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Category: Features

  • MIL-Evening Report: Should you be allowed to sue a judge? The High Court says no

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Parker, Honorary Professorial Fellow, Melbourne CSHE, The University of Melbourne

    Shutterstock

    Judges in Australian courtrooms have a lot of power. They can decide on someone’s guilt and the punishment for it, including lengthy prison time.

    But what if they get it badly wrong? Should you be able to sue a judge for damages?

    For several centuries the answer has been no in a “superior” court, such as a state Supreme Court, but possibly yes in an “inferior” court, such as a magistrates, district or county court, where most cases are actually heard.

    The High Court of Australia has now ruled that judges are immune from being sued for damages in every court and for all purposes. It is absolute, even if you have been falsely imprisoned.

    But how did this decision come to be, and what does it mean for fair judicial processes?

    The High Court case

    The story behind the ruling began with a legal property dispute between a couple called the Stradfords.

    Judge Salvatore Vasta in the Federal Circuit Court ordered that Mr Stradford should make “full and frank disclosure” of various financial documents. Mrs Stradford complained repeatedly that the disclosure was not complete.

    Judge Vasta adjourned proceedings briefly to allow them to discuss settlement. To give Mr Stradford something to think about, he said he hoped Mr Stradford had brought his toothbrush with him.

    Later that day, Judge Vasta sentenced Mr Stradford to 12 months’ imprisonment for contempt of court in disobeying the disclosure order. Judge Vasta mistakenly assumed a previous judge had already decided Mr Stradford was in contempt.

    Mr Stradford appealed the contempt conviction in the Full Court of the Family Court. It allowed the appeal, concluding “the processes employed [by Judge Vasta] were so devoid of procedural fairness […] and the reasons for judgment so lacking in engagement with the issues of fact and law to be applied” that it would be an “affront to justice” to permit the contempt declaration and the imprisonment order to stand.

    Armed with this finding, Mr Stradford sued Judge Vasta for damages for false imprisonment and won. Judge Vasta then appealed to the High Court, arguing that he was immune from being sued. In its ruling last week, the High Court agreed with him.

    Why can’t judges be sued?

    Immunity from being sued helps protect judicial independence, said the High Court.

    If, at the back of their mind, a judge thinks they might be sued for damages should they make a wrong decision, they might be swayed by that, rather than objectively and impartially applying the law to the facts.

    Immunity also helps to achieve finality in court proceedings and “quell disputes”. Finality is a consideration in all legal systems, and is the reason why some claims are time-barred if not brought within a specified period. You don’t want the same cases dragging on forever.

    The High Court noted that a disappointed litigant can appeal against a decision, but once all appeal avenues have been exhausted, that is that.

    The High Court has ruled judges can’t be sued for their decisions.
    Shutterstock

    If a judge has committed a crime, such as accepting a bribe, then the criminal law can be applied.

    But in the more likely case where the unsuccessful party argues there has been a mistake, or even that the judge was motivated by bias or malice, the only recourse is to appeal. They can’t sue the judge.

    The High Court noted also that a judge can be removed by parliament for misbehaviour or incapacity.

    But there are counter-arguments to which the court didn’t give much attention.

    For those who feel the outcome was wrong, appealing against a decision is very expensive. It’s simply not open to most people, due to the near-disappearance of legal aid in civil cases.

    And the removal of judges by parliaments is extremely rare, while not helping the litigant anyway.

    Is this good public policy?

    In other walks of professional life, indemnity insurance exists. If judges could be sued, but were insured, they would normally not pay compensation personally. And if they could not find insurance, perhaps something needs investigating.

    A compromise position would be possible. Any legal action against a judge could have to exceed a certain threshold of severity to proceed.

    For example, a plaintiff might have to obtain prior permission, and for that they might have to prove malice on the part of the judge or an error so extreme that the judge had been reckless, not merely negligent.

    But courts are different, it seems. Litigants do not make a contract with courts and are not consumers of a court’s services. They are engaging in a public process, where bigger issues are in play.

    The public policy arguments so resoundingly endorsed by the High Court aren’t based on data about what the public thinks, or would necessarily think if all the arguments were presented to them.

    None of this has improved Mr (or Mrs) Stradford’s financial position. No one is going to compensate them.

    Courts are, in a very real sense, a law unto themselves.

    Stephen Parker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Should you be allowed to sue a judge? The High Court says no – https://theconversation.com/should-you-be-allowed-to-sue-a-judge-the-high-court-says-no-249939

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Remembering the Poly-1: what NZ’s forgotten homegrown school computer can teach us about state-led innovation

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mark Rickerby, Lecturer, School of Product Design, University of Canterbury

    The Poly-1. MOTAT , CC BY-NC

    Some 45 years ago, a team of staff and students at Wellington Polytechnic designed and built a desktop computer with an operating system customised for the needs of New Zealand schools.

    The Poly-1 was far ahead of international competition, but New Zealand failed to capitalise on the opportunity. At the time, public investment in a new knowledge-based industry ran counter to both “Think Big” industrial policy and the emerging neoliberal agenda in government.

    As New Zealand looks to scale up investment in artificial intelligence (AI) and advanced technologies, the story of the Poly-1 has enduring lessons about research and innovation policy – and the importance of multidisciplinary collaboration.

    Leading the world

    The Poly-1 was designed in 1980 as a learning device and teacher support tool. It was advanced for its time with colour graphics and powerful processors. It incorporated a networking feature, enabling up to 32 workstations across multiple sites to communicate over a real-time connection.

    Its tough, rounded fibreglass case with carry handles and integrated keyboard was ergonomically designed to handle the rigours of classroom use. A range of bold colour options were meant to make it more relatable for children.

    Fifty working prototypes were built in less than a year. A large group of volunteer teachers worked over the summer break to integrate course content and ensure it was ready for use in classrooms.

    In 1981, the Department of Education signed a NZ$10 million purchase agreement for 1,000 units per year over a five year period.

    The Poly-1 went into production under Polycorp, a joint venture with Lower Hutt-based Progeni. Manufacturing was backed by the state-owned Development Finance Corporation venture capital fund.

    Polycorp was poised for scale with a field-tested product and unique distributed learning model. Wide deployment in classrooms would position New Zealand as leading the world in maths education and applied computing.

    Blocking innovators and boosting importers

    Voicing outrage at this use of public funds, corporate lobbyists began publicly attacking “bureaucrats and boffins”. Privately, they put pressure on ministers sympathetic to a nascent deregulation agenda. They argued only the market could properly decide which computers were used.

    In 1982, then prime minister Robert Muldoon’s cabinet scuttled the deal, halting higher volume production and discarding two years of work.

    The beneficiary of the broken contract was Apple, which targeted New Zealand as its first education market outside the United States. It gave away free Apple II computers to schools, then followed up by offering larger volumes to the Department of Education at below cost.

    The Apple computers were unsupported by curriculum resources, lacked teacher training and were soon obsolete.

    By the mid 1980s, the rollout of computers in classrooms stalled as the Fourth Labour Government prioritised administrative reforms in education. Schools were left on their own to deal with hawkish IT vendors and distributors.

    Missed opportunities

    Relying on an underdeveloped market to serve the growing demand for computers in education led to anti-competitive practices and a devaluing of the teaching expertise behind the software and services.

    It’s unlikely the Poly-1 would have survived through the early 1990s as cheap IBM-compatible clones became widespread. But its ultimate end was a consequence of finance rather than technology.

    The collapse of the government-owned Development Finance Corporation in a complex tangle of failed property investments left Progeni directly exposed as a debtor to the BNZ, which was also teetering on the edge of collapse.

    In late 1989, Progeni was forced into receivership by the bank, which asset-stripped the company and sold it at a nominal value.

    Innovation is interdisciplinary

    The current government has recently announced major structural changes to New Zealand’s research and innovation system, including a new Public Research Organisation focused on advanced technology.

    Institutional reform is much needed and long overdue, but significant challenges remain. A narrow focus on science and technology driving economic growth is not enough. More attention to detail is needed to bridge from current capacity to a desired future state.

    The Poly-1 required collaboration with industrial designers and teachers to become market-ready – and the same is true today.

    Successfully commercialising research in AI and other advanced technologies requires contributions from experts across design, social science, arts and business.

    Like personal computers in 1980, AI is a new category with contested meanings. This has an impact on policy and the reception of new products.

    Discussions about state-led innovation often default to arguments about picking winners. But direct support for industries and firms is only part of the broader picture.

    In order to see economic and public benefits of investment in AI, the government has a role to play in coordinating interdisciplinary efforts across sectors. This requires visions for the future that are a practical response to the needs of individuals, businesses and communities.

    Countries like New Zealand have so far been consumers rather than producers of current generation AI. Changing this balance requires willingness to learn from past mistakes to support leadership in both innovation and regulation. Poly-1 still has lessons to teach us.

    Mark Rickerby was the recipient of an arts innovation grant from Manatū Taonga, Ministry for Culture & Heritage in 2021. He is a member of the New Zealand Game Developers Association (NZGDA).

    – ref. Remembering the Poly-1: what NZ’s forgotten homegrown school computer can teach us about state-led innovation – https://theconversation.com/remembering-the-poly-1-what-nzs-forgotten-homegrown-school-computer-can-teach-us-about-state-led-innovation-249577

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What’s the difference between period pain and endometriosis pain?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sonia R. Grover, Clinical Professor of Gynaecology, The University of Melbourne

    Polina Zimmerman/Pexels

    Menstruation, or a period, is the bleeding that occurs about monthly in healthy people born with a uterus, from puberty to menopause. This happens when the endometrium, the tissue that lines the inside of the uterus, is shed.

    Endometriosis is a condition that occurs when endometrium-like tissue is found outside the uterus, usually within the pelvic cavity. It is often considered a major cause of pelvic pain.

    Pelvic pain significantly impacts quality of life. But how can you tell the difference between period pain and endometriosis?

    Periods and period pain

    Periods involve shedding the 4-6 millimetre-thick endometrial lining from the inside of the uterus.

    As the lining detaches from the wall of the uterus, the blood vessels which previously supplied the lining bleed. The uterine muscles contract, expelling the blood and crumbled endometrium.

    The crumbled endometrium and blood mostly pass through the cervix and vagina. But almost everyone back-bleeds via their fallopian tubes into their pelvic cavity. This is known as “retrograde menstruation”.

    Most of the lining is shed through the vagina.
    Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock

    The process of menstrual shedding is caused by inflammatory substances, which also cause nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, headaches, aches, pains, dizziness, feeling faint, as well as stimulating pain receptors.

    These inflammatory substances are responsible for the pain and symptoms in the week before a period and the first few days.

    For women with heavy periods, their worst days of pain are usually the heaviest days of their period, coinciding with more cramps to expel clots and more retrograde bleeding.

    Many women also have pain when they are releasing an egg from their ovary at the time of ovulation. Ovulation or mid-cycle pain can be worse in those who bleed more, as those women are more likely to bleed into the ovulation follicle.

    Around 90% of adolescents experience period pain. Among these adolescents, 20% will experience such severe period pain they need time off from school and miss activities. These symptoms are too often normalised, without validation or acknowledgement.

    What about endometriosis?

    Many symptoms have been attributed to endometriosis, including painful periods, pain with sex, bladder and bowel-related pain, low back pain and thigh pain.

    Other pain-related conditions such migraines and chronic fatigue have also been linked to endometriosis. But these other pain-related symptoms occur equally often in people with pelvic pain who don’t have endometriosis.

    One in five adolescents who menstrate experience severe symptoms.
    CGN089/Shutterstock

    Repeated, significant period and ovulation pain can eventually lead some people to develop persistent or chronic pelvic pain, which lasts longer than six months. This appears to occur through a process known as central sensitisation, where the brain becomes more sensitive to pain and other sensory stimuli.

    Central sensitisation can occur in people with persistent pain, independent of the presence or absence of endometriosis.

    Eventually, many people with period and/or persistent pelvic pain will have an operation called a laparoscopy, which allows surgeons to examine organs in the pelvis and abdomen, and diagnose and treat endometriosis.

    Yet only 50% of those with identical pain symptoms who undergo a laparoscopy will end up having endometriosis.

    Endometriosis is also found in pain-free women. So we cannot predict who does and doesn’t have endometriosis from symptoms alone.

    How is this pain managed?

    Endometriosis surgery usually involves removing lesions and adhesions. But at least 30% of people return to pre-surgery pain levels within six months or have more pain than before.

    After surgery, emergency department presentations for pain are unchanged and 50% have repeat surgery within a few years.

    Suppressing periods using hormonal therapies (such as continuous oral contraceptive pills or progesterone-only approaches) can suppress endometriosis and reduce or eliminate pain, independent of the presence or absence of endometriosis.

    Not every type or dose of hormonal medications suits everyone, so medications need to be individualised.

    The current gold-standard approach to manage persistent pelvic pain involves a multidisciplinary team approach, with the aim of achieving sustained remission and improving quality of life. This may include:

    • physiotherapy for pelvic floor and other musculoskeletal problems
    • management of bladder and bowel symptoms
    • support for self-managing pain
    • lifestyle changes including diet and exercise
    • psychological or group therapy, as our moods, stress levels and childhood events can affect how we feel and experience pain.

    Whether you have period pain, chronic pelvic pain or pain you think is associated with endometriosis, if you feel pain, it’s real. If it’s disrupting your life, you deserve to be taken seriously and treated as the whole person you are.

    Sonia R. Grover receives funding from the Medical Research Future Fund for LongSTEPPP: Longitudinal Study of teens with Endometriosis, Period and Pelvic pain. She is Director of the Department of Gynaecology at the Royal Children’s Hospital and
    Gynaecology Unit Head at the Mercy Hospital for Women in Heidelberg.

    – ref. What’s the difference between period pain and endometriosis pain? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-period-pain-and-endometriosis-pain-244656

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: We’ve told this story for 2,500 years: how Hadestown playfully brings alive an ancient Greek myth

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Louise Pryke, Honorary Research Associate, Department of Classics and Ancient History, University of Sydney

    Lisa Tomasetti/Opera Australia

    “It’s an old song”, Hermes (Christine Anu) sings at the opening of Hadestown, but “we’re gonna sing it again and again”.

    Based on a myth first told in Greece over 2,500 years ago, Hadestown is a modern retelling of the story of lovers Orpheus and Eurydice.

    In ancient Greece, Orpheus was considered the greatest of all musicians, due to his divine heritage. His musical ability makes Orpheus uniquely well suited as the lead for a musical.

    In the myth and the musical, Orpheus descends into the Underworld to retrieve his wife, Eurydice, after her untimely death. Moved by his powerful song, the king and queen of the Underworld, Hades and Persephone, allow Orpheus to leave their realm with Eurydice.

    One condition: Orpheus must not look back at his wife until they have fully emerged from the underworld.

    It’s a tale of a love from long ago

    The story of Orpheus and Eurydice is one of the most retold myths from antiquity, likely due to its narrative focus on love, loss, and the human condition.

    The ancient story of Orpheus and Eurydice is best known from Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Virgil’s Georgics. While Ovid places Orpheus in a world governed by unpredictable gods, Virgil’s focus on natural order means that the tragic events feel predetermined.

    Jean-Baptiste-Camille Corot, Orpheus Leading Eurydice from the Underworld, 1861.
    The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston

    There are numerous other ancient versions, including a mention in Plato’s Symposium, where the philosopher (somewhat unfairly) suggests the musician lacked commitment to his lover.

    During the Middle Ages, Eurydice was paralleled with biblical Eve. Eurydice and Eve were both figures known to have unfortunate encounters with snakes, and both were viewed as vulnerable to sin (in Eurydice’s case, being carried away by Hades).

    Orpheus was sometimes seen as a Christ-like figure, with his descent to hell compared to Christ’s journey to save souls. Indeed, Orpheus is referenced by his fellow traveller to Hell, Dante, in his Inferno.

    Jean Raoux, Orpheus and Eurydice, about 1709.
    Getty Museum

    The lovers’ story inspired artists such as Rubens and Titian, and many operas, such as L’Orfeo by Monteverdi (1607). Indeed, operas featuring Orpheus are sufficiently numerous to have their own Wikipedia page.

    The love story of Orpheus and Eurydice recently featured in the Netflix series Kaos (2024). The story is referenced in video games Don’t Look Back (2009) and Hades (2020).

    Orpheus’ desperate journey to reconnect with his lost love holds continued relevance, thousands of years after its first telling.

    Our lady of the underground

    In the musical, the story of Orpheus and Eurydice is paralleled with the story of Hades and Persephone.

    In ancient myth, the union of Hades and Persephone in the Underworld was said to cause the changing of the seasons.

    Evelyn De Morgan, Demeter Mourning for Persephone,1906.
    Wikimedia Commons

    Persephone’s divine mother, Demeter, goddess of the harvest and fertility, was so devastated by her daughter’s abduction by Hades that no plants would grow.

    Zeus offered the solution: Persephone would spend half the year below ground and half above.

    When Persephone was with Hades, the world would enter winter. The new life connected with the coming of spring signalled Demeter’s joy at the return of her beloved daughter.

    Way down Hadestown

    The musical, written by Anaïs Mitchell, is largely faithful to the broad arc of the ancient story of Orpheus and Eurydice. A notable exception is seen in the death of Eurydice. In the ancient myth, this is often attributed to snakebite; in the musical she chooses to descend to the Underworld due to economic desperation.

    Having Eurydice choose to sign her life over to Hades arguably lends her a limited amount of agency, although she almost immediately regrets her decision.

    The choice to give Eurydice a more distinctive voice is reminiscent of the works of Victorian poets Edward Dowden and Robert Browning, as well as later poems by Margaret Atwood and Carol Ann Duffy.

    While in the ancient myth, Eurydice’s speech is limited to her whispered farewell, these poets all give us an insight into Eurydice’s thoughts and feelings. The musical continues this tradition of giving agency, hopes and opinions.

    The story of Orpheus and Eurydice is paralleled in the musical with the story of Hades and Persephone.
    Lisa Tomasetti/Opera Australia

    The dangers posed by unpredictable seasons, seen in the ancient myth of Hades and Persephone, is used in the musical to reflect modern concerns over climate change and environmental decline.

    Rising seas and poor harvests threaten the lives of those inhabiting the industrialised world of Hadestown.

    Orpheus attempts to bring a dystopian world “back in tune” through restoring environmental harmony, bringing a hopeful note to the tragic story.

    Anu is a reassuring presence as the narrator and Orpheus’ confidant, the god Hermes.
    Lisa Tomasetti/Opera Australia

    Nothing changes

    In this Australian restaging of the hit Broadway production, Noah Mullins rises to the significant challenge of portraying Orpheus, the greatest of all musicians. Abigail Adriano’s raw portrayal of Eurydice’s confinement in the underworld is genuinely moving.

    Anu is a reassuring presence as the narrator and Orpheus’ confidant, the god Hermes. Adrian Tamburini’s powerful bass-baritone adds to the authority of Hades, and Elenoa Rokobaro gives a dazzling performance as Persephone. The chorus and mostly on-stage band are excellent.

    The story of Orpheus and Eurydice has been told for thousands of years.
    Lisa Tomasetti/Opera Australia

    At its heart, the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice confronts one of the defining challenges of mortality: the reality that death can separate us from those we love and value most.

    In retelling the myth, Hadestown offers timely meditations on the power of creativity and human connection, bringing this ancient love story alive again for modern audiences.

    Hadestown is in Sydney until April 26, then touring to Melbourne.

    Louise Pryke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. We’ve told this story for 2,500 years: how Hadestown playfully brings alive an ancient Greek myth – https://theconversation.com/weve-told-this-story-for-2-500-years-how-hadestown-playfully-brings-alive-an-ancient-greek-myth-249718

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Would Sidney Nolan be cancelled for painting Ned Kelly today? That’s what Creative Australia has done to Khaled Sabsabi

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ella Barclay, Senior Lecturer, School of Art and Design, Australian National University

    Despite the perceived outrage at Khaled Sabsabi’s depiction of Hassan Nasrallah in his 2007 work You, Australian art has long made subjects of outlaws and questionable figures. And it is all the richer for it.

    On Thursday, Shadow Arts Minister and self-described defender of free speech Claire Chandler asked Senator Penny Wong:

    Why is the Albanese government allowing a person who highlights a terrorist leader in his artwork to represent Australia on the international stage at the Venice Biennale?

    Without seeing the work, Senator Wong said

    I agree with you that any glorification of the Hezbollah leader Nasrallah is inappropriate.

    This was followed by disapproval from Arts Minister Tony Burke. Within 24 hours, Creative Australia’s board announced Khaled Sabsabi and curator Michael Dagostino, the nominated artistic team for the Australian Pavilion at the 2026 Venice Biennale, had been scratched.

    The news sparked shock resignations at Creative Australia, private funding retractions and widespread outrage across the Australian and international arts sectors.

    The work in question, You, isn’t related to Sabsabi’s proposed 2026 Biennale work. It is an experimental video artwork which engages with the complexities of the 2006 Lebanon War and how Sabsabi, who was born in Tripoli and migrated to Australia in 1978, may have experienced this war remotely via newsfeed.

    The work features images of now-deceased Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah. It should be noted the work was made in 2007, 14 years before Australia determined Hezbollah to be a terrorist organisation. It resides in the prestigious collection of Sydney’s Museum of Contemporary Art.

    A double standard

    Prior to Sabsabi, a number of prominent Australian artists have depicted outlaws and controversial figures in their work. So how were those works received?

    Let’s look at Sidney Nolan’s Ned Kelly series as an example. These 27 famous paintings depict the notorious bushranger Edward (Ned) Kelly’s final days in 1880. Nolan painted the series between 1946 and 1947, in the aftermath of the catastrophic second world war.

    The works can be understood as an effort to investigate homegrown violence in Australia’s history, wherein the outlaw is a metaphor used to explore conflicting migrant/settler cultures among the bright and dusty central Victorian landscape.

    Similarly, late Australian painter and 2000 Archibald Prize winner Adam Cullen did not meet much controversy when his 2002 portrait of convicted violent criminal Mark “Chopper” Read was installed in the Art Gallery of NSW. That same year, Cullen illustrated Mark Read’s children’s book, Hooky the Cripple.

    An acclaimed artist, Cullen is revered for depicting violence and darkness in Australian culture. His works reside in most state and national collections.

    Art thrives through diverse perspectives

    Marri Ngarr artist Ryan Presley’s 2018 series Blood Money revises Australian banknotes to feature historical First Nations figures, and forms part of the Reserve Bank of Australia’s art collection.

    Works in the series include First Nations colonial resistance fighters and outlaws Jandamarra (1873–97), Woloa (1800-31), Pemulwuy (1750-1802) and Dundalli (circa 1820-55).

    These individuals waged violence against the Crown and were classified as enemy combatants in their time. Yet it’s fair to say they make compelling and appropriate subjects for Presley’s art, which helps us better understand Australia’s complex and violent history.

    Iranian-born Australian photographer Hoda Afshar’s Agonistes (2020), an award-winning portrait series with accompanying video, features various Australian whistleblowers, including Witness K Lawyer Bernard Collaery and the incarcerated Afghan Files whistleblower David McBride.

    Each figure depicted in Afshar’s portraits has faced punishment and persecution by local authorities, in part due to Australia’s weak whistleblower protection laws.

    Khaled Sabsabi is a distinguished Australian artist whose Biennale proposal won a rigorous open tender to be exhibited in Venice 2026. Spanning 30 years, his work examines spiritualism, optimism and the intricate beauty of a migrant Australian experience that’s particularly unique to the global microcosm of Western Sydney.

    If artists are to be cancelled for making works that spark “divisive debate”, as Creative Australia has called it, there won’t be much art left to see.

    Ella Barclay has previously received funding from Creative Australia.

    – ref. Would Sidney Nolan be cancelled for painting Ned Kelly today? That’s what Creative Australia has done to Khaled Sabsabi – https://theconversation.com/would-sidney-nolan-be-cancelled-for-painting-ned-kelly-today-thats-what-creative-australia-has-done-to-khaled-sabsabi-249952

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Lethal second-generation rat poisons are killing endangered quolls and Tasmanian devils

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Robert Davis, Associate Professor in Conservation, Edith Cowan University

    Adwo/Shutterstock

    Humans have been poisoning rodents for centuries. But fast-breeding rats and mice have evolved resistance to earlier poisons. In response, manufacturers have produced second generation anticoagulant rodenticides such as bromadiolone, widely used in Australian households.

    Unfortunately, these potent poisons do not magically disappear after the rodent is dead. For example, it’s well known owls who eat poisoned rodents suffer the same slow death from internal bleeding.

    Our new research shows the problem is much bigger than owls. We found Australia’s five largest marsupial predators – the four quoll species and the Tasmanian devil – are getting hit by these poisons too.

    Half of the 52 animals we tested had these poisons in their bodies. Some had died from it. These species are already threatened by foxes and feral cats. Rat poison is yet another threat – and one they may not be able to survive. Other countries have moved to ban these poisons. But in Australia, they’re widely available.

    How does rat poison end up in a Tasmanian devil?

    Quolls and Tasmanian devils are carnivores. They eat mammals, birds, amphibians and reptiles, finding food by hunting – or by scavenging dead bodies, including rats and mice. But do they eat enough poisoned rats and mice to be at risk?

    To find out, we analysed liver samples from all four of Australia’s quoll species as well as the iconic Tasmanian devil. The samples came from dead animals from a range of sources, including animals dying in veterinary care, found as roadkill, or simply found dead.

    Each of these species is endangered or vulnerable. Together, they represent the largest remaining Australian carnivorous marsupials – native animals at the top of their food chains.

    We tested samples from 52 animals. Half of these were positive for second generation anticoagulant rodenticides. Of these, 21% tested positive for more than one rodenticide.

    Unfortunately, many animals we tested had consumed doses high enough to kill. Around 15% of the Tasmanian devils, 20% of the eastern quolls, 22% of chuditch (western quolls) and 20% of the spotted-tailed quolls tested were very likely to die either from the poison itself or a related cause such as longer-term sickening.

    Tasmanian devils often scavenge from carcasses – exposing them to poisoned rats.
    Vaclav Matous/Shutterstock

    We found one chuditch from a Perth suburb had been exposed to three different second-generation rodenticides. It had levels of one poison, brodifacoum, at 1.6 milligrams per kilo, far above the rate presumed to be lethal to mammals. This is likely the highest recorded exposure rate in an Australian marsupial.

    Some 5% of Tasmanian devils had also been exposed to lethal levels of these second-generation poisons and a further 10% were exposed to potentially lethal levels.

    Even when these poisons don’t directly kill the quoll or devil, they can leave it worse off.

    All five species are threatened, meaning their populations are a fraction of what they used to be. Even small changes to populations can trigger more rapid decline.

    Our analysis indicates an increase in deaths of just 2–4% of the chuditch population could increase extinction risk by 75%. This figure is dwarfed by how many chuditch are at risk from rat poisons, which we estimate at 22% of any given population in each generation, based on the exposure rates here.

    So, exposure to rat poison alone is likely enough to tip the species towards extinction – even without other threats such as being killed by foxes and cats.

    The release of an eastern quoll during a translocation. Rat poisons may pose a real risk to the species.
    Judy Dunlop, CC BY-NC-ND

    Can poisons be too potent?

    After the poison kills a mouse or rat, it remains lethal for some time.

    The poisons we examined take several months to halve in toxicity, meaning during this time they can kill owls, reptiles, frogs and small and medium-sized mammals such as possums.

    In Australia and around the world, evidence is mounting that these second-generation rodenticides are killing many more animals than those targeted. The poisons are hitting a wide range of carnivores including otters, wolves, foxes and raccoons. Even the famous Californian condor is threatened by rodenticides.

    Efforts to use thousands of litres of bromadiolone to stop a mouse plague in New South Wales triggered strong criticism. But to date, criticism has done little to curb their use in Australia.

    Second generation anticoagulant poisons are extremely effective at killing rats and mice – but the poison doesn’t stop there.
    speedshutter Photography/Shutterstock

    Australia is an outlier on this issue. In European and North American nations, these products are restricted to use by licensed pest controllers and banned for home use. Some nations have gone further and banned these poisons altogether. But here, you can buy them at Bunnings, Coles or Woolworths.

    Last year, a delegation of Australian researchers lobbied politicians to do more to regulate the use of these poisons.

    The institution responsible for ensuring poisons are safe is the Australian Pesticides and Veterinary Medicine Authority. At present, the authority is weighing a decision on whether to introduce restrictions on these second-generation poisons, expected in April.

    Four other threatened Australian species – the Tasmanian wedge-tailed eagle, Tasmanian masked owl, powerful owl and Carnaby’s black cockatoo – have previously been found to be exposed to these rodenticides. Our research takes this tally to nine threatened species.

    In the absence of regulation, you can make a difference at home. Don’t use second-generation poisons which rely on brodifacoum, bromadiolone, difethialone, difenacoum or flocoumafen. Get rid of your mouse or rat problem with first-generation poisons containing warfarin, coumatetralyl or other chemicals.

    If you only have a mouse or two, consider looking at non-poison alternatives.

    Taking a moment to consider these alternatives could save Australia’s most threatened native predators from an agonising death.

    Acknowledgements: Michael Lohr (Birdlife Australia) was the lead author on the research behind this article. Cheryl Lohr (Department of Biodiversity, Conservation and Attractions, Western Australia) contributed to the research.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Lethal second-generation rat poisons are killing endangered quolls and Tasmanian devils – https://theconversation.com/lethal-second-generation-rat-poisons-are-killing-endangered-quolls-and-tasmanian-devils-250035

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The threat of 3D-printed ‘ghost guns’ is growing, but NZ is yet to act on these 3 big legal gaps

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Gillespie, Professor of Law, University of Waikato

    It’s an unfortunate fact that bad people sometimes want guns. And while laws are designed to prevent guns falling into the wrong hands, the determined criminal can be highly resourceful.

    There are three main ways to source an illegal weapon: find a lawful owner willing to provide one unlawfully, buy one from another criminal, or make your own.

    The first two options aren’t as easy as they sound. The buyer might “know a guy” willing to sell, but the seller generally has good reason to be cautious about who they sell to.

    The price of the right firearm can be high, too, as is how “clean” its history is. No criminal wants to be connected to someone else’s crimes by their weapon’s history.

    Which leads us to the third option. Privately made firearms, manufactured to avoid detection by the authorities, are nothing new. What has grown is the computer-aided manufacture, of which 3D-printing technology is the best known form, enabling manufacture without traditional gunsmithing skills.

    The resulting “ghost guns” will potentially become more prevalent in New Zealand, and are already posing a significant challenge in overseas jurisdictions. With public submissions on the planned rewriting of the Arms Act closing at the end of February, it’s an issue we can’t ignore.

    No room for complacency

    Although blueprints of fully 3D-printed firearms are most common, hybrid designs, conversion kits, and firearms components sold as a kit or as separate pieces, are all gaining ground.

    These are all far more advanced and deadly than the homemade wood and metal weapon used in 2022 to kill former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

    Their ease of manufacture, improved reliability and performance, non-traceability and lower cost all appear to be driving demand. There is also the ideological attraction of avoiding state scrutiny that makes 3D-printing popular with far-right extremist groups.

    New Zealand authorities seized their first 3D-printed firearm in the middle of 2018. As of the end of last year, 58 3D-printed guns and between 200 and 300 firearms parts had been seized.

    This growth mirrors overseas trends. But it’s important to keep the numbers in perspective. Of the 9,662 firearms (including airguns) the New Zealand Police seized between August 2016 and July 2022, the most common were conventional rifles and shotguns.

    However, that is no cause for complacency. If proposed firearms law reforms – such as a new registry – help shrink the black market, we can expect the ghost gun market to grow.

    3D printed guns and gun conversion devices held by the US National Firearm Reference Vault.
    Getty Images

    Gaps in the law

    Legislation passed in 2020 makes the crime of illegal manufacturing (by unlicensed people) punishable by up to ten years’ imprisonment.

    Additional penalties can be added for making certain prohibited items, such as large-capacity magazines. In October last year, an Otago man became the first to be imprisoned in New Zealand for 3D-printing firearms.

    Despite this, and the foreseeable risk, there are several significant gaps in New Zealand law.

    1. Making guns detectable

    Unlike the US and some other countries, New Zealand does not mandate that every gun be detectable by containing enough metal to set off X-ray machines and metal detectors.

    The US also prohibits any firearms with major components that do not show up accurately in standard airport imaging technology.

    2. Penalties for obtaining blueprints

    While the manufacture of 3D-printed firearms is illegal, there is nothing specific in New Zealand law about downloading blueprints.

    There may be scope within existing censorship laws around downloading objectionable material. But this may be limited by the need to classify each plan or blueprint as objectionable. And artificial intelligence means these plans can change and evolve rapidly.

    More wholesale laws covering the computer-aided manufacture of firearms or their individual parts would be preferable.

    Canada, for example, introduced recent changes to firearms law making it a crime to access or download plans or graphics. Knowingly sharing or selling such data online for manufacturing or trafficking is also a crime, with penalties of up to ten years in prison.

    New South Wales, Tasmania and South Australia are all making new laws in this area. In the case of South Australia, offenders face up to 15 years in prison for the possession of 3D-printer firearms blueprints.

    3. Preventing ‘ghost ammunition’

    Privately manufactured firearms still require ammunition to be effective, and the Arms Act is only partly effective in this area.

    Only firearms licence holders can lawfully possess non-prohibited ammunition, and all firearms dealers and ammunition sellers must keep a record of those transactions.

    But that obligation does not apply when firearms licence holders give, share or otherwise supply ammunition among themselves. Furthermore, there are only limited regulations around obtaining the precursors or tools for making ammunition, with only a few key ingredients, like gunpowder, restricted to licence holders.

    This is similar to the Australian approach. But Australia also requires licensed owners to purchase only the type of ammunition required for their specific firearms type.

    Trying to the correct balance here is tricky: the law must be practical to work but also ensure a potential ghost gun market does not create a “ghost ammunition” market, too.

    The ability to privately manufacture firearms, by computer-aided methods in particular, is a foreseeable and potentially hard-to-police problem. But by learning from other jurisdictions and making a few simple law changes, New Zealand can move now to make communities safer.

    The author thanks Clementine Annabell for assisting with the research for this article.

    Alexander Gillespie is a recipient of a Borrin Foundation Justice Fellowship to research comparative best practice in the regulation of firearms. He is also a member of the Ministerial Arms Advisory Group. The views expressed here are his own and not to be attributed to either of these organisations.

    – ref. The threat of 3D-printed ‘ghost guns’ is growing, but NZ is yet to act on these 3 big legal gaps – https://theconversation.com/the-threat-of-3d-printed-ghost-guns-is-growing-but-nz-is-yet-to-act-on-these-3-big-legal-gaps-248541

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Coalition leading narrowly in four polls and would likely win an election held now

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

    A national Newspoll, conducted February 10–14 from a sample of 1,244, gave the Coalition a 51–49 lead, unchanged from the previous Newspoll, three weeks ago. Primary votes were 38% Coalition (down one), 31% Labor (steady), 12% Greens (steady), 7% One Nation (steady) and 12% for all Others (up one).

    Newspoll previously used 2022 election preference flows, but they have adjusted for stronger One Nation preferences to the Coalition at the Queensland state election. The one-point drop in the Coalition’s primary vote suggests Labor gained, but preference flow changes affected the unchanged two-party estimate.

    The graph below shows Labor’s two-party vote for each pollster’s headline voting intentions. As the pollsters are making adjustments to the 2022 election preference flows, I don’t think it’s useful anymore to use the 2022 flows as a baseline.

    I’ve revised some of the previous iterations of Morgan and Essential so they use their headline respondent preferences. The four new polls included since the last federal update are Newspoll, the YouGov MRP below and last week’s Morgan and Redbridge polls.

    All polls have the Coalition leading by about 51–49. Labor had a better result (a 50–50 tie) from Morgan two weeks ago, but last week it reverted to a Coalition lead. Labor can recover this lead by the election that is due by May, but they’re currently losing.

    In Newspoll, Anthony Albanese’s net approval slid one point to a new low of -21, with 58% dissatisfied and 37% satisfied. Peter Dutton’s net approval was up one point to -10. Albanese led Dutton by 45–40 as better PM (44–41 previously).

    The graph below shows Albanese’s deteriorating ratings in Newspoll. The plus signs mark the data and a smoothed line has been fitted.

    In more bad news for Labor, just 34% said they deserved to be re-elected, while 53% said it’s time to give someone else a go.

    YouGov has Coalition winning the most seats

    YouGov conducted a national MRP poll (multi-level modelling with post-stratification) from January 22 to February 12 from an overall sample of over 40,000. MRP polls are used to estimate the outcome in each House of Representatives electorate using huge samples and modelling.

    YouGov’s central forecast if the election were held now is the Coalition winning 73 of the 150 lower house seats, three short of a majority. Labor would win 66 seats, independents eight, the Greens one and others two. At lower limits, the Coalition could win 65 seats and Labor 59, while at higher limits the Coalition could win 80 and Labor 72.

    The overall vote share in this MRP poll was 51.1–48.0 to the Coalition, a 3.2% swing to the Coalition since the 2022 election. Primary votes were 37.4% Coalition, 29.1% Labor, 12.7% Greens, 9.1% One Nation, 8.9% independents and 2.8% others.

    YouGov is using respondent preferences for its MRP polls, and it has a weakening of flows to Labor from both Green and One Nation voters compared with 2022. By 2022 election preference flows, this poll would be 50.2–49.8 to Labor.

    Labor’s primary vote is down most in its once safe working-class seats. But the Coalition is not likely to regain any of the seats taken by teal independents at the last election.

    Redbridge and Morgan polls

    The Poll Bludger reported last Tuesday that a national Redbridge poll, conducted February 3–7 from a sample of 1,013, gave the Coalition a 51.5–48.5 lead, a 1.5-point gain for the Coalition since early November. Primary votes were 40% Coalition (up two), 31% Labor (down three), 11% Greens (steady) and 18% for all Others (up one).

    Coalition supporters were more firm in their voting intentions (61% solid, 34% soft) than Labor supporters (51% solid, 39% soft). The poll suggested a 9% two-party swing against Labor in the outer suburbs, but this would have been based on a small subsample. Other swings were 5% against Labor in inner and middle suburbs, no change in provincial cities and a 3% swing to Labor in rural areas.

    The Poll Bludger reported Sunday that a Redbridge and Accent Research poll of 20 marginal seats, conducted February 4–11 from a total sample of 1,002, gave the Coalition a 52–48 lead (51–49 to Labor across these seats in 2022). Primary votes were 43% Coalition, 33% Labor, 12% Greens and 12% for all Others.

    A national Morgan poll, conducted February 3–9 from a sample of 1,688, gave the Coalition a 51.5–48.5 lead by headline respondent preferences, a 1.5-point gain for the Coalition since the January 27 to February 2 poll.

    Primary votes were 40.5% Coalition (up two), 29% Labor (down one), 11% Greens (down 0.5), 4% One Nation (down 1.5), 9.5% independents (down one) and 6% others (up two). This is the lowest support for the Greens in this poll since November 2022. By 2022 election preference flows, the Coalition led by 51.5–48.5, a two-point gain for the Coalition.

    UAP can’t register for election

    Clive Palmer’s United Australia Party (UAP) voluntarily deregistered during this term, and were unable to re-register under this name. Palmer and the UAP’s only federal parliamentarian, Victorian Senator Ralph Babet, challenged this law, but the High Court last Wednesday denied the challenge.

    Babet was elected in 2022 and won’t be up for election as his six-year term expires in June 2028. The coming election will be a normal one for the full House and half the Senate, not a double dissolution where all senators are up for election.

    The UAP could still register under a different name, but their registration would need to be completed before writs are issued for the election. If the election is on May 17, the latest possible date, writs would need to be issued by April 14.

    Victorian Labor retains Werribee at byelection

    I previously covered the February 8 Victorian state byelections for Werribee and Prahran. On the election night count, Prahran was a Liberal gain from the Greens, with Labor ahead in Werribee but not certain to hold.

    Over 2,000 additional postals have been counted in Werribee, and Labor increased its lead, and now leads by 50.8–49.2 against the Liberals, a 10.2% swing to the Liberals since the November 2022 state election.

    Left-wing parties will do badly in Germany

    I covered next Sunday’s German election for The Poll Bludger on Saturday. The conservative CDU/CSU and far-right AfD are the top two parties in the polls, with the governing centre-left SPD and the Greens trailing.

    In Canada, Mark Carney is almost certain to be elected Liberal leader, replacing Justin Trudeau. In recent weeks, the Liberals have closed the gap on the Conservatives, but still trail by a large margin. US and UK polls were also covered.

    Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Coalition leading narrowly in four polls and would likely win an election held now – https://theconversation.com/coalition-leading-narrowly-in-four-polls-and-would-likely-win-an-election-held-now-249694

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Generative AI is already being used in journalism – here’s how people feel about it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By T.J. Thomson, Senior Lecturer in Visual Communication & Digital Media, RMIT University

    Indonesia’s TVOne launched an AI news presenter in 2023. T.J. Thomson

    Generative artificial intelligence (AI) has taken off at lightning speed in the past couple of years, creating disruption in many industries. Newsrooms are no exception.

    A new report published today finds that news audiences and journalists alike are concerned about how news organisations are – and could be – using generative AI such as chatbots, image, audio and video generators, and similar tools.

    The report draws on three years of interviews and focus group research into generative AI and journalism in Australia and six other countries (United States, United Kingdom, Norway, Switzerland, Germany and France).

    Only 25% of our news audience participants were confident they had encountered generative AI in journalism. About 50% were unsure or suspected they had.

    This suggests a potential lack of transparency from news organisations when they use generative AI. It could also reflect a lack of trust between news outlets and audiences.

    Who or what makes your news – and how – matters for a host of reasons.

    Some outlets tend to use more or fewer sources, for example. Or use certain kinds of sources – such as politicians or experts – more than others.

    Some outlets under-represent or misrepresent parts of the community. This is sometimes because the news outlet’s staff themselves aren’t representative of their audience.

    Carelessly using AI to produce or edit journalism can reproduce some of these inequalities.

    Our report identifies dozens of ways journalists and news organisations can use generative AI. It also summarises how comfortable news audiences are with each.

    The news audiences we spoke to overall felt most comfortable with journalists using AI for behind-the-scenes tasks rather than for editing and creating. These include using AI to transcribe an interview or to provide ideas on how to cover a topic.

    But comfort is highly dependent on context. Audiences were quite comfortable with some editing and creating tasks when the perceived risks were lower.

    The problem – and opportunity

    Generative AI can be used in just about every part of journalism.

    For example, a photographer could cover an event. Then, a generative AI tool could select what it “thinks” are the best images, edit the images to optimise them, and add keywords to each.

    Computer software can try to recognise objects in images and add keywords, leading to potentially more efficient image processing workflows.
    Elise Racine/Better Images of AI/Moon over Fields, CC BY

    These might seem like relatively harmless applications. But what if the AI identifies something or someone incorrectly, and these keywords lead to mis-identifications in the photo captions? What if the criteria humans think make “good” images are different to what a computer might think? These criteria may also change over time or in different contexts.

    Even something as simple as lightening or darkening an image can cause a furore when politics are involved.

    AI can also make things up completely. Images can appear photorealistic but show things that never happened. Videos can be entirely generated with AI, or edited with AI to change their context.

    Generative AI is also frequently used for writing headlines or summarising articles. These sound like helpful applications for time-poor individuals, but some news outlets are using AI to rip off others’ content.

    AI-generated news alerts have also gotten the facts wrong. As an example, Apple recently suspended its automatically generated news notification feature. It did this after the feature falsely claimed US murder suspect Luigi Mangione had killed himself, with the source attributed as the BBC.

    What do people think about journalists using AI?

    Our research found news audiences seem to be more comfortable with journalists using AI for certain tasks when they themselves have used it for similar purposes.

    For example, the people interviewed were largely comfortable with journalists using AI to blur parts of an image. Our participants said they used similar tools on video conferencing apps or when using the “portrait” mode on smartphones.

    Likewise, when you insert an image into popular word processing or presentation software, it might automatically create a written description of the image for people with vision impairments. Those who’d previously encountered such AI descriptions of images felt more comfortable with journalists using AI to add keywords to media.

    Popular word processing and presentation software can automatically generate alt-text descriptions for images that are inserted into documents or presentations.
    T.J. Thomson

    The most frequent way our participants encountered generative AI in journalism was when journalists reported on AI content that had gone viral.

    For example, when an AI-generated image purported to show Princes William and Harry embracing at King Charles’s coronation, news outlets reported on this false image.

    Our news audience participants also saw notices that AI had been used to write, edit or translate news articles. They saw AI-generated images accompanying some of these. This is a popular approach at The Daily Telegraph, which uses AI-generated images to illustrate many of its opinion columns.

    The Daily Telegraph frequently turns to generative AI to illustrate its opinion columns, sometimes generating more photorealistic illustrations and sometimes less photorealistic ones.
    T.J. Thomson

    Overall, our participants felt most comfortable with journalists using AI for brainstorming or for enriching already created media. This was followed by using AI for editing and creating. But comfort depends heavily on the specific use.

    Most of our participants were comfortable with turning to AI to create icons for an infographic. But they were quite uncomfortable with the idea of an AI avatar presenting the news, for example.

    On the editing front, a majority of our participants were comfortable with using AI to animate historical images, like this one. AI can be used to “enliven” an otherwise static image in the hopes of attracting viewer interest and engagement.

    A historical photograph from the State Library of Western Australia’s collection has been animated with AI (a tool called Runway) to introduce motion to the still image.
    T.J. Thomson

    Your role as an audience member

    If you’re unsure if or how journalists are using AI, look for a policy or explainer from the news outlet on the topic. If you can’t find one, consider asking the outlet to develop and publish a policy.

    Consider supporting media outlets that use AI to complement and support – rather than replace – human labour.

    Before making decisions, consider the past trustworthiness of the journalist or outlet in question, and what the evidence says.

    T.J. Thomson receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is an affiliate with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making & Society.

    Michelle Riedlinger receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada’s Global Journalism Innovation Lab. She is an affiliate with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making & Society.

    Phoebe Matich receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a post-doctoral research fellow within the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making and Society.

    Ryan J. Thomas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Generative AI is already being used in journalism – here’s how people feel about it – https://theconversation.com/generative-ai-is-already-being-used-in-journalism-heres-how-people-feel-about-it-247232

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘I feel constant anxiety’: how caring for a seriously unwell pet can lead to stress and burnout

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Susan Hazel, Associate Professor, School of Animal and Veterinary Science, University of Adelaide

    Ground Picture/Shutterstock

    Living with a pet brings many benefits, including constant presence, love and support. Pet ownership is also linked with a lower long-term risk of early death.

    Most of us would do anything for our pets if they become unwell. But just as caring for a human loved one can come at great personal cost, a growing body of research shows that’s also true for many pet owners looking after a seriously ill pet.

    This stress is often known as “caregiver burden”.

    Most of us would do anything for our pets if they become unwell.
    Haletska Olha/Shutterstock

    Stress, depression, burnout and anxiety

    One 2017 study looked at how people with healthy pets fared compared to those caring for pets with serious diseases.

    It found many of those looking after seriously ill animals felt they didn’t have enough time for themselves due to the time they had to spend with their pet.

    Compared to owners of healthy pets, those caring for unwell pets experienced:

    greater burden, stress and symptoms of depression/anxiety, as well as poorer quality of life.

    Our 2023 research into experiences of people looking after older dogs showed similarly concerning results.

    We surveyed people with dogs eight years or older. Some of these dogs were living with canine cognitive dysfunction, a form of dementia similar to Alzheimer’s disease in people.

    Out of the 637 respondents to our survey, 16% had a high burden of care likely to be associated with negative psychological, physical and financial outcomes.

    One respondent told us:

    My partner and I cannot leave him home alone for long at all […] I worry about [my pet’s] quality of life. I feel my partner is really struggling with [my pet’s] deterioration and when the time comes for euthanasia I know it will be me forcing the issue. I feel constant anxiety about this decision looming.

    A higher burden of care was associated with the dog having more severe canine cognitive dysfunction, pet owners who were aged between 25 and 44 years, and those who lived alone.

    This makes sense, because people who live alone don’t have another person to support or help them. The most difficult dog behaviours people reported were night-time disturbances and barking.

    Burden of care in other situations

    Any significant pet disease or disability is likely to be associated with stress in their caregivers.

    Even behavioural problems in dogs, such as aggression or separation-related disorder, have been associated with clinically significant strain in more than 68% of people.

    Most of the research has been done in dogs, but owners of ill cats also have a higher burden, although it appears less than owners of an ill dog.

    We previously showed that a third of owners of cats with epilepsy are likely to be experiencing high levels of carer stress or strain.

    These problems were worse in owners who did not feel supported by their vet. For example, they may feel they’re being rushed through appointments, or that their concerns are being dismissed.

    Pet owners more likely to feel this caregiver stress included those who were younger than 55, and those whose cat had uncontrolled seizures.

    Strong emotions and complex needs

    The burden of caring for an unwell pet is not well recognised, even by vets.

    People suffering this kind of carer stress are likely to require more time in consultations at the vet’s office, visit more frequently, and become angry and emotional.

    From a vet’s perspective, clients with such strong emotions and complex needs can be challenging.

    People suffering a high burden of care are likely to require more time in consultations at the vet.
    Beach Creatives/Shutterstock

    How can you get help?

    If you or somebody you know is struggling with caring for a seriously ill pet, find a vet you trust and feel comfortable with. If you can tell them what you are struggling with, the vet may be able to provide some support.

    Call on your village! Ask friends and family for help to provide you with respite. We often do it when we first bring a new puppy or kitten home, but don’t think it’s OK to ask for help when they’re sick or ageing and need more care.

    Know that it’s OK to sometimes feel frustrated, overwhelmed, or even resentful towards your pet. It doesn’t mean you don’t love them. It means providing this level of care is hard.

    Being a carer is hard work.
    Soloviova Liudmyla/Shutterstock

    Despite the hardships, many caregivers find comfort in their deep connection to their pets. One of our respondents in the senior dog study wrote:

    every moment I have with her now is a blessing. She has given me so much over the last ten years; it’s time to pay back now.

    Pets also give meaning to our lives. In our study of cats with epilepsy, one person wrote:

    I think that most of the people are not aware of the benefits of living with the cat with special needs.

    Supporting the human-animal bond means supporting both humans and animals. We’re all better off when we recognise and support people struggling with caring for their pets.

    If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14 or Beyond Blue on 1300 22 4636.

    Susan Hazel has received funding from the Waltham Foundation and is affiliated with the Dog and Cat Management Board of South Australia, and the RSPCA South Australia.

    Tracey Taylor receives funding from the Waltham Foundation.

    – ref. ‘I feel constant anxiety’: how caring for a seriously unwell pet can lead to stress and burnout – https://theconversation.com/i-feel-constant-anxiety-how-caring-for-a-seriously-unwell-pet-can-lead-to-stress-and-burnout-247329

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: NDIS reforms aim to make the scheme fairer. But we’ve found the groups struggling to gain access

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By George Disney, Research Fellow, Social Epidemiology, The University of Melbourne

    Edwin Tan/Getty Images

    When the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) was established in 2013, one of its driving aims was to make disability services and support systems fairer.

    However, our new research shows significant inequalities remain, with some groups finding it much harder than others to be deemed eligible and access a funding plan.

    Recent NDIS reforms in part aim to address inequity, and to manage costs.

    So, what can we do to ensure these reforms don’t further embed existing inequalities? Here’s what we found.

    Inequalities in scheme access

    To receive funding from the NDIS, participants are required to demonstrate their eligibility.

    We wanted to explore whether decisions about eligibility were leading to inequalities in who could access and use NDIS funding.

    Our study looked at the individual NDIS applications of 485,676 people aged seven or older, made between 2016 and 2022, to see if they were deemed eligible.

    We then compared differences in eligibility rates between groups, considering:

    • age (applicants 55 or older versus those under 55)
    • gender (women and girls versus other applicants)
    • socioeconomic disadvantage (those from the poorest 30% of areas versus all other areas).

    Who is deemed ineligible?

    We found some groups are more likely to be rejected from the scheme than others: women and girls, people aged 55 and over, and those who live in disadvantaged areas.

    Within these groups, eligibility rates also vary.

    For example, people with intellectual disability, autism, and brain injury or stroke were very likely to be deemed eligible, regardless of their age, gender or socioeconomic disadvantage (900 or more were accepted per 1,000 applicants).

    However, people with physical disability and psychosocial disability (disabilities that can arise from a mental health issue, such as bipolar disorder or schizophrenia) were significantly more likely to be rejected.

    This was true across groups, but particularly evident among women and girls.

    We compared eligibility rates within every 1,000 applications made by women and girls versus men and boys.

    Among those who had physical disability, 145 more women and girls were rejected, compared to men and boys.

    Among those with psychosocial disability, 83 more applications were deemed ineligible for every 1,000 applications made by women, compared to men.

    Age was also a factor. Older Australians with a physical disability had 235 fewer approvals per 1,000 applications than those with physical disability under 55.

    Older Australians were more likely to be found ineligible.
    Christina RasoBoluda/Shutterstock

    What about once they’re eligible?

    Inequalities are more pronounced among those trying to prove eligibility for the scheme.

    Once accepted into the NDIS, our research found women and girls, and people living in poorer areas, received similar amounts of funding as men and boys, and those living in better-off areas.

    This budget is based on what the participant wants to achieve in everyday life and their support needs relating to their disabilities.

    However once people receive and are using plans, we then see some differences in how much these people are able to spend. This relates to factors such as the availability of services in an area or whether culturally safe supports are available.

    We found that women with psychosocial disability spent more than men with similar sized budgets.

    This result could reflect that women with psychosocial disability on the NDIS have higher support needs than men.

    It could be that it is harder for women to get onto the scheme in the first place, so those who are deemed eligible have more significant disability than men.

    But we need more research to unpack this further.

    Why do we see these inequalities?

    In the early days of the NDIS, to help fast-track applications, the National Disability Insurance Agency (which runs the NDIS) specified a list of diagnoses closely related to disability.

    Known as list A conditions, people with these diagnoses are automatically eligible for the NDIS.

    Disabilities likely to be associated with a list A diagnosis include level 2 or 3 autism (requiring substantial or very substantial support) and intellectual disability.

    However some people who could have permanent and significant disability, may have a diagnosis not on list A, such as Down syndrome and motor neurone disease. They must provide a broader range of evidence on the impact of their disability to be eligible.

    If they face other challenges – such as socioeconomic disadvantage – it may be harder for them to collect this evidence. For example, they may not be able to afford private health care that would help support their application.

    This might explain why people who do not have a list A diagnosis are less likely to prove their eligibility for the scheme.

    Where next for the scheme?

    Following recommendations from an independent review into the NDIS, the National Disability Insurance Agency is currently making changes to how it assesses eligibility.

    One of the changes suggested is removing list A classifications altogether.

    Instead, the agency will use a suite of functional assessment tools. These are still in the process of being designed, but they are one way to assess a person’s ability to perform everyday tasks and identify the level of support they require.

    This approach aims to assess more objectively and fairly how much someone is impacted by their disability.

    However, there are longstanding critiques of these tools. These include concerns they are not safe for minority groups, such as those with a culturally or linguistically diverse background, LGBTQIA+ people, and First Nations applicants.

    Our new research demonstrates how and why some inequalities arise. We should put this understanding front-and-centre in any changes to the NDIS.

    Most importantly, we should make sure reforms are co-designed with a broad range of different groups, to ensure we don’t perpetuate old inequalities or introduce new ones.

    George has conducted commissioned work for the Australian Department of Social Services (NDIS service use), the Victorian Department of Families Fairness and Housing (inequalities in NDIS service use), and the Queensland Department of Seniors, Disability Services, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships (NDIS service use in regional and remote Queensland).

    Alexandra Devine receives funding from the NHMRC.

    Anne Kavanagh receives funding from the ARC, NHMRC, MRFF, MS Australia and the Australian government.

    Helen Dickinson receives funding from ARC, NHMRC and Department of Social Services.

    Yi Yang has conducted commissioned work for the Australian Department of Social Services (inequalities in NDIS service use), the Victorian Department of Families Fairness and Housing (inequalities in NDIS service use), and the Queensland Department of Seniors, Disability Services, and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships (inequalities in NDIS service use in regional and remote Queensland).

    – ref. NDIS reforms aim to make the scheme fairer. But we’ve found the groups struggling to gain access – https://theconversation.com/ndis-reforms-aim-to-make-the-scheme-fairer-but-weve-found-the-groups-struggling-to-gain-access-248562

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: We asked young people if they wanted tighter vaping regulation to phase out nicotine – here’s what they said

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Janet Hoek, Professor in Public Health, University of Otago

    Shutterstock/Aliaksandr Barouski

    New Zealand’s smokefree law was hailed around the world for creating a smokefree generation that would have lifelong protection from smoking’s harms.

    The smokefree generation would have ended sales of tobacco products to anyone born on or after a specific date, thus gradually phasing out smoking. This new approach goes beyond age restriction policies (such as R18 or R21), which may imply smoking is “safe” once people reach the designated age.

    However, the coalition government moved swiftly to repeal the smokefree generation measure. That decision did not reflect attitudes towards the policy from young people and the general public.

    In an earlier in-depth study, we found young people strongly supported measures restricting their access to tobacco because they understood this policy would protect them from becoming addicted to smoking. Surveys also showed strong support for the smokefree generation policy from young people, the general public and people who smoke.

    NZ falls further behind international best practice

    As New Zealand went backwards, other jurisdictions, including the UK and several US towns, have proposed or taken more progressive approaches. Recent policies include vapes and other nicotine products, alongside smoked tobacco, and aim to create a nicotine-free generation.

    This approach recognises young people’s right to lead lives free from nicotine addiction and aims to address the growing threat addiction to vaping poses to their wellbeing.

    Because many more young people in New Zealand vape than smoke, we were interested in how they viewed a nicotine-free generation policy.

    On the one hand, they might support an approach that reduces the shame, stress and stigma nicotine addiction causes. On the other, they might accept arguments tobacco companies have made, claiming birth-year measures remove young people’s freedoms.

    Easy access to vaping products makes quitting difficult.
    Shutterstock/hurricanehank

    What young people who vape think

    We talked in-depth with 20 young people who assessed themselves as addicted to vaping. We asked them to imagine a nicotine-free generation policy was in place and applied to them, before probing how they interpreted and rationalised this approach.

    Our participants thought a nicotine-free generation policy would bring several wide-ranging benefits. They outlined personal benefits, such as increased fitness, better overall health and fewer financial concerns.

    Participants also envisaged societal benefits, including reduced pollution (from littered disposable vapes), fewer disputes among young people (less fighting over vapes) and a less pressured health system.

    Nearly all participants wanted to quit vaping. Several had tried to stop but relapsed. Easy access to vaping products and vaping’s ubiquity made many feel that quitting was impossible.

    Some felt targeted by marketers and unable to resist the pro-vaping environment that surrounded them. One person said vape shops were designed to attract younger people.

    There’s vape stores everywhere. It’s insane […] they’re always bright[ly] colour[ed] so you can see them.

    These feelings of powerlessness led several to view government regulation as the only way to protect young people from vaping. Rather than wanting to assert “choices” and “freedoms”, many of the people who talked with us felt they would be better off if this option simply did not exist.

    One participant explained:

    Although it is a choice […] it’s never going to be a positive choice. I wouldn’t mind it being taken away because I know it would be for my benefit […] it wouldn’t be a negative thing.

    Participants wanted a better future where younger generations did not face the challenges they had found overwhelming.

    The generation below me […] I don’t want them to go through [negative] health effects [and] experience that kind of thing.

    Nonetheless, a very small minority argued that young people should find out about risks themselves. One person argued:

    It’s people’s lives and they should be able to pick what they do […] Let them find out for themselves.

    Participants noted concerns about how a nicotine-free generation policy would be implemented and questioned whether retailers would respect this measure. Some thought parents or older siblings would supply vapes, as some already did. Others expected an illicit market could evolve.

    However, participants suggested several solutions they thought could address these challenges, including not normalising vaping, reducing retail outlet numbers and vape product marketing, increasing compliance monitoring and providing better support to help people quit vaping.

    Time for political leadership

    Our findings suggest it is time to discuss whether Aotearoa New Zealand should return to more progressive smokefree policies that recognise how the rapidly evolving nicotine market has undermined young people’s wellbeing.

    The current political emphasis on individual responsibility ignores young people’s calls for policies that remove harmful “choices”. It does not address earlier evidence that suggests governments have a responsibility to protect young people from harms.

    Reducing the ubiquity and appeal of vaping products should be an urgent policy priority for 2025.

    We acknowledge the excellent work undertaken by Renee Hosking, a summer scholarship student with the ASPIRE Aotearoa Centre.

    Janet Hoek receives funding from the Health Research Council of New Zealand, Royal Society Marsden Fund, NZ Cancer Society and NZ Heart Foundation. She is a member of the Health Coalition Aotearoa’s smokefree expert advisory group, a senior editor at Tobacco Control (honorarium paid) and she serves or has served on several government, NGO and community advisory groups.

    Lani Teddy receives funding from the Health Research Council of New Zealand. She is affiliated with ASPIRE Aotearoa whose members undertake research to inform tobacco policy.

    Anna DeMello does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. We asked young people if they wanted tighter vaping regulation to phase out nicotine – here’s what they said – https://theconversation.com/we-asked-young-people-if-they-wanted-tighter-vaping-regulation-to-phase-out-nicotine-heres-what-they-said-249456

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: In Afghanistan, families are forced to sell children to survive. Trump’s USAID cuts will be devastating

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amin Saikal, Emeritus Professor of Middle Eastern and Central Asian Studies, Australian National University

    The dismantling of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) is a serious blow to the soft power of the United States and disastrous for many poor countries where it helps provide humanitarian, health and educational services.

    One country whose citizens will bear the brunt of it is Afghanistan, under the misogynistic and draconian rule of the Taliban.

    According to United Nations reports, more than half of Afghanistan’s estimated 40 million population is dependent on international handouts for their survival. Most of the remaining barely earn enough to exist.

    USAID has played a critical part in alleviating the suffering of Afhghans since the hasty retreat of the US and its allies from the country and the return of the Taliban to power in mid-2021.

    Since then, the United States has been the largest donor of humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, amounting to US$3.71 billion (A$5.8 billion), channelled through UN agencies and other international organisations. USAID has been responsible for delivering a large proportion of it.

    The effects are already being felt. A major midwifery program has closed, while “secret schools” for girls and the American University of Afghanistan has suspended classes.

    US aid, along with help from other donors, has also been critical in keeping mass starvation at bay.

    Aid propping up the Taliban

    Indeed, not all the aid has directly been delivered to the needy. The Taliban have creamed off a portion of it in the process of permitting and supervising its delivery.

    As widely reported, the group has indirectly received some US$40 million (A$63 million) a week of donor funds. The United Nations says it’s unavoidable that some money makes its way to Afghanistan’s central bank, which is under the control of the Taliban.

    This aid money, together with US$7 billion (A$11 billion) worth of light and heavy arms left behind by the US and its allies, has been crucial in enabling the Taliban to enforce its extremist rule, despite lacking domestic and international legitimacy.

    US President Donald Trump’s objection to the flow of any American aid to the Taliban is well placed. He has criticised the Biden administration for its chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan and failure to curtail the indirect benefits of American aid to the group.

    He has called for an end to American money going to the Taliban and for the return of US military equipment from the group. He has even floated the idea of retaking the strategically important Bagram air base outside Kabul, which he claims is now under Chinese influence.

    Further, National Security Advisor Michael Waltz and Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, who both served in Afghanistan, have vowed to continue to fight terrorism around the world. Waltz believes terrorist groups are regrouping in Afghanistan under the Taliban and the Pentagon may need to send US troops back there.

    A halt to any aid that can advantage the Taliban is absolutely imperative. Countering the group is vital to combating violent extremism and terrorism.

    Afghans still desperately need aid

    However, this effort needs to be managed in ways that do not deprive the needy people of Afghanistan.

    Afghanistan’s economy, industries, reconstruction projects and work opportunities have virtually collapsed, while many schools have been closed or transformed into religious institutions.

    The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) estimates that in the last three years, Afghanistan’s economy has contracted by 27%, with staggeringly high unemployment and inflation.

    Living conditions are so bad that some families are selling their children in order to feed the rest of the family.

    No section of the society is in more desperate need than girls and women, who have been stripped of all their basic rights to education, work and public life. They are not even allowed to speak in public or pray outside the four walls of their homes. As put by actor Meryl Streep, a cat has more freedom than women in Afghanistan.

    This has caused a mental health crisis among women in Afghanistan, with rising numbers of suicides.

    What can be done?

    The disembowelling of USAID will have far-reaching consequences for the people of Afghanistan.

    If the Trump administration wants to achieve its anti-Taliban objectives, it needs a two-pronged policy approach:

    • identify new ways to continue humanitarian assistance to the people of Afghanistan in ways that don’t benefit the Taliban

    • increase pressure on the Taliban by strictly enforcing international sanctions and maintaining its isolation on the international stage.

    The suspension of American aid has already resulted in a devaluation of the Afghani currency. This has prompted the Taliban to impose severe restrictions on the transfer of dollars out of the country.

    Some analysts predict that if the economy continues to worsen, it will impact the Taliban’s ability to govern.

    In turn, this could strengthen civil and armed opposition groups – including the women’s Purple Saturday movement, which stands for a free and legitimately governed Afghanistan. These groups have increasingly become active in different parts of the country.

    Amin Saikal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. In Afghanistan, families are forced to sell children to survive. Trump’s USAID cuts will be devastating – https://theconversation.com/in-afghanistan-families-are-forced-to-sell-children-to-survive-trumps-usaid-cuts-will-be-devastating-249713

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Unrest in Bangladesh is revealing the bias at the heart of Google’s search engine

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Abdul Aziz, Lecturer in Media and Communication Studies, School of Arts and Social Sciences, Monash University

    Google’s search engine handles the vast majority of online searches worldwide. By one estimate, it fields 6.3 million queries every second.

    Because of the search engine’s enormous scale, its outputs can have outsized effects. And, while Google’s search results are shaped by ostensibly neutral rules and processes, research has shown these algorithms often produce biased results.

    This problem of algorithmic bias is again being highlighted by recent escalating tensions between India and Bangladesh and cases of violence against Bangladeshi citizens in India and violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. A pro-Indian misinformation and disinformation campaign is exploiting this algorithmic bias to further its agenda – an agenda that has been described as Islamophobic and alarmist.

    This kind of misinformation has been implicated in several riots and violent incidents in Bangladesh.

    All of this serves as an important reminder of the power Google’s search engine has in shaping public perceptions of any event – and its vulnerability to being exploited. It’s also an important reminder to anyone who uses Google’s search engine to engage critically with the results it dishes up, rather than accepting them at face value.

    What is algorithmic bias?

    The algorithms that power Google’s search engine are trained on massive amounts of data. This data is gathered by computer bots which crawl billions of pages on the Internet and automatically analyse their content and quality. This information is stored in a large database, which Google’s search engine relies on to serve up relevant results whenever it receives a query.

    But this process doesn’t capture every website on the Internet. It is also governed by predetermined rules about what is high quality and what is low quality, and reflects existing biases in data. For example, even though only 16% of the world’s population speaks English, it accounts for 55% of all written content online.

    This means the reality of life on the ground in non-English speaking countries is often not reflected in Google search results. This is especially true for those countries located in the Global South.

    This lack of representation perpetuates real-world biases. It can also hinder a nuanced public understanding of global issues.

    What’s happening between Bangladesh and India?

    Relations between Muslim-majority Bangladesh and neighbouring India, which is currently led by the Hindu nationalist BJP government, have deteriorated recently.

    In August last year, youth-led anti-government protests erupted in Bangladesh.

    These protests resulted in the downfall of prime minister Sheikh Hasina’s long-lasting autocratic regime, which had been supported by the Indian government.

    An interim government filled the void. But certain Indian media outlets have leveraged sensitive issues such as Hindu minority rights to undermine its legitimacy.

    In November, Bangladeshi authorities arrested Hindu leader Chinmoy Krishna Das on sedition charges over allegations he had disrespected the Bangladeshi flag. This triggered violent clashes between his supporters and police. These clashes resulted in the death of a Muslim lawyer.

    Hindu activists also attacked a Bangladeshi consulate in India.

    There have also been verified instances of mob violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. However, the Bangladeshi government claims these incidents are politically motivated rather than communal attacks.

    The unrest intensified earlier this month, with thousands of protestors destroying the family home of deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina in the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka.

    Boosting a disinformation campaign

    A disinformation campaign based in India has exaggerated some cases of religious violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

    This campaign has been boosted by Google’s algorithmic bias.

    For example, an analysis by the Tech Global Institute of Google search results about Chinmoy Krishna Das’s arrest between November 25 and December 20 last year found a “consistent pattern of bias”.

    Specifically, Indian news outlets – including Hindu ultranationalist news outlets – “disproportionately” dominated the top search results. This overshadowed

    factual reporting from credible Bangladeshi media outlets […] despite the search originating from within Bangladesh, the country where the incident originally occurred.

    This bias was also evident in search queries coming from overseas. For example, roughly 90% of the top results about Chinmoy Krishna Das were from Indian outlets when searched from Australia and the United States. Bangladeshi news outlets featured on the thirteenth and fourteenth pages of results.

    Indian news outlets – unlike their Bangladeshi counterparts – produce a substantial amount of content in English. They also employ more advanced search engine optimisation – or SEO – techniques, such as using effective keywords and sensationalist headlines. This gives them an advantage in Google search results compared to their Bangladeshi counterparts.

    Another investigation by Bangladeshi fact-checking outlet Rumor Scanner in December 2024 found 72% of social media accounts spreading fake and misinformation are located in India.

    The Conversation asked Google a series of questions about its search engine. It did not receive a response.

    An illustrative case of a global problem

    Bangladesh is an illustrative case of the global problem of algorithmic bias. It highlights how search engines can be exploited to promote disinformation and misinformation and powerfully shape people’s perceptions about what’s happening in the world.

    It also highlights how everybody should think critically about the information they find online about the current situation in Bangladesh. Or about any news event, for that matter.

    The case also reinforces the urgent need for policymakers, tech companies and governments to work together to effectively address algorithmic bias. This is especially urgent in the Global South, where marginal voices remain silenced.

    Abdul Aziz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Unrest in Bangladesh is revealing the bias at the heart of Google’s search engine – https://theconversation.com/unrest-in-bangladesh-is-revealing-the-bias-at-the-heart-of-googles-search-engine-249131

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: View from The Hill: government nabs Coalition policy on foreigners buying houses, Dutton eyes action on insurance companies

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    With the unembarrassed audacity parties show as an election nears, the government has stolen the opposition’s policy to ban foreign investors buying established homes.

    Treasurer Jim Chalmers and Housing Minister Clare O’Neil have announced foreigners won’t be able to purchase established homes from April 1 for at least two years, with a review to determine whether the ban should be extended.

    When the opposition announced its policy last year, Labor was dismissive, pointing out the numbers were minuscule. But the idea is popular with the public and the government is anxious to neutralise it.

    The turnabout comes immediately ahead of the Reserve Bank’s’s two-day meeting starting Monday, with expectations high that on Tuesday the bank may finally start moving rates down.

    A rate cut would increase speculation Anthony Albanese will opt for an April rather than a May election. That would mean cancelling the March 25 budget.

    With the election fast approaching and polls suggesting a high prospect of a minority government, attention has turned to how crossbenchers would react in the event of a hung parliament.

    Much conjecture is around the “teals” who occupy former Liberal seats but are more progressive than the current Liberal party.

    Opposition leader Peter Dutton said on Sunday: “It would be unusual that if we were able to achieve 72 [a majority is 76] and we were a number of seats ahead of the Labor Party, that there wouldn’t be a guarantee of supply and confidence from the crossbench.

    “But some of them will only ever support the Labor Party. I think if they’re into transparency and honesty, they should be transparent and honest with the public before the election about if you vote for Kate Chaney, are you going to get Anthony Albanese or will she support a Coalition government in a minority situation?”

    Chaney, one of the teals, holds the Western Australian seat of Curtin, which the Liberals believe is a chance for them.

    In their statement about foreign investors, Chalmers and O’Neil said the government would also “crack down” on foreign land banking.

    The ministers admitted these latest initiatives were small but said they were an important part of the government’s broad housing policy,

    “Until now, foreign investors have generally been barred from buying existing property except in limited circumstances, such as when they come to live here for work or study,” they said.

    Under the new arrangements, “foreign investors (including temporary residents and foreign-owned companies) will no longer be able to purchase an established dwelling in Australia while the ban is in place unless an exception applies.”

    On landbanking, the ministers said foreign investors are presently subject to developmental conditions requiring they put vacant land to use within a reasonable time.

    “The Government is focused on making sure these rules are complied with and identifying any investors who are acquiring vacant land, not developing it while prices rise and then selling it for a profit.”

    The Australian Taxation Office and Treasury will be funded for an audit program and to improve compliance.

    Dutton hints at action against insurance companies that ‘rip off’ people

    While Labor sought to shore up its credentials on housing, Dutton was venturing further down the interventionist road, hinting a Coalition government might use divestiture against recalcitrant insurance companies.

    The Coalition has already courted controversy with its threat supermarkets could face divestiture.

    Dutton is now looking more widely, after being concerned about how people in areas recently devastated by fires or floods often haven’t insurance because they can’t afford the increasingly high premiums.

    Asked on Sky whether the Coalition would reduce the cost of insurance, Dutton said, “We need to make sure that we’re not being ripped off by insurance companies.

    “As we’ve done with the supermarkets, where we have threatened divestment if consumers are being ripped off, similarly, in the insurance market, we will intervene to make sure that consumers get a fair go because at the moment people are paying too much for their insurance and what’s resulting is that people aren’t taking out insurance. […] People just simply can’t afford to insure the car or their home at the moment.”

    In a wideranging interview, Dutton cast doubt on whether the opposition would support any extension of government relief on power bills.

    “If it’s going to be inflationary and it’s going to keep interest rates higher for longer and it’s going to keep grocery prices higher for longer and it’s going to keep electricity prices higher for longer, then no.”

    (The relief the government has already provided put downward pressure on inflation.)

    The opposition leader criticised the government for not putting enough effort into its handling of the Trump administration.

    “Every minister should have been cycling through Washington. I’m not aware that other ministers have been to Washington since Penny Wong was there for the inauguration,” he said.

    “If they have, that’s great. But the prime minister probably should have been on a plane to the US, as we’ve seen with other world leaders and there should have been greater engagement with the president earlier on.”

    Dutton apparently forgot the visit made by Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles, who was the first defence minister to meet new defence secretary Pete Hegseth.

    Reminded of the Marles visit, he immediately criticised him. “Richard Marles is a nice guy, but he’s batting fairly significantly down the list in terms of the government’s key hitters.”

    Dutton said Trump had to be seen in a different light to other presidents.

    “Donald Trump is different to any of his predecessors, certainly in the modern age. If you look at his background, he’s a businessman, he does deals, he brings parties together, he swaps contracts. That’s been his background, and it’s not a background, probably, that’s been shared by too many of his predecessors. So, I don’t think you’re taking everything he says literally.”

    Dutton left his options open when asked whether he would replace Kevin Rudd as ambassador to the United States.

    “We have to have an ambassador who is in our country’s best interests. Kevin, obviously, is an accomplished person as prime minister of our country and if he’s the best person for the job, then he should stay in the job.

    “If it turns out that he’s had no access to the White House and no real influence in relation to this [tariff] issue or whatever the next issue might be, then you would have to reassess his position. But at the moment, we’re being told that he’s effective in his advocacy in the administration. I suppose time will tell.

    “My instinct would be to leave him in the job. But […] if there are insurmountable problems that he has, or that the administration has with him, then that would make it very difficult.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. View from The Hill: government nabs Coalition policy on foreigners buying houses, Dutton eyes action on insurance companies – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-government-nabs-coalition-policy-on-foreigners-buying-houses-dutton-eyes-action-on-insurance-companies-250023

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘A shameful call by Creative Australia’: the arts community reacts to Khaled Sabsabi being dropped from the Venice Biennale

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cecelia Cmielewski, Research Fellow, Institute for Culture and Society, Western Sydney University

    To be selected as the artist and curator team to represent Australia at the Venice Biennale is considered the ultimate exhibition for an artistic team. To have your selection rescinded, as has now happened to the 2026 team of Khaled Sabsabi and curator Michael Dagostino, is without precedent.

    Australia has presented at the biennale since 1954, and is one of 29 countries to have a permanent pavilion. Last year, Archie Moore was the first Australian to win the Golden Lion for best national pavilion.

    The selection of an artist and curator pair is managed by Creative Australia. The arts funding body appoints a committee of visual artists and industry experts to form a shortlist of six teams, and make the final selection.

    The announcement on February 7 of Sabsabi and Dagostino was widely celebrated as creatively bold and inclusive.

    On Thursday, opposition arts spokesperson, Claire Chandler, questioned Sabsabi’s selection in the Senate. She cited a 2007 work that featured Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, and said the artist had made work “promoting” Osama bin Laden.

    In a statement released on Thursday night, Creative Australia said Sabsabi and Dagostino would no longer represent Australia at the biennale.

    The Creative Australia board, the statement said, “believes a prolonged and divisive debate about the 2026 selection outcome poses an unacceptable risk to public support for Australia’s artistic community”.

    On social media, the artistic community was swift in its condemnation. They criticised the paucity of understanding of Sabsabi’s artistic and community practice, and questioned the role of political interference and freedom of artistic expression.

    Artists called for the resignation of the Creative Australia board, and for a boycott of the Australian pavilion at the biennale.

    ‘A remarkable career’

    Before moving into visual arts, Sabsabi began his career as a hip-hop artist, known as Peacefender. In a career spanning more than 35 years, he has worked in video, mixed media and installation art, exhibiting around Australia and internationally.

    Media artist and academic John Gillies described Sabsabi as “a thoughtful and peaceful person” who has worked as a community arts worker in Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon.

    The former head of the Sydney gallery Artspace, Nicholas Tsoutas, said Sabsabi “has had a remarkable career in contemporary art and his selection was so well deserved”.

    He praised the selection of Sabsabi as “an extraordinary opportunity to really advocate for artistic freedom for bringing [people] together”, and added this decision will “do the exact opposite”.

    ‘A sad day’

    Artist Kate Just said the board’s decision “undermines the expertise of the artist, curator, and the selection team. The decision fails to uphold the work of artists to interrogate complex personal and political histories and the urgent issues of our time.”

    Fiona Winning, former director of programming at Sydney Opera House, said it was “a shameful call by Creative Australia”. Artist Nigel Helyer expressed his belief this decision was “liable to emphasise cultural divides, rather than placate them”.

    Investment banker, art collector and philanthropist Simon Mordant, commented on Instagram he has “resigned as an Ambassador to the now cancelled project and withdrawn my financial support – this situation is unacceptable”.

    He suggested “the Pavilion should remain empty in solidarity with Khaled. A very dark day for Australia and the Arts”.

    Advocacy body National Association for the Visual Arts (commonly known as NAVA) released a statement saying “government interference in the expert panel’s selection process undermines the very principle of independence”.

    The decision, they said, “erodes public trust, alienates artists, and sparks widespread protest from those who stand with Sabsabi and Dagostino as a matter of principle”.

    ‘Artists reflect the times they live in’

    The five artistic teams who were shortlisted to represent Australia at the biennale have released a joint statement in support of Sabsabi.

    They called the selection process “rigorous and professionally independent” leading to the selection of a team with “artistic vision and courage”.

    Revoking support, they wrote, is “antithetical to the goodwill and hard-fought artistic independence, freedom of speech and moral courage that is at the core of arts in Australia”.

    In a statement, Sabsabi and Dagostino said “art should not be censored as artists reflect the times they live in”.

    “We intended to present a transformational work in Venice, an experience that would unite all audiences in an open and safe shared space,” they said.

    As the artistic community is showing, this decision has raised a debate on what artists are allowed to say in Australia and brings into question the independence of Creative Australia.

    Cecelia Cmielewski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘A shameful call by Creative Australia’: the arts community reacts to Khaled Sabsabi being dropped from the Venice Biennale – https://theconversation.com/a-shameful-call-by-creative-australia-the-arts-community-reacts-to-khaled-sabsabi-being-dropped-from-the-venice-biennale-249941

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Dingoes are being culled in Victoria. How much harm to the species is needed to protect commercial profits?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Danielle Ireland-Piper, Associate Professor, ANU National Security College, Australian National University

    A Victorian government decision to allow dingo culling in the state’s east until 2028 has reignited debate over what has been dubbed Australia’s most controversial animal.

    Animals Australia, an animal welfare group, has filed proceedings in the Supreme Court of Victoria, challenging the decision. The case is due to be heard this year.

    Announcing the legal action, the group said the eradication program targeted a unique native animal at risk of extinction, and ignored pleas from Traditional Owners who “treasure the dingo as a totem species”.

    The controversy raises a few thorny questions. Are dingoes an important native species or an agricultural pest? And what is the right balance between protecting the species, and protecting the interests of farmers?

    What’s this all about?

    Dingoes are listed as vulnerable in Victoria. This means the species faces a high risk of extinction in the wild over the medium term.

    Dingoes are also protected under Victoria’s Wildlife Act – unless a special order is made to declare them “unprotected”. To date, these unprotection orders have been made when authorities deem it necessary to prevent dingoes from killing livestock.

    An unprotection order means a person can legally kill dingoes in certain areas of private and public land, by trapping, poisoning or shooting.

    Since around 2010, a succession of unprotection orders have allowed dingoes to be killed in various parts of Victoria. The unprotection order now being challenged came into effect on October 1 last year and will continue until January 1, 2028.

    Announcing the decision, Victoria’s Environment Minister Steve Dimopoulos says the government was:

    striking the right balance between protecting our vulnerable dingo populations while giving farmers the ability to protect their livestock, and we will regularly engage to ensure settings continue to achieve this balance.

    Dingoes are not ‘wild dogs’

    DNA studies suggest dingoes have been in Australia for between 4,600 and 18,000 years. Often wrongly described as “wild dogs”, they are [actually descended from south Asian wolves](https://environment.desi.qld.gov.au/wildlife/animals/living-with/dingoes#:~:text=The%20dingo—Australia’s%20only%20native,role%20in%20the%20natural%20environment.Sustainable dingo management (and public sympathies either way).

    Adding to the complications, it can be hard to distinguish between a wild dog and a dingo without DNA testing.

    Dingoes were once widespread across Victoria but are now extinct across most of the state, save for two populations in the state’s north and east.

    Conservationists and scientists fear the extended order in eastern Victoria may push dingoes to local extinction

    The experience in north-west Victoria offers a cautionary tale. There, under a dingo unprotection order, the population dropped to as few as 40 individuals. The local dingo population was deemed “critically low and at risk of extinction”, prompting the government to reinstate dingo protections.

    In eastern Victoria, the dingo population is estimated at between 2,640 and 8,800.

    However in September last year, before the unprotection order in eastern Victoria came into effect, Nationals Member for Gippsland, Tim Bull, claimed 1,500 dingoes were already being killed in the region each year by farmers and others.

    If those figures are correct, it suggests extending the unprotection order until 2028 will devastate the dingo population in eastern Victoria.

    A decline in dingo populations is not just a concern for the species itself – it will have knock-on effects.

    Dingoes are apex predators and research shows they are central to how ecosystems function. They can help control introduced predators such as foxes, feral cats and rabbits. This benefits native animals and plants.

    Is the balance right?

    Given the risks to dingo populations and the broader environment, it’s pertinent to ask if the government decision swings too far towards protecting agricultural production.

    One report suggests within Victoria’s 16 “wild dog management zones” in the 2022–23 financial year, there were more than 1.7 million head of livestock. Of these, 1,455 were confirmed killed by dingoes. While understandably of concern to farmers, this nonetheless represents a tiny proportion of total stock numbers.

    The number of sheep killed by dingoes is also only a fraction of the 14.6 million currently farmed in Victoria. Sheep are not at risk of extinction.

    These numbers suggest the government has not struck the right balance between protecting livestock and ensuing dingo populations survive.

    Considering the rights of Traditional Owners

    When weighing up an unprotection order, a minister must consider how it affects the rights of Traditional Owners.

    In 2023, when deliberating over whether to make an unprotection order in eastern Victoria, the Victorian government stated that for Aboriginal people:

    • dingoes are part of their living cultural heritage

    • the loss of a dingo is akin to the loss of a family member

    • the dingo helps maintain connection to Country

    • some have a totemic and kinship relationship with the dingo.

    The government said while the order would limit Aboriginal people’s rights, this was justified when taking other factors into account.

    The court will decide

    Animal protection group Animals Australia has filed proceedings in the Supreme Court of Victoria, challenging the lawfulness and validity of the unprotection order. Court documents are not yet publicly available.

    Australia does not have a single and consistent animal welfare and protection regime. Instead, protections are fractured between the states. That is why the current challenge to dingo culling is limited to Victoria, even though culling takes place in other states. This illustrates the difficulty in using the law to protect animals at a national level.

    This challenge is part of a broader push to redefine the relationship between humans and animals through what’s known as animal law. In recent years, animal advocates have used various aspects of the law to challenge the gassing of pigs before they are slaughtered, and recreational duck shooting.

    The current case is an important test for how the law balances the needs of humans and animals – and in particular, how much harm is deemed “necessary” at law to protect commercial profit and livelihood.

    Danielle Ireland-Piper does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Dingoes are being culled in Victoria. How much harm to the species is needed to protect commercial profits? – https://theconversation.com/dingoes-are-being-culled-in-victoria-how-much-harm-to-the-species-is-needed-to-protect-commercial-profits-245759

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Bracing for a monster: Tropical Cyclone Zelia is bearing down on WA. Here’s what to expect

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steve Turton, Adjunct Professor of Environmental Geography, CQUniversity Australia

    Severe Tropical Cyclone Zelia is bearing down on the northwest coast of Australia and is likely to make landfall early Friday evening.

    It’s a monster storm of great concern to Western Australia. Port Hedland is the largest town in the firing line and also our busiest iron ore export port. Strong winds may extend to other areas along the coast, and inland to areas such as Marble Bar, Tom Price and Paraburdoo.

    Even if Zelia doesn’t hit towns directly, it’s likely to cause a lot of damage. The Bureau of Meteorology predicts extremely dangerous sustained winds of around 205 kilometers an hour and wind gusts higher still, at 290km/h. That’s strong enough to flatten homes, trees, power lines and other infrastructure.

    This is a category five cyclone, which is the most severe possible under the current scale. But as climate change worsens, authorities may need to add another category to the scale.

    Bureau of Meteorology video explaining the threat of Tropical Cyclone Zeila.

    Do we need a category 6?

    Elsewhere in the world, tropical cyclones are called hurricanes or typhoons.

    The severity of a tropical cyclone (or hurricane or typhoon) is ranked in categories from 1 (weakest) to 5 (strongest).

    Category one involves maximum average wind speed of up to 88km/h, and strongest gusts up to 125 km/h. It typically causes negligible damage to homes but may damage crops, trees and caravans.

    Category five, the most severe, is defined as “extremely dangerous”, causing widespread destruction of buildings and vegetation. These cyclones bring maximum average wind speeds greater than 200km/h and gusts greater than 279km/h.

    However, on a warming planet, cyclones are expected to become more intense. It’s also making tropical cyclones and hurricanes intensify more quickly.

    Some scientists have called for a category six for hurricanes, typhoons and cyclones with sustained wind speeds greater than 309km/h. They argue a new category is needed to communicate the risks associated with tropical cyclones fuelled by climate change.

    Bureau of Meteorology video explaining the threat of Tropical Cyclone Zeila.

    Climate change is feeding storms

    It’s too early to say if Cyclone Zelia is directly caused, or fuelled, by climate change. However, research over the last 30 years has found a link between global warming and more intense tropical cyclones.

    Globally, 2024 was Earth’s warmest year on record. Ocean heat content is increasing around most tropical seas, and other places where tropical cyclones are forming.
    Warmer oceans, and a warmer atmosphere, both feed energy into tropical cyclones, making them more intense and fast-forming when conditions are favourable.

    Zelia intensified from a category one into a five in just over 24 hours.

    Australia is currently experiencing record-breaking sea surface temperatures. The area off the northwest coast has been up to 4-5°C above normal this summer.

    Hurricane Milton, which struck the United States in October last year, also shows how climate change is making tropical cyclones worse. Amid very warm ocean temperatures, it intensified rapidly over the Gulf of Mexico to a category five hurricane.

    We can expect more of these severe cyclones in future, if humanity keeps warming up the oceans and the atmosphere.

    Slow is not good

    Climate change is slowing the forward motion of tropical cyclones over the ocean and land. That means they take longer to cross the coast and pass through an area – inflicting more damage from wind and storm surge, and dumping more rain.

    The Bureau of Meteorology says Cyclone Zelia’s “forward speed” is quite slow, at 11km/h. So, heavy rain and the strong winds will persist for quite a few hours before and after it crosses the coast.

    The strongest winds of a tropical cyclone are usually near the eye, but can extend for hundreds of kilometres. Sometimes, winds on opposite sides of the eye blow in different directions, causing destruction on the ground which damages buildings, infrastructure, farmland and the environment.

    Conditions on the ground

    At the moment around Port Hedland, winds are about 70-100km/h and rising. That’s gale force but not too alarming. Conditions will rapidly deteriorate into this afternoon, particularly to the east of Port Hedland.

    The storm has already dropped a lot of rain. This has caused local flooding and cut rail lines. But there’s more to come.

    The Bureau of Meteorology is also warning of a significant storm tide – when sea levels rise well above a typical high tide. This may lead to flooding and inundate coastal roads and properties.

    The cyclone will continue to trek inland over the weekend, gradually weakening as it goes. People in mining and Indigenous communities hundreds of kilometres inland could experience strong winds, heavy rain and flooding.

    The bureau is providing regular updates online. For those in the path of the cyclone visit www.emergency.wa.gov.au or download the Emergency WA app for the latest community alerts and warnings.

    Steve Turton has received funding from the Australian government.

    – ref. Bracing for a monster: Tropical Cyclone Zelia is bearing down on WA. Here’s what to expect – https://theconversation.com/bracing-for-a-monster-tropical-cyclone-zelia-is-bearing-down-on-wa-heres-what-to-expect-249947

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: In Robert F. Kennedy Jr, the US has put a conspiracy theorist in charge of public health

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hassan Vally, Associate Professor, Epidemiology, Deakin University

    Overnight, Robert F. Kennedy Jr was confirmed as the secretary of the US Health and Human Services Department. Put simply, this makes him the most influential figure in overseeing the health and wellbeing of more than 330 million Americans.

    As health secretary, Kennedy will be involved in overseeing federal health agencies that regulate medical research, disease prevention, drug approvals and health-care programs.

    This includes oversight of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the Food and Drug Administration and the National Institutes of Health, which are among the most crucial public health agencies in the country.

    Reports suggest he’ll oversee a budget in the order of US$1.8 trillion (A$2.8 trillion) annually.

    In the era of Trump 2.0, there’s little that shocks me anymore. But Kennedy would have to be the most unqualified person ever to hold this crucial role of protecting the health of the American people.

    A history of discounting science

    The absolute minimum requirement for someone occupying such as role should be an understanding of science and respect for scientific evidence and expertise. Yet, Kennedy fails spectacularly in this regard.

    Here are just some of the false claims he has made over the years:

    None of these positions has even the smallest amount of scientific support.

    It’s hard to predict what Kennedy will do as health secretary, especially given his confirmation hearings looked to be an exercise in being vague, evasive and denying or downplaying his prior controversial statements to secure support.

    But there are three areas where his views are fairly clear and his appointment could be expected to have a significant impact. These are water fluoridation, infectious diseases research and vaccines.

    Fluoridation of water

    Kennedy has been a long-term opponent of water fluoridation, despite its proven benefits in preventing tooth decay. He has consistently questioned its safety and claimed it’s linked to a range of illnesses such as arthritis, bone cancer, IQ loss and neurodevelopmental disorders.

    While a recent review suggested a link between water fluoridation and lower IQ in children, the levels of fluoride in the water in countries included in this review were generally several times higher than the levels in public water fluoridation programs in countries such as the US and Australia. There were also other limitations that make interpreting these findings challenging.

    The CDC has identified community water fluoridation as as one of the ten great public health achievements of the 20th century. And it continues to benefit dental health today, without any convincing evidence of possible harms.

    Nonetheless, it seems likely that in keeping with his longstanding views one of Kennedy’s first priorities will be to try to halt water fluoridation in the US.

    Infectious diseases

    Alongside his confirmation as health secretary, US President Donald Trump signed an executive order establishing “The President’s Commission to Make America Healthy Again”, with Kennedy as the chair.

    The Make America Healthy Again movement (MAHA) is an initiative driven by Kennedy focusing on improving nutrition, increasing transparency in medical practices and reducing the corporate influence in health.

    Though premised primarily on combating chronic diseases, the movement also embraces scepticism of established medical practices, unproven alternative therapies and a general mistrust of institutions.

    What’s more, Kennedy’s focus on chronic diseases seems to be coming at the expense of continued work on infectious diseases.

    He has proposed directing the National Institutes of Health to pause infectious disease research for eight years to prioritise research into chronic diseases and alternative treatments.

    As health secretary, Kennedy has the power to shift research priorities. If he were to effectively halt infectious diseases research – in the wake of COVID and with a looming threat of future pandemics – this would be catastrophic for the US and global health.

    Vaccine scepticism

    Related to infectious diseases, there’s little doubt the area in which Kennedy has done the most damage relates to vaccines.

    He has dedicated a large part of his life to undermining public confidence in vaccines. This is despite overwhelming scientific evidence demonstrating their safety and effectiveness, and the millions of lives they’ve saved.

    Although he has subsequently denied it, Kennedy is on record as falsely stating there is no such thing as a safe and effective vaccine. Notably, he has continued to push the debunked claim that the measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) vaccine is linked to autism, despite the single study finding this having been widely discredited.

    Kennedy’s frequent assertion that he’s not anti-vaccine, but “pro-safety”, is also deeply disingenuous. Being “pro-safety” is a deliberately vague notion designed to appear reasonable while at the same time undermining the scientific evidence.

    The impact of Kennedy’s appointment as health secretary on vaccine confidence will not just be limited to the US. Vaccine hesitancy has been recognised as one of the greatest threats to public health. Having a vaccine sceptic leading the US health agencies has the potential to harm vaccine uptake worldwide.

    As we’ve seen during the COVID pandemic, producing a vaccine is only half the battle. Convincing people to take it is just as important. There’s no doubt Kennedy’s influence on public health messaging could further erode vaccine confidence at a time when vaccine messaging must be clear.

    It’s bad news for the US and the world

    One of the reasons Kennedy poses such a threat to public health in the US and globally is his lack of trust in science. He believes a narrative can be crafted by picking and choosing any study that fits with his world view, regardless of its quality.

    In addition, he personifies the bad-faith tactics of conspiracy theorists globally, “selling” the flawed premise that any assertion is valid until others prove it false.

    What the world needs now is a safe pair of hands leading public health in the US. Someone who is guided by evidence – not someone who promotes anti-science propaganda and conspiracy theories.

    Hassan Vally does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. In Robert F. Kennedy Jr, the US has put a conspiracy theorist in charge of public health – https://theconversation.com/in-robert-f-kennedy-jr-the-us-has-put-a-conspiracy-theorist-in-charge-of-public-health-249601

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Parliament has passed landmark election donation laws. They may be a ‘stitch up’ but they also improve Australia’s democracy

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joo-Cheong Tham, Professor, Melbourne Law School, The University of Melbourne

    Federal parliament has passed the biggest changes to Australia’s electoral funding laws in decades.

    The Albanese government’s Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Reform) Bill 2024 cleared the Senate on Wednesday night after just two hours of debate on amendments agreed to earlier by the Coalition. In blatant disregard for democracy, the government refused to refer the bill to a parliamentary committee for proper scrutiny.

    The amendments fail to address numerous deficiencies in the original bill that was introduced last November. Transparency has been wound back and hollow contribution caps have been locked in.

    In significant respects, however, the package is an improvement on the status quo, which has seen unrestricted donations and spending flourish. So, too, secrecy.

    We need to penetrate the sound and fury of partisanship and assess the substance of these laws. This will yield a much more nuanced picture than conveyed by cross bench claims of a major party stitch up.

    Some improvement to transparency

    The government originally proposed lowering the disclosure threshold for donations from $16,000 to $1,000. The revised bill settles on a new threshold of $5,000.

    The amendments fail to plug a loophole that allows a donor to give separately to all of the branches attached to a political party if each individual contribution is just under the threshold. For example, a donor could spread almost $45,000 to the nine state and federal branches of the ALP without being required to declare the amounts.

    But the new laws will usher in near-real time disclosure and substantially reduce “dark money”, a seismic shift from the secrecy and lack of timeliness in the regime it replaces.

    Hollow donation caps

    Under the reforms, a series of contribution caps have been introduced to curb the influence of big money in politics.

    In my assessment of the original bill, I highlighted how the caps would prevent multi-million dollar contributions from cashed-up individuals.

    The amendments go further by closing a number of sizeable loopholes. Self financing candidates, such as Clive Palmer and Malcolm Turnbull will be subject to the contribution caps. The current exclusions for membership and affiliation fees to associated entities – “disguised donations” – will also be caught by the caps.

    But any positives are emphatically outweighed by the “annual gift cap” more than doubling to $50,000. The same “spreading” loophole that applies to the disclosure obligations would allow a donor to to give just shy of this amount to each of a party’s state and federal branches across the country. The major parties could reap up to almost $450,000 per annum from a single donor.

    And the “overall gift cap” on total donations made to political parties and candidates is a generous $1.6 million, which means large contributions will still be permissible under the new framework.

    The government has also failed to remove the patently unfair provisions relating to “nominated entities”, which are likely to be used by the major parties as investment vehicles.

    As the Victorian Electoral Review Expert Panel has rightly noted, such entities:

    provide some (parties) with significantly more funds, creating a risk that those (parties) drown out other voices.

    Election spending contained and fairer

    The spending caps in the new finance laws are fundamentally unaltered by the government’s amendments.

    The $800,000 per electorate limit, and $90 million per party nationally, will contain the “arms race” that has necessitated “big money” fundraising and fuelled unfair contests.

    However, the limits are set too high and will benefit the established parties due to the narrow scope of the spending caps in individual electorates. This means the major parties will be able to shift funding to must-win seats without being caught by the electorate caps.

    This shortcoming has been seized upon as clear evidence that Labor and the Liberals are seeking to kneecap Teal election campaigns. While having some force, these criticisms should be viewed in the context of the current situation where the major parties have an unfettered ability to direct spending to marginal seats, a situation which the Teals are ironically defending with their opposition to spending caps.

    The importance of public funding

    The new regime includes a substantial jump in public funding from $3.50 to $5 per vote.

    Crossbenchers, such as Kate Chaney, are opposed, to the increase, saying it will entrench the might of the majors while making it harder for new independents:

    The effect of increasing public funding is that political parties don’t have to fundraise because they’ve got their war chests. But any challengers do have to fundraise.

    While there is a clear risk of unfairness, the crossbench position throws the baby out with the bathwater. It romanticises the role of private funding, skating over the risks of corruption and undue influence via large donations.

    The public funding of political parties and candidates is warranted. But there should be a conversation about the design and scope of taxpayer support.

    The political finance laws could be made considerably fairer by fixing the structural bias that favours incumbents, including teal MPs. And they don’t need to be as generous given the large flows of private funding that will continue under the shallow contribution caps.

    Unfinished business

    Bad processes tend to make bad laws. The government’s actions have cast a pall of illegitimacy over its political finance regime. The new framework is unfair and ineffectual in significant ways and yet democracy enhancing in others.

    We are all trustees of democracy, with an obligation to protect and deepen democratic practices. An urgent task in that continuing struggle is to protect the strengths of these laws while jettisoning the elements that are egregiously bad.

    Joo-Cheong Tham has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Council of Trade Unions, European Trade Union Institute, International IDEA, the New South Wales Electoral Commission, the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption and the Victorian Electoral Commission. He is a Director of the Centre for Public Integrity; Expert Network Member of Climate Integrity; a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia; and the Victorian Division Assistant Secretary (Academic Staff) of the National Tertiary Education Union.

    – ref. Parliament has passed landmark election donation laws. They may be a ‘stitch up’ but they also improve Australia’s democracy – https://theconversation.com/parliament-has-passed-landmark-election-donation-laws-they-may-be-a-stitch-up-but-they-also-improve-australias-democracy-249588

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Suicide or accident? The hidden complexities of intentional road crashes in Australia

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Associate Professor & Principal Fellow in Urban Risk & Resilience, The University of Melbourne

    Juris Teivans/Shutterstock

    In Australia, fatal road crashes are climbing again, especially since the pandemic, and despite years of attempts to reduce road trauma, the numbers remain stubbornly high.

    Strategies to reduce the road toll have largely focused on speeding, distractions and enforcement gaps, such as roadside drug testing.

    But hidden in these statistics is a lesser-known, deeply troubling reality: some of these crashes are not unintentional at all.

    A difficult area to explore

    A portion of road fatalities each year are deaths by suicide.

    For some, cars and trucks are not just modes of transport – they become a means to intentionally end their lives.

    The true scale of this issue is difficult to determine, as coroners and crash investigators often struggle to distinguish suicide from accidental death.

    The phenomenon is not confined to Australia – it has been studied and documented in several countries including the United Kingdom, Sweden, Finland, and the United States.

    International research suggests driver suicides may account for up to 8–9% of all fatal road crashes. But studies indicate up to half of these cases may go unreported.

    So what do we know about these cases? Why are they so difficult to identify and what patterns exist in these incidents?

    How bad is the problem?

    Between 2001 and 2017, the rate of suicide involving a road vehicle collision in Australia nearly doubled from 0.125 per 100,000 people to 0.25 per 100,000.

    These suicides take several forms.

    Some involve single-vehicle crashes, where a driver deliberately collides with a tree, pole, or concrete barrier.

    Others are multiple-vehicle collisions, where a driver or rider intentionally steers into oncoming traffic, often targeting trucks.

    There are also pedestrian suicides, where people step or lie in front of moving vehicles.

    Among driver suicides, single-vehicle crashes are the most common, with studies estimating more than half of driver suicides involve collisions with fixed objects (some studies suggest the figure is more than 70%).

    For multiple-vehicle collisions, almost 82% of cases involve colliding with an oncoming truck.

    More than half of pedestrian deaths by suicide also involve trucks.

    While there are variations in research findings, current evidence suggest males make up between 78% and 91% of those who die by road transport suicide.

    Certain demographics have been found to be more likely to die in a road suicide in Australia compared to other methods of suicide:

    This includes those who are:

    • male (15% more likely than females)
    • younger than 25 (nearly five times more likely than those older)
    • non-Indigenous (three times more likely than First Nations people)
    • born overseas (40% more likely than those born in Australia)

    The ripple effects

    Unlike most other suicide methods, road vehicle collisions pose a significant risk to others.

    Intentional crashes can involve unsuspecting drivers, passengers and pedestrians, turning a personal act of self-harm into a broader public safety issue.

    Studies show that when a suicide collision involves vehicles with a large weight disparity — such as a car colliding with a truck — nearly 30% result in injury to another person and almost 4% result in the death of another person.

    Beyond the immediate loss of life or injury, these incidents leave lasting psychological scars on the drivers involved.

    Why is it difficult to establish suicide on the road?

    Determining whether a fatal road crash was intentional or unintentional is fraught with challenges. Unlike other suicide methods, there is often no definitive proof of intent.

    Coroners and crash investigators rely on a patchwork of evidence: eyewitness accounts, vehicle behaviour before impact, the driver’s psychological history and physical crash characteristics.

    Even when red flags are present — such as high-speed impacts with no signs of braking, the driver not wearing a seat belt, collisions with trucks, or cases where drivers abruptly veer into oncoming traffic — these alone are not always enough to confirm intent.

    Investigators must also navigate the cultural and social sensitivities surrounding suicide, which can lead to hesitation in formally classifying a death as intentional. Families, religious beliefs and even financial factors such as life insurance claims can influence how these cases are handled.

    In many instances, those who use this method do so in a way that obscures their intent, deliberately staging a crash to appear unintentional.

    Without conclusive evidence, such as a documented history of suicidality or a suicide note, these cases often remain in statistical limbo — unconfirmed, unclassified, and possibly unreported.

    What can be done?

    While broader suicide prevention efforts are always relevant, reducing suicide-related road crashes requires targeted, practical interventions that make vehicles less likely to be used for suicide. Some ideas include:

    1. Vehicle safety features that reduce lethality, such as automatic emergency braking and collision avoidance systems, can make intentional high-speed crashes less likely to be fatal. As such, they could discourage the use of vehicles as a suicide method. Airbags, in particular, can play a crucial role, as they can make the outcome of a crash less predictable for people attempting suicide.

    2. A national standardised process for classifying intentional crashes would improve detection and data accuracy. Incorporating psychological autopsies and mandating coroners consider behavioural indicators (such as lack of evasive action) could help identify cases that currently go unreported.

    3. Heavy vehicle drivers and first responders should receive specialised training to recognise potential suicide crash indicators and manage the psychological toll of being involved in such incidents.

    Together, these measures can make vehicle-related suicide, as a very complex issue, less likely and more detectable.

    If you or someone you know is struggling, help is available. In Australia, you can contact Lifeline at 13 11 14 for confidential support.

    Angela J Clapperton receives funding from Suicide Prevention Australia.

    Lay San Too receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council for a fellowship.

    Matthew J. Spittal receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council for an Investigator Grant (GNT2025205).

    Milad Haghani does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Suicide or accident? The hidden complexities of intentional road crashes in Australia – https://theconversation.com/suicide-or-accident-the-hidden-complexities-of-intentional-road-crashes-in-australia-248673

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Parliament has passed landmark election donation laws. They may be a ‘stich up’ but they also improve Australia’s democracy

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joo-Cheong Tham, Professor, Melbourne Law School, The University of Melbourne

    Federal parliament has passed the biggest changes to Australia’s electoral funding laws in decades.

    The Albanese government’s Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Reform) Bill 2024 cleared the Senate on Wednesday night after just two hours of debate on amendments agreed to earlier by the Coalition. In blatant disregard for democracy, the government refused to refer the bill to a parliamentary committee for proper scrutiny.

    The amendments fail to address numerous deficiencies in the original bill that was introduced last November. Transparency has been wound back and hollow contribution caps have been locked in.

    In significant respects, however, the package is an improvement on the status quo, which has seen unrestricted donations and spending flourish. So, too, secrecy.

    We need to penetrate the sound and fury of partisanship and assess the substance of these laws. This will yield a much more nuanced picture than conveyed by cross bench claims of a major party stitch up.

    Some improvement to transparency

    The government originally proposed lowering the disclosure threshold for donations from $16,000 to $1,000. The revised bill settles on a new threshold of $5,000.

    The amendments fail to plug a loophole that allows a donor to give separately to all of the branches attached to a political party if each individual contribution is just under the threshold. For example, a donor could spread almost $45,000 to the nine state and federal branches of the ALP without being required to declare the amounts.

    But the new laws will usher in near-real time disclosure and substantially reduce “dark money”, a seismic shift from the secrecy and lack of timeliness in the regime it replaces.

    Hollow donation caps

    Under the reforms, a series of contribution caps have been introduced to curb the influence of big money in politics.

    In my assessment of the original bill, I highlighted how the caps would prevent multi-million dollar contributions from cashed-up individuals.

    The amendments go further by closing a number of sizeable loopholes. Self financing candidates, such as Clive Palmer and Malcolm Turnbull will be subject to the contribution caps. The current exclusions for membership and affiliation fees to associated entities – “disguised donations” – will also be caught by the caps.

    But any positives are emphatically outweighed by the “annual gift cap” more than doubling to $50,000. The same “spreading” loophole that applies to the disclosure obligations would allow a donor to to give just shy of this amount to each of a party’s state and federal branches across the country. The major parties could reap up to almost $450,000 per annum from a single donor.

    And the “overall gift cap” on total donations made to political parties and candidates is a generous $1.6 million, which means large contributions will still be permissible under the new framework.

    The government has also failed to remove the patently unfair provisions relating to “nominated entities”, which are likely to be used by the major parties as investment vehicles.

    As the Victorian Electoral Review Expert Panel has rightly noted, such entities:

    provide some (parties) with significantly more funds, creating a risk that those (parties) drown out other voices.

    Election spending contained and fairer

    The spending caps in the new finance laws are fundamentally unaltered by the government’s amendments.

    The $800,000 per electorate limit, and $90 million per party nationally, will contain the “arms race” that has necessitated “big money” fundraising and fuelled unfair contests.

    However, the limits are set too high and will benefit the established parties due to the narrow scope of the spending caps in individual electorates. This means the major parties will be able to shift funding to must-win seats without being caught by the electorate caps.

    This shortcoming has been seized upon as clear evidence that Labor and the Liberals are seeking to kneecap Teal election campaigns. While having some force, these criticisms should be viewed in the context of the current situation where the major parties have an unfettered ability to direct spending to marginal seats, a situation which the Teals are ironically defending with their opposition to spending caps.

    The importance of public funding

    The new regime includes a substantial jump in public funding from $3.50 to $5 per vote.

    Crossbenchers, such as Kate Chaney, are opposed, to the increase, saying it will entrench the might of the majors while making it harder for new independents:

    The effect of increasing public funding is that political parties don’t have to fundraise because they’ve got their war chests. But any challengers do have to fundraise.

    While there is a clear risk of unfairness, the crossbench position throws the baby out with the bathwater. It romanticises the role of private funding, skating over the risks of corruption and undue influence via large donations.

    The public funding of political parties and candidates is warranted. But there should be a conversation about the design and scope of taxpayer support.

    The political finance laws could be made considerably fairer by fixing the structural bias that favours incumbents, including teal MPs. And they don’t need to be as generous given the large flows of private funding that will continue under the shallow contribution caps.

    Unfinished business

    Bad processes tend to make bad laws. The government’s actions have cast a pall of illegitimacy over its political finance regime. The new framework is unfair and ineffectual in significant ways and yet democracy enhancing in others.

    We are all trustees of democracy, with an obligation to protect and deepen democratic practices. An urgent task in that continuing struggle is to protect the strengths of these laws while jettisoning the elements that are egregiously bad.

    Joo-Cheong Tham has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Australian Council of Trade Unions, European Trade Union Institute, International IDEA, the New South Wales Electoral Commission, the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption and the Victorian Electoral Commission. He is a Director of the Centre for Public Integrity; Expert Network Member of Climate Integrity; a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia; and the Victorian Division Assistant Secretary (Academic Staff) of the National Tertiary Education Union.

    – ref. Parliament has passed landmark election donation laws. They may be a ‘stich up’ but they also improve Australia’s democracy – https://theconversation.com/parliament-has-passed-landmark-election-donation-laws-they-may-be-a-stich-up-but-they-also-improve-australias-democracy-249588

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What was the Sykes-Picot agreement, and why does it still affect the Middle East today?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Thomas, Lecturer in Middle East Studies, Deakin University

    Pictures From History/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    Some national borders are determined by natural phenomena like seas, mountains and rivers. Most, however, are created by people.

    This means the creation of borders is often a political exercise – usually informed by the interests of those who create them, not the local populations to whom they apply.

    The Sykes-Picot agreement, known officially as the Asia Minor Agreement of 1916, was arguably the first in a series of attempts by colonial powers to mould the borders of the Middle East.

    Signed in secret at the height of the first world war, Sykes-Picot was an agreement between France and Great Britain, approved by Russia. It would have lasting consequences for the region.

    It is frequently cited as the epitome of European colonial betrayal, and the genesis of most conflict in the Middle East.

    But while Sykes-Picot did significantly affect regional politics, the history is more complicated than popular narratives suggest.

    ‘The Eastern question’

    The agreement was seen by the signatories as a potential answer to what was then known by European powers as “the Eastern question”: what would happen when the Ottoman Empire inevitably collapsed?

    The Ottoman state in the early 20th century was vast compared to its European peers, encompassing Anatolia (the Asian part of modern-day Turkey) and parts of the Arabian Peninsula.

    But it was weak, and had been on a steady decline since the 18th century due to multiple military defeats, revolts and rampant corruption. By the beginning of the first world war, the Triple Entente (France, Britain and Russia) believed the Ottoman state would not survive long.

    The Entente aimed to create new “zones of influence” in the Middle East, dividing Ottoman territory into colonial partitions.

    By the beginning of the first world war, France, Britain and Russia believed the Ottoman state would not survive long.
    Everett Collection/Shutterstock

    Secret negotiations

    Between late 1915 and early 1916, Britain and France sent their respective envoys to negotiate the potential terms of this outcome in secret.

    Mark Sykes, a political adviser and military veteran, represented the British. François Georges-Picot, a career diplomat, represented the French.

    Italy and Russia also had delegations in attendance, though the discussions were dominated by Britain and France as the most powerful nations. The Ottomans were oblivious to these negotiations.

    Under the agreement:

    • France was allocated what is now Syria, Lebanon and southern Turkey
    • Britain claimed most of modern-day Iraq, southern Palestine and Kuwait
    • Russia took control of Armenia.

    An area known as the Jerusalem Sanjak (an administrative division created by the Ottomon Empire) in Palestine was to come under an international protectorate, though it was not settled in the agreement as to how this protectorate would operate.

    Sykes-Picot was kept secret, mostly because Britain had made contradictory commitments to other parties. It had promised (through a series of letters known as the McMahon-Hussein correspondence) to give independence to the Arabs who had helped the British fight the Ottomans in the first world war.

    Later, in early November 1917, it also made a promise to Zionist Jews migrating to Palestine in the Balfour Declaration. In this public declaration, Foreign Secretary Lord Arthur Balfour effectively expressed Britain’s support for the Zionist project to create a Jewish state in Ottoman Palestine. Then-Prime Minister David Lloyd George also publicly supported both Zionism and Balfour’s statement.

    The Sykes-Picot agreement did not stay secret for long.

    In November 1917, the Bolsheviks, who were now in power in Russia following the fall of the Russian monarchy, published Sykes-Picot to the world.

    Arab nationalists were enraged. So, too, were Zionists who had witnessed the Balfour Declaration just weeks prior. The Anglo-French declaration of November 1918 attempted to allay the fears of the Arabs by pledging to “assist in the establishment of national governments and administrations.” However, Arab distrust of the European powers only grew.

    Borders moulded by colonial powers

    In the years following, European powers started to reevaluate their position on Ottoman territory.

    The French, who still wished to take control of Syria, had argued the newly formed League of Nations (a predecessor of the United Nations) could give France the territory under a mandate. A mandate is a formal authorisation to govern by the League of Nations.

    The British said this would violate their earlier promises to the Arabs. Britain reiterated that the Anglo-French declaration of 1918 superseded Sykes-Picot.

    Then came the San Remo Conference in 1920, an international meeting in Italy. This is where some of the popular readings into Sykes-Picot get muddled, as several aspects of the agreement were discarded. What remained the same was the French and British desire to add Ottoman territory to their dominions.

    Here, the European victors of the first world war sought to finalise the division of Ottoman territories by slicing them into League of Nations mandates.

    This included the French mandates of Syria and Lebanon, as well as the British mandates of Palestine and Mesopotamia. Britain also confirmed at the time its support for a Jewish national homeland, while protecting the local Palestinian population.

    This is where we start to see borders of the modern Middle East form. The boundaries themselves differed from Sykes-Picot. But Britain and France, however, were still able to expand their colonial dominion in the region.

    In 1921, a group of British representatives met in Cairo to finalise the borders of their mandates. This led to the creation of two states: Iraq under King Faisal and Transjordan (now Jordan) under King Abdullah – both of whom were members of the Arab Heshemite dynasty. Palestine was to remain under British mandatory control.

    While these states had independence on paper, then-Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill believed that Transjordan would ultimately be controlled by the British Empire, giving the Heshemites only nominal independence.

    Little consideration was given to the ethnic and religious diversity of these territories. Some argue this helped lead to modern-day sectarian conflict in Iraq.

    Ripples that continue today

    The collapse of the Ottoman Empire was always going to cause regional upheaval, but the colonial jockeying for territory clearly had lasting consequences.

    Several regional conflicts were exacerbated during this period, but it would also directly lead to the creation of the state of Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict.

    This leads to the displacement of Palestinians and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict that still rages today.

    Zionists and Arab nationalists viewed Palestine to have been originally promised to them by the British through the Balfour Declaration and McMahon-Hussein correspondence, respectfully.

    But in Sykes-Picot, the British had no intention of promising Palestine to anyone but themselves.

    As a result, the British mandate was characterised by anti-colonial violence from both Jews and Arabs.

    When the British eventually abandoned control of Palestine in 1947, the UN partition plan for two states (one Jewish, one Arab) was supposed to take over. Instead, Arab-Israeli conflict began within hours of the partition taking effect.

    So a lot happened after Sykes-Picot, with the map proposed in 1916 looking very different to what actually eventuated.

    Many scholars argue it was the agreements that followed Sykes-Picot that were more consequential, and Sykes-Picot holds only “minor importance” by comparison.

    While this may be true, Sykes-Picot is still emblematic of how consequential European colonial ambition was in the Middle East.

    And while the borders outlined in the agreement did not eventuate, Britain and France still managed to get most of the territory they wanted, with little consideration of local populations.

    The Sykes-Picot agreement is therefore one of many colonial projects that we are still feeling the ripples of today.

    Andrew Thomas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What was the Sykes-Picot agreement, and why does it still affect the Middle East today? – https://theconversation.com/what-was-the-sykes-picot-agreement-and-why-does-it-still-affect-the-middle-east-today-246332

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: An unexpected anomaly was found in the Pacific Ocean – and it could be a global time marker

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dominik Koll, Honorary Lecturer, Australian National University

    View of the Pacific Ocean from the International Space Station. NASA

    Earth must have experienced something exceptional 10 million years ago. Our study of rock samples from the floor of the Pacific Ocean has found a strange increase in the radioactive isotope beryllium-10 during that time.

    This finding, now published in Nature Communications, opens new pathways for geologists to date past events gleaned from deep within the oceans.

    But the cause of the beryllium-10 anomaly remains unknown. Could it have been major shifts in global ocean currents, a dying star, or an interstellar collision?

    Extremely slow rocks deep in the ocean

    I am on a hunt for stardust on Earth. Previously, I’ve sifted through snow in Antarctica. This time, it was the depths of the ocean.

    At a depth of about 5,000 metres, the abyssal zone of the Pacific Ocean has never seen light, yet something does still grow there.

    Ferromanganese crusts – metallic underwater rocks – grow from minerals dissolved in the water slowly coming together and solidifying over extremely long time scales, as little as a few millimetres in a million years. (Stalactites and stalagmites in caves grow in a similar way, but thousands of times faster.)

    This makes ferromanganese crusts ideal archives for capturing stardust over millions of years.

    The age of these crusts can be determined by radiometric dating using the radioactive isotope beryllium-10. This isotope is continuously produced in the upper atmosphere when highly energetic cosmic rays strike air molecules. The strikes break apart the main components of our air – nitrogen and oxygen – into smaller fragments.

    Both stardust and beryllium-10 eventually find their way into Earth’s oceans where they become incorporated into the growing ferromanganese crust.

    Ferromanganese crust sample VA13/2-237KD analysed in this work. The anomaly was discovered in this crust at a depth of about 30mm – representing 10 million years.
    Dominik Koll

    One of the largest ferromanganese crusts was recovered in 1976 from the Central Pacific. Stored for decades at the Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources in Hanover, Germany, a 3.7kg section of it became the subject of my analysis.

    Much like tree rings reveal a tree’s age, ferromanganese crusts record their growth in layers over millions of years. Beryllium-10 undergoes radioactive decay really slowly, meaning it gradually breaks down over millions of years as it sits in the rocks.

    As beryllium-10 decays over time, its concentration decreases in deeper, older sediment layers. Because the rate of decay is steady, we can use radioactive isotopes as natural stopwatches to discern the age and history of rocks – this is called radioactive dating.

    A puzzling anomaly

    After extensive chemical processing, my colleagues and I used accelerator mass spectrometry – an ultra-sensitive analytical technique for longer-lived radioactive isotopes – to measure beryllium-10 concentrations in the crust.

    This time, my research took me from Canberra, Australia to Dresden, Germany, where the setup at the Helmholtz-Zentrum Dresden-Rossendorf was optimised for beryllium-10 measurements.

    The results showed that the crust had grown only 3.5 centimetres over the past 10 million years and was more than 20 million years old.

    However, before I could return to my search for stardust, I encountered an anomaly.

    Initially, as I searched back in time, the beryllium-10 concentration declined as expected, following its natural decay pattern – until about 10 million years ago. At that point, the expected decrease halted before resuming its normal pattern around 12 million years ago.

    This was puzzling: radioactive decay follows strict laws, meaning something must have introduced extra beryllium-10 into the crust at that time.

    Scepticism is crucial in science. To rule out errors, I repeated the chemical preparation and measurements multiple times – yet the anomaly persisted. The analysis of different crusts from locations nearly 3,000km away gave the same result, a beryllium-10 anomaly around 10 million years ago. This confirmed that the anomaly was a real event rather than a local irregularity.

    Ocean currents or exploding stars?

    What could have happened on Earth to cause this anomaly 10 million years ago? We’re not sure, but there are a few options.

    Last year, an international study revealed that the Antarctic Circumpolar Current – the main driver of global ocean circulation – intensified around 12 million years ago, influencing Antarctic ocean current patterns.

    Could this beryllium-10 anomaly in the Pacific mark the beginning of the modern global ocean circulation? If ocean currents were responsible, beryllium-10 would be distributed unevenly on Earth with some samples even showing a lack of beryllium-10. New samples from all major oceans and both hemispheres would allow us to answer this question.

    Another possibility emerged early last year. Astrophysicists demonstrated that a collision with a dense interstellar cloud could compress the heliosphere – the Sun’s protective shield against cosmic radiation – back to the orbit of Mercury. Without this barrier, Earth would be exposed to an increased cosmic ray flux, leading to an elevated global beryllium-10 production rate.

    A near-Earth supernova explosion could also cause an increased cosmic ray flux leading to a beryllium-10 anomaly. Future research will explore these possibilities.

    The discovery of such an anomaly is a windfall for geological dating. Various archives are used to investigate Earth’s climate, habitability and environmental conditions over different timescales.

    To compare ice cores with sediments, ferromanganese crusts, speleothems (stalagmites and stalactites) and others, their timescales need to be synchronous. Independent time markers, such as Miyake events or the Laschamp excursion, are invaluable for aligning records thousands of years old. Now, we may have a corresponding time marker for millions of years.

    Meanwhile, my search for stardust continues, but now keeping an eye out for new 10-million-year-old samples to further pin down the beryllium-10 anomaly. Stay tuned.

    This research was conducted at the Helmholtz-Zentrum Dresden-Rossendorf. Dominik Koll received funding from AINSE.

    – ref. An unexpected anomaly was found in the Pacific Ocean – and it could be a global time marker – https://theconversation.com/an-unexpected-anomaly-was-found-in-the-pacific-ocean-and-it-could-be-a-global-time-marker-249695

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: NZ depends on the rules-based world Trump is dismantling – why the silence?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Gillespie, Professor of Law, University of Waikato

    The Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ 2023 strategic foreign policy assessment, “Navigating a shifting world”, accurately foresaw a more uncertain and complex time ahead for New Zealand. But already it feels out of date.

    The Trump administration’s extreme disruption of the international order (which New Zealand helped construct) is going further and faster than foreseen in the assessment. Were another nation responsible, the government would have been quick to condemn it.

    But New Zealand has so far been largely mute while Trump has quit the World Health Organization and the Paris Climate Accord, attacked foreign assistance programs and withdrawn funding from key United Nations organisations.

    Had Russia or China threatened the annexation or acquisition of Canada, Panama and Greenland, New Zealand would have reacted strongly. But it has said nothing substantive.

    The United States still belongs to the World Trade Organization and various regional trade agreements. But Trump’s use of tariffs threatens havoc throughout the multilateral trade system.

    Similarly, Trump has not quit the International Court of Justice. But his proposal to remove two million Palestinians from Gaza amounts to an unequivocal rejection of the court’s recent ruling on Israeli policies and practices in the Occupied Territories – as well as international law.

    On all these fronts, New Zealand has preferred not to make a stand.

    The coming Russia-Ukraine test

    While other countries have been quick to criticise Trump’s Gaza plan, New Zealand has opted not to comment until greater clarity is available, other than to reiterate its support for a two-state solution for Palestine.

    When Trump imposed sanctions on the International Criminal Court, New Zealand (along with Australia and Japan) failed to join a statement from 79 other countries expressing unwavering support for the court.

    The next likely test will be Trump’s attempt to broker a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine. While the goal is undoubtedly worthy, the question will be at what cost.

    If the price is ignoring the UN Charter, and if European supporters of Ukraine find the illegal annexations of its sovereign territory unpalatable, New Zealand will face a stark choice.

    For Australia, with its special trade relationship with the US and membership of the AUKUS security pact, this may be simple politics. For New Zealand, without a special free trade agreement with the US, frozen out of ANZUS and not part of AUKUS, the equation is more complex.

    Discord in the Pacific

    Last year, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said New Zealand must “stand up for this international rules-based system that has actually served New Zealand incredibly well”. Quietly sitting down will not be an option forever.

    Furthermore, all this is happening against the backdrop of New Zealand’s apparently waning influence in its own back yard, the South Pacific.

    While China seeks to expand its own influence, cuts and possible retrenchment in New Zealand’s aid budget suggest little appetite for tangible counteraction.

    The loss of influence was first apparent with Kiribati, which has steered towards a much closer relationship with China since 2022. More recently, China has made inroads into other Pacific countries, including the Solomons and East Timor, working in an increasingly grey zone with support for civilian and military security.

    But the recent fracture with the Cook Islands takes things to a new level.

    Struggling to find a voice

    While no longer a dependency, the Cooks’ free association agreement with New Zealand gives its people immense benefits, including citizenship and the right to work and live in New Zealand.

    In return, the Cooks undertakes to consult over foreign affairs matters, including any policy or initiative that might affect the interests of the other signatory.

    But the development of a somewhat opaque “comprehensive strategic partnership” with China blindsided New Zealand, and has strained what is meant to be a good-faith relationship. Again, however, New Zealand has struggled to find its voice.

    If it speaks too loudly, it risks further undermining that special Pacific relationship, as well as irritating its largest trade partner, China. If it speaks too softly, the respect and influence the country deserves will fade.

    New Zealand’s vaunted independent foreign policy is a fine ideal and has been a workable mechanism to navigate the challenges facing a small trading nation reliant on a rules-based global order.

    This has worked well for the past few decades. But as the old world order erodes, losing its voice for fear of offending bigger powers cannot become the country’s default position.

    Alexander Gillespie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. NZ depends on the rules-based world Trump is dismantling – why the silence? – https://theconversation.com/nz-depends-on-the-rules-based-world-trump-is-dismantling-why-the-silence-249857

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: X has been used to represent love and kisses for centuries. But how did it start?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Katie Barclay, ARC Future Fellow and Professor, Macquarie University

    Wikimedia

    “1,000 Letters and 15,000 Kisses” screamed the headline in an 1898 edition of the English newspaper, the Halifax Evening Courier.

    Harriet Ann McLean, a 32-year-old laundry maid, was suing Francis Charles Matthews, a green grocer, for reneging on the promise of marriage.

    Over a decade-long courtship, Harriet had received 1,030 letters containing 15,000 crosses – kisses – from her “loving, precious, future husband Frank”.

    By 1898, using a cross for a kiss was commonplace for British letter writers – particularly those of the more “ordinary” variety: the increasingly literate servants, tradesmen and shop workers whose love notes drew laughter when their imploding relationships brought them to court.

    The symbol grew in popularity in the following decades, yet its origins have remained obscure.

    X marks the spot (of the kiss)

    Some three decades after Harriet won her suit, someone wrote a letter to Melbourne’s The Sun News asking if its readers knew the origins of using an X for a kiss.

    One correspondent proposed the X resembled the lips of two people kissing. Another thought “the cross marks the spot” where the author had imprinted a kiss for the recipient.

    One reader suggested the cross marks the spot where the writer imprinted a kiss.
    Trove

    The following year, a more confidently penned and rapidly reprinted piece claimed the origins lay in the centuries-old practice of those with low literacy using an X in place of a signature. The article argued that, after marking a document with X, the signee kissed the page as a pledge of good faith, and so the X came to be associated with a kiss.

    This account was to become popular, being rolled out by journalists many times over the following decades. And it may contain some truth. The laundry maids and green grocers who popularised the X as a kiss in their love notes were part of a newly literate community in the 19th century, for whom using an X as a signature was likely familiar.

    However, their 17th and 18th century ancestors had not behaved similarly in their iconography of love. Marks of love on convict tokens, tattoos and the scrappy documents that survive tended to take the form of hearts, crossed Cupid’s arrows and interlinking initials. The cross as a kiss was nowhere to be found.

    One page from an 1801–1803 correspondence between Elizabeth Bass (nicknamed ‘Betsy’ and ‘Bess’) and her husband George Bass. The pair married in October 1800 and lived together for a few months before George sailed for Port Jackson in 1801.
    Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW, MLMSS 1284/Box 122/Item [ 2 ], FL4402612.

    The kiss’s importance throughout history

    The kiss had an important role in European culture. The holy kiss, once a mouth kiss shared by congregants in church, allowed for the mingling of spirits and the creation of a uniform Christian body.

    Similarly, kisses of fealty (also on the mouth) formed part of a ritual that established a contract between superiors who held land, and their vassals who rented it. This tradition was carried well into the 16th century.

    The lovers’ kiss also had many of the above meanings – a kiss of love, loyalty and unity of spirit.

    As such, sending kisses in letters had been common among Europeans for centuries, but was usually done in written form. “I send you a thousand kiss’s”, wrote poet Judith Madan to her husband in 1728.

    Kisses marked intimacy but could also be delivered to children and friends. As English letter writer Rebecca Cooper dispatched to her sister Catherine Elliott in 1764, “love to all friends not forgetting my sweet boy with fifty kisses”.

    Wax dots and ink splots

    Using a cross to symbolise a kiss was not unprecedented. Lovers had used ink splots, wax drippings, or drawings to send secret messages to a beloved from at least the 16th century. But at the time these signs were usually personalised and only interpretable by the intended recipient (or especially persistent historians).

    Using specific marks to represent kisses became more fashionable and recognisable during the Victorian period, starting from around the mid-19th century.

    The detective in an 1850 Charles Dicken’s short story tracked his suspect by a wax dot he left on his envelopes – a kiss for the recipient.

    Similarly, in 1862 the jury for the “Hopley v. Hurst” breach of promise of marriage suit heard that the defendant’s letters to his future bride contained “spots of ink” at the bottom, each representing a kiss.

    In 1871, William Steward of Montrose, Scotland, used “a number of crosses and small circles” at the bottom of a letter to his lover, according to the trial report in the Western Times.

    A letter from the early 20th century, with kisses marked at the bottom of the page. The text reads: ‘Darling, your visit was a wonderfully fragrant episode: I do love you, sweet, oh for June!’
    Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales and Courtesy Percy Reginald Stephensen. The work has been digitized into the Library catalogue and the reference is FL9715738.

    Becoming a universal symbol

    The cross as a kiss – initially just one of many symbols used for this purpose – grew in use until it became the predominant choice by the 20th century.

    During the second world war, the cross was even briefly banned by the military censors in Australia, the United Kingdom and United States, due to worries it could be used to send illicit information.

    The cross was found across the United Kingdom, and particularly in Scotland in the early years of its use. It eventually spread to the rest of the Anglophone world, but made less headway on the European continent, where lovers continued to write their kisses out in full.

    As the symbol’s popularity grew, so did the mythology and theories around it – its more mundane origin among working-class lovers forgotten.

    Katie Barclay receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. X has been used to represent love and kisses for centuries. But how did it start? – https://theconversation.com/x-has-been-used-to-represent-love-and-kisses-for-centuries-but-how-did-it-start-248124

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: TV show Severance looks at workplace personalities. There are healthier ways to separate home and office life

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lena Wang, Associate Professor in Management, RMIT University

    Supplied/AppleTV+

    The highly anticipated season two of Severance, released in weekly instalments, has continued to draw interest among viewers around the world.

    A gripping psychological thriller, this TV series provides an extreme illustration of the compartmentalising of work and personal life.

    In the show, “severed” workers agree to a surgical procedure where a device is implanted into the brain to split their memory and experiences in two.

    Once severed, “innies” go to work with no knowledge of the lives and families of their “outies”. And “outies” have no recollection of the activities they performed or the relationships they developed while their “innies” were at work.

    Back in the real world, the hybrid work revolution has led to a seismic shift in work habits. For some, that’s made it harder to mark where work ends and home starts. But there are still healthy ways to keep our personal and professional lives separate.

    A seismic shift in work habits

    Severance’s first season in 2022 premiered in the wake of the global pandemic, when lockdowns forced most workers to work from home for an extended period of time.

    Now, three years later, many employees are still working in a hybrid mode.

    Data from 2024 shows more than one third of Australian still regularly work from home. This arrangement is especially prevalent among knowledge workers. Knowledge-based workers are generally office workers, whose roles can be performed remotely.

    At the same time, fully remote work is also increasing, and some workers are exploring a digital nomad lifestyle which allows them to travel and live anywhere in the world while working remotely.

    The hybrid work model is clearly the business model of choice for the future from the perspective of workers, although some employers are pushing back.

    But hybrid work creates an ongoing challenge for workers who want to create psychological boundaries between work and home domains.

    Creating boundaries between work and home

    People go to great lengths to construct and manage the psychological boundaries between work and the other activities in their personal lives, such as spending time with family, engaging in the community, or practising self-care.

    Humans crave boundaries, but that shouldn’t be taken to extremes.
    Andrey Popov/Shutterstock

    Examples of these boundaries can include an out-of-office reply to notify others of your set working hours, leaving your laptop at work over the weekend or removing work email apps from your personal phone.

    As human beings we crave boundaries that allow us to better focus our attention and be more present in respective life domains.

    Severance provides a critical look at how far workers might go to achieve work-life segregation. Take the character Mark S., who underwent the severance procedure to escape the grief of losing his wife and block that part of his personal life from his working life. Or at least, that’s what we’ve been led to believe.

    Similar to the confrontational and somewhat thorny style of TV series Black Mirror, Severance challenges the audience by presenting a futuristic and innovative method to reduce the tensions people experience when psychological boundaries are not managed.

    Can we sever our identities across domains?

    Creating sensible boundaries across life domains is desirable. But Severance helps us examine how we can’t shut off our home selves completely. Towards the end of season one, the show’s “innies” keep attempting to make contact with their “outies” to find out who they truly are outside work.

    Indeed, personality research shows that while we can take on somewhat different personas in different life domains, our human need for consistency produces enduring self-concepts and patterns of behaviour.

    Digital nomads turn remote work into a lifestyle choice.
    Shutterstock

    Consistency is necessary to maintain the integrity of the self, providing the foundation for us to effectively adapt to different social environments and develop positive wellbeing.

    Research also shows when workers feel they can be bring their authentic selves to work, they experience a sense of self-actualisation, as well as higher job satisfaction and lower burnout. Without these protective elements, it’s no wonder Helly R. repeatedly tried to escape the severed floor.

    Achieving meaning at work

    What is also striking about the work lives of those on the severed floor is how meaningless their jobs appear to be. Throughout season one and into season two, we never truly understand the nature and purpose of their jobs at the mysterious corporation Lumon Industries.

    We know that meaningless, or “bullshit” jobs in the words of American anthropologist David Graeber, are associated with poor mental health. Unfavourable working conditions such as poor management and toxic culture can aggravate this issue, making meaningful work become meaningless.

    In this sense, if we cannot sever our “innies” and “outies” as shown in Severance, negative work experiences would spill over to our family lives, causing a downward spiral.

    Restoring the meaning and purpose in our jobs not only improves our work experiences, but also boosts our self-esteem and enriches our personal lives. This can be done by improving work design, leadership and organisational culture.

    As season two continues, Severance will continue posing sticky ethical questions for us to ponder about the role of work in our lives. While the answers may not be forthcoming, the mysterious twists are almost guaranteed.

    Severance is now streaming on Apple TV+

    Lena Wang previously received funding from various organisations on issues concerning mental health (e.g., National Mental Health Commission). She does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    Haiying Kang previously received funding from several organisations on issues concerning employment rights, talent attraction and retention (e.g., Telematics Trust, Department of Defence). She does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    Melissa Wheeler has engaged in paid and pro-bono consulting and research relating to issues of applied ethics and gender equality (e.g., Our Watch, Queen Victoria Women’s Centre, VicHealth). She has previously worked for research centres that receive funding from several partner organisations in the private and public sector, including from the Victorian Government.

    – ref. TV show Severance looks at workplace personalities. There are healthier ways to separate home and office life – https://theconversation.com/tv-show-severance-looks-at-workplace-personalities-there-are-healthier-ways-to-separate-home-and-office-life-249360

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Mum, what’s the meaning of life?’ How to talk about philosophy with little kids

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ben Kilby, PhD candidate in Education, Monash University

    Charles Parker/ Pexels , CC BY

    If your young child asks “what’s the meaning of life?” you might laugh it off (how cute!) or freeze in panic (where do I even begin?).

    It’s tempting to dismiss these big questions as too advanced for kids. Plato and Aristotle both believed children weren’t ready for philosophy. In fact, they didn’t think people were ready to study philosophy until they turned 30.

    But children know otherwise. They ask big questions like “Why are we here?” and “What does it mean to be fair?” and “Why do we keep feeding the cat, even though she never says thank you?”

    American researcher and author Jana Mohr Lone has taught philosophy to young children for more than 20 years. As one second-grade child told her:

    […] children don’t know as many things about the world and so our minds are more free to imagine.

    This openness makes children natural philosophers. By encouraging these conversations, you can help them grow into curious, thoughtful and reflective individuals.

    How can parents do this?



    Read more:
    Who am I? Why am I here? Why children should be taught philosophy (beyond better test scores)

    3 steps for philosophical dialogue

    One of the difficulties of engaging in philosophy is people may be unfamiliar with how it works.

    But you can have a philosophical discussion by following three steps:

    • reflection
    • generalisation
    • abstraction.

    When your child asks a deep question like “What’s the meaning of life?” you don’t need to have the answer, you just need to start a conversation.

    First, prompt your child to reflect on the question. You could ask: “What do you think?”

    This allows your child to explore their own experiences. They might say, “I live for football and Bluey!”

    Second, move to generalisation. You can ask, “Do you think that’s the meaning of life for everyone?” This opens up a philosophical discussion beyond the self. Your child might say, “Well, Stella lives for gymnastics and cheese.”

    Finally, prompt towards abstraction, by asking “What makes life meaningful for all people?”

    Football, Bluey and handstands won’t appeal to everyone, but something else might. Now we’re looking for examples (or counter-examples) as a method of inquiry.

    This prompts your child to look for what is common to all people in living a meaningful life. They may respond with something like:

    A lot of people love chocolate but not Aunty Grace. Most people love dogs but maybe not people who really love cats. Everyone loves time with their friends and family.

    Suddenly, you’re having a rich philosophical dialogue. You can continue further inquiry into what really is love, or what makes certain relationships more important than others.

    What we’re doing here is having a dialogue through concepts, academically known as conceptual analysis.

    Philosophy explores concepts like love and kindness that children encounter every day.
    RDNE Stock Project/ Pexels, CC BY



    Read more:
    What is love? A philosopher explains it’s not a choice or a feeling − it’s a practice

    Why should you do this?

    Educational research has found philosophical dialogue improves children’s logical reasoning, reading and maths comprehension, self-esteem and turn-taking.

    Studies have found it benefits children’s academic and social development in early childhood, primary school and high school.

    But beyond these skills, philosophy empowers children to engage meaningfully with the world around them.

    Happiness, identity, fairness, death, reality, time, nature, good, knowledge and purpose are all things children encounter every day. Philosophy with your child can simply be the exploration of what these concepts mean and how they impact our lives.

    Understanding concepts and being able to apply that understanding to life is the foundation of philosophy.

    Kids can ask tricky quesitons. But philosophical approaches prompt them to think through an answer.
    Kampus Productions/ Pexels, CC BY

    Questions to ask your child

    To engage your child in philosophy, start a conversation with them about the concepts they’re encountering.

    If they’re drawing, you could ask what is art? What is imagination?.

    If they don’t want to share their favourite toy: what is fairness? What is kindness?

    If they’re talking to the dog: what is language? What is understanding?

    If they’re emotional: what is happiness? What is sadness?

    If they want to know why they should go to school: what is knowledge?

    If they’re telling you about their dream: what is real?

    Next time your child asks a big question, embrace the moment. By exploring concepts like fairness, love and happiness, you’re helping them interpret the world and become more thoughtful people.

    By asking them to reflect, explore different perspectives and consider the bigger picture, you’ll embark on a philosophical journey that can grow into something meaningful for you both.

    Ben Kilby is the Chair of the Victorian Association for Philosophy in Schools

    – ref. ‘Mum, what’s the meaning of life?’ How to talk about philosophy with little kids – https://theconversation.com/mum-whats-the-meaning-of-life-how-to-talk-about-philosophy-with-little-kids-248231

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: As new charter schools open, we still know too little about how they worked last time

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jude MacArthur, Senior Lecturer, School of Critical Studies in Education, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    Phil Walter/Getty Images

    Seven new charter schools are opening their gates, and ACT leader and Associate Education Minister David Seymour – the politician responsible for their existence – has been singing their praises.

    He says some will deliver “new and innovative ways to help students who are struggling at school to succeed, especially neurodiverse students, where there is huge need”.

    Seymour also says charter schools will free teachers from “constant upheavals in education” policy and provide the flexibility to “allow them to better cater to students who are priority learners” – the term charter schools use for “those with neurodiversity and a background of disadvantage and poverty”.

    Such innovation will raise overall educational achievement, he says, particularly for students who are underachieving, disengaged or neurodivergent. It may be too early to tell whether this optimism is justified, but it seems the new charter schools will enjoy a range of benefits unavailable to state schools.

    For example, Seymour recently praised Arapaki School in Christchurch for its teaching ratio of one teacher and three teacher aides for every 25 students. Australian students with this level of resourcing, he said, learned up to 60% faster than those in state schools.

    But teachers, principals and researchers in the state system have been asking for reduced class sizes and one teacher aide per classroom for years. So we need to ask why the resources and privileges being channelled into charter schools can’t be made available to the state school system instead.

    An underfunded education system

    The coalition government has set aside NZ$153 million to fund charter schools over the next four years. These schools are state funded but operated by a “sponsor”: 75% of their teachers must be qualified and 25% can be permanently employed with a “limited authority to teach”.

    The government’s Charter School Agency describes considerable flexibility around teaching, curriculum, governance, hours and days of operation, and how funding is spent.

    According to chief executive Jane Lee, this flexibility supports innovation and provides opportunities for students to learn differently. And there is little doubt a sizeable minority of pupils are not well served in the mainstream system.

    One in five children and young people in our schools need extra support for their learning. For decades, official reports have documented inequities in this area, including poor achievement for disabled and neurodivergent students.

    The problems and solutions are well understood. Disabled and neurodivergent students face barriers to learning because funding, resources and timely support for them and their teachers are inadequate.

    This includes a shortage of teacher aides, specialist teachers and therapists, and class sizes being too big.

    Many teachers try to compensate for these challenges. But research undertaken for the New Zealand Educational Institute warns that without the extra support they can come close to burnout. A damning 2024 report from the Education Hub described the experiences of neurodivergent pupils, their whānau and teachers who viewed

    the current education system as outdated and heading towards major crises, with many seeing home schooling as the only option.

    Lack of supporting evidence

    Rather than addressing under-resourcing in the state system, however, charter school advocates view the problem as a lack of choice, exacerbated by constant upheavals in education policy.

    Associate Education Minister David Seymour.
    Getty Images

    So, what can we learn from the last time charter schools operated between 2012 and 2018? The evidence is mixed, according to an evaluation of eight charter schools undertaken for the Ministry of Education.

    While whānau and student experiences appeared positive, low and uneven response rates from these groups make drawing any conclusion difficult.

    There was evidence of innovative practices in school governance and management, and to a lesser extent in staffing, student engagement and support, teaching and learning. The schools were least innovative in curriculum design and engagement with their communities.

    The schools themselves felt small school rolls and class sizes contributed to their successful operation. As for the key aim of charter school policy supporting priority learners, the report described a good understanding of their needs.

    But insufficient data mean we don’t know whether student achievement improved overall, and we know nothing about the achievement of students who received learning support.

    Focus on state schools instead

    Other questions remain, too. As the New Zealand Educational Institute pointed out last year, the $153 million being spent on charter schools would pay for more than 700 teacher aides in the state system.

    Given the existing shortage of learning-support resources overall, will charter schools (which will also have access to those resources) simply add another layer of competition for state schools?

    And if charter schools themselves struggle to recruit the necessary expertise, will their staff have the professional knowledge of student diversity and inclusion that’s needed to support students and whānau well, and who will judge that?

    Finally, charter schools must select priority group applicants by ballot if there are more applicants than capacity allows. How will they decide on the number of available places?

    At the risk of answering these questions with another question, wouldn’t our thinking be better directed at improving the public education system?

    All children – including those needing learning support – deserve to belong and learn well in their local school, with all the checks and balances that currently ensure equity, inclusion and a fully qualified teaching staff.

    Jude MacArthur currently receives funding from The Teaching and Learning Research Initiative. She has previously received Marsden funding. She is a member of the Teaching Council’s Inclusive Education Advisory Group; The Inclusive Education Action Group; and was a member of the Ministry of Education’s Bicultural and Inclusive Working Group as part of the curriculum refresh.

    – ref. As new charter schools open, we still know too little about how they worked last time – https://theconversation.com/as-new-charter-schools-open-we-still-know-too-little-about-how-they-worked-last-time-249474

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Want to make sure you don’t swelter in your next home? Check these 12 features before you rent or buy

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Robertson, Research Fellow, Centre for Urban Research, RMIT University

    Harley Kingston, Shutterstock

    Hot on the heels of the warmest spring on record, Australia is baking through another scorching summer. Heatwaves around the country contributed to the second-warmest January on record. Hot, dry, windy weather again swept across the country this week.

    Finding a home that stays cool in this heat is a real challenge. Homebuyers and renters face two problems: a shortage of heat-resistant homes, and a lack of reliable, independent information about how homes perform in the heat.

    So, how can you avoid buying or renting a “hot box”? Here’s a handy list of 12 features to check next time you’re searching for a place to live.

    Ask these 4 questions before you inspect

    1. Does the house have insulation? Ceiling, wall and underfloor insulation seals the indoor environment, slowing or preventing heat from leaking in or out.

    2. Does it have double-glazed windows? Insulated glass, made from two or more window panes with a space in between, keeps heat out in summer and inside during winter.

    3. How big is the house? Australian homes are among the largest in the world. Cooling a large home with air conditioning can be costly. Check the floor plan to see if you can shut doors and close off internal spaces, so you only cool the parts you need during hot spells.

    4. Has the house had an energy and thermal performance assessment? The Residential Efficiency Scorecard is delivered by the Victorian government on behalf of all Australian governments. The report, undertaken by an accredited assessor, rates a home’s energy use and comfort, and recommends improvements. Other assessments also exist.

    Look for these 8 things during an inspection

    1. Check the colour and nature of external walls, roof and surrounding surfaces. Dark-coloured roofs or walls, and other hard surfaces such as concrete, absorb more heat. This heat builds up during the day and radiates out at night, causing what’s known as the heat island effect.

    2. Look at internal floors and surfaces. Brick walls or concrete surfaces inside can be a good thing, if the hot weather doesn’t last too long. That’s because the home will take longer to heat up. But these heavy materials will also take longer to cool down once the heatwave is over. Good ventilation may compensate for that.

    3. Consider the size and position of windows and doors. Openings on each side of rooms and the house as a whole allows cooling through natural ventilation. You can open up the house and let the cool air flow from one side to the other during the night, or once the cool change comes. Security doors and fly screens will keep insects and potential intruders out.

    4. Is there external shading, such as blinds or greenery? Ensuring windows and walls are shaded on the outside is the best way to keep the heat out, particularly on the west-facing side. Large unshaded glass windows facing north and west can cause the home to heat up in summer. Vertical blinds work well on west-facing windows. On the north side, horizontal shading such as a pergola blocks out the sun in summer – when it is higher in the sky. It also lets the sun in during winter when the sun is lower in the sky, to gently warm the home.

    5. Check for ceiling fans. Ceiling fans cool a home and use little energy. Check how many are installed and where they are located. Ceiling fans are ideal in living spaces, but also work well in bedrooms to help you stay comfortable on hot nights.

    Ceiling fans can make you feel cooler without costing a lot of money.
    Artazum, Shutterstock

    6. Investigate the air-con. If the house has air-conditioning, ask about its age, and look up its energy rating on energyrating.gov.au.

    7. Consider garden spaces. Plants and trees can creating a “microclimate” around your home, keeping it cool. Also look at the landscape beyond the property – a tree-lined street can reduce temperatures and improve thermal comfort during a heatwave.

    8. Note the position of the afternoon sun. Visit potential homes during the mid-late afternoon or check the sun’s path through the home – perhaps using a sun tracking app. If air conditioners are turned on, consider what this might mean for energy bills. What would the home feel like without it? Are there other ways to keep the building cool?

    For more information about home energy efficiency, visit YourHome, Renew, Scorecard, and read the Cooling your Home report.

    Passive Cooling (Your Home)

    Setting higher standards

    Most Australian homes perform poorly when it comes to maintaining a comfortable temperature range indoors. This is particularly true for those built before the 1990s, when minimum energy performance standards were introduced. But these standards set a low bar compared with those overseas.

    This, coupled with the absence of requirements for landlords or sellers (except in the ACT) to have the home assessed or declare a rating, means buyers and renters are left in the dark when it comes to making informed choices.

    Renters and lower-income households are at greatest risk of living in a home that is too hot or too cold. The private rental stock in Australia is among the poorest, most uncomfortable housing in the Western world.

    While the ACT has introduced minimum energy efficiency standards for rental properties, standards across the country contain few provisions that promise improved thermal comfort.

    Until the regulatory landscape changes and energy performance must be disclosed, we hope these tips will help you avoid the worst of Australia’s hot boxes.



    Read more:
    Victorian households are poorly prepared for longer, more frequent heatwaves – here’s what needs to change

    Sarah Robertson has received funding from various sources, including the Lord Mayor’s Charitable Foundation and the Fuel Poverty Research Network. She has benefitted from Australian Research Council, Victorian government and various local government and industry partnerships to support research related to this topic.

    Nicola Willand receives funding for research from various organisations, including the Australian Research Council, the Victorian state government, the Lord Mayor’s Charitable Foundation, the Future Fuels Collaborative Research Centre and the National Health and Medical Research Council. She is a trustee of the Fuel Poverty Research Network charity and affiliated with the Australian Institute of Architects.

    Ralph Horne has received funding from various sources including the Australian Research Council, the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute and the Victorian government to support research related to this topic.

    Trivess Moore has received funding from various organisations including the Australian Research Council, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, Victorian government and various industry partners. He is a trustee of the Fuel Poverty Research Network.

    – ref. Want to make sure you don’t swelter in your next home? Check these 12 features before you rent or buy – https://theconversation.com/want-to-make-sure-you-dont-swelter-in-your-next-home-check-these-12-features-before-you-rent-or-buy-249494

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –