued in the digital spaces where fandom now lives.

    Because in the age of AI, what we don’t see may be just as powerful as what we do.

    Hans Westerbeek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Women’s sports are fighting an uphill battle against our social media algorithms – https://theconversation.com/womens-sports-are-fighting-an-uphill-battle-against-our-social-media-algorithms-255001

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: New Caledonia’s political talks – no outcome after three days of ‘conclave’

    By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific Desk

    After three solid days of talks in retreat mode, New Caledonia’s political parties have yet to reach an agreement on the French Pacific territory’s future status.

    The talks, held with French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls and French Prime Minister’s special advisor Eric Thiers, have since Monday moved from Nouméa to a seaside resort in Bourail — on the west coast of the main island, about 200 km from the capital — in what has been labelled a “conclave”, a direct reference to this week’s meeting of Catholic cardinals in Rome to elect a new pope.

    However, the Bourail conclave is yet to produce any kind of white smoke, and no one, as yet, claims “Habemus Pactum” to say that an agreement has been reached.

    Under heavy security, representatives of both pro-France and pro-independence parties are being kept in isolation and are supposed to stay there until a compromise is found to define New Caledonia’s political future, and an agreement that would later serve as the basis for a pact designed to replace the Nouméa Accord that was signed in 1998.

    The talks were supposed to conclude yesterday, but it has been confirmed that the discussions were going to last longer, at least one more day, probably well into the night.

    Valls was initially scheduled to fly back to Paris today, but it has also been confirmed that he will stay longer.

    Almost one year after civil unrest broke out in New Caledonia on 13 May 2024, leaving 14 dead and causing 2.2 billion euros (NZ$4.2 billion) in damage, the talks involve pro-France Les Loyalistes, Le Rassemblement, Calédonie Ensemble and pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front), UNI-PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party).

    Wallisian ‘third way’
    Éveil Océanien, a Wallisian-based party, defends a “neither pro, nor against independence” line — what it calls a “third way”.

    The talks, over the past few days, have been described as “tense but respectful”, with some interruptions at times.

    The most sensitive issues among the numerous topics covered by the talks on New Caledonia’s future, are reported to be the question of New Caledonia’s future status and relationship to France.

    Other sensitive topics include New Caledonia’s future citizenship and the transfer of remaining key powers (defence, law and order, currency, foreign affairs, justice) from Paris to Nouméa.

    Valls, who is visiting New Caledonia for the third time since February 2025, said he would stay in New Caledonia “as long as necessary” for an inclusive and comprehensive agreement to be reached.

    Earlier this week, Valls also likened the current situation as “walking on a tightrope above embers.”

    “The choice is between an agreement and chaos,” he told local media.

    Clashing demands
    On both sides of the discussion table, local parties have all stated earlier that bearing in mind their respective demands, they were “not ready to sign at all costs.”

    The FLNKS is demanding full sovereignty while on the pro-France side, that view is rejected after three referendums were held there between 2018 and 2021 said no to independence.

    Valls’s approach was still trying to reconcile those two very antagonistic views, often described as “irreconcilable”.

    “But the thread is not broken. Only more time is required”, local media quoted a close source as saying.

    Last week, an earlier session of talks in Nouméa had to be interrupted due to severe frictions and disagreement from the pro-France side.

    Speaking to public broadcaster NC la 1ère on Sunday, Rassemblement leader Virginie Ruffenach elaborated, saying “there had been profound elements of disagreements on a certain number of words uttered by the minister (Valls)”.

    One of the controversial concepts, strongly opposed by the most radical pro-French parties, was a possible transfer of key powers from Paris to Nouméa, as part of a possible agreement.

    Loyalists opposed to ‘independence-association’
     “In what was advanced, the land of New Caledonia would no longer be a French land”, Ruffenach stressed on Sunday, adding this was “unacceptable” to her camp.

    She also said the two main pro-France parties were opposed to any notion of “independence-association”.

    “Neither Rassemblement, nor Les Loyalistes will sign for New Caledonia’s independence, let this be very clear.”

    The pro-France camp is advocating for increased powers (including on tax matters) for each of the three provinces of New Caledonia, a solution sometimes regarded by critics as a form of partition of the French Pacific territory.

    In a media release on Sunday, FLNKS “reaffirmed its . . . ultimate goal was Kanaky (New Caledonia’s) accession to full sovereignty”.

    Series of fateful anniversaries
     On the general public level, a feeling of high expectations, but also wariness, seems to prevail at the news that discussions were still inconclusive.

    In 1988, the Matignon-Oudinot peace talks between pro-independence leader at the time, Jean-Marie Tjibaou and pro-France leader Jacques Lafleur, were also held, in their final stage, in Paris, behind closed doors, under the close supervision of French Socialist Prime Minister Michel Rocard.

    The present crucial talks also coincide with a series of fateful anniversaries in New Caledonia’s recent history — on 5 May 1988, French special forces ended a hostage situation and intervened on Ouvéa Island in the Gossana grotto, where a group of hard-line pro-independent militants had held a group of French gendarmes.

    The human toll was heavy: 19 Kanak militants and 2 gendarmes were killed.

    On 4 May 1989, one year after the Matignon-Oudinot peace accords were signed, Jean-Marie Tjibaou and his deputy Yeiwene Yeiwene were gunned down by hard-line pro-independence Kanak activist Djubelly Wea.

    Valls attended most of these commemoration ceremonies at the weekend.

    On 5 May 1998, the 27-year-old Nouméa Accord was signed between New Caledonia’s parties and then French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin.

    De facto Constitution
    The Nouméa pact, which is often regarded as a de facto Constitution, was placing a particular stress on the notions of “re-balancing” economic wealth, a “common destiny” for all ethnic communities “living together” and a gradual transfer of powers from Paris to Nouméa.

    The Accord also prescribed that if three self-determination referendums (initially scheduled between 2014 and 2018) had produced three rejections (in the form of “no”), then all political stakeholders were supposed to “meet and examine the situation thus generated”.

    The current talks aimed at arriving at a new document, which was destined to replace the Nouméa Accord and bring New Caledonia closer to having its own Constitution.

    Valls said he was determined to “finalise New Caledonia’s decolonisation” process.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Ovarian cysts can be painful when they burst. When do you need to see a doctor?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Chruścik, Lecturer in Biomedical Sciences, University of Southern Queensland

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Cysts are small pockets of fluid that form inside the body. Ovarian cysts are common, affecting around one in ten women. But sometimes they can cause pain – especially when they burst.

    You can usually manage the pain at home. However, persistent pain can be the sign of something more serious, such as polycystic ovary syndrome (also known as PCOS).

    Here’s what you should know about ovarian cysts: why they form, how to manage the pain if they burst, and when you should talk to a doctor.

    How do cysts form?

    The ovaries are two small almond-shaped organs on either side of the uterus. They have two main jobs: to release the eggs and produce hormones that help regulate the menstrual cycle.

    Every month, one of the ovaries releases an egg. This process is called ovulation. A small sac containing the egg – called a follicle – releases it into the fallopian tube, where it waits for fertilisation by the sperm.

    This sac usually dissolves after the follicle is released. But if the follicle isn’t released properly, or doesn’t dissolve, the fluid within the sac starts to fill and form a cyst.

    When the sac containing the egg doesn’t dissolve, it may turn into a cyst.
    Olga Bolbot/Shutterstock

    Can you feel an ovarian cyst?

    This is quite common and most of the time the cyst goes away on its own. We don’t even know it is there.

    But sometimes a cyst can grow and start causing pain.

    This might be a constant and dull pain, or it may be a sensation of fullness, pressure or heaviness. You’ll usually feel this to one side in the area below your belly button, but the pain can also radiate to the back and hips. A cyst can also cause discomfort and pain during sex.

    Ovarian cysts tend to be categorised into three groups: small (under 2cm), medium (2–5cm) and large (above 5cm).

    Doctors generally watch for cysts that are large, grow rapidly or have an irregular shape or appear solid on an imaging scan. These characteristics may indicate a higher risk of complications.

    What about when it bursts?

    You can think of the cyst like a balloon. When you fill it up a little bit and leave it alone, it will eventually deflate on its own.

    But if you keep filling the balloon more and more, it may burst. That’s what happens when an ovarian cyst continues to fill with fluid.

    If a cyst bursts, you will generally feel a sudden, sharp pain. Depending on its size – and how much fluid the cyst releases into the pelvic area around the ovary – this may ease into a dull ache or cramp, or it may continue to cause significant pain.

    The released fluid can irritate the nearby tissues and organs and may make you feel nauseated. Some people may also experience weakness, dizziness, rapid breathing, vaginal bleeding or vomiting.

    How do I know if it’s a cyst bursting?

    The symptoms of a ruptured ovarian cyst can be similar to other serious conditions, such as appendicitis, ectopic pregnancy or kidney stones. These require very different treatments.

    It is important not to self-diagnose.

    You should seek care if you experience sharp, intense pain that comes on quickly, especially if it feels different from your usual period pain or doesn’t settle. It could be a sign that a cyst has burst or twisted, known as ovarian torsion.

    Other signs to watch out for include pain accompanied by:

    • fever or chills

    • dizziness or fainting

    • rapid breathing or racing heartbeat

    • heavy vaginal bleeding not related to your period

    • nausea or vomiting

    • a sudden increase in pressure or discomfort in your lower abdomen.

    The only way to know for sure what’s going on is through a proper medical assessment. Ultrasound imaging is the most common way to diagnose ovarian cysts, but other methods such as blood tests or other scans may be used in some cases.

    If you’re not sure whether you should see a doctor, you can also check your symptoms (online or over the phone) using the Australian government’s free health advice website. In an emergency, always call 000.

    How should you treat the pain?

    Once you know you’re dealing with a burst cyst, treatment is very similar to managing period pain.

    One of the best home remedies is heat therapy, such as using a hot water bottle, heating pad or a warm compress. Heat helps by improving the blood circulation to the area, allowing muscles to relax and reducing tension in surrounding tissues.

    Heat also helps your body remove the fluid from the burst cyst and this reduces inflammation. Warmth stimulates the release of endorphins – sometimes known as “natural painkillers”.

    Rest, hydration and warm baths may also help relieve the pain.

    Using heat – including warm baths – can help relax your abdomen and relieve pain.
    Dean Drobot/Shutterstock

    When pain is intense, over-the-counter pain medications are recommended. The best options are non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs – such as ibuprofen – and pain-reducing analgesics, such as paracetamol.

    These drugs target different steps in how the body processes pain, which is why they can be used at the same time. Ibuprofen reduces inflammation, while paracetamol tackles pain (but has no influence on inflammation).

    Anna Chruścik does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ovarian cysts can be painful when they burst. When do you need to see a doctor? – https://theconversation.com/ovarian-cysts-can-be-painful-when-they-burst-when-do-you-need-to-see-a-doctor-253224

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Forest home of ‘polar dinosaurs’ 120 million years ago in southern Australia recreated in detail for the first time

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vera Korasidis, Lecturer in Environmental Geoscience, The University of Melbourne

    Artwork © Bob Nicholls 2024

    Roughly 140 million to 100 million years ago, the piece of land that is modern day Australia was located much further south on Earth. In fact, what is now Victoria was once within the polar circle, up to 80 degrees south of the equator and shrouded in darkness for months at a time.

    Despite these harsh conditions, dinosaurs thrived here, leaving behind evidence of their existence at various palaeontological sites.

    For decades, scientists have come to these sites to study the rocks containing the bones of these ancient creatures in order to better understand them.

    My new research with palynologist Barbara Wagstaff, published in Alcheringa, builds on existing knowledge by using plant fossils from bone-bearing sites in the region to explain how the forests these dinosaurs lived in evolved – and, for the first time, illustrating them in detail.

    One of the warmest periods on Earth

    The Early Cretaceous epoch – between roughly 140 million and 100 million years ago – represents one of the warmest periods in the last half a billion years of Earth’s history. The sustained warmth was a result of increased volcanic activity, which released large quantities of carbon dioxide levels into the atmosphere.

    The sustained warmth resulted in no polar ice caps, high sea levels and flooded continents.

    The geographic distribution of land masses was also very different back then. The supercontinent Gondwana, in which most of the southern continents we know today were clumped into a single landmass, had only just started to break apart. At the time, southernmost Australia was in the polar circle.

    The dinosaurs that lived in this region are known as “polar dinosaurs”. They included small ornithopods (plant-eaters with beaks and cheeks full of teeth) and therapods (carnivorous and predatory dinosaurs).

    A map of Earth during the Early Cretaceous period 120 million years ago, with Australia seen in the polar region.
    Scotese, Christopher R; Vérard, Christian; Burgener, Landon; Elling, Reece P.; Kocsis, Ádám T/Wikipedia



    Read more:
    Carnivorous dinosaurs thrived in Australia 120 million years ago, new fossils show

    Building a picture of ancient plants

    For decades, palaeontologists have been studying rocks from Victorian sites. To establish the age of the recovered dinosaur bones, we’ve needed the expertise of palynologists – palaeontologists who study microscopic fossil spores and pollen produced by plants.

    Palynologists identified key species that they dissolved out of rocks. They deduced the dinosaur bones ranged in age from 130 to 100 million years old.

    At the same time they were carefully recording all the microscopic spores and pollen they saw in the slides to build a picture of the plants through the Early Cretaceous period.

    A planet-altering transition

    The transition from a world without flowers to one with flowers has fascinated scientists for centuries, most famously Charles Darwin who labelled them “an abominable mystery”. More importantly, it also forever changed our planet.

    Shortly after their first appearance approximately 132 million years ago, albeit in the southern portion of the supercontinent Laurasia, we see an explosive radiation of flowering plants not only in our new record from Victoria, but also globally.

    What fuelled the evolution and rapid global expansion of flowering plants that dominate the Australian landscape today?

    Our new research suggests warmer conditions helped flowering plants migrate across the globe and colonise understorey habitats shortly after evolving. Increased competition also contributed to the turnover in understorey flora, with flowering plants outcompeting lycophytes in rapidly colonising braided river channels after flooding events.

    The appearance of flowering plants in the landscape resulted in the extinction of numerous understorey plants (in particular ferns) with a long fossil record.

    As a result, by 100 million years ago, the forests of Victoria included an open conifer-dominated forest canopy. The subcanopy beneath was made up of seed ferns and ferns. Flowering plants and ferns featured in the understorey, alongside liverworts, hornworts, lycophytes and sphagnum-like mosses.

    By 100 million years ago, the canopy of forests of Victoria was dominated by conifers.
    Artwork © Bob Nicholls 2024

    Diversifying in a warming world

    High carbon dioxide levels in the past made the planet warmer. This is consistent with what’s happening today. As a result of these warmer conditions cool-temperate forests thrived in the polar circle.

    For flowering plants, the warmer conditions provided an opportunity to diversify in an increasingly warm world. However, not all plants adapted to the warming world, with many understorey floras, including ferns, becoming extinct.

    The fossil record provides crucial insights into how life will respond to predicted future climate conditions because these have occurred before in Earth’s history.

    Knowing this history is crucial to our response to the current climate change challenge.

    Some exciting places to visit to see fossils in Australia include Eric the Red West dig site in the Otway Ranges, Inverloch’s Dinosaur Dreaming dig site in Victoria, the Dinosaur Trail along the Queensland towns of Hughenden, Richmond and Winton, and sauropod footprints in Western Australia at Gantheaume Point.

    Vera Korasidis is currently an ARC DECRA Fellow. Initial funding for this research (1983/1984) was provided by BHP Group Limited (granted to Ray Cas and Larry Frakes, respectively). Funding for the early stages of this research (1984–2000) was primarily provided by Thomas Rich and Patricia Vickers-Rich with funding sources including National Geographic, the Australian Research Council (ARC) and Monash University. Funding since 2000 was provided through a Bicentennial Gold 88 Endowment, ARC Linkage grant and National Geographic.

    – ref. Forest home of ‘polar dinosaurs’ 120 million years ago in southern Australia recreated in detail for the first time – https://theconversation.com/forest-home-of-polar-dinosaurs-120-million-years-ago-in-southern-australia-recreated-in-detail-for-the-first-time-255494

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Marvel’s Thunderbolts* shines a light on men’s mental illness – but falls down with this outdated plotline

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emily Baulch, Research Associate, Discipline of Media and Communications, University of Sydney

    Marvel Studios

    This piece contains spoilers.

    Marvel’s men are sad. And that’s a good thing.

    Thor’s depressed in Avengers: Endgame. Tony Stark has panic attacks in Iron Man 3. Peter grieves in Spider-Man: No Way Home.

    In Marvel’s latest release Thunderbolts* (or The New Avengers), we finally see a male superhero seek advice on how to deal with mental illness.

    The only problem? His impromptu therapist is a woman he’s only just met.

    A blanket of darkness

    Bob Reynolds (Lewis Pullman) is a new and damaged superhero experiment. Bob believes the world might be better off without him – foreshadowing that he’s not entirely wrong.

    Bob turns to Yelena Belova (Florence Pugh) for help. Yelena understands, saying “that darkness gets pretty enticing”. As she struggles to describe the feeling, Bob supplies the word: a void.

    Yelena offers a survival tactic: push the darkness deep down and carry on. It’s terrible advice and they both know it. But in that moment, it’s honest, and it connects them.

    Thunderbolts explores suicidal thoughts, PTSD and bipolar disorder. Bob speaks of the euphoric highs and shattering lows he experiences, often resulting in blackouts. His mental illness becomes metaphoric: his internal darkness manifests in his powers, and he becomes the villainous superpower of the film.

    Some of the film handles these themes well. Bob’s bipolar spreads into a dangerous blanket of darkness into which others, literally, vanish. At the film’s climax, Bob battles the dark, depressed version of himself. He beats himself up, seeking to beat the evil version of himself and, metaphorically, his mental illness. It doesn’t work. The darkness spreads to his stable self, too.

    But Yelena and the Thunderbolts fight their way to him, embracing him in a hug, and their support gives him the strength to confront his trauma.

    Women as emotional supports

    Done well, positive depictions of mental health struggles can be important pieces of representation.

    Unfortunately, most mental health depictions in major films are not done well, when they are included at all. Accurate portrayals of bipolar disorder remain rare. Research shows on young adult literature continues to lack mental health representation, especially by authors with lived experience.

    Across Hollywood, from Rey saving Kylo Ren in Star Wars to Beauty fixing the Beast, women are constantly cast as emotional supports for men.

    This is also true throughout the Marvel Cinematic Universe. The Black Widow offers the Hulk her hand; Tony Stark punches him to sleep. Scarlet Witch is forced to carry her grief for Vision. In Thunderbolts, Yelena becomes the latest emotional ballast for a traumatised man.

    The film’s depiction of men’s mental illness through the story of Bob Reynolds (Lewis Pullman) is an important one.
    Marvel Studios

    These women take these roles despite their own troubles, often without support or recognition from their male counterparts.

    Yelena steps into the dark emanating from Bob, believing her own struggles will allow her to help him. It’s poignant and beautiful in a way. Those who have walked through hell know the pathway through.

    But it’s also troubling.

    To save Bob from himself, she must risk her body, mind and mental wellbeing. Alone, her flashbacks become real as she comes face to face with her childhood trauma, undergoing psychological torture at Bob’s hands to reach him.

    The weight of emotional labour

    Yelena’s actions aren’t just a trope. They reflect a broader cultural script where women are expected to take on emotional responsibility not just for themselves but also for the men around them.

    Women are taught to care about others. At home and at work, the emotional labour undertaken by women often goes unnoticed, but it comes with real costs: stress, burnout and self-neglect.

    As men struggle with loneliness and a lack of friendships, women are expected to fill that gap. This dynamic, sometimes called “mankeeping”, leaves women doing the emotional work of informal therapy without support or reciprocity.

    Taking on these informal therapist roles results in disempowerment and dissatisfaction.

    The film’s depiction of Bob’s mental health issues has positive aspects: it goes against the pressure to conform to traditional ideas of masculinity, where men are taught to suppress their emotions and be stoic. Bob is allowed to be vulnerable and ask for help, and, despite his actions, is still shown to be worth helping.

    Too much caring responsibility falls on the shoulders of Yelena Belova (Florence Pugh), who has her own struggles.
    Marvel Studios

    A significant number of young men who follow masculinity influencers believe they need to be stoic and control their emotions and that women should occupy traditional gender roles, being soft, nurturing, motherly and supportive.

    These beliefs can not only discourage men from seeking professional help: they set women up to carry the emotional burden in relationships, often at great personal cost.

    Addressing mental health

    Toxic masculinity is well and truly alive, but women aren’t the answer to it.

    Addressing mental health issues effectively requires a multifaceted approach that includes professional intervention, personal responsibility and mutual support within relationships.

    Thunderbolts gestures toward progress, but doesn’t quite escape old tropes. Bob’s pain is real, but it’s also weaponised. His mental illness becomes a threat, and his instability something others must contain.

    The film acknowledges he’s struggling, but ultimately treats his struggle as dangerous as his void-like inner turbulence is unleashed on those around him. It’s a reflection of a broader cultural pattern: when men’s emotional pain is left unaddressed, it festers, and women are often expected to absorb the cost.

    We’re left with a troubling question: in the stories we tell, are we promising struggling young men a fairytale ending of romance and self-sacrifice in the shape of a young woman coming to save them from themselves?

    If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

    Emily Baulch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Marvel’s Thunderbolts* shines a light on men’s mental illness – but falls down with this outdated plotline – https://theconversation.com/marvels-thunderbolts-shines-a-light-on-mens-mental-illness-but-falls-down-with-this-outdated-plotline-255869

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Vietnam is poised to become a top 20 economy, so why is Australia taking so long to make trade and investment links?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Vo, Senior lecturer in Vietnamese culture and politics, University of Wollongong

    Aritra Deb/Shutterstock

    At a time of widespread global trade instability, Australia should be expanding and diversifying its economic partnerships. Supply chains remain fragile, and protectionist rhetoric is once again gaining traction in major Western economies.

    US President Donald Trump’s America First agenda includes sweeping tariffs on imports, withdrawal from multilateral agreements and pressure to take production in-house.

    At the same time, China, Australia’s largest trading partner, has often used trade for geopolitical leverage. In 2020, Beijing imposed tariffs of more than 200% on Australian wine. This wiped 30% off the sector’s export value.

    So economic diversification is not only desirable but strategically imperative.

    An opportunity

    Fifty years on from the fall of Saigon, Vietnam presents a compelling opportunity for economic and strategic diversification. The reunited country is eager to move beyond its wartime image and assert itself as an emerging economic powerhouse.

    Vietnam’s capital, Ho Chi Min City. The country has shifted from being a place synonymous with war to becoming one of the world’s top economies.
    Nguyen Quang Ngoc Tonkin/Shutterstock

    Since the launch of the Doi Moi reforms in 1986, Vietnam has embraced economic liberalisation and market-oriented policies. The Doi Moi reforms opened the economy to foreign trade, allowed private ownership and restructured state-owned enterprises.

    From a growth rate of just 1.6% in 1980, Vietnam is now set to become one of the world’s top 20 economies by 2050. In 2023 alone, it attracted A$8.5 billion in foreign direct investment, underscoring strong investor confidence.

    The 50th anniversary of reunification on April 30 provided insights into the country’s growth. Celebrations included military parades, 3D virtual reality displays and exhibitions promoting advances in technology.

    Slow to act

    Yet Australia has been slow to act. Despite geographic proximity and shared interests, Australia’s economic footprint in Vietnam remains surprisingly small. In 2023, Australian foreign direct investment totalled just A$3 million. It ranked 22nd, behind countries including Switzerland and Seychelles.

    In trade, the disparity is similarly stark. Vietnam accounts for only 2.33% of Australia’s exports and 1.4% of imports. Two-way trade between the two countries reached $26.3 billion in 2022. At the same time, Vietnam’s trade with the United States, topped A$191.9 billion.

    Some Australian firms are already making inroads. BlueScope Steel, Linfox, and SunRice have invested significantly in manufacturing, logistics and agriculture. And RMIT University has been a key player in transnational education since it opened the first of three campuses in Vietnam in 2000.

    ANZ and Qantas also have a visible presence. However, small and medium-sized enterprises – which comprise more than 98% of Australian businesses – remain largely absent. Many prefer export partnerships or distributor agreements over direct investment.

    Potential obstacles

    Australian companies have long favoured English-speaking or high-income markets. These offer greater institutional and cultural familiarity and regulatory certainty.

    Vietnam’s relationship-based commercial environment poses challenges, especially for firms lacking embedded networks and local knowledge. Concerns around regulatory transparency, intellectual property protection, contract enforcement and corruption – though improving – continue to weigh on corporate decisions.

    Small to medium enterprises, in particular, face extra barriers due to limited institutional support, regulatory understanding, market intelligence and in-country networks.

    Help from government

    The Australian government has taken some steps to catch up. The Enhanced Economic Engagement Strategy, launched in 2021, aims to double two-way investment and elevate both nations to top ten trading partner status.

    It identifies priority sectors such as agriculture, education, clean energy, digital technology and manufacturing. However, the strategy contains no enforceable legal protections, tariff concessions or means of dispute resolution.

    Manufacturing is one of the priority areas recognised in Australia’s Enhanced Economic Engagement Strategy for Vietnam.
    Hien Phung Tu/Shutterstock

    The lack of these matters. Japan, South Korea and the European Union have pursued coordinated economic strategies that include concessional loans, robust legal frameworks and in-market support services. These help their businesses thrive in Vietnam’s complex regulatory environment.

    Similarly, the EU has integrated trade promotion with legal certainty under agreements like the EU Vietnam Free Trade Agreement.

    More needs to be done

    Without comparable tools, Australia’s initiatives risk being more aspirational than actionable.

    Last year’s upgrade in bilateral ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, signals growing political will.

    For Australia to realise the potential of its relationship with Vietnam it should back long-term policies. These policies should reduce market entry barriers, incentivise small to medium enterprises and increase joint skills development.

    Investors also need legal and institutional support.

    Australia has strong potential to expand into emerging sectors. These include renewable energy, digital technology, healthcare, vocational education and training, green and smart infrastructure and agritech.

    Vietnam’s push for environmentally sustainable economic growth, digital transformation and workforce training aligns closely with Australian strengths. This creates opportunities for strategic investment and cooperation.

    There is the potential for Australia to build a dynamic partnership with Vietnam central to its long-term economic position in the Indo-Pacific.

    Anne Vo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Vietnam is poised to become a top 20 economy, so why is Australia taking so long to make trade and investment links? – https://theconversation.com/vietnam-is-poised-to-become-a-top-20-economy-so-why-is-australia-taking-so-long-to-make-trade-and-investment-links-255722

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why is hospital parking so expensive? Two economics researchers explain

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lisa Farrell, Professor of Economics (Health Economist), RMIT University

    ThirtyPlus/Shutterstock

    Imagine having to pay A$39 dollars a day to park your car while visiting your sick child in hospital.

    For families already struggling in a cost-of-living crisis, hospital parking fees are not just another expense. They can be a financial barrier to supporting loved ones in their most vulnerable moments.

    Hospital parking is a big revenue earner. In New South Wales, public hospitals collected almost $51.7 million in parking fees in 2024. That was up from $30.2 million in 2023.

    It may be tempting to view hospital parking fees as exploiting a captive market. But the reality is much more complex.

    It involves urban economics, pressures on health-care funding and competing demands for limited space, often in busy city centres.

    Let’s start with supply and demand

    Basic economics tells us that price is the mechanism for balancing supply and demand. This is known as the equilibrium price. If demand is greater than supply, the price rises. So for urban hospitals, where parking spaces are limited, this scarcity creates market conditions that, not surprisingly, drive up prices.

    But economics also tells us that if there’s still demand for parking despite the price, then under some circumstances suppliers can charge more than the equilibrium price. Put simply, this “inelastic demand” means it is possible to charge more to a captive audience.

    You could certainly argue hospital patients and visitors are a captive audience. While many hospitals are well serviced by public transport, hospital patients and visitors are often too sick or time-poor to use it. So they have little choice than to pay for parking. For rural hospitals, there is limited or no public transport, so visitors have to drive.

    So are hospitals taking advantage of the inelastic demand for parking? Are they price gouging – setting prices above what is considered reasonable or fair? Or are there reasons for setting such high prices?

    Location, location, location

    Car parks of hospitals in prime locations are not just attractive to hospital patients and visitors. They’re also attractive to other users, such as those working in the city or sightseeing. High parking fees deter these users, ensuring spaces are available for hospital users.

    High prices prevent hospital users from overstaying. This prevents them doing non-hospital activities (such as shopping) after their hospital appointment or visits and before returning to their cars.

    Hospitals also charge high prices to raise revenue for health care. In a statement to the ABC earlier this year, NSW Health said extra money raised from parking is reinvested into health services and facilities.

    Hospitals are often in prime locations, such as Royal Prince Alfred Hospital in Sydney’s inner west.
    Rose Marinelli/Shutterstock

    But it makes sense to encourage visitors

    However, raising parking fees to support hospital budgets could be a false economy. We know hospital visitors have an important role in patients’ recovery times. So if high parking costs deter visitors or carers, this could lead to longer hospital stays for their loved ones.

    Cheaper parking might allow for more visiting, leading to shorter hospital stays and significant cost savings per patient.

    I (Lisa) had firsthand experience of this when my elderly father with dementia was admitted to hospital recently. The hospital allowed 24/7 visitor access for carers (in this case, my mother) and free hospital parking. Access 24/7 is important for patients with dementia who are often disorientated in hospital. This disorientation is typically worse in the evening (known as sundowning).

    Having carers present meant staff could focus on medical issues. It facilitated visits outside normal visiting hours (when dementia patients typically need the extra support) and when the demand for parking spaces is lower.

    Visitors are great for patients’ wellbeing and help their recovery. So we want to encourage them.
    DC Studio/Shutterstock

    Who needs cheap parking?

    High parking prices reflect the high demand for a fixed supply of parking spaces that are rationed to those most willing to pay (those with the income). But a better solution is to ration according to need (that is, to boost patient wellbeing).

    The economics solution is to charge different users different prices. Most hospitals do this already by offering concessions. But concessions can differ by hospital or state. Not everyone knows concession-rate parking is available, and it can be hard for some people to find out if they qualify.

    So if you are concerned about the cost of hospital parking, know the fees and available concessions before you park. You can find this on most hospitals’ websites.

    Currently, concessions are generally based on income (including the possession of a concession card). But we need a greater shift towards providing concession rates based on need. For example those visiting long-stay patients clearly need concessions to support patient wellbeing.

    A media campaign has called for a national cap on hospital parking costs for frequent users.

    Most car parks have a daily limit but frequent users can soon accumulate large bills over weeks or months of hospital visits. For many patients, particularly those requiring frequent treatments such as dialysis, parking costs accumulate annually.

    For people having frequent treatments, such as dialysis, parking costs can add up over the years.
    ainata/Shutterstock

    How could we make things cheaper and fairer?

    We need to apply concession rates to hospital visitors on the basis of need, not just income. Need should be informed by patient wellbeing and the importance of visitors to the healing process.

    We need a consistent set of rules across hospitals about concession-rate parking. This would simplify the process for hospital car park users.

    We also need to look at longer-term solutions. When expanding hospitals or planning new ones, we can consider transitioning away from prime locations. This would help make parking less attractive to non-hospital users.

    The challenge for health-care systems is balancing operational necessity of recovering costs with the ethics of equity and access that prevent necessary care.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why is hospital parking so expensive? Two economics researchers explain – https://theconversation.com/why-is-hospital-parking-so-expensive-two-economics-researchers-explain-255716

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: While the Liberals haemorrhaged, the Nationals held their own. Is it time to break up the Coalition?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Linda Botterill, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

    Among the notable features of this year’s election campaign was that Australia’s second-oldest political party was apparently missing in action. At the same time, it managed to avoid the rout inflicted on its coalition partner.

    The Nationals, who have represented rural and regional Australia in the federal parliament for more than a century, were nowhere to be seen as an identifiable, separate political party.

    This isn’t unusual. The parties that make up the Coalition do highly targeted messaging in their electorates, but then fall neatly into policy lockstep when an election is called. This time, however, the Nationals seemed particularly shy.

    Leader David Littleproud stopped issuing media releases on April 24, a full nine days before the election was held, and his speech to the National Press Club given that day was not available on the party website. It is hard to imagine former party leaders Tim Fischer, John Anderson or Ian Sinclair being quite so reticent.

    The focus of the commentary since election night has been on the Liberals’ failings, particularly in the major cities. You could be forgiven for thinking “Coalition” was a synonym for “Liberals”.

    But as the Liberal Party tries to reckon with these failings, the Nats are in a position of increasing power. The great survivors of Australian politics now appear to be better at surviving than their coalition counterparts. It’s just a question of how they want to use that power and longevity.

    Growing party power

    The Nationals are a uniquely Australian phenomenon. First, they are an avowedly agrarian party in a highly urbanised country.

    Second and more distinctly, they are part of what the rest of the world would see as a decidedly odd coalition arrangement. Elsewhere, coalition governments are negotiated after the election result is known and involve public bargaining and horse trading.

    In the Australian coalition arrangement, these negotiations occur behind closed doors and can hold even in opposition. The Nats benefit because they have access to ministerial and shadow ministerial positions with the power, salary and other advantages that these confer.

    The National Party largely held its own in the face of the Labor landslide. At most, it lost one of its 10 House of Representatives seats: Calare in northern New South Wales, which has been held by a former Nat, now independent.

    Its primary vote actually increased marginally from 3.6% in 2022 to 4.0%. This is less than One Nation (6.3%) but because of its dispersed vote, One Nation didn’t win a lower house seat.

    The Nats appear likely to lose a NSW senator as part of the joint party ticket. Nonetheless, the Nats are now a proportionally larger force in the Coalition, with Nats and Nationals-aligned LNP members accounting for just over 40% of Coalition MPs.

    On that basis they could become more influential over policies and shadow portfolios. Including senators, they now account for 30% of the Coalition party room.

    At a crossroads

    The demise of the Nationals has been predicted for decades, but still they persist.

    The peculiar Australian coalition arrangement works for them. They will benefit both from holding shadow ministerial positions if the Coalition is retained and likely having a greater role in determining policy direction.

    Whether the Liberals benefit from a continuing coalition is an open question. They need to rebuild in the cities and focus on regaining the support of voters who are socially liberal but economically conservative, younger, and female. There’ll inevitably be a review of what went wrong for the Liberals, and this might best be done free of ties to the Nats.

    The choice seems to be between shifting policy closer to the ten community independents or remaining hitched to the conservative Nationals. The ill-fated nuclear power policy has, after all, been attributed to David Littleproud.

    Deciding which way to fall won’t be easy. Apparently aware of his party’s increased leverage, Nationals Senator Matt Canavan has said they were led too much by the Liberals during the last parliament. He said:

    I worry that we have been gun shy in this last term of parliament in a futile attempt to give the Liberals space or some sort of opportunity to win seats in the city.

    So is now the time for the Coalition partners to go it alone? Probably not.

    On present numbers, the Liberals could struggle to form the opposition in their own right. The combined LNP in Queensland makes the situation even more complicated.

    The Nats have no incentive to leave. Open competition could see them lose seats to the Liberals in the future.

    And besides, two Liberal leadership contenders, Angus Taylor and Sussan Ley, hold seats with significant rural histories, both of which have been held by the Country/National Party.

    Linda Botterill has in the past received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Grains Research and Development Corporation, and Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation (now Agrifutures).

    – ref. While the Liberals haemorrhaged, the Nationals held their own. Is it time to break up the Coalition? – https://theconversation.com/while-the-liberals-haemorrhaged-the-nationals-held-their-own-is-it-time-to-break-up-the-coalition-255626

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Utu’ as foreign policy: how a Māori worldview can make sense of a shifting world order

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicholas Ross Smith, Senior Research Fellow, National Centre for Research on Europe, University of Canterbury

    Getty Images

    There is a growing feeling in New Zealand that the regional geopolitical situation is becoming less stable and more conflicted. China has ramped up its Pacific engagement, most recently with the Cook Islands, and the United States under Donald Trump is abandoning the old multilateral world order.

    As a result, we’re beginning to see New Zealand shift away from a two-decades-long preference for engaging with multiple partners towards a more conventional balancing strategy.

    Essentially, this attempts to counter the perceived threat from a strong country – namely China – with a combination of external alliances and internal policies.

    Externally, New Zealand has sought re-align itself within the US-led security sphere. Participation in pillar two of the AUKUS security pact has been seriously discussed, and New Zealand has actively engaged with NATO as a member of the “Indo-Pacific Four” (along with Australia, Japan and the Republic of Korea).

    Internally, a NZ$12 billion “defence plan” was announced in early April. This will see New Zealand increase defence spending from just over 1% of GDP to more than 2% over the next eight years.

    Foreign Minister Winston Peters has made no secret of these changing priorities. He has said he is simply taking “the world as it is”, adding:

    this realism is a shift from our predecessors’ vaguer notions of an indigenous foreign policy that no-one else understood, let alone shared.

    This was a direct repudiation of the previous Labour government’s foreign minister, Nanaia Mahuta. Her tenure had offered a glimpse of what a foreign policy guided by te ao Māori – the Māori worldview – might look like.

    Four tikanga Māori principles underpinned the policy: manaakitanga (hospitality), whanaungatanga (connectedness), mahi tahi and kotahitanga (unity through collaboration), and kaitiakitanga (intergenerational guardianship).

    ‘The world as it is’: Foreign Minister Winston Peters speaks at Rātana celebrations in Whanganui, January 24 2025.
    Getty Images

    Beyond Western-centric thinking

    Clearly, te ao Māori offers a very different way of looking at international relations. At its core it adopts a “relational” understanding of the world that views reality as a series of entanglements: “human with human, human with nonhuman, nonhuman with human, human and nonhuman with transcendent”.

    It is also a non-anthropocentric view: humans are not the masters of the world but rather stewards or custodians of a complex web of relations.

    But as we argue in a recent Global Policy article, despite good intentions, Mahuta’s four tikanga Māori were mostly used rhetorically. They did not fundamentally alter New Zealand’s foreign policy, which remained firmly Western-centric.

    We suggest those four tikanga principles would be enhanced by adding the concept of “utu” as a kind of overarching framework.

    Largely thanks to the famous 1983 film of the same name, utu is often thought to simply mean violent revenge. In fact, it is a much deeper concept that refers to the “process of restoring physical and spiritual relationships to an equal or harmonious state”.

    Utu as a foreign policy framework

    A foreign policy underpinned by utu, therefore, would seek to build relationships that are harmonious and reciprocal.

    Harmony, in this sense, goes beyond notions of an international order characterised by global peace, greater connectedness, increased cooperation and interdependence.

    While these are important, an utu-informed view of harmony would also take into account the relationship between humans and the natural world, and between present, past and future generations.

    Similarly, in the Western-centric view, reciprocity is typically “invoked as an appropriate standard of behaviour which can produce cooperation among sovereign states”.

    But utu involves a reciprocity built through hospitality (manaakitanga), something which has to be given even if serious discord exists in a relationship. Reciprocity is also important in interactions between humans and the natural world.

    Consequently, an utu foreign policy doctrine would offer a radically different lens than New Zealand is currently using.

    A genuinely independent foreign policy

    Firstly, it would require New Zealand to reject the Western geopolitical construct
    of the “Indo-Pacific”, which vastly oversimplifies the complex realities of the region.

    And it would mean viewing China not as an existential threat, but rather as a crucial relationship that is subject to the principles of manaakitanga, despite growing discord and diplomatic challenges.

    Secondly, it would see New Zealand recognise climate change as the primary existential threat to the status quo. This would align closely with the country’s Pacific neighbours whose Blue Pacific initiative offers an alternative to the Indo-Pacific focus.

    Lastly, it would help New Zealand more consistently and coherently pursue a genuinely independent foreign policy. This should have bipartisan appeal, as it would give New Zealand a unique perspective on the world.

    Ultimately, as New Zealand faces a more complex regional environment and a range of national security challenges, utu in its true sense offers a more constructive framework.

    Perhaps adopting a more complex – and more humble – understanding of the world, as provided by te ao Māori, would give policymakers an alternative pathway to simply taking “the world as it is”.

    The author acknowledges the contribution of independent researcher Bonnie Holster, co-author of the Global Policy paper on which this article is based.

    Nicholas Ross Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Utu’ as foreign policy: how a Māori worldview can make sense of a shifting world order – https://theconversation.com/utu-as-foreign-policy-how-a-maori-worldview-can-make-sense-of-a-shifting-world-order-255602

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia is set to be a renewables nation. After Labor’s win, there’s no turning back

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Wesley Morgan, Research Associate, Institute for Climate Risk and Response, UNSW Sydney

    bmphotographer/Shutterstock

    An emphatic election victory for the incumbent Labor government means Australia’s rapid shift to renewable energy will continue. As Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen said on Saturday:

    In 2022, the Australian people voted to finally act on climate change. After three years of progress […] in 2025 they said keep going.

    The election result also means the debate about energy policy is now, in broad terms, over. Australia’s energy future is wind and solar, backed by storage.

    Coal and gas will have a fast-declining role to play and nuclear energy will have none at all. Australia is set to be a renewables nation. There is no turning back now.

    Cementing renewables investment

    By continuing to build renewables capacity, the returned Labor government can position Australia on the world stage as a genuine leader on clean energy.

    The Albanese government has set a national target of more than 80% of the main national electricity grid running on renewables by 2030. With such a large majority in parliament, Labor may well be in government at that time.

    Australia already has the world’s highest per-capita solar uptake, with about 300,000 solar systems installed each year. One in three Australian homes now has rooftop solar.

    Labor is complementing this boom with a new home battery discount scheme, which aims to have more than one million batteries installed by 2030. This will help stabilise the grid by reducing demand at peak times.

    But more investment in renewables is needed. The policy certainty of a returned Labor government should help to attract international capital. This is important, because more than 70% of investment in renewables in Australia comes from offshore.

    Securing climate consensus

    Labor’s win also means it can finally bed down a national consensus on climate policy.

    A recent survey on Australian attitudes to climate action suggested community views can shift if people see action is taken by governments and big business.

    This does not mean community opposition to renewable energy will evaporate – especially in regional Australia. The federal government must work with industry players and other levels of government to ensure proper public consultation. The new Net Zero Economy Authority will play an important role in ensuring the regions and their workers benefit from the energy transition.

    For its part, the Coalition needs to do some soul-searching. Australian voters returned a number of climate-friendly independents in key seats. The Coalition also failed to win support from younger Australians, who typically view renewables favourably.

    All this suggests continued opposition to renewables is unlikely to help the Coalition form government anytime soon. What’s more, continuing to promote nuclear power – which some in the Coalition are pushing for – makes little sense in an increasingly renewables-dominated grid.

    Doubling down on international climate cooperation

    Labor’s plans to rapidly expand renewable energy strengthen Australia’s credentials to host the COP31 UN climate talks with Pacific island countries next year.

    Australia’s bid has strong support from other nations. Turkey – the only other nation with its hand up to host – has so far resisted pressure from Australia to withdraw its bid. In support of their own bid, Turkish representatives pointed to uncertainty in Australia ahead of the May election – however that uncertainty has now passed.

    Adelaide will host the talks if Australia’s bid succeeds. This will be a chance to share our world-beating renewables story – including in South Australia, which is set to achieve 100% clean electricity by 2027.

    Australia could also use the talks in South Australia to promote new export industries that use renewable energy, especially plans to produce green iron and green steel at Whyalla.

    Hosting rights could attract investment in Australia’s renewables rollout and help promote exports of critical minerals and green metals. And it would enable Australia to cement its place in the Pacific during a time of increased geo-strategic competition, by promoting a renewables partnership for the whole region.

    Australia must move fast and secure the COP31 bid at climate talks in Germany next month. Any delay risks a less ambitious summit next year, because building consensus for new initiatives takes time.

    South Australia has made a bold bid to host COP31 (SA Government)

    Seizing our economic opportunities

    As Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said during his victory speech on Saturday, renewable energy is “an opportunity we must work together to seize for the future of our economy”.

    Australia is the world’s largest exporter of raw iron ore and metallurgical coal, both used extensively in offshore steelmaking.

    But Australia can create jobs and reduce emissions by refining iron ore in Australia using renewables and green hydrogen.

    The potential export value of green iron is estimated at A$295 billion a year, or three times the current value of iron ore exports. More broadly, our clean energy exports – including green metals, fertilisers and fuels – could be worth six to eight times more than our fossil fuel exports, analysis suggests.

    A key challenge for the returned government is assuring markets such as Japan that Australia is a long-term strategic partner, even while redirecting trade and investment away from coal and gas exports and toward long-term clean energy industries.

    Embracing Australia’s future

    Australians have delivered a strong mandate for climate action. The returned Labor government must ensure this support is not squandered, and voter trust is not lost.

    This means seizing the opportunity, once and for all, to shift Australia from our past as a fossil fuel heavyweight to our future as a renewables superpower.

    Wesley Morgan is a fellow with the Climate Council of Australia

    Ben Newell receives funding from the Australian Research Council

    – ref. Australia is set to be a renewables nation. After Labor’s win, there’s no turning back – https://theconversation.com/australia-is-set-to-be-a-renewables-nation-after-labors-win-theres-no-turning-back-256081

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Financial Times: The West’s shameful silence on Gaza – do more to restrain Benjamin Netanyahu

    EDITORIAL: The Financial Times editorial board

    After 19 months of conflict that has killed tens of thousands of Palestinians and drawn accusations of war crimes against Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu is once more preparing to escalate Israel’s offensive in Gaza.

    The latest plan puts Israel on course for full occupation of the Palestinian territory and would drive Gazans into ever-narrowing pockets of the shattered strip.

    It would lead to more intensive bombing and Israeli forces clearing and holding territory, while destroying what few structures remain in Gaza.

    This would be a disaster for 2.2 million Gazans who have already endured unfathomable suffering.

    Each new offensive makes it harder not to suspect that the ultimate goal of Netanyahu’s far-right coalition is to ensure Gaza is uninhabitable and drive Palestinians from their land. For two months, Israel has blocked delivery of all aid into the strip.

    Child malnutrition rates are rising, the few functioning hospitals are running out of medicine, and warnings of starvation and disease are growing louder. Yet the US and European countries that tout Israel as an ally that shares their values have issued barely a word of condemnation.

    They should be ashamed of their silence, and stop enabling Netanyahu to act with impunity.

    In brief remarks on Sunday, US President Donald Trump acknowledged Gazans were “starving”, and suggested Washington would help get food into the strip.

    But, so far, the US president has only emboldened Netanyahu. Trump returned to the White House promising to end the war in Gaza after his team helped broker a January ceasefire between Israel and Hamas.

    Under the deal, Hamas agreed to free hostages in phases, while Israel was to withdraw from Gaza and the foes were to reach a permanent ceasefire.

    But within weeks of the truce taking hold, Trump announced an outlandish plan for Gaza to be emptied of Palestinians and taken over by the US.

    In March, Israel collapsed the ceasefire as it sought to change the terms of the deal, with Washington’s backing. Senior Israeli officials have since said they are implementing Trump’s plan to transfer Palestinians out of Gaza.

    On Monday, far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said: “We are finally going to occupy the Gaza Strip.”

    Netanyahu insists an expanded offensive is necessary to destroy Hamas and free the 59 remaining hostages. The reality is that the prime minister has never articulated a clear plan since Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack killed 1200 people and triggered the war.

    Instead, he repeats his maximalist mantra of “total victory” while seeking to placate his extremist allies to ensure the survival of his governing coalition.

    But Israel is also paying a price for his actions. The expanded offensive would imperil the lives of the hostages, further undermine Israel’s tarnished standing and deepen domestic divisions.

    Israel has briefed that the expanded operation would not begin until after Trump’s visit to the Gulf next week, saying there is a “window” for Hamas to release hostages in return for a temporary truce.

    Arab leaders are infuriated by Netanyahu’s relentless pursuit of conflict in Gaza yet they will fete Trump at lavish ceremonies with promises of multibillion-dollar investments and arms deals.

    Trump will put the onus on Hamas when speaking to his Gulf hosts. The group’s murderous October 7 attack is what triggered the Israeli offensive.

    Gulf states agree that its continued stranglehold on Gaza is a factor prolonging the war. But they must stand up to Trump and convince him to pressure Netanyahu to end the killing, lift the siege and return to talks.

    The global tumult triggered by Trump has already distracted attention from the catastrophe in Gaza. Yet the longer it goes on, the more those who remain silent or cowed from speaking out will be complicit.

    This editorial was published by the London Financial Times under the original title “The west’s shameful silence on Gaza: The US and European allies should do more to restrain Benjamin Netanyahu” on May 6, 2025.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Cheap overseas, ruinous in Australia: here’s how to make double-glazed windows the norm

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Trivess Moore, Associate Professor in Property, Construction and Project Management, RMIT University

    New Africa/Shutterstock

    In Europe, double-glazed windows are standard. But in Australia, these energy-saving windows are remarkably uncommon.

    Correctly installed, the effect of double-glazing is remarkable. Instead of a house losing or gaining huge amounts of heat through its windows, double-glazed windows help keep the indoor temperature at a consistent temperature – reducing the need to crank up the air-con or heater.

    In hot parts of Australia, these windows would keep out heat. In cold, they would keep heat in. They also slash outside noise. Houses with double-glazing can add resale value and even improve occupant health.

    Why are they not standard? There are several reasons. But our research in Victoria found the main one is cost – double-glazing costs much more than a standard single-glazed window.

    Heat loss and gain through windows is responsible for about 1.5% of Australia’s total energy use. As climate change intensifies, making double-glazing standard in Australia would cut household energy bills and make life indoors more pleasant. Other countries are moving to even higher performance triple-glazed windows. But Australia is stuck.

    Why does double glazing work so well?

    Windows let light and often air into a home. But they can also be the main way heat enters or leaves. Double-glazing works by adding a gap between two panes, often filled with dense argon gas, which doesn’t transfer heat well. The window frame material is important, too, to reduce heat transfer.

    We measure the insulating quality of a window with a U-value – essentially, how much heat can be transferred through the glass. The lower this value, the more insulating the window.

    A basic single-glazed window has a U-value of about 6. On a typical Australian home, these windows mean significant air conditioning is often required to maintain a comfortable temperature indoors during summer and winter.

    Double-glazed windows with advanced design features common in North America and Europe typically have a U-value of 2.4 or less. When combined with wall and roof insulation, they can significantly reduce the need for heating or cooling. Triple-glazed are better still, with a U-value of 0.8 or less.

    Many countries with snowy winters have taken to double-glazed windows as a way to reduce heating costs.
    brizmaker/Shutterstock

    Standard overseas, rare in Australia

    In the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and much of Europe, double-glazed windows have been the norm for several decades. Commonly, these windows use argon gas between the two sheets and improve insulation further with low emittance coatings, thin transparent layers of metal which block solar rays.

    In many of these countries, single-glazed windows have largely disappeared and retrofitting older houses with double-glazing is routine.

    Anyone embarking on a renovation in Australia will soon discover double-glazing tends to be seen as a specialist eco-retrofit measure rather than something done as standard.

    In 2016, only 6% of windows installed in new houses in Australia had U-values below 4. In 2024, that figure was 19%, indicating high performance windows are slowly becoming more common. But there’s still much to do to make them the norm.

    Why is progress slow? We spoke to stakeholders in window manufacturing and building in Australia.

    These industry experts explained why Australia is lagging:

    • historically low-cost energy means the typical response to heat or cold is to install air conditioning

    • single-glazed windows have long been the norm

    • Australians often haven’t heard of high-performance windows or understand why they matter

    • only a few companies make these windows in Australia, meaning competition is limited and costs remain high

    • at present, there’s no requirement to include double-glazed windows in new builds or renovations

    • housing affordability issues mean owners want to keep upfront construction costs as low as possible.

    Window manufacturers in Australia are interested in moving into double-glazing, but the demand isn’t there yet.
    Anatoliy Cherkas/Shutterstock

    What should be done?

    In our research, many windows industry insiders told us they were ready to scale up production of higher performance windows. The skills and technologies needed are here. What’s missing was the demand.

    When we interviewed builders, they told us the choice of windows wasn’t simple. They had to weigh up material costs, existing supplier relationships and industry practices. Some told us it was cheaper at times to import from Europe or Asia than to buy Australian-made.

    In part, this is a chicken and egg problem. Prices are high because there’s little demand and demand is limited because prices are high.

    So what should be done?

    Overseas experience has shown boosting demand is the key. If double-glazed windows become more common, more manufacturers will enter the Australian market and prices will drop.

    The quickest way to do this would be to require their use in new construction and renovation.

    At first, the industry might struggle to meet this demand. But that would create clear incentives for new players here or overseas to meet the demand.

    Government support could help window manufacturers upgrade machinery and processes to be able to meet new demand.

    Subsidies could help offset the costs to households, if designed to sunset after a set period. Any subsidies should target groups such as vulnerable older Australians affected by energy poverty as well as renters on low incomes.

    Making this a reality is doable. After all, New Zealand did exactly this. In 2007, policymakers introduced new minimum performance requirements for windows. It took about four years to shift the market from single-glazed to predominantly double-glazed. Australia could do the same.

    Trivess Moore has received funding from various organisations including the Australian Research Council, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, Victorian government and various industry partners. He is a trustee of the Fuel Poverty Research Network.

    Lisa de Kleyn received funding from Sustainability Victoria, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia, 3000, for a short-term research project on the high performance window industry in 2023.

    Ralph Horne has received funding from various sources including the Australian Research Council, the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute and the Victorian government to support research related to this topic.

    Tom Simko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Cheap overseas, ruinous in Australia: here’s how to make double-glazed windows the norm – https://theconversation.com/cheap-overseas-ruinous-in-australia-heres-how-to-make-double-glazed-windows-the-norm-250280

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –