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Category: Germany

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Advanced Trading System Group (ATS Group): BaFin warns consumers about the website advtradegroup.com

    Source: Bundesanstalt für Finanzdienstleistungsaufsicht – In English

    The operators of the website refer to themselves only as Advanced Trading System Group (ATS Group) without stating the company’s legal form. They do not provide any information about their registered office and the website contains no legal notice.

    Anyone conducting banking business and providing financial or investment services in Germany may do so only with authorisation from BaFin. However, some companies offer these services without the necessary authorisation. Information on whether a particular company has been granted authorisation by BaFin can be found in BaFin’s database of companies.

    Theinformation provided by BaFin is based on section 37 (4) of the German Banking Act (Kreditwesengesetz – KWG).

    Please be aware:

    BaFin, the German Federal Criminal Police Office (Bundeskriminalamt – BKA) and the German state criminal police offices (Landeskriminalämter) recommend that consumers seeking to invest money online should exercise the utmost caution and do the necessary research beforehand in order to identify fraud attempts at an early stage.

    MIL OSI Economics –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: India Chem 2024 concludes today in Mumbai

    Source: Government of India (2)

    India Chem 2024 concludes today in Mumbai

    India’s chemical and petrochemical industry is projected to surpass $300 billion by 2028 and is on track to reach $1 trillion by 2040: Shri Jagat Prakash Nadda, Union Minister for Health & Family Welfare and Chemicals & Fertilizers

    Posted On: 20 OCT 2024 2:06PM by PIB Delhi

    The three-day event ‘India Chem-2024’ which was inaugurated on 17th concludes in Mumbai today.

    Shri Jagat Prakash Nadda, Union Minister for Health & Family Welfare, and Chemicals & Fertilizers, Government of India, while addressing the keynote session in the august presence of the Chief Ministers of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha, highlighted the key role of the chemical and petrochemical sector in the economy, contributing over 9% to manufacturing gross value added and 7% to total exports. Shri Nadda stipulated that India’s chemical and petrochemical industry is projected to surpass $300 billion by 2028 and is on track to reach $1 trillion by 2040. He added that the sector will play a key role towards Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi’s goal of ‘ViksitBharat@2047”. He emphasized the importance of reducing reliance on imported feedstocks and focusing on alternative feed stocks, while also ensuring that India leads the global shift toward greener technologies. He noted that sustainability is the future of the industry and that India must take the lead in the adoption of circular economy principles. Referring to the need for more emphasis on R&D, safety and skilling, he elaborated upon the various steps being taken by the Government to boost innovation and investment. He assured the industry that the Government shall leave no stone unturned in realizing the full potential of the Indian Chemical and Petrochemical industry.

    Shri Bhupendra Rajnikant Patel, Chief Minister of Gujarat, remarked on Gujarat’s leadership in exports of chemicals and petrochemicals, and referred to the Government’s efforts to establish India as a leading destination for the chemical industry, fostering collaboration and excellence for a prosperous future. Shri Mohan CharanMajhi, Chief Minister of Odisha, highlighted Odisha’s strategic position as a rising hub for the chemical industry. Alluding to the strong infrastructure and highly skilled workforce available in Odisha, he invited industry leaders to explore the vast opportunities offered by the State. Shri Mohan Yadav, Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, while speaking about his State’s leadership in the sector, highlighted the efforts being made by the State Government to further boost the development of the sector and create more employment opportunities.

    Ms. Anupriya Patel, Minister of State for Health & Family Welfare, and Chemicals & Fertilizers, Government of India, formally inaugurated the exhibition, which brought together over 150 exhibitors, from different industry segments. In her address at the keynote session, she mentioned that India’s manufacturing sector has shown remarkable growth, fueled by progressive policy reforms and rising domestic demand and that FDI has played a pivotal role in enhancing the growth and competitiveness of India’s chemical sector, which includes petrochemicals and specialty chemicals. The country has become an attractive destination for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), allowing 100% FDI in manufacturing through the automatic route. Over the past decade, she mentioned that the sector has attracted US $12.48 billion in investments in this sector alone.

    Ms. Nivedita Shukla Verma, Secretary, Department of Chemicals & Petrochemicals, Government of India elaborated on the event theme of ‘Advantage Bharat’ and how the Indian Chemical and Petrochemical sector has been paving the future of the Indian economy towards the goal of Viksit Bharat@2047. She drew attention to the various measures undertaken by the Government towards boosting infrastructure, including railways, roads and ports, logistics infrastructure as well as digital infrastructure as also initiatives to promote green economy and circularity.  All these measures would enhance productivity and boost exports. In this context, she referred to various policy initiatives undertaken by the Department such as the Scheme for Centers of Excellence, PCPIRs, Quality Control Orders etc.,

    Shri Deepak Mehta, Chairman, FICCI National Chemical Committee, stated that India is at a pivotal point of growth, with the chemical industry set to expand significantly. Shri Nikhil Meswani, Executive Director, Reliance Limited, highlighted the importance of chemicals to modern life, stating that it is the backbone of future development in agriculture, electronics, and beyond.

    This was followed by a Global CEOs’ Conclave, presided over by the Union Minister for Chemicals & Fertilizers, wherein industry leaders from across the globe discussed the opportunities and challenges of the Indian chemical industry. The session witnessed insightful discussions and knowledge sharing, addressing key challenges and opportunities within the sector, with discussion on the meaningful discussion on the strengths of the Indian economy and possible interventions which may help propel the sector forward in the coming years.

    The Petrochemicals Forum was presided over by Shri Hardeep Singh Puri, Minister of Petroleum & Natural Gas, Government of India. The session was participated in by leading Indian and global industry leaders including Exxon Mobil, Reliance Limited, IOCL and SABIC, amongst others. The Minister said India’s per capita petrochemical consumption is far below developed nations, offering significant opportunities for higher investment in the sector. Stating that Indian companies have committed investments of more than $ 50 billion in the near future, he opined that India’s petrochemicals production is projected to increase from 29.62 million tons to 46 million tons by 2030.

    This event, organized jointly by the Department of Chemicals & Petrochemicals and FICCI, provided a platform for brainstorming discussions amongst industry leaders and Government representatives on specific topics of relevance to the sector, facilitating dialogue on investment prospects, regulatory frameworks, and strategic challenges.

    One of the largest exhibition cum conferences for chemical and petrochemical industries not just in India, but in Asia, this edition of India-Chem was held with the theme of “Advantage Bharat: Indian Chemicals and Petrochemicals Paving the Future”.

    The exhibition consisted of pavilions from leading Indian and global companies in the sector, several Indian States including Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh, and also saw international participation from about 22 countries, including Belarus, Saudi Arabia, Germany and the Netherlands, with a footfall over more than 7,500 people across 3 days. Netherlands, with whom India shares a robust trade relationship, particularly in the chemical and petrochemical sector, was a partner country for the event.

    There were several sessions on issues ranging from dyes, and agrochemicals, to petrochemicals, which saw discussions on the latest developments in the field, as well as on the importance of innovation and adoption of sustainable practices. Besides, there were dedicated sessions focusing on geography-specific issues including the India-EU, India-East Asia, and India-US Chemicals & Petrochemicals Forums, bringing together key stakeholders from each of these regions. These sessions enabled in-depth discussions on market insights, regulatory landscapes, and investment trends shaping the future of the sector, while also providing an opportunity to the participants to forge possible strategic partnerships which transcend geographical boundaries, thereby exploring new avenues to accelerate growth in the chemical and petrochemical sector.

    On its third and final day, the event hosted an engaging job fair featuring 14 leading chemical companies from different sectors  such as  ABB Instruments Pvt Ltd., Aarti Industries, Dhanuka Agrotech, Atul Limited, Crystal Crop Care, etc. and students from CIPET – Central Institute of Plastic Engineering and Technology, which functions under the ambit of the Department of chemicals and petrochemicals, Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilisers. Institute is responsible for providing skilling through various undergraduate and postgraduate courses to almost 65,000 students per year.  During the job fair, the students of CIPET got an opportunity to interact with the industry to explore possible career prospects. This served as an exciting platform bringing together students and potential employers in the chemical industry, helping the students gain insights into the future of the sector.

     

    *******

    MV/AKS

    (Release ID: 2066478) Visitor Counter : 21

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Einstein Telescope in border region step closer

    Source: Government of the Netherlands

    News item | 18-10-2024 | 12:00

    Major steps have been taken to build the Einstein Telescope in the border region of Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany. This was revealed at the 4th ministerial summit on the project. The Flemish government is already reserving €200 million for the project. In addition, Belgium and the Netherlands support the steps being taken in Germany to definitively earmark funds for the construction of the Einstein Telescope. Finally, it was announced at the summit that the 1rst results of the drilling campaign give the preliminary conclusion that the subsoil in the border area of Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany is sufficiently stable and offers opportunities to build the telescope.

    Newcomers

    That news caused great optimism among the responsible ministers from North Rhine-Westphalia, Belgium and the Netherlands at the Kerkrade conference on the underground telescope.

    Following elections and government formation in the Netherlands and Belgium, a number of new ministers in the Netherlands and Belgium are responsible for the Einstein Telescope project. From Wallonia it is Minister Pierre-Yves Jeholet, in Flanders it is Prime Minister Matthias Diependaele and from the Netherlands Minister Eppo Bruins, who also hosted.

    Commitment in the 3 countries

    Ahead of the summit, it was announced that the new Flemish cabinet is already reserving €200 million for the Einstein Telescope. This is good news. Together with the financial reservation in the Netherlands and the extra boost given by Minister Bruins on Prinsjesdag, a total of more than a billion euros is available for the Einstein Telescope in both countries.
    Germany is also taking steps for the Einstein Telescope. There, an application is under way to get the Einstein Telescope on Germany’s priority list for large scientific infrastructure. This is a necessary condition for a financial contribution. Dutch and Belgian ministers have indicated their support for this proposal.

    Drilling campaign: hard rock favourable

    A key condition for building the Einstein Telescope is that the soil is suitable for it. To determine that, drilling to an average depth of 300 metres was carried out at 11 locations in the border region of Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany. Not all analyses have been completed yet, but the first preliminary conclusions look good. It was found that the subsurface consists of harder rock layers than initially assumed. This is favourable for building an underground research infrastructure. The analysed data from the drillings have been independently verified by the geological service of TNO (Netherlands Organisation for Applied Scientific Research). TNO concurs with the research team’s conclusion based on these initial findings that there are no factors that would make the project unfeasible.
    This drilling campaign and the data collected do not yet say anything about exactly where the 3 vertices for the underground telescope will be. Further geological research is needed for that. In addition, seismic surveys must show that the area is sufficiently noise-free to allow the telescope to measure gravity waves optimally. Furthermore, civil engineering studies must show how the construction of the underground tunnels and vertices is possible. In addition, environmental impact studies will help determine the most suitable location.

    Einstein Telescope of great value

    The Einstein Telescope will be of great value to science, the economy and society. Studies show that every euro invested will pay for itself twice over, and thousands of additional jobs are expected to be created in the border area of the 3 countries. Both for scientists and professionals in the fields of construction, maintenance and hospitality.
    The decision on where to build the Einstein Telescope will be made in 2026. The border region of Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium is in the race together, working on the best possible bid book. The Netherlands has €58 million for preparation and a reservation of €870 million for construction.

    Quotes from national and regional ministers

    Minister Eppo Bruins (OCW) – the Netherlands: ‘Together, we are really another step closer to the Einstein Telescope. The Flemish investment is very good news, and Germany is also taking steps. These agreements and first results of the ground borings mean that the ground under our plan is getting firmer, both literally and figuratively. And that’s good news. Together, we can really give a major boost to science, society and the economy in our countries with the Einstein Telescope.’

    State Secretary Thomas Dermine, Belgium: ‘This latest ministerial meeting shows that the Netherlands, Belgium, and Germany continue to make significant daily efforts to ensure that the candidacy of the EMR region for the Einstein Telescope is as solid and coherent as possible. The Belgian federal government, whose administration (BELSPO) coordinates the work of the Belgian Task Force, closely monitors the next steps to be taken to ensure that this high-value scientific project is actually realized in the EMR region. The realization of a European project of this caliber will enhance the EMR cross-border region and demonstrate that Europe is at the top of scientific technology in the field of gravitational wave detection.’

    Nathanael Liminski, Minister of Federal, European, International Affairs and Media of the State of North Rhine-Westphalia and Head of the State Chancellery: ‘We are constantly fostering cross-border cooperation between North Rhine-Westphalia, the Netherlands and Belgium for the benefit of the people in the region. Of the many areas and projects in which we work together, the Einstein Telescope stands out in particular. Joint cutting-edge research projects send out the signal that we, as Europe, have the confidence to be among the best in the world. The Einstein Telescope has enormous potential, both scientifically and economically.’

    Gonça Türkeli-Dehnert, State Secretary, Ministry of Culture and Research of the State of North-Rhine Westphalia: ‘The research landscape in North Rhine-Westphalia, with its many excellent universities and research institutions, is unique in Europe. I am sure that North Rhine-Westphalia and its partners in the Netherlands and Belgium will be the ideal home for the Einstein Telescope.’

    Minister Pierre-Yves Jeholet, Wallonia: ‘This project is of great importance for scientific research and European scientific collaboration, but also for the economy of our regions, which is why the new Walloon Government fully supports this bid through the Economy and Industry Department. Most of this project will be carried out under Walloon soil, and the spin-offs will be significant for our regions. In the coming weeks, the Walloon Government will be expanding its project team to maximise the chances of this joint bid by Germany, the Netherlands, Flanders and Wallonia.’

    Flemish Prime Minister Matthias Diependaele: ‘The Einstein Telescope is a unique ‘Big Science’ project. It links fundamental science, technological innovation, attraction of STEM fields and international appeal. A strong commitment from all governments involved will enable us to actually bring this unique scientific infrastructure to the Meuse-Rhine Euroregion. This is why the new Flemish government has already entered an initial reservation of 200 million euros in its budget.’

    Deputy Stephan Satijn (Economy, Finance and Business, Public affairs) Province of Limburg (NL): ‘During the ministerial meeting, it became clear that we all want the same thing: to bring the Einstein Telescope to this region. The new ministers are also keeping the Einstein Telescope high on the agenda. With good agreements, we have taken another step forward.’

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI China: Beijing logs 1.7M inbound trips by foreigners in 3 quarters

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    More than 1.7 million foreign nationals entered the Chinese capital in the first three quarters, a year-on-year increase of 156.6%, according to the Beijing General Station of Exit and Entry Frontier Inspection.
    The number of cross-border travelers at Beijing ports reached nearly 13.7 million from January to September, more than doubling that of the same period last year. The figure also surpassed the total number of entries and exits for the whole of last year.
    China’s optimized visa-free policy, together with measures aimed at facilitating international travel, has substantially helped to increase the number of foreign travelers arriving in Beijing.
    According to the Beijing border inspection office, most of the foreign travelers who entered through Beijing in the first three quarters of the year originated from Russia, the U.S., the Republic of Korea, Germany, and Malaysia. 
    During the period, 580,000 foreigners entered Beijing under visa-free policies, with 46,000 benefiting from the 144-hour transit visa exemption, representing six-fold and 3.4-fold increases year on year, respectively.
    The Beijing General Station of Exit-Entry Frontier Inspection has implemented multiple measures facilitating services for foreign travelers, including promoting the use of electronic boarding passes with 14 airlines, and piloting self-service printing of entry cards for foreigners to reduce waiting time. Moreover, additional channels and waiting areas have been installed at busy checkpoints.

    MIL OSI China News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: armasuisse takes part in DACH meeting of research directors

    Source: Switzerland – Department of Defence, Civil Protection and Sport

    On 21 and 22 October 2024, Thomas Rothacher, Head of armasuisse Science and Technology, will take part with a delegation in a meeting of the research directors from Germany, Austria and Switzerland. The meeting will be characterised by increased international cooperation with the focus on robotics, drone defence and systems for the soldiers.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Russia: Liechtenstein: Five Things You May Not Know About the IMF’s Newest Member

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    By Rodgers Chawani and Kazuko Shirono

    October 21, 2024

    Liechtenstein is a winter sports destination and the only doubly-landlocked country in Europe. Find out more about the IMF’s 191st member

    The IMF welcomed the Principality of Liechtenstein as its 191st member. Prime Minister Daniel Risch signed the IMF’s Articles of Agreement in a ceremony in Washington, D.C at the beginning of the 2024 Annual Meetings, which the country now attends as a full member.

    Five Facts about Liechtenstein

    1. Liechtenstein is one of only two doubly landlocked countries worldwide, along with Uzbekistan.

      Among six smallest European states—Andorra, Malta, Monaco, San Marino, and Vatican City—Liechtenstein has the third-largest total area at 160 sq. km, comparable to the size of the city of Washington D.C. Liechtenstein is located between Austria and Switzerland in the Alps and is a winter sports destination. About 40,000 people call it home, half of the population of Andorra. Although Liechtenstein’s capital, Vaduz, is the best-known city in the principality, it’s not the largest; next-door Schaan has a larger population.

    2. Liechtenstein is a parliamentary constitutional principality with a small civil service.

      The 1921 constitution combines monarchy and democratic principles, defining the principality as “a constitutional, hereditary monarchy on a democratic and parliamentary basis.” The government consists of a five-member cabinet nominated by parliament and appointed by the prince for a four-year term. Liechtenstein has 1,500 civil servants, less than 4 percent of the population, significantly lower than the EU average of about 17 percent. Twenty-five members of parliament serve a four-year term.

    3. Liechtenstein has the second highest per capita income in Europe, behind Monaco.

      Liechtenstein’s per capita income of US$197K/year is substantially higher than that of most other small states and other European countries. High investment in research and development (6.2 percent of GDP) supports a globally-competitive and export-oriented manufacturing sector, which includes machine and tool engineering, plant construction, and precision and dental instruments, contributing to high incomes. The share of industry is high at 42 percent of gross value added, well above the EU average (about 15 percent). The financial sector, mostly based on private banking, wealth management, insurance, and trust services, accounts for about 20 percent of GDP.

    4. The number of persons employed in Liechtenstein exceeds its population.

      A distinctive feature of Liechtenstein’s economy is the large number of inward, cross-border commuters—from Austria, Germany, and Switzerland. Compared to a population of approximately 40,000, the workforce was 42,500 in 2022. About half of the workforce commutes daily from Switzerland (59 percent of commuters) or Austria (37 percent). Labor force participation is high (76.1 percent, vis-à-vis 74.9 percent in the EU), and the unemployment rate is below 2 percent.

    5. Despite its small size, Liechtenstein is globally integrated.

      The US, Germany, and Switzerland are among its most important export destinations. As part of the European Economic Area, Liechtenstein has full access to the EU’s single market, including financial markets, under the rules for free movement of services and capital. Building on access to the EU’s financial market and oversight by the European Banking Authority, Liechtenstein’s financial institutions have extended private wealth management networks outside the EU to Asia and the Middle East. Strong economic ties with Switzerland—including use of the Swiss franc—have also fostered trade and labor market integration. 

    ****

    Rodgers Chawani is a senior economist and Kazuko Shirono is a deputy chief. Both are in the IMF’s European Department.

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/21/cf-five-things-you-may-not-know-about-liechtenstein

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: World’s largest investment managers see assets hit $128 trillion in return to growth

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    NEW YORK, Oct. 21, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Total assets under management (AUM) at the world’s 500 largest asset managers reached USD 128.0 trillion at the end of 2023, according to new research from leading global advisory, broking and solutions company WTW’s (NASDAQ: WTW) Thinking Ahead Institute.

    Despite not yet reaching 2021 levels, this amounts to 12.5% annual growth and marks a significant recovery from the major correction the year before (AUM dropped by $18 trillion in 2022).

    The research also reveals the continued evolution of active vs. passive assets under management among the largest investment managers. For the first time, passive investment strategies now account for more than one third of AUM among the 500 largest firms (33.7%), though this still leaves almost two thirds of assets managed by the world’s largest managers in active strategies.

    Asset class allocations have also evolved, with renewed growth of private markets. Core equity and fixed income remain the dominant asset classes, comprising 77.3% of total AUM (48.3% equity and 29.0% fixed income). However, this marks a slight decrease of 0.2% compared to the previous year, as investors turned to alternatives such as private equity and other illiquids in search of returns.

    Partly down to the recent dominance of US equities as performance drivers, North America experienced the largest growth in AUM with a 15.0% increase, followed closely by Europe (including the U.K.) with a 12.4% rise. Japan saw a slight decline, with AUM decreasing by 0.7%. As a result, North America now accounts for 60.8% of the total AUM in the top 500 managers, with USD 77.8 trillion at the end of 2023.

    At the very top of the rankings, U.S. managers make up 14 of the top 20, and account for 80.3% of the assets of the top 20.

    Turning to individual asset managers, the research shows that BlackRock remains the world’s largest asset manager, with its assets now above $10 trillion once more. Vanguard Group holds a strong second place at almost $8.6 trillion AUM and both remain significantly ahead of Fidelity Investments and State Street Global – ranked third and fourth respectively.

    Notable risers in the full rankings in the last 5 years include Charles Schwab Investment, up 34 places to reach 25th place from 59th place. Geode Capital Management, also U.S. based, is up 31 places to reach 23rd place from 54, while Canada’s Brookfield Asset Management is up 29 places from 60th to 31st.

    “Asset managers have experienced a year of consolidation and change. While there has been a return to strong market performance, the last year has also seen forces of change,” said Jessica Gao, director at the Thinking Ahead Institute. “Macro factors have played a key part in the story, with notable highs in interest rates during 2023 exerting varied pressure on different asset classes, geographies and investment styles. As this now gradually switches to a rate cutting environment, equity markets are beginning to return positive performance also driven by improving expectations of earnings growth. Uncertainties looking ahead are now focused on geopolitical events and several major elections.

    “We have continued to see net flows into passive strategies as they continue to offer a compelling value proposition, particularly in terms of lower fees and simplicity. Yet growing market volatility and issues with concentration, which typically highlights the need for expertise to outperform benchmarks, may be a source of caution from some allocators to passive market trackers.

    “Meanwhile, asset managers continue to face major pressure to evolve their own business models. Investment in technology remains essential not just to maintain a market edge, but also to meet evolving client requirements and expectation in reporting and customer service. Increased competition, fee compression, and the growing demand for more personalised, technology-driven investment solutions are challenging traditional structures. We have witnessed notable successes of independent asset managers versus many of the more affiliated insurer-linked vs bank-linked asset managers,” concluded Gao.

    The world’s largest money managers as of December 31, 2023
    Ranked by total AUM, in U.S. millions.

    Rank Fund Market Total Assets (US$)
    1. BlackRock U.S. $10,008,995
    2. Vanguard Group U.S. $8,593,307
    3. Fidelity Investments U.S. $4,581,980
    4. State Street Global U.S. $4,127,817
    5. J.P. Morgan Chase U.S. $3,422,000
    6. Goldman Sachs Group U.S. $2,812,000
    7. UBS Switzerland $2,620,000
    8. Capital Group U.S. $2,532,813
    9. Allianz Group Germany $2,454,495
    10. Amundi France $2,250,226
    11. BNY Investments U.S. $1,974,322
    12. Invesco U.S. $1,585,344
    13. Legal & General Group U.K. $1,475,442
    14. Franklin Templeton U.S. $1,455,506
    15. Prudential Financial U.S. $1,449,673
    16. T. Rowe Price Group U.S. $1,444,500
    17. Northern Trust U.S. $1,434,500
    18. Morgan Stanley Inv. Mgmt U.S. $1,373,456
    19. BNP Paribas France $1,364,099
    20. Natixis Investment Managers France $1,288,581

    Notes to editors:

    Figures were the latest available as of Dec. 31, 2023

    About the Thinking Ahead Institute

    The Thinking Ahead Institute was established in January 2015 and is a global not-for-profit investment research and innovation member group made up of engaged institutional asset owners and service providers committed to changing and improving the investment industry for the benefit of the end saver. It has over 55 members around the world and is an outgrowth of WTW Investments’ Thinking Ahead Group, which was set up in 2002.

    About WTW Investments

    WTW’s Investments is an investment advisory and asset management firm focused on creating financial value for institutional investors through its expertise in risk assessment, strategic asset allocation, fiduciary management and investment manager selection. It has over 900 colleagues worldwide, more than 1,000 investment clients globally, assets under advisory of over US$4.7 trillion and US$187 billion of assets under management.

    About WTW

    At WTW (NASDAQ: WTW), we provide data-driven, insight-led solutions in the areas of people, risk and capital. Leveraging the global view and local expertise of our colleagues serving 140 countries and markets, we help organizations sharpen their strategy, enhance organizational resilience, motivate their workforce and maximize performance.

    Working shoulder to shoulder with our clients, we uncover opportunities for sustainable success—and provide perspective that moves you.

    Learn more at wtwco.com

    Media contacts

    Ed Emerman: +1 609 240 6766
    eemerman@eaglepr.com

    Ileana Feoli: +1 212 309 5504
    Ileana.feoli@wtwco.com

    The MIL Network –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Samsung Health App Update Makes Accessing Health Records, Managing Medications and Food Tracking Easier

    Source: Samsung

    Samsung is committed to empowering users’ health routines with a seamlessly connected ecosystem of personalized wellness experiences. Samsung Health makes this possible by bringing together fragmented health data into a consolidated platform, enabling users to easily monitor their wellbeing.
    To further this mission, Samsung Health now offers expanded health management capabilities1, enabling users to easily access their health records, effectively manage medications, and track their daily food intake with convenience – all through the latest Samsung Health app update available starting today. To bring these advancements to life, Samsung has partnered with industry leading companies specializing in health data integration, medications tracking, and food barcode scanning, optimizing the experience in select markets.
    Manage Health Record from a Single, Secure Place

    With a new Health Records feature2, users can easily access medical records from clinics, hospitals, and major health networks — all in the Samsung Health app. Samsung has partnered with b.well Connected Health, a platform that consolidates the largest electronic medical record (EMR) systems in the United States. including athenahealth, Cerner Health, Epic Systems and Veradigm®. The Health Records feature guides users toward preventative care by offering meaningful insights and alerts that suggest next steps, such as recommending medical tests or actions. By offering a holistic view of their health history ─ including vaccination and prescription records, past hospital visits, and even specific test results ─ users can more effectively communicate with their healthcare providers by having their important medical details at their fingertips.
    Advanced Medications Tracking Expands to More Users

    Launched in the U.S. last year, the Medications tracking feature3 has allowed users to easily keep a record of medications, and access relevant tips and information including general descriptions, potential side effects, and warnings about drug interactions or food-related reactions. The feature is one of the most frequently used among Samsung Health app users in the U.S., with around two-thirds returning to manage their medications at least three times per week. Through the latest update, the Medications tracking feature allows more users to easily manage their medications with expanded functionalities and availability. With the visual search, users can easily add medications to their personal medication list by simply scanning the pill bottle with their phone camera. They can also check adherence levels and easily monitor medication progress, including details on dosage schedules or a missed dose, through an intuitive dashboard.

    Medications tracking feature is also expanding to South Korea and India, forging strategic initiatives with leading regional partners to offer insightful information to even more users. In the U.S., through its partnership with Elsevier, a globally recognized healthcare data hub, the Samsung Health app also provides warnings for over 960 types of allergies and potential reactions to medications. In Korea, with Korea Pharmaceutical Information Center (KPIC), an authoritative institute under the Korean Pharmaceutical Association, users can receive warnings about medications to avoid during pregnancy. Plus, in India, through a collaboration with Tata 1mg, India’s leading digital consumer healthcare platform, users can not only receive reminders to refill medications, but conveniently do so online when needed.
    Effortlessly Monitor Food Intake with Barcode Scanning

    It is essential to monitor one’s daily dietary intake and establish healthy eating habits. Barcode scanning has now been added to the Food tracker in Samsung Health, making it even easier to log food details such as names, calories and nutrition facts. In partnership with fatsecret, one of the largest global providers of verified food and nutrition data, users can simply scan food barcodes to receive necessary nutritional information automatically in the app. The feature will first be available in the U.S. and select European countries, including France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Poland, and expand to additional markets in the future.
    Samsung is dedicated to shaping the future of comprehensive health management and continuously optimize wearable technology to bring smarter, more personalized solutions for everyday wellness. These advancements strengthen the foundation of Samsung’s digital health platform, and with other innovations, deliver more meaningful and impactful experiences globally.

    MIL OSI Economics –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-Evening Report: Israel’s actions in Gaza, backed by the US, are shaking the world order to its core

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tristan Dunning, Sessional Academic, School of Social Sciences, Macquarie University

    While the killing of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar could have provided an off-ramp for the conflict in Gaza, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s ongoing vows of “total victory” make this seem unlikely.

    The concept of “total victory”, however, is extremely problematic. Every time Israel declares an area cleared of Hamas and then withdraws, Hamas, which carried out the horrific attack on southern Israel on October 7 2023, has quickly returned to reestablish control.

    As a result, there has been a marked Israeli escalation in northern Gaza in recent days, and much discussion about a so-called “general’s plan” being pushed by some right-wing members of Netanyahu’s government.

    Concocted by a former Israeli general, Giora Eiland, the plan is, in essence, to forego negotiations, bisect the enclave and give northern Gaza’s 400,000 inhabitants the bleak choice between leaving and dying.

    We don’t know whether Netanyahu will officially endorse the plan. Israeli leaders reportedly told US Secretary of State Antony Blinken this week they are not implementing it. However, it nonetheless has broad support among Israel’s political and military elite.

    The Israeli military has already issued expulsion orders to the people of northern Gaza. The government has said anyone who remains would be considered a military target and will be deprived of food and water.

    While Israel denies obstructing humanitarian aid, the World Food Program said no food aid entered northern Gaza for two weeks in early October. While some aid has been entering since then, thousands are still at risk of starvation and outbreaks of preventable diseases.

    Moreover, many Palestinians, including the sick, elderly and wounded, are unable to move and have nowhere to go. The prospect of the overcrowded and unprotected tent cities of the south is hardly enticing.

    Israeli human rights groups say the military had been deliberately blocking aid to give the population no choice but to leave northern Gaza. Israel may now be backtracking under pressure from the United States, which has given Netanyahu’s government a 30-day deadline to increase the amount of aid it allows into Gaza or risk losing US weapons funding.

    Undermining international norms and rules

    Israel’s war against Gaza, and now Lebanon, has repeatedly challenged the foundations of the liberal international rules-based order set up after the second world war, as well as the tenets of international law, multilateral diplomacy, democracy and humanitarianism.

    The norms of the liberal world order are expressed in various institutions, such as:

    • the UN Charter
    • the UN Security Council, with its notionally legally binding resolutions
    • the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague
    • the Geneva Conventions governing the rules of war
    • the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
    • and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), among many others.

    Recently, the ICJ ruled Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem is illegal and ordered it to withdraw. In response, Netanyahu said the court had made a “decision of lies”.

    In a separate case, South Africa brought a charge to the ICJ, alleging Israel has committed genocide against the Palestinian people over the past year. The world’s top court has preliminarily ruled there is a “plausible” case for a finding of genocide, and said Israel must take measures to ensure its prevention.

    At this juncture, however, human rights groups and others have argued that Israel has failed to comply with this order, thereby undermining one of the key institutions of the liberal world order.

    This is compounded by the fact that few major democratic states have been willing to strongly condemn Israel’s failure to comply with international law in Gaza – or have done so belatedly – let alone intervened in any concrete fashion.

    In addition, the UN Security Council has failed – primarily due to the veto power exercised by the US – to take any tangible measures to enforce its own resolutions against Israel, as well as the rulings of the ICJ.

    This is fuelling widespread perceptions of hypocrisy in relation to the accountability of notionally democratic states for alleged violations of humanitarian law, compared with other nations that don’t have great power patrons.

    In the early 1990s, for instance, the UN Security Council unanimously passed several resolutions against Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, followed a decade later by resolutions demanding Saddam Hussein’s regime comply with weapons inspection mandates. The US and its allies used these resolutions as the legal justification for their invasion of Iraq. Ultimately, no weapons of mass destruction were found. Then UN Secretary General Kofi Annan later said the invasion of Iraq was illegal and contrary to the UN Charter.

    However, dozens of UN Security Council resolutions concerning Israel have been passed and not enforced. Many others have been vetoed by the US.

    The prosecutors of the ICC have also requested arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Defence Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged crimes against humanity (in addition to several Hamas leaders, now dead). The warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant were met with indignation by some Western politicians. Yet, the West broadly praised the ICC’s arrest warrant against Russian President Vladimir Putin.

    Furthermore, the US Congress attempted to sanction the court over the Netanyahu arrest warrant, once again underscoring the often selective way in which international law is applied by nation states.

    A crisis of legitimacy for the world order

    Democratic states like to present themselves as the protectors, and sometimes enforcers, of the liberal world order, ensuring continued international peace and security.

    Indeed, Israel and its supporters often characterise its military actions as the forward defence of the democratic world against tyrannical larger powers, as a means of protecting itself from adversaries that want to destroy it. The problem is Israel’s actions often directly contradict the liberal world order it purports to defend, thereby undermining its legitimacy.

    Failure to rein in Israel’s actions has led to accusations of “double standards” regarding international law. The US and Germany provide Israel with 99% of its arm imports and diplomatic cover. Although Germany has stopped approving new weapons exports to Israel, both countries certainly have more leverage to stop the carnage in Gaza if they wish.

    The West’s self-abrogated moral superiority is arguably in tatters as it continues to undermine the principles of the liberal world order. The question is: if this world order falls, what will the new world order look like?

    Tristan Dunning has signed a statement of solidarity with Palestine from academics in Australian universities.

    Shannon Brincat has signed a statement of solidarity with Palestine from academics in Australian universities.

    Martin Kear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Israel’s actions in Gaza, backed by the US, are shaking the world order to its core – https://theconversation.com/israels-actions-in-gaza-backed-by-the-us-are-shaking-the-world-order-to-its-core-241460

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI China: Chinese, European scholars discuss human rights issues

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    Over 60 officials and human rights scholars from China and European countries including Germany, Britain, Sweden, France, Italy, Spain, Portugal and the Czech Republic gathered in Berlin on Tuesday for a seminar focused on the protection of “new and emerging rights.”

    The seminar addressed key topics including social rights, economic inequality, the intersection of digital technology and human rights, and protecting human rights in the context of climate change.

    Ma Huaide, vice president of China Society for Human Rights Studies and president of China University of Political Science and Law, said the protection of emerging rights has become a new issue in global human rights development.

    Ma emphasized China’s efforts in protecting citizens’ online security and privacy rights, as well as promoting environmental protection and green development. He also called for global cooperation to adopt a “humanity first” approach, promote true multilateralism to avoid imbalances in the global governance of emerging rights, and foster consensus through openness and fairness.

    Helga Zepp-LaRouche, founder and chairperson of the German think tank Schiller Institute, praised China’s vision of a shared future for mankind, as well as initiatives like the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilization Initiative, which transcend narrow geopolitical interests to address modern human rights needs.

    Jure Zovko, president of the International Academy for the Philosophy of the Sciences, underscored the importance of dialogue between civilizations, urging mutual learning to protect human beings and their living conditions, while mitigating the risks associated with globalization.

    Jiang Jianxiang, director of the Central South University Human Rights Center, said that the diversity of emerging rights concepts and their protection reflects the cultural diversity of the international community. He highlighted the potential for new insights through deeper cooperation and exchanges between Chinese and European human rights institutions and scholars.

    First held in 2015, the seminar, now in its eighth edition, is an institutionalized platform for in-depth exchanges and cooperation on human rights between China and Europe.

    This year’s seminar was co-hosted by the China Society for Human Rights Studies and the Central South University Human Rights Center, organized by the German and Chinese Culture Foundation, and co-organized by the University of Munster and the International Academy for the Philosophy of the Sciences.

    MIL OSI China News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI China: MoU signed on green shipping corridor between Shanghai, Hamburg ports

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    China’s Shanghai Port and the Port of Hamburg, Germany on Tuesday jointly announced the building of a green shipping corridor between the two ports, a move aimed at promoting their green transformation, strengthening cooperation and exchange, and collectively advancing the sustainable development of the global shipping industry.

    The Shanghai Municipal Transportation Commission, the Hamburg Port Authority, COSCO SHIPPING Lines Co., Ltd. and the Shanghai International Port (Group) Co., Ltd. signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on jointly building the green shipping corridor at the North Bund Forum, which opened in Shanghai on Tuesday.

    According to the MoU, the signing parties will cooperate in promoting the construction and use of shore power at the ports, explore and promote the necessary infrastructure, regulations and preferential policies needed for the supply, use and refueling of green fuels, and invite more partners to join in the efforts to achieve the green shipping corridor goal.

    Jens Meier, CEO of the Hamburg Port Authority, said many other ports are expected to follow the example of building green shipping corridors.

    It’s not just an agreement between two ports, he said. “We should increase our network of green shipping corridors all over the world.”

    China has committed to a “dual carbon” goal of reaching the peak of carbon emissions by 2030 and attaining carbon neutrality by 2060.

    As part of the efforts to contribute to the goal, Shanghai Port has signed agreements with the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach to co-build green shipping corridors.

    MIL OSI China News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: LCQ19: Supporting the development of the logistics industry

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

         Following is a question by the Hon Frankie Yick and a written reply by the Secretary for Transport and Logistics, Mr Lam Sai-hung, in the Legislative Council today (October 23):Question:     According to the Action Plan on Maritime and Port Development Strategy promulgated by the Government in December last year, the maritime and port industry, with economic contribution accounting for 4.1 per cent of gross domestic product, facilitates the growth of trade and logistics industry as one of the four major economic pillars in Hong Kong. However, it has been reported that with the rapid development of neighbouring ports, the container throughput of Hong Kong has been on a downtrend, and some major ocean-‍going cargo shipping companies have even removed Hong Kong from their voyage itineraries, thus further affecting Hong Kong’s container throughput. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:(1) of the follow-up actions taken by the Government in response to the removal of Hong Kong from the voyage itineraries of some major ocean-going cargo shipping companies; whether it will introduce measures to attract these cargo shipping companies to put Hong Kong back on their voyage itineraries, including making reference to the practices of Singapore and the Mainland to exempt controlled goods for transhipment from licensing requirements, or streamlining the relevant procedures; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that;(2) given that Hong Kong is an important entrepot for the Mainland, but cross-boundary land freight has been affected by the drop in container throughput of the Hong Kong port, and quite a number of cross-boundary goods vehicles have been forced to lie idle, of the progress of the Government’s work in developing new cargo sources for the cross-boundary land freight sector; and(3) as it is learnt that in the face of insufficient cargo volume, some small and medium enterprises in the logistics industry are on the verge of closing down, whether the authorities will introduce support measures to relieve the financial pressure of the industry; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that?Reply: President,     Hong Kong is an international maritime centre, with its port being one of the world’s busiest and most efficient ports and its comprehensive strengths in terms of port conditions, professional maritime service and overall business environment among the world’s best. Hong Kong also ranked fourth in the 2024 Xinhua-Baltic International Shipping Centre Development Index.       To further consolidate our status as an international maritime centre, further to the promulgation of the Action Plan on Maritime and Port Development Strategy in December 2023, the Transport and Logistics Bureau (TLB) will take forward various measures as announced in the 2024 Policy Address in full steam, including reconstituting the existing Hong Kong Maritime and Port Board (HKMPB) into the “Hong Kong Maritime and Port Development Board”, actively fostering the development of smart port, stepping up the promotion of green transformation of registered ships, developing a green maritime fuel bunkering centre, as well as promoting the development of high value-added maritime and professional services, such as the enhancement of tax concessions relating to ship lessors and shipping commercial principals, encouragement of leading or high-potential marine insurance operators to establish presence in Hong Kong and exploration of tax concessions relating to commodity trading, thereby strengthening the local maritime ecosystem. We will materialise the aforesaid measures in a proactive manner in order to boost the competitiveness of the maritime industry.     Our reply to Hon Frankie Yick’s question is as follows:(1) Enhancing port competitiveness is one of the four major directions of development mentioned in the Action Plan on Maritime and Port Development Strategy. As a major transshipment port in the region, enhancing Hong Kong’s attractiveness as a cargo transshipment hub, promoting the strengths of Hong Kong Port (HKP) and strengthening co-operation with the Mainland are important means to boost port cargo transshipment throughput.     In terms of enhancing Hong Kong’s attractiveness as a cargo transshipment hub, as announced by the Chief Executive in his 2024 Policy Address, the Government is exploring the feasibility of extending the arrangements under the Air Transhipment Cargo Exemption Scheme, that is, exempting the import and export licence requirements on specified controlled commodities, to other intermodal cargo transshipment modes, including sea-to-sea transshipment. In addition, in view of the international maritime industry’s increasing concern about decarbonisation, we will develop Hong Kong into a green maritime fuel bunkering centre, so as to attract ocean-going vessels using green maritime fuels to call at Hong Kong, thereby enhancing the competitiveness of HKP.     As regards promoting the strengths of HKP, the Government has been working with the industry to strengthen external promotion and liaison. For example, HKMPB visited Tokyo, Japan and Hamburg, Germany as well as Athens, Greece in Europe, in July and September this year respectively to visit various ports and companies in the maritime industry. It will also visit the Middle East at the end of this year, with a view to allowing the relevant stakeholders there to learn about the strengths and latest development of Hong Kong’s maritime and port industry, and explore new cooperation opportunities.     Regarding enhancing cooperation with the Mainland, the container terminal operators of Hong Kong, with the support of the Government, have signed multiple cooperation agreements with different regions of the Mainland. Amongst others, Hong Kong container terminal operators signed a memorandum of understanding on cooperation with Guangxi Beibu Gulf International Port Group in May 2024 to strengthen Hong Kong-Guangxi cooperation on the port and logistics fronts. In August 2024, under the cooperation between a Hong Kong container terminal operator and Shenzhen Yantian Port, the Chongqing-Shenzhen-Hong Kong scheduled rail-sea service commenced, which allows export cargoes from Chongqing to be exported via Shenzhen Yantian Port and Kwai Tsing Container Terminals in Hong Kong through the sea-rail intermodal transshipment mode, thereby bringing more cargo to Hong Kong. In addition, Hong Kong’s port industry is also cooperating with Shenzhen Dachan Bay Terminals on handling high-value cold chain products by facilitating fast and efficient transshipment of containers from Hong Kong to Dachan Bay by barges, so that the relevant cargoes can reach cities in the Greater Bay Area (GBA) speedily, thereby strengthening HKP’s connectivity with other ports and cargo sources in the Mainland.(2) As a regional logistics hub, Hong Kong has all along been one of the major gateways for air and sea cargoes to and from the GBA. With the commissioning of the Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macao Bridge (HZMB), the driving distance between Hong Kong and Western Guangdong and Guangxi has been greatly shortened, thereby further unleashing the enormous potential for logistics cooperation between Hong Kong and the two aforesaid places. For this reason, the Government has proposed in the Action Plan on Modern Logistics Development to actively explore new cargo sources and new opportunities for cross-boundary land freight transport in relation to Western Guangdong and its neighbouring regions by enhancing multimodal transport measures and making good use of the HZMB.     The TLB has been actively discussing with Zhuhai on enhancing synchronised development on the logistics front between Hong Kong and Zhuhai by making good use of the HZMB. The TLB also visited Zhuhai in March 2023 together with the Hong Kong Logistics Development Council to learn about Zhuhai’s logistics development and explore cooperation opportunities. Apart from Zhuhai, the Secretary for Transport and Logistics also led a delegation to Zhanjiang, Guangdong, in June 2024 to learn about the business opportunities in logistics development between Hong Kong and Zhanjiang arising from the “New Land-Sea Corridor for Western Regions”. In addition, the Transport and Logistics Bureau also signed the “Framework Agreement on Deepening Strategic Co-operation for the Guangxi-Hong Kong Task Force on Transport and Logistics” with the Department of Transport of Guangxi in May this year, with a view to strengthening logistics cooperation with Guangxi, including cross-boundary land freight logistics.     The TLB will continue to enhance liaison and cooperation with Western Guangdong and its neighbouring regions, with a view to further enlarging the cargo catchment for Hong Kong’s cross-boundary land freight logistics sector.(3) The Government has been supporting the development of Hong Kong’s logistics industry through various measures. In terms of financial assistance, since 2020, the Government has been providing assistance to eligible logistics service providers through the $300 million Pilot Subsidy Scheme for Third-party Logistics Service Providers, with a view to supporting local logistics industry, especially small- and medium-sized third-party logistics service providers, to increase productivity by applying technology. On the other hand, we are also supporting logistics practitioners in receiving training, and providing sponsorship for logistics enterprises to engage interns, through the Professional Training on Smart and Green Logistics Scheme under the Maritime and Aviation Training Fund and Internship Scheme on Modern Logistics, respectively. In addition, the Chief Executive has announced in his 2024 Policy Address a number of measures to support small and medium enterprises (SMEs), including allowing borrowing enterprises (including those in the logistics sector) under the SME Financing Guarantee Scheme (SFGS) to apply for principal moratorium for up to 12 months, and at the same time, offering the partial principal repayment options to new loans under the 80 per cent and 90 per cent guarantee products of the SFGS, so as to alleviate the repayment burden on SMEs, thereby creating more room for them to seize the opportunities brought about by economic recovery.     Enlarging cargo catchment and increasing cargo throughput is the most practical means to assist logistics enterprises. Hence, the Government will continue to implement various strategies and action measures set out in the Action Plan on Modern Logistics Development promulgated in October 2023, including enhancing intermodal connectivity by implementing the Three-Places-One-Lock Scheme and the dedicated express route for air and land fresh and live products, making good use of HZMB and enhancing promotion of Hong Kong’s strengths in logistics development in the Mainland and overseas, with a view to attracting more cargoes to be transshipped through Hong Kong.     The Government will, through the Hong Kong Logistics Development Council and other platforms, continue to maintain communication with the trade, closely monitor the latest development of the logistics industry and introduce suitable measures at appropriate junctures to support the sustainable development of the logistics sector.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: WithSecure Interim report 1 January – 30 September 2024: Elements software continues growth, profitability maintained despite challenges in services

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    WithSecure Corporation, Interim report 1 January – 30 September 2024, 23 October 2024 at 8.00 EEST

    WithSecure Interim report 1 January – 30 September 2024: Elements software continues growth, profitability maintained despite challenges in services

    Highlights of July – September 2024 (“third quarter”)

    • Annual Recurring Revenue (ARR)1 for Elements Cloud products and services2 increased by 11% to EUR 81.8 million (EUR 73.8 million)
    • Elements Cloud ARR decrease from previous quarter was 1%
    • Net Revenue Retention for Elements Cloud was 104%
    • Revenue for Elements Cloud increased by 9% to EUR 20.7 million (EUR 19.0 million)
    • ARR for Cloud Protection for Salesforce increased by 38% to EUR 10.2 million (EUR 7.4 million)
    • CPSF Revenue increased by 20% to EUR 2.4 million (EUR 2.0 million)
    • Cyber security consulting revenue declined by 1% to EUR 7.5 million (EUR 7.7 million)
    • Adjusted EBITDA for WithSecure was EUR 1.9 million (EUR -2.3 million)
    • Items affecting comparability (IAC) of EBITDA were EUR -0.4 million (EUR -0.2 million).
    • Consulting-related goodwill was impaired by EUR 15.5 million in the third quarter
    1. Annual recurring revenue (ARR) of cloud products is calculated by multiplying monthly recurring revenue of last month of quarter by twelve.  Monthly recurring revenue includes recognized revenue within the month excluding non-recurring revenue
    2. Elements Cloud includes Elements Cloud portfolio software and services as well as the managed services

    Highlights of January – September 2024

    • Revenue for Elements Cloud products and services increased by 10% to EUR 61.8 million (EUR 56.4 million)
    • CPSF revenue increased by 5% to EUR 6.6 million (EUR 6.3 million)
    • Cyber security consulting revenue increased by 2% to EUR 23.6 million (EUR 23.2 million)
    • Adjusted EBITDA for WithSecure was EUR 0.7 million (EUR -16.3 million)
    • Items affecting comparability (IAC) of EBITDA were EUR -0.9 million (EUR -3.4 million).

    Outlook for 2024

    Outlook for 2024 (updated on 11 October 2024)
    Annual recurring revenue (ARR) for Elements Cloud products and services will grow by 6–14 % from the end of 2023. At the end of 2023, Elements Cloud ARR was EUR 78.4 million.

    Revenue from Elements Cloud products and services will grow by 8–12 % from previous year. Previous year revenue from Elements Cloud was EUR 76.1 million.

    Total revenue of the group will grow by 2– 5 % from previous year. Previous year revenue of the group was EUR 142.8 million.

    Adjusted EBITDA of full year 2024 will be positive.

    Outlook for 2024 (previous)
    Annual recurring revenue (ARR) for Elements Cloud products and services will grow by 10–20 % from the end of 2023. At the end of 2023, Elements Cloud ARR was EUR 78.4 million.

    Revenue from Elements Cloud products and services will grow by 10–16 % from previous year. Previous year revenue from Elements Cloud was EUR 76.1 million.

    Total revenue of the group will grow by 6–12 % from previous year. Previous year revenue of the group was EUR 142.8 million.

    Adjusted EBITDA of full year 2024 will be positive.

    Figures in this report are unaudited. Figures in brackets refer to the corresponding period in the previous year, unless otherwise stated. Percentages and figures presented may include rounding differences and might therefore not add up precisely to the totals presented.

    CEO Antti Koskela

    In the third quarter of 2024, WithSecure ARR for Elements Cloud products and services grew by 11 % to EUR 81.8 million (EUR 73.8 million). Elements Cloud revenue grew by 9 % to EUR 20.7 million (EUR 19.0 million). Despite the slightly disappointing revenue growth, profitability of both Elements Company segment and WithSecure Group was positive at the Adjusted EBITDA level. Cloud Protection for Salesforce business returned to the growth track, with ARR growth of 38 %.

    In the Elements Company, Elements software continued to perform with good year-on-year growth. In the DACH (Germany, Austria, Switzerland) region, the revenue growth slowed down slightly, mostly due to the weakness of the German economy. In other European regions and Japan, the revenue and ARR growth continued. In Managed services, some large customers churned during third quarter. This development was affected by our increasing focus on selling managed services to mid-market customers through the Elements platform. However, despite the increase in the number of customers, revenue did not fully compensate for the churned accounts. Of the geographic regions, mostly the UK and the US have been impacted by the Managed services development.

    Exposure Management, introduced in SPHERE’24 reached General Availability during the third quarter. The customer demand for the newest module of Elements has remained high. Also, our AI assistant Luminen became available for all Elements customers in the third quarter.

    Elements Company Adjusted EBITDA was EUR 2.0 million (EUR -0.5 million), as a result of the cost savings of 2023 and continuous efficiency measures.

    In Cloud Protection for Salesforce (CPSF), focused efforts on improving sales efficiency resulted in breaking through the 10 million ARR threshold. ARR grew by 38 % to EUR 10.2 million (EUR 7.4 million). Revenue grew by 20 % to EUR 2.4 million (EUR 2.0 million). We continue to develop CPSF as an independent business in WithSecure. Profitability of the CPSF is moving towards break-even with the improving revenue.

    Cyber security consulting revenue was slightly below previous year’s level and was EUR 7.5 million (EUR 7.7 million). In some key accounts, we saw financial constraints in the third quarter. In the long term, we continue to see solid demand for cyber security consulting service. As announced on 31 October 2023, the Cyber security consulting business is under strategic review. We are in active discussions regarding divestment of the business, but no decision has been taken so far.

    Due to the gaps between actual and expected revenue, we lowered the financial outlook for 2024. For the changes in consulting revenue estimates and increased equity market risk, we recorded an impairment of the consulting-related goodwill of EUR 15.5 million in the third quarter.

    At the end of September, WithSecure’s headquarters moved to the new premises in Wood City, Helsinki. This is part of our plan of creating dynamic and collaborative workplaces, to welcome our employees and visitors and to foster well-being and creativity.

    Financial performance

    (mEUR) 7-9/2024 7-9/2023 Change % 1-9/2024 1-9/2023 Change % 1-12/2023
    Revenue 36.1 34.8 4% 109.2 104.8 4% 142.8
    Gross Margin 26.2 24.2 9% 78.4 72.6 8% 100.2
    % of revenue 72.6 % 69.5 %   71.8 % 69.3 %   70.2 %
    Other operating income1 0.7 0.2 227% 1.6 1.0 53% 1.4
    Operating expenses1 -25.0 -26.6 6% -79.2 -90.0 12% -117.7
    Sales & Marketing -13.7 -15.2 10% -42.9 -52.4 18% -68.1
    Research & Development -8.4 -8.2 3% -26.5 -27.6 4% -36.3
    Administration -3.0 -3.3 10% -9.8 -10.0 2% -13.3
    Adjusted EBITDA2 1.9 -2.3 182% 0.7 -16.3 -104% -16.1
    % of revenue 5.2 % -6.5 %   0.7 % -15.6 %   -11.3 %
    Items affecting comparability (IAC)              
    Other items -0.6 -0.1 -468% -1.6 -0.4 -301% -1.4
    Restructuring -0.4 -0.1 -303% -0.4 -4.4 90% -8.9
    Divestments 0.6     1.2 1.4 -15% 1.4
    EBITDA 1.5 -2.5 -160% -0.1 -19.7 99% -25.1
    % of revenue 4.1 % -7.1 %   -0.1 % -18.8 %   -17.6 %
    Depreciation & amortization, excluding PPA3 -2.6 -2.5 -5% -7.4 -7.6 2% -10.2
    Impairment -15.5 -6.2 -150% -15.5 -6.2 -150% -6.2
    PPA amortization -0.5 -0.6 15% -1.7 -1.8 4% -2.4
    EBIT -17.2 -11.8 46% -24.8 -35.3 30% -43.9
    % of revenue -47.5 % -33.8 %   -22.7 % -33.7 %   -30.7 %
    Adjusted EBIT2 -0.8 -4.8 84% -6.7 -23.9 72% -26.3
    % of revenue -2.1 % -13.7 %   -6.1 % -22.8 %   -18.4 %
    1. Excluding Items Affecting Comparability (IAC) and depreciation and amortization. In 2023 excludes also costs of services provided to F-Secure under TSA and equivalent income charged for TSA services. 
    2. Adjustments are material items outside the normal course of business associated with acquisitions, integration, restructuring, gains or losses from sales of businesses and other items affecting comparability. For reconciliation and a breakdown of adjusted costs, see Note 6 (Reconciliation of alternative performance measures)
    3. Amortization of intangible assets from business combinations (PPA, purchase price allocation, related amortizations). 
    (mEUR) 7-9/2024 7-9/2023 Change % 1-9/2024 1-9/2023 Change % 1-12/2023
    Earnings per share, (EUR)1 -0.10 -0.06 -69% -0.13 -0.16 18% -0.23
    Deferred revenue       65.7 65.7 0% 66.9
    Cash flow from operations before financial items and taxes -0.6 -9.0 94% -5.7 -22.5 75% -19.9
    Cash and cash equivalents       21.6 30.0 -28% 36.6
    ROI, % -60.8 % -33.3 % -82% -27.1 % -30.9 % 12% -30.5 %
    Equity ratio, %       66.6 % 79.1 % -16% 73.3 %
    Gearing, %       4.0 % -18.3 % -122% -22.2 %
    Personnel, end of period       983 1,147 -14% 1,087
    1. Based on the weighted average number of outstanding shares during the period 175,976,169 (1-9/2024). Earnings per share has been recalculated for comparative periods using average weighted share amount after share issues.

    Events after period-end
    No material changes regarding the company’s business or financial position have taken place after the end of the quarter.

    Additional information
    This is a summary of WithSecure’s interim report 1 January – 30 September 2024. The full report is a PDF file attached to this stock exchange release. Full report is also available on the company website.

    Webcast
    WithSecure’s CEO Antti Koskela and CFO Tom Jansson will present the results in a webcast on 23 October starting at 14.00 EEST. The webcast will be held in English and can be accessed at

    https://withsecure.videosync.fi/q3-2024

    Questions in written format are requested in the webcast portal. Presentation material and the webcast recording will be available on the company website

    Materials | Investor Relations | WithSecure™

    Financial calendar
    WithSecure will publish its financial information dates of 2025 later in the fourth quarter of 2024. WithSecure observes at least a three-week (21 days) silent period prior to publication of financial reports, during which it refrains from engaging in discussions with capital market representatives or the media regarding WithSecure’s financial position or the factors affecting it.

    Contact information

    Tom Jansson, CFO
    WithSecure Corporation

    Laura Viita, VP, Controlling, investor relations and sustainability
    WithSecure Corporation
    +358 50 487 1044
    investor-relations@withsecure.com

    Attachment

    • Interim Report 1 January – 30 September 2024_vF

    The MIL Network –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Capgemini announces leadership appointments

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Media relations:
    Sam Connatty
    Tel.: +44 (0)370 904 3601
    Email: sam.connatty@capgemini.com

    Capgemini announces leadership appointments

    • Anirban Bose becomes CEO of the Americas Strategic Business Unit
    • Kartik Ramakrishnan becomes CEO of the Financial Services Strategic Business Unit
    • Jerome Simeon will take on the role of Chief Revenue Officer
    • Franck Greverie will become Chief Technology Officer

    Paris, October 23, 2024 – Capgemini today announced some key leadership appointments. Anirban Bose succeeds Jim Bailey as CEO of the Americas Strategic Business Unit, effective November 1. Consecutively, Kartik Ramakrishnan is appointed CEO of the Financial Services Strategic Business Unit. Jerome Simeon will become Chief Revenue Officer and Franck Greverie Chief Technology Officer, both from January 1, 2025. Following an outstanding 34-year long career at Capgemini, Olivier Sevillia, Chief Operating Officer, has decided to pursue new endeavors as an individual, and will leave the Group at the end of 2024. With his deep global experience and passion for digital transformation, Olivier will focus on promoting the techno-business ecosystem of European companies to help improve their competitiveness. The whole Capgemini team is looking forward to supporting Olivier in his next chapter.

    “These appointments strengthen the Group’s growth ambition and reinforce Capgemini’s role as the go to business and technology partner for our clients. Anirban Bose has been at the helm of our Financial Services division for the last six years and instrumental in building and shaping this business across the globe. Anirban is well positioned to accelerate our trajectory in the Americas, building on our progress in the region over the past 4 years under the leadership of Jim Bailey. I would like to thank Jim for his many contributions to Capgemini. Kartik Ramakrishnan, who has been running the Banking sector for the past six years, is Anirban’s natural successor, to ensure the global business will continue to go from strength to strength,” comments Aiman Ezzat, CEO of the Capgemini Group. “To bolster our laser focus on growth, Jerome Simeon will take on a new position of Chief Revenue Officer for the Group in the new year. His role will encompass our activities across sales, key clients and industries to bring even greater value to our clients as we accompany them on their business-critical transformations. Franck Greverie will add Chief Technology Officer to his scope of responsibility, also from January 1. His deep tech expertise and forward-thinking approach will accelerate our efforts to build innovative value creating solutions for our clients. I wish Anirban, Kartik, Jerome and Franck every success in their new roles.”

    Aiman Ezzat continues, “After an outstanding 34-year long career at Capgemini and an impressive track record in leading and operating strategic businesses across the Group, Olivier Sevillia will step down as Group COO at the end of 2024. We are all looking forward to supporting Olivier in his new endeavors as an individual, focused on applying his extensive experience in digital transformation to promote a rich techno-business ecosystem to help improve the competitiveness of European businesses. The board of directors joins me in thanking him and paying tribute to his commitment and service.”

    Biography: Anirban Bose

    Anirban was Head of Capgemini’s Financial Services Strategic Business Unit and a member of the Group Executive Board from 2018. He was also responsible for overseeing the Asia Pacific Strategic Business Unit.

    Prior to this, Anirban was the Head of Capgemini’s Banking and Capital Markets Business Unit.

    Between 2007 and 2015 Anirban led Capgemini’s Banking Business Unit. From 2004 to 2007, Anirban served as executive vice president at Kanbay before its 2007 acquisition by Capgemini.

    Anirban resides in New York. He graduated from the Indian Institute of Technology of Varasani with a Bachelor of Technology. He holds an MBA in Finance from the University of Chicago.

    Biography: Kartik Ramakrishnan

    Kartik was the Deputy CEO of Capgemini’s Financial Services Strategic Business Unit and also led Capgemini’s Banking and Capitals Markets business. Kartik has been a member of the Group Executive Committee since 2023.

    Prior to this, Kartik was responsible for managing sales teams across banking and capital markets.

    Kartik has spent over 25 years consulting in the banking and payments industry. Over his career, he has been involved in launching new products and developing innovative, cost-effective solutions for financial services firms across the globe in countries such as Australia, Canada, Germany, India, Singapore, United Kingdom and United States of America.

    Kartik has a bachelor’s degree from the Indian Institute of Technology and a master’s degree from the Booth School of Business at University of Chicago.

    Biography: Jerome Simeon

    Jerome became the Head of Global Industries in 2023. He has been a Member of the Group Executive Board since 2021.

    Prior to this, he was the CEO of the Southern Europe Strategic Business Unit. From 2018 to 2020, Jerome was Managing Director of Capgemini in France, when he also joined the Group Executive Committee.

    From 2014, he was CEO, Application Services France after serving as Commercial Director (from 2012 to 2014).

    Prior to this, from 2007 to 2010, he held commercial positions in Capgemini’s Telecom & Media business after managing the development and sales for the Property & Services Europe sector of BT Global Services for two years.

    Jerome joined Capgemini in 1998, after eight years with the group Générale des Eaux/Vivendi. Jerome graduated from Toulouse Business School.

    Biography: Franck Greverie

    Franck Greverie has been the Chief Portfolio Officer at Capgemini since 2018.

    Franck has been on the Group Executive Board since 2020, when he took on additional responsibilities overseeing Cloud Infrastructure Services (cloud & cybersecurity), Business Services and Insights & Data (Data & AI) Global Business Lines.

    Prior to this, from 2016, Franck led the Cloud & Cybersecurity activities of Capgemini. He joined Capgemini in 2015 as Head of the Cybersecurity Global Service Line.

    Between 2012 and 2015, Franck was an Executive VP at Bull, where he was in charge of the Security Division, and also led the Middle East, Africa and Asia activities.

    Prior to that, Franck was the Managing Director of the Information Systems Security and Cybersecurity activities for Thales Group (France, UK, Germany, Norway, USA, Asia) since 2018. His career with Thales began in 2004, as Head of Strategy, Business Development and Marketing for the Security activity.

    Franck is a graduate of ESME, engineering school, and of the Executive MBA of ESSEC Business School.

    Note to Editors
    High-resolution photography of Anirban Bose, Kartik Ramakrishnan, Jerome Simeon and Franck Greverie is available on request.

    About Capgemini
    Capgemini is a global business and technology transformation partner, helping organisations to accelerate their dual transition to a digital and sustainable world while creating tangible impact for enterprises and society. It is a responsible and diverse group of 340,000 team members in more than 50 countries. With its strong over 55-year heritage, Capgemini is trusted by its clients to unlock the value of technology to address the entire breadth of their business needs. It delivers end-to-end services and solutions leveraging strengths from strategy and design to engineering, all fuelled by its market-leading capabilities in AI, cloud and data, combined with its deep industry expertise and partner ecosystem. The Group reported 2023 global revenues of €22.5 billion.
    Get the future you want | http://www.capgemini.com

    Attachment

    • 10_23_Capgemini leadership appointments

    The MIL Network –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Despite overwhelming hype, Jabra research finds only 26% of office workers use AI in daily work

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    • Workplaces believe in the power of AI, with 84% of leaders saying AI can enhance work, but 82% are unprepared for integration of the tech into the workplace
    • 90% of knowledge workers wouldn’t trust AI for tasks that require human judgement or creativity
    • Workers are equally not using AI in their personal lives, with only 26% reporting regular use

    LOWELL, Mass., Oct. 23, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Jabra, a global leader in enterprise audio and video solutions, released a new report, Great ExpectAItions – Work in the Age of AI, which reveals that while many business decision-makers (84%) express high levels of trust in AI, very few office workers (26%) are using it in their daily roles due to a variety of perceived challenges. This disconnect suggests that even though leadership is optimistic about AI’s potential, they may yet lack the necessary vision or skills to effectively implement it across the workforce.

    The study, conducted among 1,800 AI decision makers surveyed across 6 countries and 4,200 employees from 14 countries, highlights that despite strong enthusiasm for AI, there is a clear disconnect between trust in the technology and its actual use in the workplace. While 85% of decision-makers express high interest in AI, the vast majority (82%) acknowledge they need to better understand how AI can improve workplace efficiency.

    Additionally, although 54% of employees believe AI can improve their work and 54% feel confident in their ability to collaborate successfully with AI, there’s still a significant gap in actual adoption in regular use at work. Jabra’s data found this appears due to several perceived challenges and demographic considerations:

    • 90% of employees wouldn’t trust AI for tasks that require creativity and innovation. This reluctance isn’t just about trust, it’s also about the satisfaction that comes from being personally involved in these more meaningful tasks.
    • There’s a clear generational divide in AI adoption, with 47% of Millennials and 37% of Gen Z indicating they feel positive about AI versus only 15% of Boomers. Adoption wise, 28% of Millennials and Gen Z use AI day to day at work, versus just 15% of Boomers.
    • AI decision-makers are relatively young – 58% are between the ages of 18 and 39 – and 71% are not from the IT department.

    Paul Sephton, Head of Brand Communications at Jabra, said: “We see many organizations eager to jump on the AI wave, but some are still dancing in the dark when it comes to effective implementation and meaningful use. As tools rapidly shift toward voice-driven input rather than text alone, it’s crucial for organizations to recognize how this evolution will change our interactions with AI and enhance productivity.”

    “To avoid what we call ‘AI-washing’ – simply jumping on the AI bandwagon – organizations must carefully evaluate the productivity gains that AI can offer and actively involve their employees in this journey. At Jabra, we believe in harnessing the power of AI not just to enhance productivity, but to foster a more connected and capable workforce, driving innovation and collaboration at every level.”

    Read more and download full report here:

    https://www.jabra.com/thought-leadership/ai-at-work

    Note to Editors
    The Great ExpectAItions – Work in the Age of AI Report leveraged two quantitative surveys conducted in August 2024. The first surveyed 1800 AI decision-makers from six countries (300 per country) – USA, UK, France, Germany, Japan and India. The second surveyed 4200 knowledge workers from 14 countries (300 per country) – USA, UK, France, Germany, Poland, UAE, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Japan, India, Singapore, Australia and Hong Kong.

    PR contact
    Hayley Minardi
    Manager, PR & Communications, Jabra
    hminardi@jabra.com

    About Jabra

    Jabra is a world leading brand in audio, video and collaboration solutions – engineered to empower consumers and businesses. Proudly part of GN Group, we are committed to bringing people closer to one another and to what is important to them. Jabra engineering excellence leads the way, building on over 150 years of pioneering work within GN. This allows us to create integrated tools for contact centers, offices, and collaboration to help professionals work more productively from anywhere; and true wireless headphones and earbuds that let consumers better enjoy calls, music, and media. http://www.jabra.com

    Founded in 1869, GN Group employs more than 7,000 people and is listed on Nasdaq Copenhagen (GN.CO). GN’s solutions are sold in 100 countries across the world. Visit our homepage GN.com or connect with us on LinkedIn, Facebook, and X.

    © 2024 GN Audio A/S. All rights reserved. Jabra® is a registered trademark of GN Audio A/S. All other trademarks included herein are the property of their respective owners (design and specifications are subject to change without notice).

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/70547059-e2bb-4ea5-866f-e1e9f844fb5b

    The MIL Network –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Trump’s messaging is becoming more extreme, a mathematician explains

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dorje C. Brody, Professor of Mathematics, University of Surrey

    “Talk about extreme.” That was the response of Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris at September’s televised debate, after her rival, Donald Trump, made the baseless claim that migrants had been eating the dogs and cats of their neighbours in Springfield, Ohio.

    Despite mounting criticism, Trump doubled down on the accusation. Likewise, during the more recent vice-presidential debate, Trump’s running mate, JD Vance, falsely claimed that the migrants in Springfield are illegal.

    The arrival of hurricanes Milton and Helene then gave them more opportunities to disseminate disinformation. Trump’s team attacked the government over its response to the disaster, claiming that government money earmarked for disaster victims has been spent on migrants who crossed illegally into the US.

    “Kamala spent all her Fema [Federal Emergency Management Agency] money – billions of dollars – on housing for illegal migrants”, Trump said at a rally in Michigan. This point was also repeated by Vance in an opinion piece on October 8 in the Wall Street Journal.

    The claim is false. But does it make sense for Trump’s team to spread such extreme disinformation? Mathematical analysis suggests it can.

    The positions of the candidates on the various issues, such as migration, can be represented on the political spectrum from the left to the right. It is fair to say that Trump places himself at the right end of the spectrum, while Harris sits at the centre.

    If you are at the far end of the spectrum, left or right, then you want to move people as far in your direction as possible. So, given that these days, in the US at least, there appear to be no consequences for disseminating disinformation, you want your messages to be extreme.

    By consistently hyping up the dangers of migrants, for example, more voters will start feeling that something needs to be done, even if they have never encountered an issue themselves.

    Indeed, mathematical models show that the probability of a candidate positioned at the end of the spectrum winning an election can, at least theoretically, reach 100%, if the messages are nothing but extreme. The same does not apply to a candidate positioned in the middle.

    We have seen this effect manifesting itself in the recent elections in Germany and France. Unless the public already has a strong appetite for the centre ground, which was the case for July’s general election in the UK, positions at the centre are often precarious.

    The path to victory for Harris therefore remains steep. But there are means for an effective counteroffensive.

    Clear communication

    Political messages have two purposes: communicating where the candidate stands on the various issues, and making the voters feel that those positions are desirable. We can apply the mathematics of communication, which explains our cognitive response to digesting information, to infer the impact of political messages.

    In particular, we can study how different messages on a given issue combine and interact. This, of course, only concerns voters who consume a variety of information sources, as opposed to those confined to an information echo chamber.

    For those who consume both Democratic and Republican messages, the effect of combining them can be subtle. But, in many cases, they combine in an additive way with some weights on each message.

    You can think of it as a weighted average of the two information sources. For example, if Harris says one thing and Trump says something opposite on a particular issue, then the net effect is each message muting the other slightly.

    So, if Trump says the illegal Haitian migrants in Springfield are eating people’s pets, and Harris says the migrants are there legally and are not eating anyone’s pets, then people might come to the conclusion that, while there may be illegal Haitian migrants in Springfield, they may not be eating pets.

    However, in some cases, one of the weights can take a negative value. This means that rather than adding them, the receiver of the two messages will subtract them. When this happens, the effect of that message is unexpectedly reversed.

    For example, when clear and convincing evidence of the legal status of the migrants in Springfield is presented, the prevailing noise about their pet-eating habits will, in anything, strengthen people’s belief that the claim is false.

    This can happen when the message from Harris is sufficiently loud and clear. Importantly, this does not mean Harris should loudly deny the disinformation. Provided that Harris sticks to her own messages in a clear and transparent manner, the mathematics of communication predicts that disinformation can turn itself against its spreader, for the following reasons.

    The idea, roughly speaking, goes as follows. Suppose that a recipient of the messages is unaware of the prevalence of disinformation, and that there is a considerable gap between the unsubstantiated disinformation and reliable information, with the latter being communicated very clearly.

    In this situation, communication theory shows that the receiver will dismiss disinformation more strongly than someone who is aware of the prevalence of disinformation.

    It is reminiscent of the Japanese martial art judo where the ultimate aim is to use your opponent’s momentum, rather than your own force.

    Disinformation should be challenged. And, indeed, both Harris and her predecessor Joe Biden have come out to condemn Trump’s “onslaught of lies” in relation to the two hurricanes.

    But merely focusing on challenging disinformation is counterproductive. What is more important is for their own message to be communicated loud and clear.

    No crystal ball can tell us whether the Democrats will retain the White House in November. But simply repeating the point that Trump is a threat to democracy, as Biden was prone to do, will not cut it.

    Dorje C. Brody has received funding from UKRI.

    – ref. Why Trump’s messaging is becoming more extreme, a mathematician explains – https://theconversation.com/why-trumps-messaging-is-becoming-more-extreme-a-mathematician-explains-239421

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK-Germany Trinity House Agreement on Defence – Joint Communique

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    A commitment to improve and enhance bilateral defence co-operation between the Ministry of Defence of the Federal Republic of Germany and the Ministry of Defence of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

    In July this year, the Ministry of Defence of the Federal Republic of Germany and the Ministry of Defence of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland committed to improve and further enhance bilateral defence co-operation to better meet the common challenges of the 21st Century and to best secure the common interests of both countries in defence-related areas. We outlined escalating security concerns, exacerbated by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. We said that the deteriorating strategic environment demanded a unified response to ensure the preservation of European security.

    As we confront these challenges together with Allies and partners, we are guided by our shared values of democracy, freedom, and the rule of law. Recognising the imperative for closer collaboration in the face of evolving geopolitical challenges and shared security threats, we aim to promote stability on NATO’s eastern flank, in Europe as a whole, and beyond for the Euro-Atlantic area. Strategic defence co-operation is an important first pillar in the new relationship between Germany and the United Kingdom, which will be codified in the forthcoming bilateral treaty in 2025.

    Recognising the imperative, we have worked at pace to create our response through this historic, first-of-its kind, defence agreement between our two great nations. Our shared strategic objective is to sustain effective deterrence against would-be aggressors by building credible, resilient defence forces and defence industries, working towards the vision of a peaceful and stable Euro-Atlantic area. To do this, our agreement will become a crucial element in the broader architecture of European security; it is explicitly designed to support our Allies and strengthen the European contribution to NATO. In particular, it complements our respective existing bilateral agreements with France, laying the foundation for increasingly close co-operation between the E3.

    Through this agreement, we have brought focus, resource, and ambition to our previously stated objectives: Strengthening Defence Industries, Reinforcing Euro-Atlantic Security, Enhancing Interoperability, Addressing Emerging Threats, Supporting Ukraine, and Deep Precision Strike. In addition to new governance structures, we will bring these objectives to life through the creation of totemic lighthouse projects, which will serve as beacons for unprecedented levels of co-operation and integration between our respective Armed Forces.

    Deep Precision Strike and Defence: The UK and Germany will work jointly to rapidly develop extended Deep Precision Strike capabilities, to provide a conventional deterrent in Europe and strengthen European Integrated Air and Missile Defence. We will do this in the short term through:

    • Undertaking a comprehensive exercise to compare capability needs and identify synergies.
    • Developing common requirements and military doctrine to aid the development of long-range systems, working in co-operation with Allies and partners, in particular through the European Long Range Strike Approach.
    • Identifying opportunities for industrial collaboration and investment to achieve closer working on countering threats through Integrated Air and Missile Defence.

    And in the medium term through:

    • Joint development and procurement of new extended Deep Precision Strike capabilities in close co-ordination with Allies and partners, giving special focus to new capabilities which far exceed today’s ranges.
    • Joint development of a common approach to deploying extended Deep Precision Strike in all physical domains.
    • Cohering Integrated Air and Missile Defence activity through the European Sky Shield Initiative, NATO’s Multinational Procurement Initiatives, and the UK’s DIAMOND initiative.

    Uncrewed Aerial Systems and Future Connectivity: The UK and Germany will work jointly, in close co-ordination with Allies and partners, to develop and employ Uncrewed Aerial and Offboard Air Systems to ensure interoperability between Future Combat Air Systems. We will do this in the short term through:

    • Joint integration of common missile systems into drone fleets to enhance precision strike capabilities, drawing benefit from each nations’ previous experience, e.g. the integration of Brimstone to UK Uncrewed Air Systems.
    • Sharing plans on integration of capabilities between Current and Future Combat Air Systems, to enable development of interoperable offboard systems.

    And in the medium term through:

    • Joint exploration and development of cross-system Combat Cloud capabilities across aircraft fleets.
    • Joint exploration and development of new Maritime Uncrewed Air System capabilities.
    • Joint exploration and development of common offboard systems compatible with respective Future Combat Air Systems to enable, inter alia, data sharing, to support interoperability and integration of those systems.
    • Supporting implementation of NATO-agreed common standards to ensure connectivity and collaboration between fighter aircraft, reinforcing inter-generation and (un)crewed teaming.

    Strengthening the Eastern Flank through a new Land Strategic Partnership: Using our Forward Land Forces and shared enduring commitment to NATO’s eastern flank as a catalyst, the UK and Germany will work to strengthen NATO by developing doctrine, uncrewed systems, and enabling capabilities to transform our land forces; sustaining continuous land-based deterrence within Europe. We will do this in the short term through:

    • Working jointly in the Armour Capability Coalition to drive innovation in the land domain, through support to Ukraine.
    • Working jointly with Canada and the Baltic States, including through the 3+3 format, to rapidly transform the capability and effectiveness of our respective Forward Land Forces and tap the full potential of synergies of the Forward Land Forces in the Baltic States
    • Co-ordination of UK and German exercises between the Forward Land Forces, with the goal of combined exercises.
    • Working together to tackle the challenges in the shortage of NATO Corps troops across the Alliance. Equipping, training, and exercising the German-British Amphibious Engineer Battalion 130 in Minden to fulfil tasks as one entity within the NATO Force Model.
    • Fostering a deep Industrial Partnership between UK and German Defence Industries, including assisting respective prime contractors wishing to expand production facilities in each other’s countries. Our will to develop industrial co-operation is illustrated by developing plans between the UK MOD and Rheinmetall for a new barrel factory to be opened in the UK, further strengthening the defence industrial links between the UK and Germany.
    • Close collaboration in the BOXER User Group, conducting regular consultations on the “strategic pipeline”, and joint exploration of new capabilities and variants, striving for a closer exchange of BOXER In-Service-Experience topics, and close co-operation in the area of BOXER training and operation. Beyond BOXER, we will pursue joint procurement and through-life capability management initiatives around land vehicles.

     And in the medium term through:

    • Joint development of common offboard systems for Future Ground Combat Systems to support interoperability between those systems, in co-ordination with Allies and Partners
    • Joint development of military doctrines for future land warfighting, supported by Artificial Intelligence and Emerging Disruptive Technologies.

    Undersea Co-operation in the Northern Seas: The UK and Germany will work jointly to strengthen UK-German naval co-operation with a focus on the North Atlantic and North Sea. We will aim to establish and share a clear and concise picture of underwater activity, significantly contributing to the protection of Critical Undersea Infrastructure and Sea Lines of Communications. We will do this in the short term through:

    • Co-ordination of combined and joint operations in the North Atlantic, in close co-operation with Allies and partners, focussing on Anti-Submarine Warfare with ships, submarines, and aircraft. We will enable forward deployments of each other’s units and goods between our countries when required.
    • Episodic deployments of German P-8A Poseidon Maritime Patrol Aircraft in the UK to support interoperability and collaborative Anti-Submarine Warfare operations in the North Atlantic, following their entry into service.
    • Joint development of common training for our Maritime Patrol Aircraft crews.
    • Promoting a common co-operative procurement of the UK’s Lightweight Torpedo STINGRAY MOD 2 for our Maritime Patrol Aircraft.
    • Contributing to the strengthening of NATO’s work strand on Critical Undersea Infrastructure.

    And in the medium term through: 

    • Exploring new offboard undersea surveillance capabilities to improve detection of adversary activity and support the protection of Critical Undersea Infrastructure, supported by Artificial Intelligence and Emerging Disruptive Technologies.

    In addition, we are committed to working together for as long as it takes to support and enable Ukraine to counter Russian aggression. Our combined will is unequivocal, we will continue to ensure Ukraine has the military capabilities it requires. Our specialist teams and our Defence Industries will work ever more closely to ensure that Ukraine will prevail and achieve a fair and lasting peace. In the short term, we will collectively provide Ukraine with a new offensive capability, supporting fitting German donated Sea King Helicopters with modern missile systems. In the longer term, we will work increasingly closely through the Capability Coalitions for Ukraine using the lessons learnt there to continuously develop our co-operation. The UK will increase its support to the German and Polish-led Armour Coalition, Germany will support the UK and Latvian led drone coalition.

    Through our agreed mechanisms, enhanced dialogue, and increased political leadership, we will drive co-operation for decades to come. We will regularly review the content and our collaboration. We will consistently raise our ambitions to meet tomorrow’s threats wherever they come from: on Land, at Sea, or in the Air, in Space or in the Cyber domain; and irrespective of whether these threats are caused by hostile actors or are a result of natural disasters or Climate Change.

    We will confront such threats across all domains and between each of our Armed Forces and joint organisations, with co-operation in Cyber, Communications, and Information Systems forming the backbone and connective tissue required to embark on such an ambitious programme of work.

    John Healey Boris Pistorius
    Secretary of State for Defence of the United Kingdom Federal Minister of Defence of the Federal Republic of Germany

    Related information

    UK-Germany Trinity House Agreement on Defence

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    Updates to this page

    Published 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – The need for immediate assistance from the EU Civil Protection Mechanism – P-001717/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    When a disaster occurs, the affected country can request assistance via the EU Civil Protection Mechanism (UCPM)[1].

    On 13 September 2024, Poland pro-actively activated the Rapid Mapping of the Copernicus Emergency Management Service[2] for floods. On 18 September 2024, Poland activated the UCPM and requested support to strengthen its response to the floods.

    Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Lithuania, Sweden and Slovenia have immediately offered parts of the requested items. Austria, Denmark, Germany, Lithuania and Sweden, have already delivered them to Poland. The transport arrangements for the remaining items are ongoing. In addition, the EU’s strategic reserve, rescEU[3], has been mobilised to complete the offers.

    • [1] https://civil-protection-humanitarian-aid.ec.europa.eu/what/civil-protection/eu-civil-protection-mechanism_en
    • [2] https://emergency.copernicus.eu/mapping/ems/rapid-mapping-portfolio
    • [3] https://civil-protection-humanitarian-aid.ec.europa.eu/what/civil-protection/resceu_en
    Last updated: 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Reintroduction of German border controls – E-002115/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    16.10.2024

    Question for written answer  E-002115/2024
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Jean-Paul Garraud (PfE)

    In September 2024, Germany announced that it was reinstating checks at all its borders to tackle illegal immigration, a major policy issue for Olaf Scholz’s socialist government and for the German people. This announcement came two weeks after the Solingen attack, for which the Islamic State claimed responsibility and which left three people dead and eight injured at a local festival. The investigation revealed that the terrorist, a Syrian who had arrived in Germany at the end of 2022, was subject to an expulsion order and should have been returned to Bulgaria, where his arrival in the EU had been registered.

    Although Member States can ask the Commission for six-month exemptions in the event of a threat to internal security, as Germany has done, this decision contradicts, in theory, the rules of the Schengen area and of free movement within the European Union.

    A Commission spokesperson pointed out that any border controls must be exceptional, necessary and proportionate.

    • 1.Does the Commission think an attack that killed three people warrants exceptional measures?
    • 2.Does the Commission see the reintroduction of border controls within the EU as a sign that the EU’s external borders are completely permeable?
    • 3.As the Commission wishes to limit internal border controls, does it intend to increase Frontex’s budget in order to tighten checks at the EU’s external borders?

    Submitted: 16.10.2024

    Last updated: 23 October 2024

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the draft Commission implementing decision authorising the placing on the market of products containing, consisting of or produced from genetically modified cotton COT102 pursuant to Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council – B10-0145/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety
    Members responsible: Martin Häusling, Biljana Borzan, Anja Hazekamp

    B10‑0145/2024

    European Parliament resolution on the draft Commission implementing decision authorising the placing on the market of products containing, consisting of or produced from genetically modified cotton COT102 pursuant to Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council (D098499/04 – 2024/2835(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

    – having regard to the draft Commission implementing decision authorising the placing on the market of products containing, consisting of or produced from genetically modified cotton COT102 pursuant to Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council (D098499/04),

    – having regard to Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 September 2003 on genetically modified food and feed[1], and in particular Article 7(3) and Article 19(3) thereof,

    – having regard to the vote of the Standing Committee on Plants, Animals, Food and Feed referred to in Article 35 of Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003, on 8 July 2024, at which no opinion was delivered, and the vote of the Appeal Committee on 3 September 2024, at which again no opinion was delivered,

    – having regard to Article 11 of Regulation (EU) No 182/2011 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 February 2011 laying down the rules and general principles concerning mechanisms for control by Member States of the Commission’s exercise of implementing powers[2],

    – having regard to the opinion adopted by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) on 10 May 2023, and published on 26 June 2023[3],

    – having regard to its previous resolutions objecting to the authorisation of genetically modified organisms (‘GMOs’)[4],

    – having regard to Rule 115(2) and (3) of its Rules of Procedure,

    – having regard to the motion for a resolution of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety,

    A. whereas, on 31 March 2017, Syngenta Crop Protection NV/SA, based in Belgium, submitted, on behalf of Syngenta Crop Protection AG, based in Switzerland, an application to the national competent authority of Germany for the placing on the market of foods, food ingredients and feed containing, consisting of or produced from genetically modified cotton COT102 (the ‘GM cotton’), in accordance with Articles 5 and 17 of Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 (‘the application’); whereas the application also covered the placing on the market of products containing or consisting of the GM cotton for uses other than food and feed, with the exception of cultivation;

    B. whereas, on 10 May 2023, EFSA adopted a favourable opinion, which was published on 10 May 2023, concluding that the GM cotton is as safe as its non-GM comparator and the tested non-GM cotton varieties with respect to potential effects on human and animal health and the environment;

    C. whereas the GM cotton contains genes producing insecticidal proteins (‘Bt toxins’) and an antibiotic resistance marker gene (‘ARMG’);

    D. whereas cottonseed oil may be used in the production of a wide variety of food products such as dressings, mayonnaise, fine bakery wares, chocolate spreads and chips; whereas consumption of cottonseed flour is the most likely way in which humans could be exposed to the two proteins resulting from the genetic modification; whereas cotton is commonly used in animal feed in the form of undelinted seeds and meal;

    Outstanding questions concerning Bt toxins

    E. whereas the toxicity of the Bt toxins was assessed on the basis of feeding studies using only isolated Bt proteins produced by bacteria; whereas little significance can be attributed to toxicological tests conducted with proteins in isolation, due to the fact that Bt toxins in GM crops, such as maize, cotton and soybeans, are inherently more toxic than isolated Bt toxins; whereas this is because protease inhibitors (PI), present in the plant tissue, can increase the toxicity of the Bt toxins by delaying their degradation; whereas this phenomenon has been demonstrated in a number of scientific studies, including one conducted for Monsanto which showed that even the presence of extremely low levels of PI enhanced the toxicity of Bt toxins up to 20-fold[5];

    F. whereas this enhanced toxicity is not taken into account in EFSA risk assessments, even though it is relevant for all Bt plants approved for import or cultivation in the Union; whereas risks to humans and animals that consume food and feed containing Bt toxins and which arise from this enhanced toxicity due to the interaction between PI and Bt toxins cannot, therefore, be ruled out;

    G. whereas a number of studies show that side effects have been observed that may affect the immune system following exposure to Bt toxins and that some Bt toxins may have adjuvant properties[6], meaning that they can increase the allergenicity of other proteins with which they come into contact;

    Bt crops: effects on non-target organisms

    H. whereas, unlike the use of insecticides, where exposure is at the time of spraying and for a limited time afterwards, the use of Bt GM crops leads to continuous exposure of the target and non-target organisms to Bt toxins;

    I. whereas the assumption that Bt toxins exhibit a single target-specific mode-of-action can no longer be considered correct and effects on non-target organisms cannot be excluded[7];

    J. whereas an increasing number of non-target organisms are reported to be affected in many ways; whereas 39 peer-reviewed publications that report significant adverse effects of Bt toxins on many ‘out-of-range’ species are mentioned in a recent overview[8];

    Reducing dependency on imported feed

    K. whereas one of the lessons from the COVID-19 crisis and the still ongoing war in Ukraine is the need for the Union to end the dependencies on some critical materials; whereas in the mission letter to Commissioner-delegate Christophe Hansen, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen asks him to look at ways to reduce imports of critical commodities[9];

    Inclusion of ARMG

    L. whereas the GM cotton produces the APH4 protein, which is used as an ARMG and which deactivates the activity of the antibiotic hygromycin B;

    M. whereas Article 4(2) of Directive 2001/18/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council[10] requires that ‘GMOs which contain genes expressing resistance to antibiotics in use for medical or veterinary treatment are taken into particular consideration when carrying out an environmental risk assessment, with a view to identifying and phasing out antibiotic resistance markers in GMOs which may have adverse effects on human health and the environment’ and sets a deadline of 2004, beyond which they should not be placed on the Union market;

    N. whereas Commission Implementing Regulation (EU) No 503/2013[11] states that it is now possible to develop GMOs without the use of ARMGs […] the applicant should therefore aim to develop GMOs without the use of ARMGs;

    O. whereas several Member States raised critical comments regarding the use of ARMGs, including that, in the face of the current crisis concerning antibiotic resistance, it would be wise to implement the precautionary principle, especially in the present case where the application of the ARMG is completely unnecessary and the removal of the ARMG from the plant genome possible; whereas one Member State’s competent authority gave the authorisation an unfavourable opinion based on the presence of the ARMG in the genome of the GM cotton;

    P. whereas the European Medical Agency has confirmed there are no products containing hygromycin B authorised for therapeutic, prophylactic or any other medical uses in humans or animals in the Member States and there are no central authorisations for human or veterinary use for medicinal products that contain hygromycin B11; whereas the EFSA opinion states that ‘the GMO Panel considers that the risk assessment may need to be updated in case products containing hygromycin B or other substrates of the APH4 enzyme obtain future market approval in the EU’; whereas, however, hygromycin B is used in veterinary products which are sold outside the Union;

    Q. whereas the Parliament has, on at least one previous occasion, objected to the import of GM crops which contained ARMGs[12];

    R. whereas antimicrobial resistance poses a threat to global health, food security, and achieving the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, and drug-resistant infections know no borders[13];

    Member State competent authority and stakeholder comments

    S. whereas Member States submitted many critical comments to EFSA during the three-month consultation period[14] including that cultivation of the GM cotton on agricultural fields is to be considered as deliberate contamination of natural environments with antibiotic resistance genes, as well as that the information provided on molecular characterisation, composition and toxicology is insufficient and therefore EFSA’s conclusions of equivalence of the GM cotton with conventional cotton in terms of food and feed safety is premature;

    T. whereas Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 states that GM food or feed must not have adverse effects on human health, animal health or the environment, and requires the Commission to take into account any relevant provisions of Union law and other legitimate factors relevant to the matter under consideration when drafting its decision; whereas such legitimate factors should include the Union’s commitments to tackle antimicrobial resistance;

    Undemocratic decision-making

    U. whereas, in its eighth term, Parliament adopted a total of 36 resolutions objecting to the placing on the market of GMOs for food and feed (33 resolutions) and to the cultivation of GMOs in the Union (three resolutions); whereas, in its ninth term, Parliament adopted 38 objections to the placing GMOs on the market;

    V. whereas despite its own acknowledgement of the democratic shortcomings, the lack of support from Member States and the objections of Parliament, the Commission continues to authorise GMOs;

    W. whereas no change of law is required for the Commission to be able not to authorise GMOs when there is no qualified majority of Member States in favour in the Appeal Committee[15];

    X. whereas the vote on 8 July 2024 of the Standing Committee on Plants, Animals, Food and Feed referred to in Article 35 of Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003 delivered no opinion, meaning that the authorisation was not supported by a qualified majority of Member States; whereas the vote on 3 September 2024 of the Appeal Committee again delivered no opinion;

    1. Considers that the draft Commission implementing decision exceeds the implementing powers provided for in Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003;

    2. Considers that the draft Commission implementing decision is not consistent with Union law, in that it is not compatible with the aim of Regulation (EC) No 1829/2003, which is, in accordance with the general principles laid down in Regulation (EC) No 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council[16], to provide the basis for ensuring a high level of protection of human life and health, animal health and welfare, and environmental and consumer interests, in relation to GM food and feed, while ensuring the effective functioning of the internal market;

    3. Calls on the Commission to withdraw its draft implementing decision and to submit a new draft to the committee;

    4. Reiterates its call on the Commission not to authorise the placing on the market of any GM plants containing genes which confer antimicrobial resistance; notes that authorisation would be in violation of Article 4(2) of Directive 2001/18/EC which calls for a phase out of ARMGs which may have adverse effects on human health or on the environment;

    5. Welcomes the fact that the Commission finally recognised, in a letter of 11 September 2020 to Members, the need to take sustainability into account when it comes to authorisation decisions on GMOs[17]; expresses its deep disappointment, however, that, since then the Commission has continued to authorise GMOs for import into the Union, despite ongoing objections by Parliament and a majority of Member States voting against;

    6. Urges the Commission, again, to take into account the Union’s obligations under international agreements, such as the Paris Climate Agreement, the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals; reiterates its call for draft implementing acts to be accompanied by an explanatory memorandum explaining how they uphold the principle of ‘do no harm’[18];

    7. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council and the Commission, and to the governments and parliaments of the Member States.

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: A Long, Long Time Ago, in Galaxies Near and Far

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    Until now, space exploration has been dominated by two categories of missions – flagship missions, like the James Webb and Hubble Space Telescopes, and smaller-scale missions – with little in between. 

    Cara Battersby is an associate professor of physics at UConn.

    But a “happy medium” can help fill in the gaps of information gleaned from these two mission types. Recognizing this, NASA’s Probe Explorers program recently selected two probe designs to receive $5 million funding for development over the next 12 months. The two designs will then compete to receive $1 billion funding to get off the ground – literally – and launch in 2032. 

    One of these probe concepts, PRIMA (PRobe far-Infrared Mission for Astrophysics), has been developed by an international team including UConn physics associate professor Cara Battersby, who leads one of the project’s key science objectives.  

    If selected for launch, it will use far-infrared sensing technology to illuminate the secrets of the universe, helping scientists understand our own and surrounding galaxies.

    Uncovering Galactic Secrets in Hidden Wavelengths

    “This observatory is designed to fill this enormous gap in wavelength coverage between the mid-infrared all the way to the submillimeter,” Battersby says.  

    The James Webb telescope can “see” in the mid-infrared range of electromagnetic radiation, while the ALMA telescope in Chile can “see” in the submillimeter range. Everything in between is known as the “far infrared” range. This frequency of radiation isn’t visible to the human eye, or even from Earth itself, Battersby points out. 

    “The Earth’s atmosphere completely absorbs this wavelength of light that comes from interstellar space – distant galaxies, forming planets,” she says. “So there’s really no existing or planned telescope that can cover this wavelength gap. The fact that NASA is supporting the next phase for this mission is really exciting, and the science that it enables it is breathtaking.” 

    In space, PRIMA would use this wavelength range to understand the time period between “cosmic dawn” and “cosmic noon,” which encompasses the first era of galaxy formation and the peak of cosmic star formation in the universe. It would also uncover new data to explain how planets and their atmospheres develop. Battersby herself is leading the star and planet formation group on the PRIMA team. 

    In other words, PRIMA would provide the entire astronomy community with critical insights from this key wavelength range that can help us understand our cosmic origins: from the formation of stars and planets to the buildup of elements and the evolution of galaxies over cosmic time. 

    Battersby compares the current state of astrophysics to looking at a crowd of people and attempting to guess their ages, without knowing much about human development. If you didn’t have background knowledge – that children are generally shorter than adults, for instance – it would be impossible. 

    But if, instead, you understand that people generally get taller as they mature, and that there are exceptions (some people are always very short; some are tall from a young age), you can start to sort people visually and make educated guesses about how old they are. 

    Likewise, if you understand what distinguishes an older galaxy from a younger one, you can start to piece together the story of how space took shape over billions of years. 

    “We see these pictures of populations of galaxies, and we don’t know what they were like when they first formed and how they grew. What controls how big a galaxy can get or how many stars it can form? Does it make a really big black hole or really small black hole?” Battersby says. “In order make sense of the data, you need to uncover pictures of the galaxies when they were young and follow them as they grow. Only then can you put the timeline together.”

    Cara Battersby (right) and graduate student Rachel Lee (left) at the Max Planck Institute for Astronomy, in Heidelberg, Germany. (Courtesy of Cara Battersby)

    Enriching Scientific Community on Earth

    In addition to the sheer scientific advancement potential, Battersby is excited about PRIMA’s ability to enrich the entire astronomy community – and provide UConn students with some truly once-in-a-lifetime research opportunities. 

    “A large percentage of the time the observatory is actually operating will be devoted to the astronomy community,” she says. “They can put in proposals to do their favorite science [with PRIMA]. We actually had a community call for proposals, and we had about 70 people write papers about what they would like to do with the telescope – so there’s a ton of community interest.” 

    And if PRIMA is selected to launch, that means Battersby’s students at UConn will have a chance to get involved with this historic project. In fact, one of her graduate students, Rachel Lee, is already nearing publication on a paper exploring some potential applications for PRIMA. 

    “I’m really excited about what this opportunity will mean for students at UConn moving forward, because there will be a chance to make meaningful impacts on this mission that has a very good likelihood of going into space,” she says. “That’s really unique. I certainly never had that opportunity as a student. Working on this is one of the coolest things I’ve done in my career, and now that’s something that UConn students could have a chance to do – they could be part of this whole team.” 

    PRIMA’s principal investigator is Jason Glenn of the NASA Goddard Space Flight Center. 

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Voters Express Growing Concerns About Deepfake Technology Ahead of 2024 Elections: Global Survey Reveals Rising Fears

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    RESTON, Va., Oct. 23, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — As the 2024 U.S. elections approach, a new survey by Regula, a global leader in identity verification solutions, reveals growing voter concerns about hyper-realistic fake content. Many respondents worry that deepfakes could manipulate public opinion, undermine trust in the media, and jeopardize the integrity of election results.

    Given the evolution of AI-generated content into highly sophisticated tools of deception, voters and institutions feel uncertain about the upcoming wave of fake news.

    Image: Regula’s Deepfake Trends study reveals growing fears as deepfakes threaten to distort our perception of reality

    Key highlights from the new “Deepfake Trends 2024” survey include:

    • 33% of U.S. respondents say the media is most at risk from deepfakes, fearing fake news reports and interviews that could mislead the public.
    • 28% of Americans and 34% of Germans worry that deepfakes could directly manipulate political elections, spreading fabricated content designed to influence voter behavior.
    • In Mexico, a stunning 48% of people believe their media is vulnerable to deepfake corruption, the highest among surveyed nations.
    • The threat isn’t limited to elections—35% of U.S. respondents fear that AI-generated content could disrupt courtrooms with fake evidence, a concern shared by 27% of Germans.
    • Interestingly, for Singapore, which recently passed a law banning digitally manipulated content of candidates during elections, the largest concern about deepfakes lies in Healthcare. 35% of respondents worry that deepfakes could impersonate medical professionals or spread false medical advice, potentially leading to harmful health outcomes.
    • In the United Arab Emirates, the biggest concern (34% of respondents) is the use of deepfakes to create fake social media posts, messages, or videos, which could damage personal reputations and relationships.

    “We’ve reached a tipping point where voters and institutions alike can no longer trust what they see or hear. Deepfakes are becoming so sophisticated that we must equip ourselves with the tools and skills needed to detect and combat this new wave of disinformation. It’s crucial to remember that when overwhelmed by information, we often switch to autopilot, making us more vulnerable to manipulation. That’s why building digital literacy is essential—always question what you see, double-check before sharing, and protect your personal data. Strengthen your online security and stay informed on the latest AI developments—this is how we safeguard ourselves,” says Henry Patishman, Executive VP of Identity Verification Solutions at Regula.

    Find more insights on deepfake fraud and businesses in the survey report. Read the full version on our website.

    *The research was initiated by Regula and conducted by Sapio Research in August 2024 using an online survey of 575 business decision-makers across the Financial Services (including Traditional Banking and FinTech), Crypto, Technology, Telecommunications, Aviation, Healthcare, and Law Enforcement sectors. The respondent geography included Germany, Mexico, the UAE, the US, and Singapore.

    About Regula

    Regula is a global developer of forensic devices and identity verification solutions. With our 30+ years of experience in forensic research and the largest library of document templates in the world, we create breakthrough technologies in document and biometric verification. Our hardware and software solutions allow over 1,000 organizations and 80 border control authorities globally to provide top-notch client service without compromising safety, security or speed. Regula was repeatedly named a Representative Vendor in the Gartner® Market Guide for Identity Verification.

    Learn more at http://www.regulaforensics.com.

    Contact:

    Kristina – ks@regulaforensics.com

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/7fcf6b3b-4ff4-404b-b2be-b36d7925a403

    The MIL Network –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Around 40,000 litres of illegal alcoholic beverages seized under OLAF’s lead

    Source: European Anti-Fraud Offfice

    The European Anti-Fraud Office coordinated an action that led the EU Member States’ and Norwegian customs authorities to seize around 40,000 litres of illicit alcoholic beverages. The targeted action is part of operation OPSON XIII, the global initiative coordinated alongside Europol to tackle food fraud and ensure the safety of food and beverages across Europe. 

    The operation, which ran from December 2023 to May 2024, focused on identifying and removing counterfeit and substandard food and drinks from markets while disturbing the criminal network behind these illicit products. 

    As in previous years, OLAF led a targeted action focused specifically on illicit alcoholic beverages. The operation revealed sophisticated schemes aimed at infiltrating the EU market with products of inferior quality – mostly beer, homemade alcohol and wine. Fraudsters used deceptive packaging, falsified documents and false labels to sell these products to consumers. 

    The OLAF coordinated action involved customs authorities from 15 Member States and one non-EU country: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Spain and Slovakia. 

    More information on Operation OPSON XIII is available in Europol’s press release.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Debates – Monday, 21 October 2024 – Strasbourg – Provisional edition

    Source: European Parliament

    Verbatim report of proceedings
     413k  815k
    Monday, 21 October 2024 – Strasbourg Provisional edition

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
    President

     
    1. Resumption of the session

     

      President. – I declare resumed the session of the European Parliament adjourned on Thursday, 10 October 2024.

     

    2. Opening of the sitting

       

    (The sitting opened at 17:03)

     

    3. Statements by the President

     

      President. – Dear colleagues, on the results of the presidential election and referendum in Moldova, the people in Moldova have chosen their future: they chose hope, stability, opportunity. They chose Europe.

    (Applause)

    The European Parliament strongly condemns any activities and interferences in Moldova’s presidential election and constitutional referendum on EU integration.

    We are proud to be one of Moldova’s strongest allies and supporters. We understand that Moldova’s future lies within the European Union and we fully support its EU accession path.

    President Maia Sandu and her government have already made remarkable progress in implementing reforms. And while the road ahead may not always be easy, I want to assure our European Moldovan friends that the European Parliament will continue to be with them every step of the way.

    Also, dear colleagues, on 16 October we marked 7 years since the brutal assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia, a Maltese investigative journalist who exposed corruption and organised crime. Those who thought they could silence her were wrong. In fact, her work sparked a movement that echoes in every corner where we pursue a Europe that protects journalists, that respects the rule of law.

    I am grateful to have known Daphne beyond her writing: as a woman battling the odds; as a mother who was so proud of the men her boys grew into; as a daughter, wife and sister who wanted more from her country. And she raised the bar for all of us in politics. But most of all, today I think about how we must keep Daphne’s memory alive; how the European Parliament will keep pushing for the truth, for justice and for accountability.

    It is for this reason that the European Parliament is proud to be hosting the fourth edition of the Daphne Caruana Galizia Prize for outstanding journalism. And I take this moment to encourage you to attend the award ceremony this Wednesday in the Daphne Caruana Galizia Press Room, to honour the bravery of all those who continue to carry her legacy forward.

    This House remembers her and we honour her legacy.

    (Applause)

     

    4. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting

     

      President. – The minutes and the texts adopted of the sitting of 10 October 2024 are available. Are there any comments? No? The minutes are therefore approved.

     

    5. Composition of Parliament

     

      President. – The competent authorities of Poland have notified me of the election of Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz to the European Parliament, replacing Marcin Kierwiński with effect from 10 October 2024.

    I wish to welcome our new colleague and recall that she takes her seat in Parliament and its bodies in full enjoyment of her rights, pending the verification of her credentials.

     

    6. Composition of committees and delegations

     

      President. – The PfE Group has notified me of decisions relating to changes to appointments within the committees and delegations. These decisions will be set out in the minutes of today’s sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement.

     

    7. Negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading (Rule 73)

     

      President. – The TRAN Committee has decided to enter into interinstitutional negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading, pursuant to Rule 73 of the Rules of Procedure.

    The positions adopted by Parliament at first reading, which constitute the mandates for those negotiations, are available on the plenary webpage, and their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

     

    8. Corrigenda (Rule 251)

     

      President. – The competent committees have transmitted nine corrigenda to texts adopted by Parliament.

    Pursuant to Rule 251, these corrigenda will be deemed approved unless, no later than 24 hours after their announcement, a request is made by a political group or Members reaching at least the low threshold that they be put to the vote.

    The corrigenda are available on the plenary webpage. Their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

     

    9. Signing of acts adopted in accordance with the ordinary legislative procedure (Rule 81)




     

      Marc Botenga (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, vous savez que, sur la base de l’article 188, les députés européens gagnent facilement 14 000 euros par mois. Pourtant, chaque année, notre groupe demande de baisser ces salaires pour que les députés soient un tout petit peu plus en phase avec la réalité des travailleurs, qui, eux, peinent à boucler les fins de mois. Chaque année, ce vote permet de démasquer les députés qui, d’une part, prêchent l’austérité et la misère pour les travailleurs, mais, d’autre part, s’octroient, eux, un salaire généreux de 14 000 euros par mois.

    Mais aujourd’hui, en coulisses, vous nous dites que ce n’est plus acceptable et vous voulez empêcher ce vote – je sais bien, chers collègues, que vous ne voulez pas que l’on touche à vos privilèges. Vous nous dites que ces revenus sont garantis par d’autres textes. Mais justement, en refusant aujourd’hui de voter le budget nécessaire, nous pouvons ouvrir cette porte pour faire le premier pas et revoir tout cela.

    L’année dernière, vous aviez permis ces amendements. Qu’est-ce qui a changé, qui ne serait plus vrai aujourd’hui? Serait-ce parce que la campagne électorale est terminée? Madame la Présidente, je vous prie, revoyez cette décision. La politique sert à servir et non à se servir.

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much, Mr Botenga. I will give you the explanation.

    You file a point of order under Rule 188, which is actually a point of order, but I will answer you. The amendments tabled by your group on the lines and figures of the general budget 2025 concerning salaries and allowances, etc., have been examined and declared inadmissible, simply because we want to apply the rules.

    And I will tell you why: it is because they are in contradiction with the existing regulations, in other words, the Statute for Members of the European Parliament and the Council Regulation determining the emoluments of EU high-level public office holders, based on Articles 243 TFEU and 223 TFEU. So the right procedure would be to call on the responsible institutions to amend the mentioned regulations.

    However, you will have seen as well, in this spirit, that the corresponding amendment that you tabled to the resolution on the general budget calling for this change has been declared admissible, because that can be declared admissible.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, quero expressar o meu total desacordo com a sua decisão discricionária e sem fundamento de recusar, sem justificação, a proposta de debate sobre o agravamento da situação humanitária em Gaza, na sequência das declarações do coordenador especial da ONU para o processo de paz no Médio Oriente. Na quinta-feira, a ONU declarou que mais de um milhão e oitocentos mil palestinianos enfrentam fome extrema. Ontem mesmo, aquele coordenador especial da ONU emitiu um comunicado falando de pesadelo, cenas horripilantes na zona norte, ataques israelitas implacáveis e uma crise humanitária cada vez pior e, cito, que «nenhum lugar é seguro em Gaza», condenando os contínuos ataques contra civis. Aquele responsável disse: «A guerra tem de parar agora».

    Apesar de tudo isto ter acontecido em condições que permitiam que o debate aqui fosse feito, a senhora presidente recusou aceitar sequer a proposta. Desafio-a a colocar à votação este pedido de debate. Enquanto continuarem a chover bombas em Gaza, a morrer crianças, mulheres e civis, este debate será sempre urgente e imprescindível.

     
       


     

      Virginie Joron (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, chers démocrates, chers légalistes, je souhaite faire un rappel au règlement. Son article 219 prévoit le respect de l’égalité des genres dans la composition des bureaux des commissions. Cette égalité n’est pourtant pas respectée, pas plus que le résultat des urnes, c’est-à-dire de la démocratie.

    En effet, Madame la Présidente, vous avez accepté de ne pas respecter la démocratie en accordant une dérogation au principe de l’égalité des genres pour M. Weber dans plusieurs bureaux de commissions, ignorant par là même plus de 20 millions de nos électeurs.

    Comment pouvez-vous accepter que la commission CONT, qui contrôle le budget de l’Union européenne – et qui doit donner l’exemple –, continue de ne pas respecter nos règles? Vous souhaitez exporter l’égalité des genres jusqu’au Kazakhstan ou encore lui consacrer une semaine en décembre, mais ce principe n’est déjà pas respecté au sein de la commission CONT, au cœur même de notre institution. En ne disposant pas d’une quatrième vice-présidence, la composition du bureau de la commission CONT viole notre règlement.

    Madame la Présidente, je vous remercie de faire le nécessaire pour mettre un terme à cette hypocrisie et respecter notre devise, «Unie dans la diversité».

     
       


     

      Manon Aubry (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, ça tombe bien, j’avais envie de vous parler de démocratie et de faire un rappel au règlement sur la base de l’article 154, qui traite des accords interinstitutionnels, pour évoquer l’état des négociations entre l’Union européenne et le Mercosur. Je vais commencer, chers collègues, par une question assez simple: qui trouve normal que le plus important accord de libre-échange jamais conclu par l’Union européenne soit en train d’être signé en catimini, sans que notre Parlement ait la moindre information, quelle qu’elle soit? Allez-y, dites-moi qui est d’accord avec cela et levez la main.

    Vous le voyez bien – et j’ai fait le compte –, cela fait exactement cinq ans que la Commission européenne n’a pas donné ni publié le moindre compte-rendu officiel sur l’état des négociations. Bien entendu, cet accord de libre-échange aura un impact désastreux sur nos agriculteurs, qui souffrent déjà, sur la santé et sur la planète.

    Mes chers collègues, c’est aussi un scandale démocratique. Comment accepter d’être ainsi tenus à l’écart? C’est pourquoi, Madame la Présidente, je vous prierais de demander des comptes à la Commission européenne afin qu’elle nous tienne enfin informés, parce qu’on ne peut pas se laisser ainsi «bananer». Il est temps!

     
       


     

      President. – As you can see, your colleagues agree with you. This is something that has been an outstanding issue and we can put pressure on the incoming Commission to respect the deadlines that we have set.

     

    10. Order of business


     

      Terry Reintke, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues, last Friday, an Italian court invalidated the detention of 16 asylum applicants sent to Albania by the Italian Government. Italy is a democracy, with an independent judiciary and courts that can freely rule on existing cases, also to stop illegal actions by the government. Still, members of the ruling far-right coalition, including members of the government, attacked this independent judiciary and the judges that ruled in this case.

    Colleagues, we cannot stay silent on this: rule of law, including separation of powers, is a key fundament of the European Union. We have waited for far too long regarding Hungary to speak up. We cannot make the same mistake again. That is why my group requests a debate with the following title: ‘Commission statement regarding the ruling of the Italian court related to the agreement between Italy and Albania on migration’.

     
       



     

      Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Madam President, I think it is clear and already stated that this request should not be supported. It’s very clear. It’s not about a protocol about Italy and Albania, as you say in what you’re asking for. Also, it’s not even a final decision in the court, and it’s also a decision based on an EU directive that actually will be replaced once the new migration pact is fully adopted.

    I think it’s also about the general question, because we had a request in plenary before, from the Patriots, about another decision. We could, of course, make this Chamber nothing else than debating different court decisions. I think when it comes to migration policy, we should be serious, we should be balanced, and we should use our time to actually debate real things and not only try to make court decisions that you may like or not like to be in favour of them.

    So that is why the EPP will reject this request.

     
       


     

      Fabienne Keller, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, nous savons que le nouveau pacte sur la migration et l’asile et la politique migratoire ont occupé l’essentiel du Conseil européen de la fin de la semaine dernière. C’est un sujet de préoccupation pour nos concitoyens.

    Nous sommes fiers, tous ici dans cette Chambre, d’avoir adopté un pacte, d’avoir trouvé un équilibre pour traiter la question de la migration illégale, tout en respectant nos valeurs. Nous savons aussi, chers collègues, qu’il nous faudra encore deux années pour le mettre en œuvre. Nous ne pouvons dès lors pas accepter qu’un État membre utilise une voie détournée pour contourner ce que prévoit le pacte et les règles précises que nous avons définies ensemble.

    C’est pourquoi nous proposons de rebondir sur la proposition des Verts et d’ajouter la dimension «mise en œuvre du pacte» dans son ensemble, c’est-à-dire vis-à-vis de ses devoirs, de l’application de ses règles, mais aussi des garanties des droits de l’homme et du respect des droits fondamentaux que nous y avons intégrés. C’est dans cet esprit que nous proposons ce débat amendé.

     
       

     

      President. – Ms Reintke, do you agree with the alternative proposal? So the Green Group does not. Therefore, I will put the original request by the Green Group to a vote by roll call.

    (Parliament rejected the request)

    I now ask Ms Keller: do you want to keep your request? Yes, Ms Keller wants to keep the request, so the proposal from the Renew Group is now put to a vote by roll call.

    (Parliament rejected the request)

    So the agenda remains unchanged.

    The agenda is now adopted and the order of business is thus established.

     

    11. International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (debate)

     

      President. – The first item is the debate on Parliament’s statement on the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (2024/2881(RSP)).

    Dear colleagues, last week, on 17 October, we marked the International Day of the Eradication of Poverty. Poverty is not inevitable. It is a challenge that we can – and we must – overcome. Across the world, far too many people still struggle. Far too many people do not have access to clean water, to clothing, shelter, health care or education. And far too many people are excluded from society, denied the possibility of a dignified job, not given the opportunities to achieve their potential. Given that 1 in 5 Europeans and 1 in 4 children under the age of 18 in the European Union is at risk of poverty or social exclusion, the reality is as serious as it is alarming.

    Here in the European Parliament, we refuse to be bystanders. We are proud of all the work we have done already in making our Europe a front-liner in the fight against poverty, and yet more work remains. Poverty is a symptom of inequality, and we understand the responsibility that we bear to ensure that every person – no matter who they are or where they come from – has a chance to live with dignity, with purpose.

    This is why the European Parliament is looking forward to seeing the European Union’s first anti-poverty strategy that was announced in the 2024-2029 Political Guidelines of the European Commission. This is a positive step forward. By investing in education, affordable housing and job creation, by ensuring our social safety net works, we can lift millions out of poverty.

    This House will continue turning our policies into concrete action, and we will continue to fight for fairness, for dignity and for opportunity for all.

     
       


     

      Gabriele Bischoff, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Tat: Wir sprechen inzwischen von 100 Millionen Menschen, die in Europa, einem der reichsten Kontinente, von Armut und sozialer Ausgrenzung bedroht sind; Frau Präsidentin hat es gesagt: mehr als jeder fünfte Mensch hier in Europa. Und dieser Internationale Tag zur Abschaffung der Armut, der muss wirklich ein Weckruf hier sein, weil wir mehr brauchen.

    Ja, wir brauchen eine Armutsstrategie, aber wir brauchen auch konkrete Politiken, und eine davon ist in der Tat, dass wir ein festes Budget von 20 Milliarden in einem eigenen ESF+ für die Kindergarantie brauchen, um die 19 Millionen Kinder – 19 Millionen, denen die Zukunft gestohlen wurde – besser vor Armut zu schützen, und wir brauchen Maßnahmen.

    Aber wir dürfen nicht nur national bleiben, sondern nach den Verträgen ist Armutsbekämpfung auch das Hauptziel der europäischen Entwicklungspolitik. Das muss so bleiben und muss unser Kompass sein zur Bekämpfung der Armut auf der ganzen Welt.

     
       

     

      Malika Sorel, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, 34 % des Européens renoncent à des soins médicaux, et nombre de jeunes, de nos jeunes, sont en grande souffrance. C’est la tiers-mondisation de nos nations. L’Europe d’Hippocrate, de Pasteur et de Marie Curie n’est même plus capable de soigner les siens, tandis qu’elle érige en dogme la préférence extra-européenne.

    Alors que la pauvreté touche chacune de nos nations, la Commission va verser 1,8 milliard d’euros à la Moldavie. De plus, l’immigration issue des couches sociales les plus pauvres bat des records. Pour Enrico Letta, aucune réforme, aucun progrès ne sera possible sans la participation des citoyens. Cette participation, je vous le dis, est impossible, car ces conditions ne sont pas réunies.

    Relisons Jean-Jacques Rousseau: «Voulons-nous que les peuples soient vertueux? Commençons donc par leur faire aimer la patrie: mais comment l’aimeront-ils si la patrie ne leur accorde que ce qu’elle ne peut refuser à personne?». Nous sommes là au cœur du mal qui détruit l’Europe. Chers collègues, j’aimerais comprendre: est-ce l’indifférence – ou pire: le cynisme – qui conduit à nous lamenter sur une pauvreté que nous organisons?

     
       

     

      Chiara Gemma, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la povertà non è soltanto una questione economica: è una piaga sociale che mina la dignità e la speranza delle persone. Combatterla è un dovere morale e una responsabilità politica che deve impegnarci tutti, senza eccezioni.

    C’è un aspetto che merita una particolare attenzione e che troppo spesso viene trascurato: la condizione delle persone con disabilità, che sono tra le più esposte al rischio di povertà. I dati parlano chiaro: il 28,8% delle persone con disabilità in Europa vive in condizioni di povertà e di esclusione sociale.

    Questo dato è inaccettabile, soprattutto se pensiamo che stiamo parlando di una categoria già vulnerabile, che deve affrontare non solo le difficoltà economiche, ma anche le barriere strutturali, culturali e sociali che la società impone.

    Non possiamo tollerare che in un’Europa che si proclama “paladina dei diritti umani e dell’inclusione”, quasi un terzo delle persone con disabilità viva in condizioni di disagio economico. La nostra forza si misura dalla capacità di includere chi è già più debole.

     
       

     

      Charles Goerens, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, la lutte contre la pauvreté doit se manifester tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Cela étant, la pratique semble confirmer ce propos.

    L’Union européenne n’a certes pas réussi à éliminer la pauvreté, comme chacun de nous le souhaiterait. À sa décharge, rappelons que ses compétences sont insuffisantes pour régler ce problème. Les États membres, par contre, disposent de moyens ô combien supérieurs à ceux dont dispose la Commission. À ce propos, l’on constate que les États membres qui ont de meilleurs résultats en matière de lutte contre la misère chez eux sont souvent les mêmes que ceux qui s’impliquent le plus dans la coopération au développement en faveur des pays du Sud.

    Cette corrélation n’est pas anodine. Elle nous fait penser que la solidarité est indivisible. C’est donc une question de cohérence, une question d’équité, qui s’applique dans le même esprit tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Pour appuyer mon propos, il suffit de lire les rapports annuels du Programme des Nations unies pour le développement et d’en comparer les résultats à ceux obtenus en matière de lutte contre la misère au sein des États membres.

     
       


     

      Leila Chaibi, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, en France, 1 jeune sur 4 vit sous le seuil de pauvreté, et 1 étudiant sur 2 est obligé de sauter un repas par jour. Vous vous souvenez de ces files d’attente interminables devant l’aide alimentaire pendant la pandémie de COVID-19? Ces images, elles avaient fait le tour du monde. C’était il y a quatre ans. Et que s’est il passé depuis? Rien.

    Pourquoi l’Union européenne ne demande-t-elle pas aux gouvernements de proposer le repas à 1 euro pour les étudiants? Pourquoi continuons-nous à agir comme si la pauvreté était un phénomène météorologique, une espèce de catastrophe naturelle? Non, la pauvreté ne tombe pas du ciel. Sans inégalités, il n’y a pas de pauvreté. Bernard Arnault, l’homme le plus riche du monde, a vu sa fortune dépasser les 200 milliards d’euros, soit plus que le PIB de la Slovaquie. Imaginez ce qu’on pourrait faire avec cette somme. On pourrait faire 200 000 hôpitaux, 40 000 écoles.

    Vous voulez agir contre la pauvreté? Taxez les plus riches, taxez les multinationales, allez chercher l’argent là où il est.

     
       

     

      Petar Volgin, от името на групата ESN. – Скъпи колеги, дълго време силните на деня обясняваха, че когато глобализацията окончателно победи, когато бъдат премахнати всички държавни граници и всички държавни пречки пред бизнеса, ние ще станем богати и щастливи. Разказваха ни, че когато милионерът стане милиардер, това ще направи и нас, обикновените хора богати. Защото нали според постулатите на така наречената „трикъл даун” икономика („trickle down economy“) или икономика на просмукването, приливът повдигал всички лодки. Само че действителността се оказа много по-различна.

    Да, богатите ставаха още по-богати, милионерите ставаха милиардери, но лодките на обикновенните хора не се повдигаха, даже много от тях потънаха. Колкото повече държавата минаваше на заден план, толкова повече се увеличаваха неравенствата и бедността. Има само един начин, по който може да бъде преодоляно това. Държавата отново трябва да стане активна. Тя трябва да създаде такива правила, които да помагат на работещите хора да живеят по-добре. Наднационалните институции няма да направят това. Те се грижат за интересите на мега корпорациите. Нужна ни е повече държава и по-малко транснационални институции.

     
       


     

     

      Georgiana Teodorescu (ECR), în scris. – Prin acțiunile sale, Uniunea Europeană s-a declarat responsabilă pentru înverzirea Globului, pentru eliminarea surplusului de carbon, pentru tot ce e „eco” și „bio” la nivel mondial, pentru salvarea migranților, precum și pentru încetarea unor războaie din afara granițelor UE.

    Totuși, când vine vorba de sărăcia în care trăiesc unii dintre europeni, mai ales despre construirea unor programe concrete și asigurarea unui buget corespunzător pentru acest lucru, rămânem la stadiul de discuții frumoase. Iată că marcăm o zi oficială pentru eradicarea sărăciei, în loc să o eradicăm efectiv. În România, unul din cinci cetățeni trăiește sub pragul sărăciei, cifrele fiind mult mai ridicate în rândul tinerilor. Pe acești oameni, ziua internațională a eradicării sărăciei nu îi ajută. Este nevoie de bani și de măsuri concrete.

    Sigur, e onorabil să avem o astfel de zi, nu ne opunem, dar haideți să ne concentrăm mai mult pe fapte și mai puțin pe discursuri pompoase, care au zero efect în asigurarea hranei copiilor săraci ai Europei sau în oferirea unor programe care să-i încurajeze să-și continue studiile.

     

    12. Address by Enrico Letta – Presentation of the report ‘Much More Than a Market’

     

      President. – The next item is the debate on the address by Enrico Letta – presentation of the report ‘Much more than a market’.

    We have today with us former Prime Minister of Italy Enrico Letta to present his report ‘Much more than a market’. Caro Enrico, welcome back to the European Parliament. Your report came at an extremely timely moment.

    As we embark on a new legislative term, this House recognises that the future of Europe will be defined by our ability to make ourselves more competitive; how we are able to grow our economies and pay back our debts, to fuel our innovation and turn seemingly impossible challenges into opportunities, to create jobs and futures with dignity. That is what our people are asking from us. It is why Europeans went to the polls last June, and what our voters are expecting us to deliver on.

    To do all this, we do not need to reinvent the wheel. We already have many tools in place. For over 30 years, the single market has been our Union’s unique growth model, a powerful engine of convergence and our most valuable asset. But we are again at a moment where the single market is in need of a boost.

    The time is now for us to renew our engagement to it, to deepen it, especially when it comes to energy, to finance, telecoms, banking, capital markets and services – to bring it back on par with the needs of the current context.

    Boosting it also means doing more to level the playing field, to reduce excessive bureaucracy and to cut red tape. This is how our single market works best. So, Mr Letta, dear Enrico, the European Parliament is eager to hear your findings and recommendations on how we can bolster our single market and make Europe more competitive.

     
       

     

      Enrico Letta, author of the report ‘Much more than a market’. – Madam President, esteemed Members, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to President Roberta Metsola, the Members of the European Parliament and the groups. It is a particularly emotional moment for me to do so in this Chamber once chaired by David Sassoli. The last time I spoke from this very place was to commemorate him some days after his death. His legacy and his commitment to European values continues to guide and inspire all of us.

    I must also express my deep gratitude to those who commissioned this report and entrusted me with the responsibility to undertake it: the Belgian and Spanish presidencies of the Council of the European Union, along with the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council. It is a great honour for me to be here today, especially after a year of engaging with the European Parliament: more than 20 meetings, groups, committees – the IMCO Committee in particular, subcommittees fostering meaningful dialogue and collaboration.

    This is a decisive moment for the life of the report. The pragmatic proposals it contains can only make a real impact if this very Chamber embraces and advances them.

    This report is not mine. I bear full responsibility for it, of course, but above all, it is the result of a collective exercise developed during a journey that spanned almost the entire European Union, reaching out also to candidate countries for accession and non-EU countries that share with us the single market. Throughout this journey across Europe, I visited 65 cities and took part in over 4 400 meetings, I engaged open social dialogue with all stakeholders. This was not an ideological pursuit, but a pragmatic endeavour. I traveled across Europe and engaged with all stakeholders to find common ground for tangible solutions. And there is one thing I want to stress out here: all the proposals contained in the report do not require Treaty changes. They are very concrete and can be implemented immediately.

    Madame la Présidente, par cette méthode j’ai cherché à honorer l’esprit même du projet d’intégration européenne. Un projet qui s’épanouit dans le dialogue entre les grands et les petits pays, entre les grandes villes et les petites communes, entre des modèles divers de relations industrielles, ainsi qu’entre différentes cultures et histoires. C’était la vision de Jacques Delors, à la mémoire duquel ce rapport est dédié.

    Jacques Delors visait à poser une base solide sur laquelle les grands idéaux européens pourraient prospérer. Il reconnaissait que la passion seule ne pouvait bâtir l’Europe. Il fallait des projets pragmatiques, qui améliorent concrètement la vie des citoyens. Jacques Delors croyait fermement que le succès de l’intégration européenne ne se mesurait pas à l’aune des bénéfices pour les États, mais à l’amélioration de la vie des citoyens. C’est cette approche que j’ai poursuivie et qui m’a inspiré en rédigeant ce rapport.

    The single market has been our greatest achievement. It has fuelled prosperity and it embodies our values. But it was born in a very different era, an era in which both the European Union and the world were smaller, simpler and far less interconnected. More than 20 years ago, we succeeded in integrating our currencies. We created the euro. We integrated this critical dimension which carries important emotional and practical significance for our citizens.

    However, we have not achieved the same level of integration in other key strategic sectors that, paradoxically, would have been far less difficult to integrate: sectors that are now vital for the future of the European economy, in particular. At the inception, three sectors were deliberately kept outside the single market, considered too strategic to extend beyond national borders: finance, electronic communications and energy. In reality, when it comes to these issues, Europe is merely a geographical expression. We are 27, not 1, on telecommunication. We have 27 financial markets, not 1 financial market. The exclusion of these sectors from the completion of the single market was motivated by the belief at that time that domestic control would better serve strategic interests.

    In an increasingly interconnected world and a vastly larger global market, the national dimension is no longer sufficient. It is becoming a ceiling in these sectors. We need to address this paradox, which is one of the main drivers of the current gap with other global powers, and we must act now. Inertia or inaction on this front risks reducing our choices to a single question: whether we want to become a colony of the United States or of China in ten years’ time. Telecommunications, energy and financial markets must be integrated, as we did for the euro. The integration of these sectors is a precondition for our competitiveness and security. There can be no security without independence in connectivity, energy and finance.

    In the report, I propose a roadmap for telecommunications to move from 27 separate markets to 1, from the approximately 80 operators of today to 10, 20 operators. I am not suggesting that we mimic the American or Chinese models here in Europe. These models do not adequately protect consumers as we aim to do in the European Union, but with a single telecoms market, 10, 20 operators can compete while ensuring consumer protection. At the same time, they will be larger and stronger on the global stage. That is what is not happening today with the fragmentation in 27 different markets.

    For energy, the key mission is to invest in interconnections. We must reduce the energy prices in Europe, and the only way is to maximise the diversification of energy sources through a highly interconnected European system. We win through cooperation, not through fragmentation. However, the most important sector to integrate is the financial one, which is in reality today the sum of 27 separate financial markets. This fragmentation is a major factor in Europe’s loss of competitiveness, creating the paradox of having a single currency, the euro, without a fully integrated financial market. We are falling behind the US, which has surged ahead in this sector over the last 15 years, and we are paying a steep price for it. Without a unified financial system, we will be unable to create a new paradigm for economic development, unable to innovate and unable to ensure our security.

    Having unified and significantly larger financial markets would allow Europe to invest in innovation and support its real economy. It would also enable Europe to effectively finance the Green Deal.

    During my journey, one topic has emerged as a priority everywhere: how to support and finance the just, green and digital transition. Let’s be very clear: the Green Deal remains the top priority for the coming years. It is no longer a question of whether Europe will pursue it, but rather how it will be achieved. The legislative term began with a debate on how to approach the Green Deal. In the report, I propose solutions for implementing it that reduce the potential social and economic consequences for Europe. We cannot allow the Green Deal to become a luxury that only the wealthy can afford in our societies. The social and economic dimensions of the Green Deal are essential.

    If we are committed to this, we must also clearly outline how we intend to finance it. Otherwise, we risk engaging in an unrealistic declaration of intent. Without a concrete plan on how to finance it, political backlash and delays are inevitable – outcomes that neither the EU nor the planet can afford. That is why all our energy must be focused on financially supporting the transition. We need an innovative set of tools that can leverage both public and private financing, as both are crucial to meet our massive investment needs.

    There are differing views within the European Union on how to address this funding challenge. We have to be honest: there are often opposing views on this matter. It makes no sense to ignore or hide these differences. But I firmly believe that the single market is not only a fundamental tool, but also the common ground where these diverse positions can converge.

    The initial priority should be to mobilise private capital, where the EU lags behind and has enormous untapped potential. Let me offer two clear as significant examples. Each year, EUR 300 billion of European savings cross the Atlantic to fuel the American financial markets and their real economy. This happens because our financial markets, fragmented as they are, are unable to absorb these resources. But the effect is a paradox. This money ultimately strengthens American companies, which then return to Europe to buy our European companies with our European savers’ money.

    We need a change in mindset. The current lack of integration of Europe’s financial markets is unacceptable. Take also the case of international payment systems: every day, each of us makes several credit or debit card transactions, billions of transactions in total. Yet Italians aren’t happy using a French system. The French aren’t happy using a German system. The Germans aren’t happy to use a Spanish one. As a result, we are all end up being happy to rely on an American system. This example alone highlights the inefficiency of our fragmented approach.

    We have to be pragmatic, not ideological. The fragmentation of Europe’s financial markets plays directly into the hands of other global players, keeping Wall Street and China satisfied and very happy. And this is why, in the report, I proposed the creation of the savings and investments union, building on the incomplete capital markets union. By fully integrating financial markets, the savings and investments union aims to close the gap in a sector where we have enormous potential and provide a concrete tool to finance our ambitions.

    What I want to emphasise is the importance of forging a strong link between the fair, green and digital transition and the financial integration of the single market. One of the main reasons the capital markets union failed to succeed is that it was seen as an end in itself. True financial market integration in Europe will only be achieved when both citizens and policymakers recognise that this integration is not just beneficial for the financial sector, but it is essential for achieving broader, more critical goals such as the fair, green and digital transition.

    Ultimately, progress in the area of private investments will enable us to tackle the role, structures and regulations governing public investments. As I have noted, this is a divisive issue, but it is essential that we confront it openly. Closing the current gap in private investments is a critical first step in moving this debate forward. The massive investment needs of the European Union require both private and public sources of funding. We must strike a balance between different sensibilities and pave the way for a more constructive, integrated and efficient funding strategy.

    This also extends to the debate on state aid. In the report, I have presented some ideas to overcome the current impasse. We need new solutions that can swiftly mobilise targeted national public support for industry, while also preventing fragmentation of the single market and ensuring a level playing field.

    Combining private resources and public investments, considering various instruments, is the only way to achieve a compromise in this chamber and within the European Council. Finance, energy and telecommunications are interconnected and serve as critical boost within a broader concept of security. However, the current geopolitical situation compels us to accelerate the strengthening of our common defence capabilities.

    Greater integration within our common market can serve as a pivotal tool to overcome existing duplications and inefficiencies, yet substantial investments are required. We need to act on this front, and we must do swiftly in order to preserve a crucial level of autonomy in our foreign security and defence policy.

    The EU must continue its unwavering support for Ukraine in its fight for freedom, while also striving to play a pivotal role in ending the conflict in the Middle East. Both are essential steps towards securing long-term peace and stability. To address this significant challenge, we must consider innovative financing mechanisms here as well. In the report, I propose several options, but I believe, and I want to underline here, the most pragmatic and impactful approach involves the use of the ESM, the European Stability Mechanism.

    One of the consequences of fragmentation and the lack of unity in key sectors is the difficulty we are facing in terms of innovation. The EU has not yet developed a robust industry capable of harnessing the benefits of the new wave of technological advancements. As a result, we have become increasingly reliant on external technologies that are now critical to European companies. It is essential that we unlock the full potential of the single market, and to do so, we need to leverage our unexploited common strength in research and development.

    The single market, as we know, was built on four fundamental freedoms: the free movement of goods, services, capital and people. However, this structure is outdated and too closely aligned with the 20th century vision. I believe something is missing in today’s complex and dynamic environment, something intangible yet vital. The economy of the future will be driven by innovation, knowledge and tangible assets, a dimension that is vital to our progress.

    In the report, I argue for the addition of a fifth freedom, one that encompasses a range of essential fields: research, data, skills, knowledge, education. This is possible within the framework of the existing Treaties, as demonstrated in the report. This new fifth freedom will not just be about facilitating the movement of research and innovation outputs; it will embed the drivers of research and innovation at the heart of the single market. With this framework, the EU will not only better position itself as a global leader in setting ethical standards for innovation, but also as a creator and pioneer of new technologies.

    The EU’s ability to innovate depends also on creating an ecosystem where businesses can thrive. This is why the simplification of the single market rules is a central theme. It is a topic that I have heard repeatedly during my travels. However, when we speak of simplification, too frequently, these words are not followed by concrete, actionable proposals. In the report, I present two pragmatic proposals to significantly ease businesses’ access to the benefits of the single market. The first proposal is that EU institutions should unequivocally prioritise the use of regulations over directives when setting single market rules. This would reduce uncertainty and eliminate barriers. The second proposal is the idea of the ’28th regime’ to operate within the single market, a virtual 28th state that companies could choose for smoother, more practical operation at the European level. Both these proposals cover regulatory aspects that help to reduce bureaucracy without in an in any way undermining social standards, on which we do not want to see any race to the bottom. I’m very happy to speak on behalf and in front of the Commission on these topics.

    I conclude, Madam President: Jacques Delors always insisted on the crucial point of the importance of a single market with convergence, and the success of the single market is fundamental. If we add to the freedom to move the freedom to stay, the freedom to stay is fundamental for the people who want to stay in their own regions, with the idea to be allowed to grow up there and to have services of general interest across all the EU regions and also in the periphery regions.

    My conclusion: President von der Leyen’s decision to outline an ambitious plan for reform and relaunch of the European project, drawing on some of these ideas from both my report and that of Mario Draghi opens a window of opportunity we cannot afford to miss. In a time when divisions among us – between countries, political parties and populations are growing – I stand before you to affirm that the single market is what keeps us united. We must rally around it and remain firm in our commitment to the relaunch and completion of the single market. The question before us is clear: if not now, when? Now more than ever, we must defend, strengthen and relaunch the single market.

    I hope that with all these arguments, I have convinced you that, as I wrote in the title of my report, the single market is really much more than a market.

     
       

       

    PRZEWODNICTWO: EWA KOPACZ
    Wiceprzewodnicząca

     
       

     

      President. – Thank you very much, Mr Letta.

     

    13. Empowering the Single Market to deliver a sustainable future and prosperity for all EU citizens (debate)


     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, lieber Enrico Letta, Herr Kommissar! Zunächst einmal im Namen der EVP-Fraktion einen großen Glückwunsch für diese intensive Arbeit und auch für die Präsentation der Ergebnisse hier.

    Es ist deutlich geworden, dass der Bericht und auch Sie ganz persönlich, Herr Letta, nochmals in Erinnerung rufen, dass der Binnenmarkt der Motor unseres europäischen Wohlstandes ist. Das finde ich beachtlich, weil natürlich ein Stück weit in den vergangenen Jahren in Vergessenheit geraten ist, dass der wirtschaftliche Austausch – egal ob es um Waren oder Dienstleistungen, egal ob es um Autos oder um Tourismus geht – im Zentrum dessen steht, was uns als Europäerinnen und Europäer reich und viele auch zufrieden macht.

    Deswegen, glaube ich, muss man an dieser Stelle noch einmal sagen: Der Binnenmarkt kann eben am besten entscheiden, was die richtige Leistung ist. Deswegen sollten wir den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern auch die Möglichkeit geben, dass sie entscheiden können in einem offenen Markt in Europa, welche Leistung, welchen Tourismusort, welches Auto sie kaufen können. Dafür ist der Titel vielleicht ein bisschen gefährlich, denn mehr als ein Markt bedeutet ja im Umkehrschluss, dass wir einen echten Binnenmarkt vollständig schon haben. Da, glaube ich, müssen wir sagen, gibt es noch einiges zu tun.

    Es gibt noch einiges zu tun, damit Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer problemlos von einem Land in ein anderes fahren können. Auch wenn sie das Recht, dort zu bleiben, wo sie sein wollen, behalten sollen, müssen sie die Freiheit genießen können – in der Überarbeitung der Verordnung (EG) Nr. 883/2004 –, die Grenze zu überschreiten. Deswegen, liebe Freundinnen und Freunde, meine Damen und Herren, glaube ich, die Anpassung an eine neue geopolitische Bedingung, die rasche Entbürokratisierung und die Kapitalmarktunion sind sicher Kernforderungen des Berichts, die wir alle unterstützen.

    Ich bin froh, dass Enrico Letta in die gleiche Richtung wie Mario Draghi gegangen ist. Deswegen, glaube ich, gilt es jetzt, dass die Europäische Kommission liefert: ein 28. Regime dort, wo es notwendig ist, eine neue Grundfreiheit und einen einheitlichen Telekommunikationsbinnenmarkt. Es gibt viel zu tun.

     
       

     

      Gabriele Bischoff, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President and dear Enrico Letta, I think it is very important that we still keep a vision of what we could do and what is possible, but where we lack the courage so far to do so. Jacques Delors always said that no one falls in love with the common market. That was true in the past, it’s also true today, but you show that it’s not only a single market, but it is what it does for people, how it enables people. And therefore we really have to boost the common market indeed, but also – in the spirit of Jacques Delors – to always have in mind that this always needs a strong social dimension going for it, if we want to also convince the citizens that it’s in their interest to do so.

    But I also have to say I could comment on many things, because your report is very rich. I want to highlight the fifth freedom, a fair mobility, a new push here for innovation, and to deliver for our citizens.

     
       



     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kollegen, wenn wir in der Welt über Werte wie Demokratie reden, hat man uns zugehört, weil wir ein attraktiver Markt waren. Der Binnenmarkt ist das Herzstück der EU – er hat uns wirtschaftlich stark werden und zusammenwachsen lassen. Doch der Binnenmarkt kränkelt vor sich hin, auch weil die Kommission zu wenig für seine Zukunft getan hat.

    Herr Letta gibt uns eine lange To-do-Liste mit: allem voran sind es massive Überregulierung, hohe Energiekosten, Steuern und Abgaben und on top noch ein mindset, das Innovation und unternehmerischem Erfolg misstraut. Das ist Gift für unseren Binnenmarkt, das ist Gift für Wirtschaftswachstum.

    Und wer jetzt die Lösung in neuen Steuern, Umverteilung und Subventionen sieht, ist doch aus der Zeit gefallen. Wir machen die EU nicht fit für die Zukunft mit Ideen von gestern, sondern mit strukturellen Reformen. Für mehr Wirtschaftswachstum brauchen wir jetzt einen radikalen Bürokratieabbau und eine Fastenkur für neue EU-Gesetze. Und es muss Schluss sein mit Protektionismus in unserem Binnenmarkt.

    Wachstum muss das Ziel sein, denn eine starke Wirtschaft schafft Arbeitsplätze, finanziert Bildung und unseren Sozialstaat und sorgt auch dafür, dass wir uns verteidigen können. Ein starker Binnenmarkt ist die Grundlage für unsere Gesellschaft, unseren Zusammenhalt und unsere Sicherheit.

     
       

     

      Anna Cavazzini, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Lieber Enrico Letta, erst einmal vielen Dank für deinen Bericht und die gute Zusammenarbeit mit diesem Haus, insbesondere mit dem Ausschuss für Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz. Einige Leute sind ja fest davon überzeugt – und Gabriele hat es schon gesagt –, dass man sich nicht in einen EU-Binnenmarkt verlieben kann; einer davon hieß Jacques Delors.

    Aber ich muss schon sagen, dass die aktuelle Binnenmarktgesetzgebung ziemlich attraktiv ist, ein Schlüssel gegen die multiplen Krisen unserer Zeit. Mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte legen wir demokratische Regeln für die Onlinewelt fest. Mit der Gesetzgebung für die Kreislaufwirtschaft und dem Recht auf Reparatur machen wir Nachhaltigkeit zur Norm auf dem Binnenmarkt. Und – das ist wirklich ein Projekt zum Verlieben – das gemeinsame Ladekabel macht endlich Schluss mit unserem Kabelsalat in den Schubladen. Diese Beispiele zeigen, dass sich die Aufgabe, einen gemeinsamen europäischen Markt zu schaffen, in den letzten 30 Jahren weiterentwickelt hat.

    Von der Veränderung des Marktes mit seinen vier Freiheiten – Waren, Dienstleistungen, Kapital und Menschen – nutzen wir ihn heute immer mehr, um unsere gemeinsamen politischen Ziele zu erreichen: Souveränität, die Regulierung von großen Tech-Unternehmen, die Stärkung von Rechten von Verbrauchern und vor allem auch der Schutz unseres Planeten und des Klimas.

    Und das ist auch die Geschichte – finde ich –, die wir den Bürgern heute erzählen müssen. Tatsächlich wird sich niemand in die abstrakte Idee der wirtschaftlichen Integration verlieben. Aber die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der EU wollen hohe Verbraucherschutzstandards, eine gesunde Wirtschaft, Umweltschutz; und der Binnenmarkt und unsere Binnenmarktregeln können all das liefern, wenn wir es richtig machen.

    Ich finde, wenn wir die Unterstützung unserer Bürger erhalten wollen, muss der Binnenmarkt sie schützen. Riesige Proteste in ganz Europa und zwei gescheiterte EU-Verfassungsreferenden waren damals die Folge, als die Kommission bei der Marktintegration mit der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie zu weit gegangen ist. Dieses Parlament hat damals, 2006, den Vorschlag geändert und ausgewogener gestaltet. Wir haben in den vergangenen Jahren erfolgreich für eine stärkere soziale Dimension des Binnenmarktes gekämpft und müssen dies auch weiterhin tun.

    Ja, viele unsinnige Hürden im Binnenmarkt müssen schnellstens abgebaut werden. Aber Marktintegration darf niemals, aber auch niemals zum Abbau von Schutzstandards führen.

     
       

     

      Νικόλας Φαραντούρης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητέ κύριε Letta, σας καλωσορίζω στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Καλωσορίζουμε κάποιες από τις προτάσεις σας, όπως αυτές για μια κοινή φορολογική πολιτική ή για μια κοινή ευρωπαϊκή βιομηχανική πολιτική. Δεν με βρίσκει όμως σύμφωνο η περαιτέρω απορρύθμιση των εργασιακών σχέσεων και η αποκλειστική έμφαση μονάχα στην κινητικότητα των επενδύσεων.

    Επίσης, σας καλώ, εσάς και την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, να λάβετε υπόψη σας το γεγονός ότι ένας βασικός πυλώνας της εσωτερικής αγοράς από δημιουργίας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, η πολιτική ανταγωνισμού, οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού και η αντιμονοπωλιακή νομοθεσία, σε πολλές χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και στην ίδια την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν λειτουργεί. Υπάρχουν χώρες, όπως για παράδειγμα η δική μου χώρα, η Ελλάδα, όπου είναι απολύτως καρτελοποιημένοι κάποιοι κρίσιμοι κλάδοι της οικονομίας, όπως επίσης και κλάδοι βασικών κοινωνικών αγαθών. Γι’ αυτό, θα πρέπει να ενταθούν οι προσπάθειες, ξανά από την αρχή, ώστε οι βασικοί πυλώνες της εσωτερικής αγοράς, όπως είναι οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού, να γίνονται σεβαστοί και εφαρμόζονται αυστηρά.

    Καλώ, λοιπόν, την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, στο πλαίσιο του ευρωπαϊκού δικτύου ανταγωνισμού, να δείξει μεγαλύτερη προσοχή σε καρτελοποιημένες αγορές και να δώσει μεγαλύτερη έμφαση στην κοινωνική διάσταση της εσωτερικής αγοράς.

     
       

     

      René Aust, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Der Binnenmarkt ist eine der größten Errungenschaften der europäischen Zusammenarbeit. Er ist ein lebendiges Beispiel dafür, wie souveräne Nationen gemeinsam ihre Ziele erreichen können, wenn sie ihre Kräfte in einem wichtigen Bereich bündeln. Der Binnenmarkt hat Innovationen angeregt und für zusätzlichen Wohlstand in Europa gesorgt.

    Doch heute sehen wir leider, dass sich die Europäische Union immer weiter von diesen zentralen Aufgaben entfernt. Statt sich auf ihre wenigen, aber entscheidenden Aufgaben zu konzentrieren, wie eben den Binnenmarkt, den Schutz unserer gemeinsamen europäischen Außengrenzen oder auch die Koordination einer gesamteuropäischen Verteidigungsgemeinschaft, mischt sie sich in immer mehr Lebensbereiche ein, in denen sie eigentlich nichts zu suchen hat.

    Anstatt den Schwerpunkt auf grenzüberschreitende Herausforderungen wie Handel, Wettbewerb, Innovation oder gemeinsame Sicherheitsstandards zu legen, wird die EU zunehmend zu einem Gemischtwarenladen, der sich um alles Mögliche kümmert, vom Weltklima bis zur Genderideologie, aber das Wesentliche vernachlässigt. Diese Überdehnung der EU-Aufgaben schreckt private Investoren und Entrepreneure ab und schadet damit ganz Europa. Doch jede Kritik an dieser Entwicklung wird sofort als antieuropäisch verunglimpft und sehr schnell in die Ecke der Europafeinde gesteckt.

    Dabei braucht Europa eine Rückbesinnung auf das, was wirklich wichtig ist, und nationale Souveränität ist eine Voraussetzung für eine funktionierende europäische Zusammenarbeit. Darum kann man uns Patrioten auch die Zukunft Europas anvertrauen, weil wir eben verstanden haben, dass mehr nicht immer besser ist. Wir wollen eine handlungsfähige Gemeinschaft europäischer Nationalstaaten, die den Binnenmarkt fortentwickelt, die Außengrenzen sichert und unseren Kontinent schützt.

     
       

     

      Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, a participação da União Europeia na economia global está a cair. As economias asiáticas ultrapassam‑nos a uma velocidade vertiginosa, tal como o relatório de Enrico Letta e o relatório de Mário Draghi o confirmam. As condições de vida dos europeus estão a degradar‑se. O PIB per capita nos Estados Unidos cresceu o dobro do europeu desde que foi criado o Mercado Único, em 1993. Portanto, não podemos continuar a ficar para trás.

    E o mais chocante é a nossa produção de bens essenciais, incluindo em áreas como a saúde, que desceu de 53 % para menos de 25 % em pouco mais de duas décadas. Estamos dependentes de outros, quando nunca precisámos tanto de garantir a nossa autonomia estratégica.

    Enrico Letta disse‑o ainda há pouco, mas continuamos, infelizmente, a ver mais de 300 mil milhões de EUR das poupanças dos europeus serem desviadas para fora da Europa. É trágico, porque estamos a financiar a economia dos outros, em vez de fortalecermos a nossa.

    Queremos ter um mercado mais competitivo, então precisamos de uma união bancária completa. Queremos proteger as poupanças dos nossos cidadãos e relançar a inovação, precisamos de uma união de mercado de capitais. E, acima de tudo, precisamos mesmo de reformar o mercado único europeu, acrescentando‑lhe a livre circulação do conhecimento, porque só com investigação e inovação seremos capazes de ter mais empresas competitivas a nível global.

    Creio que já temos relatórios o quanto basta. Precisamos mesmo é de decisões, e está na hora de as tomarmos.

    (A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhora Presidente, fazer a defesa do mercado único a partir da apologia da política de concorrência, ignorando a concentração e a centralização a que essa política e esse mercado têm conduzido, não nos serve de muito. Basta olhar para o setor bancário português e perceber que, sem o aprofundamento do mercado único, ficaram os bancos todos nas mãos de capital estrangeiro, com exceção da Caixa Geral de Depósitos, que, por ser pública, continua a ser nacional.

    Trazer aqui a defesa do mercado único a partir da ideia de que é isso que permite reduzir os preços – quando o setor energético mostra exatamente o contrário, com o aumento dos custos da energia – ou agora a partir do setor financeiro, achando que é isso que resolve os problemas, pode servir às multinacionais, mas não serve um país como Portugal, Senhora Deputada.

     
       


     

      Camilla Laureti (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie a Enrico Letta per il rapporto. Alexander Langer diceva che la conversione ecologica potrà affermarsi solo se apparirà socialmente desiderabile: per questo in Europa servono investimenti comuni, perché il Green Deal è una rivoluzione necessaria che impatta sul modello di sviluppo e sulla vita delle persone, e nelle persone può generare paura.

    Se sapremo realizzarlo, avremo i cittadini al nostro fianco, le aziende più competitive e un’Europa più forte. Gli Stati Uniti, la Cina e l’India stanno andando veloci e in questa direzione – l’Europa non può permettersi di restare indietro. La risposta è un sistema comunitario di aiuti di Stato: dobbiamo integrare i principi dell’economia circolare per spingere sostenibilità e competitività.

    La libertà di muoversi, dice anche Letta nel rapporto, deve essere una scelta – oggi non lo è. Un terzo della popolazione europea vive in regioni che da anni sono immobili: le aree interne d’Europa. Qui si vince la sfida della crescita sostenibile, fatta di investimenti comuni, capaci di garantire i servizi di interesse generale per non lasciare indietro nessuno.

     
       

     

      Enikő Győri (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Az egységes piac az Unió legközérthetőbb értéke. Az olcsóbb repülés, vagy annak előnye, hogy otthoni szeretteinkkel ingyen telefonálhatunk, nem szorul magyarázatra. Persze szereztünk keserű tapasztalatokat is. Szolgáltatási irányelv, kiküldött munkavállalók, mobilitási csomag. Ezek elfogadásakor a Bizottság mindig a nyugat-európaiak érdekét tartotta előbbre valónak.

    Ahol az EU keleti fele versenyképesebb, ott nem akarta lebontani az akadályokat. A feladat tehát csak, hogy olyan területeken mélyítsük az egységes piacot, mely fokozza a versenyképességet, és földrajzi helytől függetlenül megkönnyíti a polgárok és cégek életét. Ne központosítsunk ott, ahol a kisebbek vagy fejletlenebbek rosszul állnak. Több összeköttetés tehát, de például az energia- vagy telekommunikációs szektor centralizáltásával bánjunk csínján, ne tűnjenek el a helyi szereplők, ne dráguljon a szolgáltatás. A pénzügyi piacok közötti átjárhatóság jó irány, de legyünk óvatosak a nemzeti felügyeletek egységesítésével, ne fojtsuk meg a kisebb nemzeti tőkepiacokat, amelyek nélkül nincs helyi ökoszisztéma.

    Elnök úr említette az ötödik szabadságot, a tudás mozgását. Ez nagyon klassz. Csak kérdezem, hogy az Európai Bizottság miért blokkolja a magyar kutatók részvételét a Horizont programban, vagy a magyar diákok mozgását az Erasmus program keretein belül? Regionális különbségek kiegyenlítése nélkül nincs versenyképesség. Az agyelszívás ellen tenni kell. Ösztönözni kell a helyben boldogulást. Tartsuk meg a kohéziós politikát, hiszen ezt az egységes piac ellensúlyozására találták ki, hol nehézségeket okozott. Ezt fenn kell tartani kondicionalitás nélkül, mert az durva politikai eszközzé vált a Bizottság kezében.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Presidente Letta, la relazione che discutiamo oggi mette in luce una delle sfide cruciali: il rafforzamento del mercato unico è senza dubbio un obiettivo fondamentale per il futuro dell’Unione europea.

    Tuttavia, non possiamo ignorare le criticità evidenti. Le eccessive regolamentazioni burocratiche rappresentano un ostacolo reale che rischia di soffocare l’innovazione e la crescita delle PMI. Se poi ci troviamo di fronte a perfidie come quella della direttiva ETS, giusto per citarne una, che mette a rischio la competitività delle infrastrutture portuali del Mediterraneo – come il porto di Gioia Tauro – con forti ricadute anche sul livello occupazionale, non parliamo di mercato unico, bensì di un distorto mercato unico.

    Per rilanciare la nostra competitività nell’ambito del mercato unico abbiamo bisogno di una politica economica adeguata e solidale, accompagnata da regole che vadano incontro alle esigenze di tutti gli Stati membri. Per questo è essenziale che il mercato unico non diventi un vantaggio riservato solo ad alcune aree: serve un mercato unico realmente inclusivo, che possa offrire opportunità anche alle regioni meno sviluppate, mettendo al centro l’uomo e non le “eco-follie”, e che sia a favore di famiglie, consumatori e imprese.

     
       

     

      Sandro Gozi (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, caro Enrico, le plus grand succès de l’Union, le marché unique, doit être renouvelé et complété. «Rico» Letta l’affirme avec force, et il a raison.

    Renouvelé, car il est impossible de réussir la transition écologique et numérique sans rendre le marché unique plus durable et plus simplifié pour les producteurs et pour les consommateurs. Complété, car il faut éliminer tous les obstacles qui empêchent les PME d’en profiter pleinement et qui nous empêchent d’avoir une union de l’énergie, des télécoms, des capitaux et des investissements. Le coût de la «non-Europe» est trop grand pour ne pas agir. L’approfondissement du marché européen pourrait générer jusqu’à 1,1 trillion d’euros de production économique supplémentaire par an.

    Il est aussi urgent – le rapport le dit très bien – de dégager les ressources sociales et économiques nécessaires à l’accompagnement du pacte vert et de la transition numérique.

    Enfin, nous devons développer une dimension extérieure du marché unique en lien avec notre politique commerciale. Dans ce cadre, nous devons également réformer les marchés publics, qui doivent aussi nous aider à réduire notre dépendance vis-à-vis des pays tiers. Cela doit être notre grande mission pour l’innovation et la compétitivité.

     
       


     

      Marcin Sypniewski (ESN). – Pani Przewodnicząca, Szanowni Państwo, jestem posłem od kilku miesięcy i jestem szczerze zdumiony, że w tym krótkim czasie po raz kolejny debatujemy nad nowym sprawozdaniem, które ma nam wskazać, jak mamy stać się bardziej konkurencyjni, bogatsi, silniejsi czy piękniejsi. Najwyraźniej oprócz biegunki legislacyjnej mamy również do czynienia z biegunką ekspertyz, analiz i sprawozdań. Zamiast tego polecam poczytać Rothbarda, Misesa czy Hayeka, których dzieła przetrwały próbę czasu we wskazywaniu, co jest dobre dla rozwoju gospodarczego i wolności jednostki.

    Noblista Fryderyk von Hayek wskazuje, że wiedza w swojej naturze jest rozproszona. To rynek za pośrednictwem cen przesyła informacje do przedsiębiorców i konsumentów. Dzięki temu rynek samodzielnie się stabilizuje i dostosowuje się do zmieniających się warunków i potrzeb. Politycy i urzędnicy nie są do tego w ogóle potrzebni. Alternatywą dla takiego spontanicznego i rozproszonego działania jest centralne planowanie, które wielokrotnie wprowadzane zawsze zawodziło, ponieważ politycy nigdy nie posiądą całości rozproszonej wiedzy.

    Rynek nie jest tabelką w Excelu, ale żywym, dynamicznie zmieniającym się organizmem, a prawdziwymi przywódcami na rynku są konsumenci. To ich wymagania starają się spełnić przedsiębiorcy. Rozwiązaniem, które ewentualnie pobudziłoby rynek, jest porzucenie praw własności intelektualnej w postaci chociażby patentów. Informacja może przecież znajdować się w kilku miejscach jednocześnie, bez wzajemnej szkody. Nie jest to dobro rzadkie, dlatego nie powinno być chronione jak własność prywatna. Własność intelektualna to sztuczny twór, a jej ochrona jest fikcją prawną. Chcecie bogactwa i dobrej przyszłości? Postawcie na rynek, a nie na biurokrację i na sprawozdania.

     
       


     

      Mohammed Chahim (S&D). – Voorzitter, de heer Letta is vrij helder in zijn analyse, net zoals de heer Draghi kort daarna. Het gaat echt ergens over, namelijk hoe kunnen we onze interne markt versterken? Hoe kunnen we de eenheid van Europa versterken? Hoe zorgen we ervoor dat we een sterke concurrentie krijgen binnen Europa, maar vooral ook met de rest van de wereld? En dit gebaseerd op een gelijk speelveld, op innovatie en op vergroening?

    Simpel gezegd zijn er twee stromingen in Europa: enerzijds conservatief rechts, dat de ontwikkelingen buiten de EU negeert, blind is voor de massale groene investeringen in de VS en wegkijkt van de modernisering van de Chinese economie; anderzijds een stroming die deze ontwikkelingen wil inhalen door meer – en niet minder – op Europese schaal samen te werken, te investeren in groene technologieën en ons niet te blijven blindstaren, zoals Draghi zei, op onze deels verouderde industrie.

    De keuze is simpel. Kiezen we voor modernisering en vergroening en dus voor vooruitgang? Of kiezen we voor nostalgie en stilstand?

    (De spreker stemt ermee in om te antwoorden op een “blauwe kaart”-vraag)

     
       



     

      Roman Haider (PfE). – Frau Präsidentin! Der Letta-Bericht benennt viele Probleme des Binnenmarkts richtig: steigende Energiepreise, mangelhafte Infrastruktur, vor allem bei den Hochleistungsbahnstrecken, Rückstand bei den Zukunftstechnologien, Überbürokratisierung vor allem. Das ist alles richtig; es ist nicht neu, aber es stimmt. So richtig aber die Analyse und die Diagnose im Letta-Bericht ist, so falsch sind leider die Vorschläge zur Verbesserung. Das war beim Draghi-Bericht so, und das ist auch beim Letta-Bericht so.

    Den beiden fällt zur Lösung der Probleme der EU nur eines ein: noch mehr EU, noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel, noch mehr EU-Institutionen, eine neue Fiskalkapazität, die Kapitalunion, und dabei ist aber genau das das Problem. Noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel bedeuten noch mehr Bürokratie, noch mehr unnütze Vorschriften, noch weniger Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten.

    Es ist höchst an der Zeit für neue Wege, für weniger Zentralismus, für weniger EU, für mehr Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten, mehr Subsidiarität und mehr Freiheit.

     
       

     

      Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Premierze! Od sukcesu jednolitego rynku zależy przyszłość Unii Europejskiej. Ten bardzo dobry projekt gospodarczy wciąż jest jednak daleki od ideału, gdyż ogranicza potencjał rozwojowy wszystkich państw członkowskich. Wreszcie możemy o tym głośno mówić.

    Istnieje wiele barier dla firm, zwłaszcza małych i średnich, które chcą prowadzić działalność ponad granicami w sektorze usług, transporcie, budownictwie czy handlu internetowym. Już zidentyfikowane problemy, takie jak geoblocking, gold-plating czy nadmierne i uciążliwe kontrole, skutecznie należy zwalczać. Europejski Zielony Ład jest wyłącznie kolejną taką barierą dla wzrostu gospodarczego.

    Nierealistyczne cele klimatyczne w takich obszarach jak rolnictwo, motoryzacja, transport czy budownictwo muszą zostać w tej kadencji Parlamentu zmienione. Zacznijmy w końcu deregulować, umożliwiać małym i średnim przedsiębiorstwom dostęp do rynków zagranicznych, wspierać innowacje i cyfryzację. To przełoży się na wzrost zatrudnienia oraz niższe ceny towarów i usług dla Europejczyków.

     
       

     

      Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Madam President, the Letta report and the Draghi report are a wake-up call for the European Union in terms of digitisation, the Green Deal, our knowledge economy, investing in innovation, research and development, ensuring that we have growth and competitiveness. The single market, the internal market, is a cornerstone on which all of this is built, and we have to protect it and ensure that it prospers and flourishes.

    The fact of the matter is, at the moment we are very short on capital in the European Union to invest in all of the above. So we have to advance the Capital Markets Union and the Banking Union to ensure that we have the capital to invest in the knowledge economy, in the Green Deal and other areas of research and development.

    The free movement of people, goods and services and capital is the cornerstone. Of course, we do have some in this Chamber who are even trying to undermine the basic principle of free movement of people. We have to be very conscious that we can’t cherry‑pick the Single Market – free movement of capital, goods, services and people is the cornerstone and we must all defend it to the last.

    More broadly, over the next number of months, we have to ensure that we respond to the Letta report and the Draghi report in what they observe are the challenges ahead for our competitiveness.

     
       


     

      Fulvio Martusciello (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, come sottolineato nella sua relazione e in quella di Mario Draghi, un solido mercato unico europeo è essenziale per la competitività delle imprese, perché può stimolare la crescita economica e l’innovazione, garantendo accesso al mercato ed eliminando la burocrazia inutile.

    L’Europa però ha bisogno di una forte strategia industriale per le tecnologie e le catene del valore, che promuova competitività, sostenibilità e innovazione. Questa strategia deve sviluppare una visione coerente, che dia priorità ad un quadro normativo, con politiche basate su dati scientifici e valutazioni di impatto approfondite, fornendo alle imprese la stabilità di cui hanno bisogno. Da questo punto di vista riteniamo molto positive le lettere di missione sulla creazione di una vera e propria economia circolare competitiva.

    Negli ultimi decenni le aziende europee hanno infatti investito miliardi di euro in tecnologie all’avanguardia, hanno generato enormi progressi nell’eco-design di prodotti, nella sicurezza dei consumatori e nell’industria del riciclo, dove l’Italia e l’Europa detengono posizioni di leadership mondiale, sia in termini di innovazione industriale che di sostenibilità ambientale.

    Purtroppo, l’eccesso di regolamentazione degli ultimi anni ha generato un’enorme incertezza, spingendo interi settori industriali a posticipare i propri investimenti, compromettendo gli obiettivi di crescita complessivi, con spreco di tempo e di risorse.

    In questo mandato sarà dunque necessario evitare a tutti i costi di produrre ulteriori iniziative legislative motivate da logiche falsamente ambientaliste e non basate su evidenze scientifiche, che rischiano di penalizzare le imprese europee. Sarà imperativo garantire la conformità con le norme europee da parte dei Paesi terzi, garantendo standard che riducano la dipendenza dai fornitori esteri e rafforzino la competitività dell’industria e delle economie europee per affrontare le sfide delle concorrenze globali di Cina e Stati Uniti.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor Letta, señorías, treinta años después de su creación, el informe Letta nos brinda una oportunidad única para avanzar hacia el futuro del mercado único en tres aspectos clave:

    En primer lugar, inspirados por Jacques Delors, apoyamos su idea de añadir una nueva libertad a la libertad de movimiento, que es la libertad de permanecer en el rincón de la Unión Europea que queramos. No queremos solo una Unión donde podamos movernos libremente en busca de una vida mejor: también queremos cohesión, oportunidades y desarrollo en todas las regiones de la Unión Europea, y acceso a la vivienda para proteger las zonas rurales y las más pobladas.

    En segundo lugar, necesitamos profundizar en la integración del mercado de capitales y el de las telecomunicaciones porque, como bien dice el señor Letta, no es coherente que compartamos una moneda única, pero tengamos aún fronteras digitales y prefijos nacionales.

    Y, en tercer lugar, la quinta libertad, la del conocimiento y la innovación. Nos quedan cinco años para profundizar en el mercado único y hacer que más europeos se enamoren de esta idea, tal como quería Jacques Delors, en contra de la extrema derecha que está aquí en esta Cámara sentada.

     
       

     

      Roberts Zīle (ECR). – Priekšsēdētājas kundze! Godātais Lettes kungs, es pilnīgi piekrītu jūsu ziņojumam, ka vienotais tirgus ir kaut kas vairāk kā tirgus, un arī jūsu norādītām nepilnībām gan sektoru ziņā: finanses, enerģētika, telekomunikācijas un it īpaši privātā kapitāla izvietošana.

    Ja kopumā Eiropā ir 33 triljonu eiro uzkrātā kapitāla un katru gadu 300 miljardi eiro tiek investēti ārpus Eiropas Savienības, Amerikā un citās vietās, tad kaut kas nav kārtībā ar šo. Un ar publisko naudu vien mēs nespēsim izdarīt tos uzdevumus, kas ir nepieciešami Eiropas Savienībai gan militārās industrijas jomā, gan zaļā kursa, gan paplašināšanās, gan citās jomās.

    Jūsu ieteiktās zāles arī ļoti vērā ņemamas par piekto pamatbrīvību, par Uzkrājumu un investīciju savienību. Bet dažas zāles, kā, teiksim, radīt siltumnīcas apstākļos Eiropas čempionus, kas var kļūt par globāliem čempioniem, es ļoti baidos, ka tas to nesasniegs. Vēl jo vairāk tas var noplicināt no perifērijas gan naudas resursus, gan arī cilvēku – gudrāko cilvēku – resursus uz dažiem centriem Eiropā, kas varbūt nebūs Eiropas Savienības veiksmes stāsts.

     
       


     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Madam President, Mr Letta, you’re absolutely right when you say that the single market is the best tool that we have to increase opportunities, improve our well-being and the living standards for all of the citizens across the European Union. And we absolutely can’t take it for granted, because if we do, it’s going to fail. Your report, which is really welcome, helps to illuminate many of the current problems that we are seeing and that the single market is facing.

    Europe’s economy is not growing strongly enough. Our small businesses are not given the opportunity to grow and to scale up. Approximately 30 % of the high-value companies founded in the EU between 2008 and 2021 relocated their headquarters out of the EU, and mostly to the US. Some 60 % of the issues that we identified by businesses in 2002 still exist in the European market today, because progress on removing the barriers has been so slow, and it’s particularly true in the case of our service industry.

    We see the distorting effects of current rules around the EU state aid rules, which allow larger countries to subsidise businesses at the expense of smaller ones, like my own, Ireland. In 2023, almost 80 % of EU state aid came from just two Member States, and 85 % from three Member States.

    Europe will not be able to spend its way out to growth. Instead, we must reduce the unnecessary red tape and bureaucracy that everybody has been speaking about daily since I arrived here in June. But it’s also vital to avoid EU protectionism in the form of high external tariffs, a hostility towards investment from third countries and an over-reliance on those subsidies.

     
       

     

      Estelle Ceulemans (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur Letta, Mesdames et Messieurs les Commissaires, chers collègues, il est aussi bon de rappeler que le rapport de M. Letta sera – Mme von der Leyen l’a elle-même dit – l’un des fils rouges de la prochaine Commission. Il était donc vraiment important que vous veniez nous le présenter et que nous puissions en débattre aujourd’hui.

    Merci, Monsieur Letta, de reprendre les mots de Jacques Delors, artisan du marché unique, qui nous dit que le marché n’est pas une fin en soi: il est là pour améliorer la vie des citoyens, qui ne sont pas que des consommateurs. Le marché unique a en effet permis de développer la prospérité et la compétitivité, mais il a aussi creusé les disparités et la pauvreté – comme cela a été dit dans le débat précédent, qui nous rappelle que, malheureusement, 1 Européen sur 5 fait face à un risque de pauvreté.

    Merci, donc, Monsieur Letta, de rappeler que le marché ne peut fonctionner que sur la base de politiques sociales fortes, et de rappeler aussi qu’il faut, sous cette législature, investir dans les deux transitions, pour qu’elles soient justes. Je voudrais rappeler aussi que nous attendons de la prochaine Commission qu’elle s’engage, tout comme l’a fait M. Nicolas Schmit, sur des matières sociales importantes.

     
       

     

      Adrian-George Axinia (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, piața unică europeană este o idee foarte bună, care, din păcate, în anumite domenii de activitate nu funcționează așa cum trebuie. Vă dau trei exemple: piața de energie, acolo unde România, care produce mai multă electricitate decât consumă, plătește cele mai mari facturi din Uniunea Europeană. A doua disfuncționalitate, care este încă nerezolvată, ține de agricultură. În continuare, cerealele și anumite produse alimentare exportate din Ucraina ajung pe piața românească, bulgărească sau poloneză și creează o concurență neloială producătorilor agricoli autohtoni.

    Merită subliniat și refuzul implementării procesului de convergență externă, care ar trebui să ducă la egalizarea subvențiilor pentru fermieri în toate țările Uniunii Europene. Nu în ultimul rând, recent, Curtea de Justiție a Uniunii Europene a declarat nelegale mai multe prevederi din pachetul de mobilitate orientate împotriva transportatorilor din România, ceea ce confirmă raportul Draghi. Există în continuare o suprareglementare a pieței unice și aceasta afectează competiția liberă. Aș mai puncta și faptul că uciderea spațiului Schengen de către țările care introduc controale generale la frontieră și statele care țin încă România și Bulgaria pe margine afectează în continuare buna funcționare a pieței unice.

     
       

     

      Ľudovít Ódor (Renew). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, tak ako vidíme aj z tejto diskusie, skutočný jednotný trh je niečo, na čom vieme stavať aj v tomto Parlamente, a musíme v najbližších rokoch urobiť maximum pre to, aby sme tento koncept rozšírili aj na ďalšie sektory. Rád by som upozornil na tri veci, ktoré sú pre mňa prioritné. Po prvé, svet sa zmenšil a trhy sa trošku zmenili. V digitálnom svete dominujú tí najlepší. Víťaz berie takmer všetko, dosť dobre už nestačí. Potrebujeme naozaj silných európskych globálnych hráčov, a nie desiatky trpaslíkov. Po druhé, svet inovácií je aj o riziku. Bohužiaľ, náš bankami dominovaný finančný systém, a ako aj občania preferujú menej rizika, a preto bez Únie, úspor a investícií, ako aj lepšej finančnej gramotnosti to tak aj zostane. Peniaze máme, no nevieme ich dostať k inovatívnym firmám. A po tretie, pri dobrých nápadoch a podnikaní nemôžeme tolerovať bariéry pri prechode každej vnútornej hranice.

     
       


     

      Marc Angel (S&D). – Madam President, the single market is the crown jewel of the European construction, and in my eyes gives the EU a competitive advantage. A stronger single market means a more competitive Europe.

    Mr Letta, as your excellent report shows, we can improve a lot and we must perfect it. We need better implementation of the existing rules. We need to ensure that it contributes to a more sustainable and a more social Europe, and we need to consider strengthening integration in crucial sectors, as a stronger single energy market, for example, driven notably by better interconnectivity, can lead to more secure and affordable energy and cheaper electricity bills for companies and our citizens.

    Furthermore, for the S&D Group, more integration means more competitiveness for our companies, better consumer protection and more prosperity for Europeans – while adopting national solutions will lead to more fragmentation and ultimately a weaker Europe.

    Further harmonisation of rules also means less bureaucracy and a reduced administrative burden for our companies, especially for SMEs, which will no longer have to navigate through a jungle of 27 different sets of national rules.

    So let us leverage the power of integration to tap into the full potential of the single market.

     
       

     

      Ivars Ijabs (Renew). – Madam President, thank you, Mr Letta, for your excellent report. Well, of course, the single market is a strength of the EU: it’s the main instrument. This is how we achieve our goals. But what are actually our goals today? Let me remind you that the Russian aggression in Ukraine is still going on. And the Russian attack on an EU country is possibly, still, a question of the nearest future.

    And that’s why I really like the part in your report which deals with a common market for security and defence industries. This is a real necessity for the EU right now. Some 80 % of the military help to Ukraine is right now spent on non-European materials.

    But how to achieve that common market? European investment in defence is lagging. It is very seriously hindered by red tape, by excessive regulatory requirements, by fragmentation. There is an immense potential of a single market in defence industry, but one must have a political will to implement it – and quickly. Time is running out.

     
       

     

      Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione Letta, unitamente a quella del Presidente Draghi, arrivano all’inizio di questa legislatura, che io vorrei diventasse riformatrice, ambiziosa, coraggiosa ma responsabile, perché l’Unione europea non sia più spettatrice in una scena globale ma diventi protagonista.

    E abbiamo gli strumenti per farlo: un mercato unico che in questi anni non solo è stato strumento di integrazione ma ha consentito la nostra crescita economica e la prosperità, uno strumento che va semplificato da un punto di vista burocratico, ma soprattutto rafforzato, per esprimere ulteriormente le sue potenzialità e affrontare le nuove opportunità.

    Così come è necessario arrivare a un mercato unico dell’energia, un mercato finanziario che permetta ovviamente di garantire condizioni di competitività. E allora noi abbiamo davanti a noi sfide importanti, per le quali solo un mercato unico forte potrà garantirci un futuro all’altezza delle nostre ambizioni climatiche, sociali e produttive.

     
       

     

      Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, señor Letta, es un placer tenerle aquí en un momento en el que estamos empezando a definir las prioridades de este mandato y, sin duda, acelerar la integración del mercado único —especialmente en el ámbito de los servicios, donde aún tenemos relevantes problemas, como ha expuesto en su informe— es absolutamente necesario.

    Pero me va a permitir decirle que lo que más me ha llamado la atención del informe es la exigencia de evitar la huida de ahorro europeo a otras jurisdicciones. Porque algunos llevamos años en esta Cámara pidiendo reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente de algunos países —superávits por cuenta corriente que, en algunos casos, llegan a dos dígitos en relación con el PIB de esos países— y, ciertamente, en los debates que teníamos aquí en estos años, nadie o muy pocos me seguían.

    Y yo creo que es importante que, ahora que pedimos que el ahorro se invierta en Europa, seamos capaces de explicar a la Cámara que lo que estamos pidiendo es más demanda interna y reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente que ahogan el crecimiento de la Unión Europea.

     
       

     

      Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, zajedničko tržište jedno je od najvećih europskih postignuća.

    Svaka kriza produbljuje nejednakosti na tržištu, bogati se još više bogate, siromašni postaju još siromašniji. Troškovi života najveći su problem u cijeloj Europskoj uniji, a nejednakosti između i unutar država članica u cijenama, plaćama, mirovinama i stopi siromaštva se samo povećavaju.

    Izvješće ističe zaštitu potrošača kao jedan od uvjeta za pošteno tržište, ali geoblocking, teritorijalne barijere, viši rast cijena hrane u istočnoj Europi samo su neki od gorućih problema. Izvješće hvali Zakon o osnaživanju potrošača u zelenoj tranziciji na koju sam i sama ponosna, ali rješenje je provedba naših pravila u svakom dijelu Europske unije. Više od 80 posto građana moje zemlje smatra da su potrošači nezaštićeni protiv tržišnih igrača.

    Moramo ojačati europske alate, potrošačke udruge, inspekcijski nadzor i svijest građana o vlastitim pravima. Ne smijemo biti oni tamo negdje u Bruxellesu. Mi moramo raditi za ljude.

     
       


       

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      Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, gospodin Letta ispravno govori o tome što ubrzanje integracije unutarnjeg tržišta ima jednu geopolitičku važnost u današnjim uvjetima.

    Ja bih to nadopunio time što unutarnje tržište moramo isto tako i povezati s procesom proširenja. Pogledajmo, na primjer, situaciju na zapadnom Balkanu, ima puno političkih problema. Ne smijemo čekati da se oni riješe, da te zemlje postanu punopravne članice, nego bismo ih već prije mogli, doduše možda na jedan postupni način, ali već prije mogli integrirati u naše jedinstveno tržište. Kao što, na primjer, činimo kada je u pitanju roaming. Mislim da je to jedan dobar primjer, ali moramo to proširiti i na druge slobode.

    Na taj način će i ljudi u toj regiji imati svoje pravo na ostanak, a Europska unija će imati veći utjecaj i više će pridonijeti stabilnosti tog dijela europskog kontinenta.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, domnule Letta, vă salut și în această săptămână. Aș spune multe. În primul rând vă felicit: este o radiografie corectă, dar nu numai o radiografie, sunt și măsuri concrete. V-aș întreba, estimați dumneavoastră oare cât din acest raport se va aplica? Pentru că, iată, noua comisie nu are un comisar, nu există un portofoliu pentru piața internă. Cine se ocupă atunci de piața internă? Cum să ne ducem la măsurile concrete pe care le-ați spus dumneavoastră? Ați spus că piața unică ne unește; este oare o piață unică acum?

    Sunt de acord să avem cea de a cincea libertate de mișcare, dar cel puțin o libertate de mișcare ne lipsește acum, domnule Letta. Știți oare cât a pierdut o țară care de 17 ani nu este în spațiul Schengen și are costuri la transport? Cât a pierdut economia țării mele? Apoi, avem acum, când vorbim, îngrădirea în interiorul spațiului Schengen a granițelor. Deci trebuie – toată piața unică, e adevărat, ați spus că ne unește – dar trebuie să luăm cu pragmatism măsuri care să ducă la rezultate și la o viață mai bună a oamenilor.

     
       

     

      Silvia Sardone (PfE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le istituzioni europee hanno deciso di affidare ad Enrico Letta l’incarico di scrivere una relazione sul futuro dell’Europa. Eh, niente, fa già ridere così.

    Letta è l’ex leader del Partito democratico, ex premier della sinistra in Italia, volto di punta dei socialisti europei: rappresenta praticamente tutti i responsabili del disastro dell’Unione europea degli ultimi anni, tra l’altro sonoramente sconfitti in Italia.

    Per Letta la transizione verde è indispensabile e bisogna accompagnare agricoltori, imprese, industria dell’auto: esattamente ciò che però la sua maggioranza non ha fatto. Anzi, grazie a voi questi settori sono in crisi. Letta ci ricorda che l’Europa non deve cedere sul ruolo di leader nel settore manifatturiero: ma è proprio grazie ai vincoli, tasse e burocrazia volute dall’Europa che ci troviamo in questa condizione.

    Enrico Letta: uno che ha uno strano concetto di democrazia e ci ha tenuto a dire che i cordoni sanitari sono fondamentali per fermare le destre. Lui, proprio lui, che ha ribadito che servono più migranti regolari per lo sviluppo, andando contro diversi Paesi, anche socialisti, che finalmente dicono che bisogna fermare l’immigrazione.

    Insomma, veramente vogliamo farci dare lezioni da Letta, colui che dice che l’ex ministro Fornero è stato un ministro ottimo quando invece ha solo distrutto il nostro Paese?

     
       


     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, visto a partir do conselho de administração de uma multinacional, o aprofundamento do mercado único pode parecer um filão; visto a partir da realidade dos trabalhadores e dos povos, das micro, pequenas e médias empresas, das possibilidades de desenvolvimento de um país como Portugal, o aprofundamento do mercado único é um pesado fardo que nos arrasta para o fundo.

    Há algumas décadas atrás, o militante do PCP e ex‑deputado deste Parlamento, Sérgio Ribeiro, antecipava que a transferência de instrumentos de política para a esfera supranacional, nomeadamente através da transferência da política monetária e financeira para o BCE, conduziria a uma política tendencialmente única. Por meio do mercado único e das políticas que lhe estão associadas, que o senhor Letta hoje adjetiva de motor de mudança da União Europeia, retirou‑se capacidade de decisão aos governos nacionais, abriu‑se mais espaço à concentração e centralização do capital, colocaram‑se sob ataque os direitos sociais e laborais.

    O aprofundamento do mercado único serve às multinacionais, mas não serve ao desenvolvimento económico nem à justiça social.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Madam President, dear honourable House, dear people of Europe, Mr Letta, before I came here to this Parliament, I finished my law studies at the University of Cologne. During this time, I put a lot of effort into learning the four European freedoms: the freedom to move people, services, goods and capital. And I can tell you, learning all the law-related details – especially the court rulings – that was a pain in the ass, indeed. Names like Dassonville or Cassis de Dijon, who will tell you here nothing, send a shiver down the spine of every law student.

    But at the same time, whenever I opened my books, I felt love for Europe. Because what is Europe if not the idea of freedom? And that’s why, Mr Letta, I would like to take the time to give you my deepest support for one of the main ideas of your report: the implementation of a fifth freedom – the freedom of research, innovation, knowledge and education. Because as Europe is an idea, ideas should roam free on this continent.

     
       

       

    (Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

     
       


     

     

      Giuseppe Lupo (S&D), per iscritto. – Penso che il Parlamento europeo debba condividere e sostenere la strategia della relazione Letta per modernizzare il mercato unico dell’UE.

    Condivido in particolare che, se vogliamo che il mercato unico migliori davvero la vita della gente, deve avere un’anima che è il dialogo sociale, che deve fare partecipare e coinvolgere le persone, la società, i corpi sociali intermedi, i sindacati dei lavoratori e delle imprese, rilanciando il dialogo sociale come lo ha voluto e praticato con successo Jacques Delors, anche grazie alla collaborazione dell’allora segretario della CES, Emilio Gabaglio.

    La grande sfida da affrontare, credo, sia adesso la promozione di una politica fiscale comune, per sostenere con condizioni fiscali di vantaggio le aree territoriali più deboli, superando le differenze dei sistemi fiscali nazionali che ostacolano la leale concorrenza.

     

    14. Implementation of the Single European Sky (debate)


     

      Jens Gieseke, Berichterstatter. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 30 000 Flüge täglich, 600 Mio. Passagiere jährlich, über 500 000 Arbeitsplätze bei Fluggesellschaften, weniger als 17 000 Arbeitsplätze in der nationalen Verkehrskontrolle, überlastete Flughäfen, ein Flickenteppich an Strecken aufgrund der Flugsicherung entlang nationaler Grenzen – das ist das Bild des letzten europäischen Monopols: die Flugsicherungsdienste.

    Ich bin heute hier, um Sie zu bitten: Sagen Sie Ja zu kürzeren Strecken, zu mehr Effizienz, zu mehr Leistungen, zu mehr Zusammenarbeit, und Ja zu einem wirklich europäischen einheitlichen Luftraum. Warum gibt es kein Leistungsüberprüfungsgremium? Warum gibt es nicht ein gemeinsames Leistungssystem? Warum gibt es nicht einen europäischen Netzwerkmanager? Das sind alles wichtige Elemente, um die Leistungen der Flugsicherung zu verbessern und den Schaden für die Passagiere zu begrenzen. Fluglotsen behalten ihren Arbeitsplatz, sie werden weniger gestresst arbeiten, sie werden besser arbeiten, weil sie mit ihren Nachbarn zusammenarbeiten. Ich bin hier, um Ihnen zu sagen: Ja, wir können Flüge sicherer, kürzer, umweltfreundlicher und erschwinglicher für den Durchschnittsbürger der Europäischen Union machen.

    Wir haben hier ein riesiges Potenzial. Milliarden Euro wurden sowohl von der Europäischen Union als auch von privaten Interessenträgern im Rahmen des SESAR-Projektes investiert. SESAR liefert den digitalen europäischen Luftraum. Es liegt nun in unserer Hand, aber wir können uns nicht nur auf Investitionen in Technologien verlassen. Während der technologische Fortschritt durch das SESAR-Programm fortgeschritten ist, sind die Strukturreformen, die hier erforderlich sind, um sowohl die Kapazitäts- als auch die Umweltperformance zu erreichen, seit mehr als einem Jahrzehnt ins Stocken geraten und halten uns in der Vergangenheit fest. Hier haben die Mitgliedstaaten auch nicht mitgemacht, die standen auf der Bremse.

    Sehen Sie sich nun allein diesen Sommer an: Von Juni bis August haben die Flugsicherungen in Europa 16,9 Millionen – ich wiederhole: 16,9 Millionen – Minuten an Verspätungen im europäischen Netzwerk angehäuft. Das waren 41 % mehr als im gesamten Sommer 2023. Zum Vergleich: Im Jahr 2017 – im ganzen Jahr – gab es 15,9 Millionen Minuten. Wenn man die wetterbedingten Verspätungen herausnimmt, dann haben sich die Verspätungen im Vergleich zum Sommer 2023 um 82 % erhöht, und nur sieben nationale Flugsicherungen haben 85 % dieser Verspätungen verursacht.

    Das zeigt, dass die Situation von Jahr zu Jahr schlechter wird – leider –, insbesondere jetzt, da der Flugverkehr wieder das Niveau von vor der Pandemie erreicht hat. Diese Reform, die wir nun hier haben, die wird gebraucht, sie wird dringend gebraucht! Die Schaffung eines wirklich einheitlichen europäischen Luftraums wurde viel zu lange von den Mitgliedstaaten blockiert, die nicht bereit waren, sich auf eine Restrukturierung der Flugsicherung zum Wohle der Allgemeinheit, zum Wohle der Passagiere einzulassen.

    Dank der unermüdlichen Arbeit von Herrn Marian-Jean Marinescu, unserem Berichterstatter der EVP, für den einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum und für EASA in den letzten 16 Jahren werden wir nun in der Lage sein, diese neue Luftraumverordnung umzusetzen. Hier möchte ich aber auch an die großartige Arbeit von Herrn David Maria Sassoli, unserem verstorbenen Parlamentspräsidenten, erinnern, mit dem Herr Marinescu zusammen an der EASA-Grundverordnung gearbeitet hat. Ich möchte aber auch meinen sozialistischen Kollegen Bogusław Liberadzki nicht vergessen, der mit Herrn Marinescu stark zusammengearbeitet hat, so wie es jetzt Johan Danielsson mit mir tut.

    Gestatten Sie mir, Frau Präsidentin, die Mitgliedstaaten nun aufzufordern, die Fehler, die wir noch haben, nun zügig bei der Umsetzung umzuarbeiten. Es besteht ein riesiges Potenzial zum Wohle der Bürgerinnen und Bürger und um am Ende auch die Klimaziele einzuhalten. Also, wir müssen weiterarbeiten.

     
       

     

      Johan Danielsson, Föredragande. – Fru talman! Varje år genomförs omkring en miljard resor med flyg inom EU. Över tid har flyget blivit en allt viktigare del av vår vardag och vår ekonomi. För ett land som Sverige är en välfungerande flygtrafik avgörande. Vi har stora avstånd och är glest befolkade. Flyget knyter samman vårt land, vår kontinent och kopplar oss till omvärlden.

    Men sektorn står inför stora utmaningar. Under 2023 var nästan tre av tio flyg mer än 15 minuter försenade. Den genomsnittliga förseningen per flygning i Europa är cirka 18 minuter. Samtidigt står flyget globalt för omkring 2 till 3 % av våra totala koldioxidutsläpp.

    I dag liknar Europas luftrum ett stort pussel där varje land har sin egen bit, och tyvärr passar inte alla bitar ihop. Det leder till omvägar, till väntetider och till onödiga kostnader. Singel European Sky ska lösa delar av detta pussel. Efter mer än ett decennium av förhandlingar har vi äntligen nått fram till en överenskommelse.

    Lagstiftningen handlar om att göra flyget säkrare, punktligare och klimatvänligare. Det gynnar resenärer, det kommer att gynna industrin och det kommer att gynna klimatet. Och det är ett viktigt steg för att modernisera Europas luftrum.

    Jag vill tacka alla som arbetat med det här förslaget. Ett särskilt tack till tidigare föredragande Bogusław Liberadzki och Marian-Jean Marinescu, som jobbade med detta oförtröttligt under den föregående mandatperioden. Och så ett tack till Jens Gieseke, min medföredragande den här gången. Det visar vad vi kan åstadkomma om vi arbetar tillsammans över partigränserna i det här huset.

    Men låt mig vara tydlig: Singel European Sky är ingen revolution – det är en evolution. Det är en kompromiss som tar oss i rätt riktning. Vi kommer att se förbättringar och effektivitet och samordning. Men även om förändringarna kanske inte blev så stora som vi hade tänkt oss, innehåller det viktiga steg framåt.

    Vi stärker till exempel övervakningen på EU-nivå, vilket kommer att vara avgörande för att säkerställa att våra europeiska regler efterföljs. Förändringarna ger oss en god plattform att bygga vidare på mot ett enhetligt, effektivt och hållbart europeiskt luftrum.

    Enligt beräkningarna kan Singel European Sky bidra till att minska koldioxidutsläppen med upp till 10 % per flygning. Det här är ett viktigt steg och en del av lösningen för att också göra flyget mer hållbart.

    Men vi måste fortsätta arbetet på flera fronter. Vi kommer att behöva säkerställa en marknad för hållbara flygbränslen. Vi kommer att behöva fortsätta arbeta med ökad effektivitet i bränsleförbrukningen i flyget. Vi kommer också att se till att de fantastiska innovationer som är på väg fram, inte minst för att elektrifiera regionalflyget, kan få en praktisk omsättning på vår europeiska flygmarknad. Jag ser fram emot en bra debatt i dag och ett bra beslut senare i veckan. Och jag är hoppfull om att resultatet kommer att bli ett bättre europeiskt luftrum.

     
       

     

      Wopke Hoekstra, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, let me start by wholeheartedly thanking Mr Gieseke, Mr Danielsson and the TRAN Committee for all the great work that they have been doing. But let me also thank the former rapporteurs, Mr Marinescu and Mr Liberadzki, who might be with us virtually, for successfully concluding the interinstitutional negotiations with the Council on the regulation on the implementation of the Single European Sky.

    Ladies and gentlemen, our skies – and the two rapporteurs have said that – need fixing for the good of passengers, airlines and the environment. And to illustrate what is really at stake here, let me just recall this summer, when every second flight was delayed. Every second flight was delayed. And we all know how that feels and what it is like.

    Now some of those delays were unavoidable, for example because of bad weather conditions. But if you then go into the details, you will find that many of those delayed and cancelled flights could actually simply have been reduced by improving the way we manage air traffic today. And that is, of course, the ultimate aim. That is the ultimate aim of this new regulation.

    This agreement will update rules which are 15 years old. Let me be clear – and it was said here before – it is not as ambitious as the Commission, and I feel many in this room, would have wanted. And some would consider it far away from our original plan. But what is also true is that it does represent a clear step forward, and it improves the performance of the European airspace and the provision of air navigation services in the years to come.

    The new rules will strengthen the European network, tackling the fragmentation of European airspace, and they will reduce congestion and suboptimal flight routes, which today create delays for our passengers, extra fuel consumption and unnecessary CO2 emissions.

    Ladies and gentlemen, the agreement will also stimulate innovation and facilitate new services for air traffic management. It will create incentives to reduce the environmental footprint of aviation. For example, air navigation service providers will now have to introduce environment and climate performance targets on a wider range of services. The charges that airlines will need to pay for flying over our skies will be more favourable for those carriers emitting fewer CO2 emissions and with less impact on the environment.

    Finally, more know-how will be introduced when we regulate the performance of monopoly air navigation service providers. A new performance review board will be created to support the Commission, bringing independent expertise and improving the temporary solutions that we have today.

    Madam President, honourable Members, please allow me to conclude. More than 10 years have passed since the Commission presented what was then its original proposal. Believe me, it was not an easy task. In order to reap the benefits that the agreement brings, in my view it is now urgent that the Parliament finalises the adoption of the regulation by supporting the Council’s first reading position this week. Implementation work can then start as soon as possible.

    Thank you very much, once again, in particular to the TRAN Committee and the rapporteurs, and I’m very much looking forward to the continuation of our interaction today.

     
       

     

      Sophia Kircher, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir reisen heute fast grenzenlos durch Europa. Doch über den Wolken, wo die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos scheint, stoßen wir im EU-Luftraum immer noch auf viele unsichtbare Grenzbalken – dadurch wird der europäische Luftverkehr stark eingeschränkt. Flugzeuge fliegen oft unnötige Umwege, weil veraltete nationale Vorschriften das erzwingen. Das führt zu Verspätungen, zu Kosten und 10 % mehr CO2-Ausstoß pro Jahr.

    Der Grund dafür: Der europäische Luftraum gleicht aktuell einem komplizierten Fleckerlteppich aus vielen nationalen Vorschriften. Statt eines gemeinsamen europäischen Systems mit einheitlichen Bestimmungen überwacht derzeit jeder Mitgliedstaat seinen Luftraum eigenständig, ohne eine ausreichende Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten.

    Mit diesem Gesetzespaket schaffen wir nun die Grundlage für mehr Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten, die wir so dringend brauchen, und somit werden wir in Zukunft günstiger, schneller und nachhaltiger fliegen können. Das ist eine Win-win-Situation für uns alle. Trotz dessen bleibt noch viel zu tun. Mit diesem Gesetzespaket gelingt uns ein wichtiger Schritt, aber es liegen noch viele Meilen vor uns.

     
       

     

      Matteo Ricci, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo oltre dieci anni di trattative, siamo finalmente giunti a un accordo sul cielo unico europeo, un tema che incide direttamente sulla vita quotidiana di milioni di cittadini.

    Tuttavia, dobbiamo essere chiari: il testo che adotteremo domani non è all’altezza delle aspettative. L’Europa ha bisogno di uno spazio aereo unificato con una gestione integrata e rotte dirette per ridurre ritardi, costi e soprattutto l’impatto ambientale.

    Oggi la frammentazione del nostro spazio aereo genera inefficienze gravi, costando ai passeggeri tempo e denaro. Ogni ritardo si traduce in maggiori emissioni e questo è un prezzo che il nostro pianeta non può più permettersi di pagare.

    Il regolamento che ci apprestiamo a votare promuove una maggiore cooperazione tra le autorità nazionali ma non impone regole vincolanti per una vera integrazione dello spazio aereo europeo. È un compromesso necessario, ma non sufficiente.

    Personalmente lo considero solo un primo passo. Non dobbiamo fermarci: l’Europa ha bisogno di un cielo unico europeo per essere più competitiva.

     
       

     

      Julien Leonardelli, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, nous nous défions de tout projet qui penche vers le fédéralisme, à plus forte raison lorsqu’il est placé sous l’égide de la Commission européenne. Cela ne nous empêche pas d’être pragmatiques et responsables. Le projet de ciel unique européen vise, nous dit-on, à faciliter les trajets aériens à l’intérieur de l’Union européenne et à faire économiser 5 milliards d’euros par an de kérosène pour les compagnies aériennes.

    La Commission européenne ne pouvait que briller sur ce sujet technique, qui bénéficie d’un véritable consensus européen. Cette initiative, soutenue par une large majorité, ne devait être qu’une formalité. Mais la Commission, trop occupée à outrepasser ses compétences, en oublie ses objectifs premiers. Ce texte ne verra pas l’instauration d’un ciel unique européen, malgré des années de tractations. La montagne a accouché d’une souris. C’est en tout cas ce qui ressort des positions des professionnels du transport aérien, qui ne cachent pas leur déception à l’égard de ce texte.

    Le maintien d’un millefeuille à la fois administratif et technocratique ne plaît à personne. Pendant que l’Europe brasse du vent et se penche sur un texte ridicule, qui ne change rien tant ces changements sont insignifiants, les Etats-Unis, eux, produisent déjà en très grande partie la nouvelle génération de carburants par des subventions massives dans la recherche et l’industrie. En matière d’industrie comme d’énergie, les pays européens restent à la traîne, et la Commission européenne n’y est pas pour rien. Madame von der Leyen, sur la souveraineté faites preuve de plus de retenue, et sur le ciel unique montrez plus d’ambition.

     
       


       

    PREȘEDINȚIA: VICTOR NEGRESCU
    Vicepreședinte

     
       

     

      Jan-Christoph Oetjen, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zehn Jahre hat es gedauert, dass wir dieses Gesetz, diesen einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum, auf den Weg gebracht haben. Nicht etwa, weil wir hier im Parlament lange gebraucht hätten, sondern es hat an den Mitgliedstaaten gelegen, die sich sehr lange hinter nationalen Kompetenzen versteckt haben. Diese nationalen Kompetenzen haben dazu gedient, zu kaschieren, dass es in den Mitgliedstaaten staatliche Monopole in der Flugsicherung gibt, die sie nicht angetastet sehen wollen. Und zur Wahrheit gehört: So richtig antasten tun wir sie jetzt auch nicht. Das, was wir machen, ist keine Reform, sondern ein Reförmchen, aber sie adressiert wichtige Themen.

    Wir kriegen endlich dieses performance review, das heißt endlich ein Benchmark für die Flugsicherung – ob sie gut funktionieren, ob sie genügend Leute haben, wie es klappt mit den Verspätungen, an denen – nicht immer, aber sehr häufig – eben auch die Flugsicherung mit Schuld ist.

    Wir haben eine Kapazitätsfrage, die sich dadurch adressieren lässt, und von daher können wir am Ende dieser Reform zustimmen. Aber sie ist weit von dem entfernt, was wir uns eigentlich erhoffen und was wir bräuchten, damit wir die Verspätungen in Europa endlich in den Griff bekommen.

     
       

     

      Merja Kyllönen, The Left-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, yhtenäisellä eurooppalaisella ilmatilalla on pitkä historia. Tavoitteena on vähentää viivytyksiä, lisätä turvallisuutta, lieventää ympäristövaikutuksia ja alentaa palvelujen tarjoamiseen liittyviä kustannuksia ilmailualalla. Euroopan ilmatilan pirstoutumisen vähentäminen tehokkaammalla ilmaliikenteen hallintajärjestelmällä on enemmän kuin tarpeellista. Vaikka politiikka on edennyt, niin SES ei ole onnistunut saavuttamaan täysin siltä odotettua edistystä. Tämän seurauksena Euroopan ilmatila on edelleen valitettavan pirstoutunut, kallis, tehoton ja kapasiteettiongelmat jatkuvat nopeasti kasvavan lentoliikenteen vuoksi. Työn on siis jatkuttava, paikoilleen emme voi jämähtää.

    Nykyinen sääntelykehys on pitkän aikavälin työ. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaisia toimijoita. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaista vääntöä sellaisia historian paloja, taisteluita, joita muun muassa Yhdistynyt kuningaskunta ja Espanja kävivät aikanaan, esimerkiksi Gibraltarin osalta. Kun Brexit poisti tämän esteen, komissio on muuttanut alkuperäistä ehdotustaan, ja hyvä niin.

    Jäsenvaltiot tarvitsevat laajaa yhteistyötä ja koordinointia toiminnallisissa ilmatilan lohkoissa, myös yhtenäisen eurooppalaisen ilmatilan sääntelykehyksen luomisen jälkeen. Tässä säädöksessä tunnustetaan olemassa olevien yhteistyöjärjestelyjen arvo ilmatilan hallinnan tehostamisessa ja lentoliikennevirtojen optimoinnissa tietyillä maantieteellisillä alueilla.

    Liikenteessä yleisesti, mutta lentoliikenteessä erityisesti, turvallisuusnäkökulma korostuu ja siksi kaikissa muutoksissa on mentävä ehdottomasti turvallisuusnäkökulma edellä. Safety first! Ja ihan pakko on sanoa rakkaat terveiset aina upealle taisteluparilleni Marinesculle. Ja rakkaat terveiset myös britti Jodie Fosterille, jota ei voi kyllä tämä talo unohtaa. Olisinpa videoinut parhaat palat uusille päättäjille. Piccolino, magnifico, amato David Sassoli.

     
       

     

      Siegbert Frank Droese, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Seit 20 Jahren plant die EU einen einheitlichen Luftraum, aber wenig ist passiert. Wir teilen die Kritik der Airlines an dem Vorschlag der Kommission zum einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum. Es wird zu höheren Steuern führen, mehr Bürokratie, mehr Berichtspflichten – all das wollen wir nicht. Europa ist bisher schon ein sehr sicherer Luftraum. Warum also auf Biegen und Brechen die Kompetenzen der nationalen Flugsicherungsdienste beschneiden und alles in den EU-Topf werfen?

    Es muss nicht alles harmonisiert oder einheitlich zertifiziert werden. Wichtig dagegen wäre für uns die Abschaffung von Sanktionen, z. B. gegenüber Russland. Dann könnten Flugzeuge schneller und vor allem umweltschonender nach Asien fliegen und so CO2 reduzieren. Aber immer neue Steuern und Vorschriften vertreiben Fluggesellschaften aus Europa und verteuern das Fliegen unnötig. Wir wollen, dass auch in Zukunft sich der Arbeiter noch seinen wohlverdienten Urlaubsflug leisten kann und nicht nur die Eurokraten.

    Die Kommission könnte sich unserer Meinung nach mal mit wichtigen Dingen beschäftigen, beispielsweise mit der Migration, oder vielleicht gibt es in Zukunft auch Tausende von Abschiebeflügen zu organisieren – da würden wir gern mal einen schönen Vorschlag hören. Diesem Vorschlag, der hier vorliegt, können wir nicht zustimmen.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, verehrte Damen und Herren! Der berühmte deutsche Lyriker Reinhard Mey sang einst „Über den Wolken, da muss die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos sein“, und in diesen Worten steckt aus europapolitischer Sicht endlos viel Wahrheit. Denn über den Wolken gibt es keine Grenzen, da ist man einfach irgendwo über Europa. Deswegen unterstütze ich die Aktualisierung des Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraums, auch wenn sie halb so lange gedauert hat, wie ich auf dieser Welt bin.

    Gleichzeitig sollten wir aber nicht aufhören, wo wir jetzt angefangen haben, und über weitere Dinge nachdenken. Ich möchte Ihnen da zwei Sachen vorschlagen.

    Zum einen braucht es eine Gebührenanpassung für klimafreundliche Flüge. Wir haben in der Vergangenheit gemerkt, dass wir vor allen Dingen über so etwas die Entwicklung in der Gesellschaft steuern können, und der Klimawandel kennt nun mal keine Grenzen.

    Zum anderen benötigen wir einen einheitlichen europäischen Luft-Datenraum. Wir müssen also den Datenaustausch zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten im Luftverkehr optimieren und damit effizienter machen, denn auch Daten kennen keine Grenzen. Die Arbeit am Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraum ist wertvoll – sie ist noch nicht vorbei.

     
       

     

      Alvise Pérez (NI). – Señor presidente, ¿de verdad este Parlamento no entiende lo que se pretende hoy aquí, imponiendo el Cielo Único Europeo?

    No se trata de fomentar la competencia, no se trata de mejorar ninguna descentralización ni de ahorrarnos un 10 % más de CO2. Esa es la gran farsa: ¿qué poder en Europa está más centralizado que la propia Comisión Europea? ¿Qué entidad ha centralizado más poder que la Comisión? Ninguna. ¿Y siguen de verdad creyéndose estas iniciativas en pro del supuesto medio ambiente?

    Lo que busca con esto la Comisión es que hasta nuestros cielos dependan de una nueva entidad europea bajo el control férreo de Von der Leyen con la excusa del CO2. El Cielo Único Europeo no es más que un instrumento para expandir la supervisión y la regulación comunitaria imponiendo aún más objetivos ambientales, aún más cargas y aún más tarifas contra los usuarios de este continente. La señora Von der Leyen demuestra un desprecio absoluto por la soberanía de los países, y esta Cámara, también.

    Y aquí, un orgulloso español les responde que el desprecio, evidentemente, es mutuo. Solo que hay una diferencia esencial: quien parasita y esclaviza a nuestro país es ella, mientras que nosotros solo anhelamos libertad.

    Si queremos preocuparnos por el cielo europeo, defendámonos de las intrusiones y las amenazas militares por cielo, mar y aire con las que Marruecos y todas las falsas ONG del sur de Europa están atentando contra nuestro país.

    Esta no era la Europa que nos prometieron. Esta es una Europa mesiánica en la que no nos reconocemos.

     
       

       

    Intervenții la cerere

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, zece ani am fost în Comisia pentru transport și am tot dezbătut nevoia de îmbunătățire a Cerului unic european. Transportul prin aviație este extrem de important. Vorbeam mai devreme la raportul domnului Letta despre conectivitate, despre libera circulație. Domnule comisar, am patru zboruri pe săptămână – nu numai datorită condițiilor meteorologice sunt întârzieri. Întârzierile, așa cum ați spus și dumneavoastră, sunt frecvente și din alte cauze: lipsa de organizare, să stai pe pistă să aștepți că nu ai culoar de zbor.

    Asta înseamnă că este nevoie să aplicăm acest regulament și îl susțin, pentru că s-a lucrat la el, îmbunătățește Cerul unic european și cred că avem nevoie de un transport reformat și pe aviație pentru, sigur, eficiență economică în piața internă și, de ce nu, pentru protejarea drepturilor pasagerilor. Prețurile nu se schimbă când ai întârziere, dar ajungi foarte târziu la destinație și câteodată îți pierzi practic întâlnirile pe care ți le-ai programat.

     
       

     

      Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εισήγηση για δημιουργία ενιαίου ευρωπαϊκού ουρανού αποτελεί μια προσπάθεια για βελτίωση της ασφάλειας, της αποδοτικότητας και της περιβαλλοντικής βιωσιμότητας των αεροπορικών υπηρεσιών, όπως έχει αναφερθεί.

    Όμως, πώς μπορούμε να μιλάμε για ασφάλεια όταν κλείνουμε τα μάτια στις παρανομίες; Θα γίνω πιο συγκεκριμένος. Η λειτουργία του παράνομου αεροδρομίου της κατεχόμενης Τύμπου στην Κύπρο θέτει σε κίνδυνο τις πτήσεις και χιλιάδες πολίτες καθημερινώς, αφού ελλοχεύει τεράστιος κίνδυνος για αεροπορικά ατυχήματα.

    Διερωτώμαι: δεν θα αντιδρούσατε αν λίγα μέτρα από το αεροδρόμιο της Φρανκφούρτης, δίπλα από το αεροδρόμιο στο Παρίσι, πλησίον του αεροδρομίου της Ρώμης, των Βρυξελλών, της Μαδρίτης, του Βερολίνου, λειτουργούσε ένα παράνομο αεροδρόμιο με δικούς του κανόνες; Φυσικά.

    Επομένως, ας αφήσουμε τα λόγια και ας περάσουμε στις πράξεις, που δεν είναι ο συντονισμός και η επικοινωνία με κατοχικές αρχές —κάτι που θα οδηγούσε στην κανονικοποίηση της παρανομίας— αλλά η απαγόρευση της λειτουργίας του, που θα συνοδεύεται με αυστηρότατες κυρώσεις σε αεροπορικές εταιρείες που χρησιμοποιούν το παράνομο αεροδρόμιο.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, é certo que esta nova versão do Regulamento Céu Único Europeu não vai tão longe como a posição que o Parlamento Europeu havia aprovado, com tudo o que ela representava de ataque sem equívocos à soberania nacional, numa abordagem abertamente mercantilista e de liberalização ainda maior do setor aéreo, visando a sua concentração e centralização. Mas, esses não deixam de ser traços que persistem no documento final, mesmo que de forma matizada, traços que rejeitamos.

    Em nome do que esta proposta não é, não faltará certamente quem procure ir além dela, nomeadamente em Portugal, dando continuidade e consequência às ameaças que têm recaído sobre a NAV, com vista ao desmembramento da sua atividade, com prejuízo para a soberania nacional e para a economia.

    Pela nossa parte, daqui reafirmamos que continuaremos a intervir, rejeitando o caminho de liberalização do controlo aéreo e em defesa da NAV, empresa pública estratégica para o desenvolvimento nacional.

     
       

       

    (Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)

     
       


     

      Wopke Hoekstra, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear Members, let me mention two quick points in response. The first one is on sovereignty. For those who are concerned about the impacts on the sovereignty of Member States over their airspace, let me be clear, and let me underline that all the provisions aim to foster better coordination within Europe. Member States will continue to decide whether and which parts of their airspace they open or they close. Full stop. It’s that simple. So I feel sovereignty will continue to be fully in place.

    Secondly, in response to the Members who have been speaking, let me reiterate what I said in the first term, and that is that more is needed. More needs to be done, and more today would have been better. But politics is also quite often the art of the possible. We are where we are today. Let’s seal this now and then let’s move forward from there.

     
       

     

      Jens Gieseke, Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich danke für diesen konstruktiven Austausch. Obwohl das natürlich ganz rechts und ganz links schwerfällt, bei so einem sachlichen Thema konstruktiv mitzuarbeiten, glaube ich, dass wir insgesamt eine gute Debatte hatten.

    Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum zeigt einmal mehr unser europäisches und auch unser EVP-Engagement für die kontinuierliche Unterstützung der Fluggäste, der Luftfahrtindustrie, der Forschung und Entwicklung, auch im Luftfahrt- und im Raumfahrtsektor, sowie auch die Einhaltung der Umweltversprechen. Wir streben ganz sicher nach effizienteren Flugsicherungsdiensten, weniger Verspätungen, einem geringeren ökologischen Fußabdruck und auch geringeren Kosten für Passagiere und Fluggesellschaften.

    Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum ist ein erster Schritt vorwärts, um die Engpässe im Luftraum zu beseitigen, um endlich einen wirklich einheitlichen EU-Raum zu schaffen, ohne die nationale Souveränität zu beeinträchtigen. Das wird dann auch zu weniger Kosten und zu einer besseren Umweltleistung führen.

    Ich glaube, morgen kann wirklich ein guter Tag werden für Europa. Von daher mein klarer Appell an alle Kolleginnen und Kollegen, morgen pünktlich zur Abstimmung zu kommen und für diese Neufassung zu stimmen. Ich stimme mit dem Kommissarsanwärter, aktuellen Kommissar und demnächst hoffentlich wiedergewählten Kommissar Hoekstra überein: Das ist ein erster Schritt heute, es werden weitere in den nächsten fünf Jahren folgen müssen. Aber für die EVP kann ich sagen: Wir sind bereit, diese Arbeit fortzusetzen. Unsere Bürger werden es sicherlich danken.

     
       

     

      Johan Danielsson, Föredragande. – Herr talman! Jag blir glad över det engagemang som visats under debatten. Avslutningsvis vill jag betona att vårt arbete inom flygsektorn inte slutar här. Vi har, som många konstaterat, fortfarande mycket att göra för att säkerställa en rättvis och hållbar flygsektor i Europa.

    Smidiga gränsöverskridande transporter är viktiga men får aldrig ske på bekostnad av arbetstagares rättigheter. Under denna mandatperiod hoppas jag därför att vi kan ta itu också med andra viktiga frågor som berör sektorn.

    En revidering av EU:s förordning om luftfartstjänster står högt på agendan. För det första måste vi stärka reglerna kring så kallad wet leasing, där flygbolag hyr in plan med besättning. Wet leasing ska naturligtvis kunna användas för att möta oförutsedda händelser, men inte för att konkurrera med löner och arbetsvillkor.

    Utvecklingen – där på ytan seriösa flygbolag skapar dotterbolag med enda syftet att pressa tillbaka personalens arbetsvillkor – är inte värdig och måste få ett slut. För det andra behöver vi tydligare definitioner kring personalens hemmabas. Vi har sett hur bolag i dag utnyttjar skillnader i nationell lagstiftning för att pressa ner lönekostnaderna. Också detta måste få ett slut.

    Med det sagt återstår nu att genomföra Single European Sky. Det kommer att kräva fortsatt hårt arbete från EU-kommissionen i övervakningen av de regler som vi nu ändå får på plats, för att säkerställa att det verkligen blir ett steg framåt och inte ett slag i luften. Jag hoppas att alla är här och röstar för förslaget i morgon.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

    The vote will take place tomorrow.

     

    15. A stronger Europe for safer products to better protect consumers and tackle unfair competition: boosting EU oversight in e-commerce and imports (debate)


     

      Didier Reynders, membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je suis ravi d’être parmi vous aujourd’hui pour débattre des défis que pose le commerce électronique, tant en matière de protection des consommateurs que de concurrence loyale ou de durabilité. Ces dernières années, des milliards de colis individuels ont été expédiés directement aux consommateurs de l’Union, notamment par voie aérienne, et de nouveaux acteurs du commerce électronique, principalement installés en dehors de l’Union, dominent désormais le marché. Quatre milliards de colis devraient être livrés en 2024.

    La Commission est consciente que cet afflux de marchandises achetées en ligne pose des défis en matière de conformité au cadre juridique applicable et de sécurité, de concurrence déloyale et de durabilité. En effet, bon nombre de ces produits s’avèrent dangereux, non conformes ou contrefaits.

    En raison de l’urgence de la situation, nous devons identifier une réponse européenne collective pour garantir la sécurité et la conformité des produits vendus sur ces plateformes de commerce électronique situées dans des pays tiers, pour préserver les consommateurs de pratiques commerciales déloyales et pour assurer des conditions de concurrence justes et équitables aux entreprises européennes.

    The Commission is ready to act in cooperation with the market surveillance authorities, the consumer protection and customs authorities, as well as with the digital services coordinators under the DSA to effectively enforce Union legislation and increase the controls on those platforms and products. We have instruments at our disposal that we are already using.

    First, the Digital Services Act is a powerful tool and it is a priority to enforce this regulation. The Commission is fully committed to ensuring strong and effective enforcement against very large online platforms, notably marketplaces not complying with all rules, which risk fines up to 6% of their global turnover. The DSA gives the Commission unprecedented enforcement powers that are already available. The recent enforcement action by the Commission, which resulted in TikTok’s commitment to withdraw its ‘lite rewards’ system from the EU market, as it raised concerns of addictiveness, is a good example of what the DSA can deliver for the whole European Union.

    More specifically, regarding e-commerce, the Commission has already launched an investigation in relation to AliExpress’ practices, including on suspicions related to the risk of dissemination of illegal products and the possible negative impact to consumer protection. We have also recently designated Temu and Shein as very large online platforms under the DSA, and already launched investigative actions in relation to these two online marketplaces. Consumer protection and compliance by online marketplaces is and will remain one of our enforcement priorities. We take this responsibility seriously and will not refrain to act decisively. The Commission will also coordinate closely with the digital services coordinators, which are responsible for the smaller online marketplaces, to ensure that smaller online marketplaces also follow the rules, and that these rules are consistently applied in the European Union. The European Board for Digital Services is crucial in this respect.

    Second, customs authorities are the first line of defence when it comes to products imported from third countries. They are also key actors in the supply chain to identify and suspend the release of non-compliant and dangerous goods. The customs reform, proposed by the Commission in 2023, is currently being discussed by the European Parliament and the Council. Under this proposed reform, the implementation of an EU customs data hub would enable risk management at EU level, making the enforcement of compliance with product requirements more targeted and effective. Additionally, the proposal includes an abolition of the current threshold that exempts goods valued at less than EUR 150 from customs duties. These measures would be important tools for combating fraud and abuse. However, customs authorities cannot act alone. It is crucial for them to collaborate with market surveillance authorities and digital services coordinators to combine their tools, capacity and expertise.

    Third, the Consumer Protection Cooperation Network, under the coordination of the Commission, has carried out several enforcement actions in recent years against key market players, such as Amazon and AliExpress, to bring them into line with EU consumer protection legislation. In May, the consumer organisation BEUC informed the Commission about practices of the e-commerce platform Temu and its alleged non-compliance with, among others, EU consumer laws. The Commission has immediately informed the CPC Network about this complaint, and discussions under that format are ongoing. Compliance by major e-commerce players, including those targeting European consumers from third countries, is a top priority for the Commission and national authorities. The Commission will continue to fully support and coordinate the enforcement work of the network.

    Looking ahead, it will be essential to further tackle challenges with e-commerce platforms and strengthen measures to prevent non-EU compliant products from entering the EU market. This would include ensuring an optimal articulation between the General Product Safety Regulation, the Market Surveillance Regulation and the Digital Services Act. To further improve online product safety and compliance with relevant rules, it will be our priority to fully use the enforcement toolbox provided for under these regulations, for example, by organising product safety control to check and improve compliance of the e-commerce sector with EU product safety requirements, organising joint product sampling and testing activities involving online mystery shopping, and facilitating further the cooperation between market surveillance and customs authorities to give an unified response to the challenges of e-commerce.

    To ensure that manufacturers outside the EU comply with all rules, the new GPSR also introduces a new obligation to appoint a responsible person for their products. This will guarantee traceability and responsibility for any goods sold on the open market. To address the issue at its source, it is also paramount to continue cooperating with manufacturing third countries. We are, for example, committed to continue the awareness-raising and training activities on EU product safety rules with Chinese companies. Apart from legal obligations, it is also important to explore voluntary cooperation mechanisms, such as the product safety pledge, which has enabled the removal of close to 60 000 unsafe products listings in the past six months.

    It will also be crucial to further improve the current enforcement framework for cross-border infringement of EU consumer law, in order to preserve the level playing field in the Union and the competitiveness of EU businesses. To achieve this aim, we will continue to explore possible approaches to strengthen the Commission’s role in specific circumstances that affect consumers throughout the Union and to further improve the enforcement cooperation among national authorities. Moreover, the Commission encouraged the swift adoption of some proposed legislative initiatives, namely the ‘VAT in the digital age’ package and the customs reform, that aim to structurally improve the transparency and control on the flow of goods entering and leaving the union, starting by e-commerce goods.

    I thank you for your attention. Of course, I am now looking forward to our debate and to try to collect your proposals, remarks, or maybe some criticism.

     
       

     

      Andreas Schwab, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Onlineplattformen haben die Art und Weise, wie Verbraucher einkaufen, grundlegend geändert. Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher sind nicht mehr auf lokale Anbieter beschränkt, sondern können Waren bei internationalen Händlern einkaufen, wodurch ihre Auswahl erweitert wird und sie oft bessere Preise finden. Sie haben ja gerade angesprochen, Herr Kommissar: 4 Milliarden Pakete allein in diesem Jahr zeigen, dass die europäischen Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher an internationalen Produkten interessiert sind und auf den besten Preis achten. Aber viele Drittstaatenplattformen stehen in der Kritik wegen mangelhafter Produktqualität, unzureichender Kontrollen und damit unfairer Wettbewerbsbedingungen.

    Deswegen ist es gut, Herr Kommissar, dass Sie den Dreiklang aus Maßnahmen, die greifen können, dargestellt haben. Zoll: Wir haben nach wie vor 27 unterschiedliche Zollsysteme, obwohl das einheitliche europäische Zollrecht angewendet werden muss, und es wird leider unterschiedlich angewendet. Wir haben zum Zweiten die Marktaufsichtsbehörden, die alle in nationaler Hand sind und unterschiedlich stark ausgestattet sind, und wir haben das Gesetz über digitale Dienste. Und hier, Herr Kommissar, hätte ich mir etwas mehr erwartet, denn das Gesetz über digitale Dienste wird jetzt schon zum zweiten Mal gegenüber Temu in Anwendung gebracht – aber immer mit der Bitte um Auskunftserteilung und nicht mit Entscheidungen.

    Hier müssen wir schneller vorankommen, denn mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte hat das Europäische Parlament hier – dieses Haus – in den vergangenen Jahren wichtige Schritte unternommen, um das Vertrauen der Bürger in die Sicherheit des Internets zu stärken und um europäischen Unternehmen fairen Wettbewerb anzubieten. Daran wollen wir festhalten, und deshalb ist die Europäische Kommission gefordert, hier Schritte folgen zu lassen.

     
       

     

      Laura Ballarín Cereza, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señor comisario, un 71 % de la población europea compra bienes y servicios en línea. El comercio en línea es cómodo, es barato, pero tiene muchos riesgos. Por ello, regularlo bien es ya inaplazable.

    Sabemos que plataformas de comercio electrónico, como Amazon, Aliexpress, Temu o Shein, están afectando a nuestro comercio en tres aspectos clave.

    En primer lugar, en la seguridad de productos que consumimos: juguetes, ropa, etc. Todos conocemos esos productos que nos llegan a casa y que no cumplen las condiciones mínimas.

    En segundo lugar, en el enorme impacto que tienen sobre el comercio local de nuestros municipios, que está siendo asfixiado por la competencia desleal de estas plataformas a nuestras pymes europeas.

    Y, en tercer lugar, en el medio ambiente, porque sabemos que estas empresas abandonan a su suerte toneladas de paquetes devueltos por clientes en Europa y en otros continentes, lo que pone en riesgo la salud de todo el planeta.

    Para eso tenemos leyes, apliquémoslas: más controles en las aduanas, y comercio y consumo responsable para proteger nuestro medio ambiente, a nuestros consumidores y nuestro comercio local.

     
       

     

      Virginie Joron, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous voici en marche vers cinq ans de teutonneries supplémentaires. On avait espéré en 2019 que le premier mandat von der Leyen ferait état d’une gestion saine et honnête. Mais on a eu le matraquage des automobilistes, un dérapage budgétaire et les fourberies de Pfizer.

    Ce soir, nous parlons donc de la surveillance européenne des marchés du commerce en ligne, pendant que nos commerces de proximité ferment les uns après les autres. La vente de produits dangereux, illicites, contrefaits ou volés est encore légion sur les grandes plateformes. Cette lutte, c’était pourtant ce que vous aviez promis lors de l’adoption de toutes les législations précédentes sur la question. Votre slogan? «Le règlement sur les services numériques protégera vos enfants.» Aujourd’hui, ce n’est plus un règlement sur les services numériques, mais un règlement sur la surveillance numérique qui a été mis en place, sous l’impulsion du démissionnaire Thierry Breton. Les associations de consommateurs ont signalé en avril dernier le géant chinois Temu, parce qu’il n’assurait pas l’identification des vendeurs. C’est l’article 30 du règlement sur les services numériques. Ces mêmes associations ont fait état de cas où le consommateur est manipulé par des prix qui changent ou qui ne correspondent pas au produit choisi. C’est l’article 25 du règlement sur les services numériques. On a eu la directive de 1998 sur les indications de prix, la directive de 2005 sur les pratiques commerciales prohibées, les nouvelles règles de sécurité des jouets ou encore la réforme du code des douanes.

    Mais la réalité, c’est une jungle de normes qui empêchent nos entreprises françaises ou européennes de se développer, et des pays tiers, comme la Chine, leader mondial du commerce électronique, qui contournent sans problème nos règles – dixit un inspecteur de l’OLAF – ou, pis, qui bénéficient d’exemptions des frais de douane pour les achats dont la valeur ne dépasse pas 150 euros. Une jungle où, finalement, c’est Bruxelles qui tire une balle dans le pied du commerce électronique européen.

     
       

     

      Piotr Müller, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Szanowni Państwo! Regulacje dotyczące bezpieczeństwa produktów w Europie są niezwykle ważne. One powodują, że z jednej strony konsumenci są bezpieczni, a z drugiej strony, że standaryzujemy pewnego rodzaju rozwiązania produkcyjne w Europie, co oczywiście też przynosi wymierne korzyści i bezpieczeństwo dla konsumentów. Jednak widzimy tę rosnącą konkurencję ze strony w szczególności rynków azjatyckich i moją obawą jest to, że te przepisy w praktyce nie będą obowiązywały właśnie wobec tych krajów, które dostają się na rynek europejski w sposób inny niż produkcja na naszym rodzimym rynku.

    W związku z tym mam pytanie do Pana Komisarza, jakie działania tutaj można byłoby podjąć (chociażby być może zapisując w nowej perspektywie budżetowej, nad którą będziemy pracować, dodatkowe środki dla urzędów, dla instytucji krajowych i unijnych, ale przede wszystkim krajowych, bo one najczęściej kontrolują jakość produktów), aby właśnie rzeczywista kontrola tych produktów, które pochodzą w szczególności z Azji, miała miejsce.

     
       

     

      Svenja Hahn, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Wenn Spielzeuge für Babys so leicht auseinanderfallen, dass sie daran ersticken können, dann haben Eltern zu Recht Angst. Vor allem, wenn Untersuchungen zeigen, dass mehr als die Hälfte von Spielzeugen aus Drittländern wie China gefährlich ist.

    Wenn Designs von kleinen europäischen Designern kopiert werden und die Klamotten aus fragwürdiger Produktion mit giftigen Chemikalien belastet sind und dann auch noch über Plattformen wie Temu und Shein zu Billigpreisen verschleudert werden, dann leiden wir Verbraucher, unsere Umwelt und unsere Unternehmen, die sich an Recht und Gesetz halten.

    Illegale und unsichere Produkte dürfen nicht in unseren Binnenmarkt kommen, am besten, weil sie bereits vor Verkauf gestoppt werden. Die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten müssen geltendes Recht rigoros durchsetzen: das Gesetz über digitale Dienste und die neuen Regeln zu Produktsicherheit. Wir müssen gemeinsam unsere Marktüberwachung und unseren Zoll stärken. Vor allem die Digitalisierung des Zolls muss schneller vorangehen, damit wir die digitale Voranmeldung und auch den Wegfall der Freigrenze für illegale Produkte haben können, damit wir illegale Produkte aus unserem Markt fernhalten können.

    Ich baue darauf, dass die Kommission zügig einen Aktionsplan mit den Mitgliedstaaten umsetzen wird, damit unsere Kleinsten sicher sind, damit Shopping weder zur Ausbeutung von Umwelt noch von Menschen führt und Wettbewerb fair ist.

     
       

     

      Saskia Bricmont, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, vous l’avez dit: Temu, Shein, AliExpress, Amazon et de plus petites plateformes inondent le marché européen de produits à faible coût. Mais, derrière ces bas prix, il y a des coûts énormes, notamment des techniques de manipulation en ligne incitant à l’hyperconsommation ou des produits de mauvaise qualité pouvant s’avérer dangereux pour la santé et la sécurité.

    Une enquête a même révélé que 80 % des jouets testés ayant été importés par le biais de ces plateformes ne respectaient pas les normes de sécurité européennes. Cela induit aussi une concurrence déloyale pour les entreprises européennes qui respectent les normes sociales, environnementales, de produits, de sécurité. Ces normes existent au niveau européen pour de bonnes raisons: la protection des consommateurs, des travailleurs, de l’environnement. Elles doivent donc être respectées par tout le monde, y compris par les entreprises importatrices et par les plateformes de pays tiers.

    Des centaines de milliers de colis arrivent chez nous tous les jours, en un clic et sans avoir fait l’objet de contrôles. Autant de produits potentiellement dangereux, qui ne respectent pas les normes européennes. Cette concurrence déloyale touche tous les secteurs et constitue souvent un frein au développement de filières locales durables et sociétalement responsables. C’est le cas notamment du secteur textile, où la concurrence déloyale de l’«ultrafast fashion» venant des plateformes chinoises menace l’émergence d’un secteur textile durable en Europe.

    L’Union européenne est bien là pour protéger les consommateurs et nos entrepreneurs: il faut donc assurer effectivement le respect des règles, la transparence et l’information des consommateurs, mais aussi des contrôles douaniers renforcés et les moyens nécessaires à de tels contrôles, des droits de douane même pour les achats de moins de 150 euros, et un renforcement des sanctions à l’égard des plateformes qui ne respectent pas les règles.

     
       

     

      Hanna Gedin, för The Left gruppen. – Herr talman! Jag ska börja med att säga att jag är glad att vi har den här diskussionen, för situationen är ohållbar.

    Från Vänstern har vi länge krävt ett stramare regelverk för e-handelsplattformar. Ett test som nyligen gjordes av leksaksbranschen visar att åtta av tio leksaker som importeras till EU och kan köpas på olika internetsajter riskerar att kväva eller förgifta barn – kväva och förgifta våra barn.

    De uppfyller inte EU:s säkerhetskrav. Vår uppgift som lagstiftare är att se till att minska risken för olyckor, att se till att medborgarna är trygga och säkra. Det gör vi genom att premiera miljövänliga och säkra produkter, samtidigt som vi ser till att arbetsvillkoren för dem som producerar de här sakerna är bra.

    Det är inte bara barn och andra konsumenter i Europa som riskerar att skadas. Det finns återkommande indikationer på att många av de här produkterna, förutom att de är skadliga, dessutom är tillverkade genom tvångsarbete.

    Kommissionen måste agera – inte bara för att den här slapphäntheten mot utländska internetsajter konkurrerar med lägre standarder och sämre arbetsvillkor än varor som produceras i enlighet med EU-lagstiftning. Dagens regelverk leder faktiskt till stora risker för alla medborgare – inte minst för våra barn. Lösningen måste vara att även utländska sajter får samma skyldigheter som inhemska aktörer, att tullen får större resurser och att varor som importeras, till exempel från Kina, inte längre ska subventioneras när det kommer till exempelvis fraktkostnader.

     
       

     

      Zsuzsanna Borvendég, a ESN képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A helyi termelők által helyben előállított termékek védik a környezetet és a nemzetgazdaságot is erősítik, vagyis minden szempontból a társadalom jólétét szolgálják. Emiatt kezdett pártom, a Mi Hazánk Mozgalom hazai termelői vásárokat szervezni Magyarországon, ezzel is népszerűsítve a jó minőségű helyi termékek fogyasztását. Az élelmiszeripar különösen veszélyeztetett ezen a területen. Vissza kell szorítani a globális élelmiszerláncok sokszor gyenge minőségű, földrészeken át utaztatott, agyonvegyszerezett termékeinek dömpingjét.

    A multik gazdasági érdekei nem írhatják felül az emberek egészséges élethez való jogát, de meg kell akadályozni azt is, hogy politikai elfogultság alapján olyan mezőgazdasági termékeknek nyissunk szabad utat, amelyek nem felelnek meg az EU-s előírásoknak, ahogy az számos ukrán termék esetében megtörténik. Azonnali hatállyal meg kell tiltani a harmadik országokból érkező hamisított méz importját is. Ennek érdekében egy előterjesztést is készítettem, amelyet az ESN frakció benyújtott, de az AGRI bizottság napirendre sem volt hajlandó ezt tűzni. Kérem, gondolják ezt át újra!

     
       


     

      Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Hr. Formand, kommissær. Flere og flere handler på nettet. Legetøj, tøj, gaver. Det er nemt, det er bekvemt, og det er praktisk. Men hvis man handler på platforme som Temu, så kan det altså skade både din sundhed, vores miljø og den europæiske konkurrenceevne, og alt for mange af f.eks. Temu’s produkter de lever simpelthen ikke op til de europæiske regler. De er sundhedsskadelige, miljøskadelige, og så er de også ødelæggende for vores konkurrencesituation for vores europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er der brug for, at der sker noget. Vi har fået mange nye regler, men vi har brug for, at de bliver håndhævet. Derfor vil jeg gerne opfordre EU-Kommissionen til at komme i gang med at håndhæve reglerne og gøre det lidt hurtigere, end det, der sker i dag. Vi har fået nogle gode regler i det, jeg sagde. Spørgsmålet er, om de er gode nok, spørgsmålet er, om der skal mere til. Noget af det, som jeg tror, vi skal kigge på, er, om vi egentlig ikke burde give disse handelsplatforme et importøransvar, så de fik et meget konkret og direkte ansvar for at sikre, at de produkter, de sælger, overholder de europæiske regler. Så hurtigere og bedre, og hvis ikke det er nok, så tror jeg, at vi skal se på, om der skal endnu flere strammere regler til.

     
       

     

      Ernő Schaller-Baross (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A termékbiztonság egyre sürgetőbb kérdés Európában, különösen az e-kereskedelem gyors ütemű terjedése révén. Mondjuk ki őszintén, a piacfelügyelet rendszere ma nem elég hatékony, hogy lépést tartson a digitális világ kihívásaival. A fellépés hiánya komoly kockázatot jelent polgáraink biztonságára nézve, és hosszú távon veszélyezteti Európa versenyképességét is. Az e-kereskedelem gyors üteme és a határokon átnyúló eladások miatt a tagállami hatóságoknak nehéz feladatuk van, hogy minden egyes terméket ellenőrizzenek.

    Így a fogyasztók biztonsága gyakran veszélybe kerül, és a szabályozás átláthatóságának fenntartására s kihívásokkal szembesül. Az Európai Parlament nem blokkolhatja tovább a háromoldalú tárgyalásokat, kezdje el a munkát. Kezdje el a termékbiztonságot érintő javaslatok, többek között a játékbiztonságról szóló szabályok tárgyalását is. Ne hagyjuk, hogy a késlekedés ára az európai polgárok vagy gyermekeink biztonsága legyen! Tegyük meg a szükséges lépéseket közösen, hogy Európa továbbra is az innováció és a biztonságos termékek kontinense lehessen. A jelenlévő vagy nem jelenlévő TISZA párti képviselőknek pedig azt üzenem, hogy ne féljenek, ha kérdést tesznek föl ebben a Házban, ebben a teremben válaszolni is lehet.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la protezione dei consumatori e la lotta alla concorrenza sleale, soprattutto nel commercio online, sono una questione prioritaria per l’Europa.

    Troppi prodotti non conformi agli standard europei continuano a entrare nel nostro mercato attraverso l’e-commerce, mettendo a rischio la sicurezza dei consumatori e penalizzando le nostre aziende, in particolare le piccole e medie imprese italiane ed europee.

    Non possiamo più accettare che le nostre imprese siano costrette a competere ad armi impari con prodotti di bassa qualità provenienti da paesi che non rispettano le nostre regole. Le aziende che rispettano rigorosamente la normativa europea su sicurezza e qualità sono penalizzate da una concorrenza sleale.

    Dobbiamo rafforzare i controlli alle frontiere, garantire che i prodotti importati rispettino gli stessi standard che le nostre imprese sono tenute a seguire. Chiediamo che l’Unione europea intervenga con decisione: è fondamentale che le piattaforme di e-commerce non diventino un canale privilegiato per la vendita di prodotti non conformi. Questo è un punto essenziale per difendere la sovranità economica italiana e quella europea, proteggendo il nostro tessuto produttivo.

    Come abbiamo spesso sottolineato, la nostra economia non può continuare a subire le conseguenze di politiche commerciali che favoriscono attori esterni a scapito delle nostre eccellenze.

     
       


     

      Majdouline Sbai (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, en dix ans, le chiffre d’affaires du commerce électronique a été multiplié par trois. Rien qu’en France, le chiffre d’affaires du site Shein se monte à 1,63 milliard d’euros. C’est un tsunami économique.

    Alors oui, oui à la protection des consommateurs, oui à la fin de l’exonération des droits de douane en dessous de 150 euros d’achats, oui à une enquête précise sur les soupçons de subventions chinoises et de concurrence déloyale, oui à la fin de la publicité mensongère, oui, encore oui au contrôle sur la toxicité, la propriété intellectuelle et la sécurité des données personnelles.

    Oui, mais quand? Combien d’enseignes et de marques européennes auront fermé entre-temps? Combien de chaussures pour enfants intoxiquées au plomb aurons-nous achetées? Combien de jeunes auront adopté des comportements de consommation détestables pour notre avenir?

    Alors, oui à tout cela, mais quand? Je vous le dis: agissons maintenant!

     
       

     

      Leila Chaibi (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, des ballons de baudruche à gonfler soi-même bourrés de substances cancérigènes, des jouets comprenant des pièces qui peuvent être avalées, des casques de moto pour enfants qui, en fait ne protègent pas du tout, des détecteurs de fumée qui ne détectent pas la fumée… Ces produits dangereux ne sont pas des exceptions: ils pullulent sur des plateformes de vente en ligne comme Amazon, Temu ou Wish. Les associations de consommateurs les ont testées, et le constat est alarmant.

    Comment est-il possible que ces objets puissent envahir le marché européen? La réponse est simple. Pour les géants du commerce électronique, la priorité c’est: les profits, et le marché européen, c’est le jackpot.

    C’est un triple jackpot, en réalité. D’abord, un jackpot sur les normes de sécurité, car ces plateformes ignorent les normes de sécurité en vigueur chez nous. Elles inondent l’Union européenne de produits qui ne respectent pas les réglementations en matière de sécurité, et mettent donc les Européens en danger.

    C’est un jackpot sur les conditions de travail, car ces produits sont fabriqués dans des conditions inacceptables, en exploitant les travailleurs et en détruisant la planète.

    C’est un jackpot sur les obligations fiscales, car, pour couronner le tout, ces plateformes trouvent le moyen d’échapper à leurs obligations fiscales. Et tout cela permet à ces plateformes de commerce électronique de casser les prix et d’écraser nos entreprises européennes, qui ne peuvent pas rivaliser face à cette concurrence déloyale.

    Chers collègues, il est temps de sonner la fin de la récré pour Amazon, pour Temu, pour Alibaba et compagnie. L’Union européenne passe beaucoup de temps à discuter, à légiférer sur le poids des pommes ou sur la pulpe des poires. Je ne dis pas que ce n’est pas intéressant, que ce n’est pas important, mais je crois qu’il y a plus important et plus urgent en matière de normalisation au sein du marché unique.

    Les plateformes de commerce électronique doivent assumer leurs responsabilités et se soumettre à nos règles communes. Elles doivent être tenues pour responsables des produits qu’elles vendent, comme n’importe quel commerçant en réalité. Si elles veulent jouer dans notre cour, alors elles doivent se conformer à nos règles. Pas de passe-droit. La santé et la sécurité des Européennes et des Européens passent avant leurs profits.

     
       

     

      Kateřina Konečná (NI). – Pane předsedající, kolegyně a kolegové, hračky pro batolata, které se snadno rozbijí na malé kousky, u nichž hrozí vdechnutí, nefungující plynové alarmy či hračky a kosmetika obsahující nebezpečné chemikálie – zkrátka produkty, které ohrožují spotřebitele a které jsou v Evropské unii zakázány vyrábět i prodávat.

    Jenže e-shopy až do této chvíle dokáží naše pravidla zdatně obcházet a společně s nimi je obchází i výrobci ze zemí mimo Evropskou unii. Tyto zdraví i život ohrožující výrobky, jež často cílí na děti, nadále zaplavují evropský trh díky e-shopům a nízkým nákladům na jejich výrobu. Budu ráda, pokud konečně tuto skulinu, jednou provždy, odstraníme. On-line platformy musí také nést odpovědnost za produkty, které na svých stránkách nabízejí. Jejich stahování musí mít jasná pravidla. Informační systémy musí být lépe připraveny a pokuty za jejich prodávání musí být značně vyšší, než byly dosud. Jsem ráda, že alespoň zde se věci mají s novými pravidly ubírat správným směrem.

     
       

     

      Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz (PPE). – Panie Komisarzu! Koledzy, koleżanki! Unia Europejska jest liderem we wprowadzaniu regulacji chroniących konsumentów na rynku cyfrowym, a jednocześnie miliony Europejczyków korzystają z niespełniających standardów Unii Europejskiej produktów. Dlaczego? Po pierwsze dlatego, że europejski rynek jest zalewany przez chińskie subsydiowane towary sprzedawane po bezkonkurencyjnie niskich cenach. 2023 rok 2 miliardy paczek, 2024 rok dwa razy tyle paczek – 4 miliardy.

    Po drugie wjeżdżają niebezpieczne produkty. W liście, który otrzymałam od 100 producentów zabawek z Polski, wskazano na sprawozdanie Toy Industries of Europe, z którego dowiadujemy się, że 18 z 19 zabawek kupionych na platformie Temu stanowi rzeczywiste zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa dzieci. Po trzecie chińskie platformy sprzedażowe stosują agresywny marketing i manipulują klientami. Często informacje o tym, kto sprzedaje i za ile sprzedaje wymagają dziesiątki kliknięć, a i tak na koniec są podawane po chińsku.

    Co możemy zrobić, żeby przywrócić uczciwą konkurencję? Po pierwsze wprowadzić poza nielicznymi wyjątkami cła na paczki o wartości do 150 euro. Po drugie Komisja musi skutecznie i szybko egzekwować istniejące prawo. Po trzecie działania organów nadzoru krajowych i unijnych muszą być skoordynowane. Musimy to zatrzymać, zanim będzie za późno, zanim miliony produktów niespełniających standardów bezpieczeństwa trafią do naszych domów, do rąk naszych dzieci, zanim setki tysięcy miejsc w Europie znikną. Musimy to zrobić teraz.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, discutăm de protecția consumatorului și concurența loială în piață, domnule comisar. Sigur, am dezbătut astăzi și dezbatem comerțul online. Avem foarte multe reglementări, le-ați enumerat și dumneavoastră. Întreb: poate un cetățean, un consumator care a achiziționat online un produs să se apere dacă produsul e defect, dacă se îmbolnăvește, dacă produsul nu este conform? Avem reglementare de la etichetare până la dreptul la repararea produselor.

    Totuși, în piața internă sunt extrem de multe produse neconforme din țări terțe și – sigur nu vă dau, cred, o noutate – și în comerțul online avem produse din țări terțe pentru că acordurile nu sunt bine comercial făcute. Nu este subliniată respectarea standardelor de produs, cele europene, și atunci întrebarea este: cum le aplicăm? Reformarea vămilor – pentru prima dată vom avea o autoritate europeană pentru vămi. Problema este de aplicare, nu de reglementare. Am rămas în urmă cu implementarea și cred că aici trebuie să punem accent împreună cu statele membre, evident, ca să protejăm cu adevărat consumatorii.

     
       

     

      Gilles Pennelle (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, nous ne pouvons bien évidemment, au groupe des Patriotes pour l’Europe, que saluer l’intention de protéger les consommateurs européens. Cependant, le rapport Letta nous démontre que nous assistons à une augmentation des fraudes, à une augmentation de la concurrence déloyale et à ces fameuses importations de produits dangereux.

    Alors certes, on a beaucoup parlé des jouets. Je voudrais aussi parler des médicaments, par exemple, qui sont extrêmement dangereux pour la santé lorsqu’ils sont achetés sur des sites que personne ne contrôle. Dans la réalité, vous récoltez, à la Commission et dans cette Union européenne, les fruits de votre politique. C’est le résultat du dogme suprême du libre-échange qui nous amène là où nous en sommes.

    En effet, comment contrôler cette jungle qu’est devenu aujourd’hui le commerce électronique, où les géants du numérique règnent en maîtres. Je pense que les solutions ne sont, comme d’habitude, pas celles que vous proposez. Les solutions sont nationales. Il faut renforcer les douanes nationales pour contrôler ces importations de produits dangereux.

    Je voudrais, puisqu’il me reste quelques secondes, rappeler que, dans la plus grande opacité, dans le plus grand secret, la Commission européenne négocie actuellement le traité de libre-échange avec le Mercosur. Mais, là aussi, nous allons probablement importer des produits dangereux, des viandes de très mauvaise qualité, nourries par des produits interdits dans l’Union européenne.

    Finalement, vous êtes face à vos contradictions. Il est temps de changer de politique.

     
       

     

      Francesco Torselli (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi l’Unione europea sta subendo un vero e proprio attacco da parte di certe nazioni straniere a colpi di prodotti non conformi, di bassissima qualità, spesso anche pericolosi per il consumatore finale.

    Un attacco che sfrutta due falle esistenti nel nostro sistema di difesa: la prima, la possibilità di aggirare facilmente le regole da parte di certe piattaforme online; e la seconda, il fatto che l’Europa negli ultimi anni ha promulgato una serie di regolamenti autolesionisti, che spesso sembravano più favorire chi stava fuori dall’Europa piuttosto che le nostre imprese.

    È essenziale che oggi l’Unione europea intensifichi i controlli alle frontiere, protegga i consumatori, contrasti la concorrenza sleale. Dobbiamo migliorare la cooperazione, responsabilizzare le piattaforme online. Cooperazione e responsabilità: queste sono le ricette per un’Europa più forte che contrasti il commercio illegale.

     
       

     

      Nikola Minchev (Renew). – Mr President, the European Union is a global leader in setting high standards with the aim of ensuring quality and protecting our consumers. ‘Made in the EU’ is not just a label; it’s an unmatched guarantee of quality and safety. Yet we allow unreasonably cheap, low-quality, sometimes even dangerous, products to flood our markets, undercutting our industries. This must change.

    We need stronger enforcement of anti-dumping measures to defend the integrity of our single market. The European Commission has made recent strides, improving trade defence instruments by over 40 % to allow faster investigations and duties on unfair imports. But more action and especially enforcement of the existing rules is needed.

    Take my own country, Bulgaria. As the EU’s sixth largest exporter of electric bikes, our manufacturers face competition from cheap, lower quality imports from non-EU countries. These imports threaten to destabilise the growing sector. Robust enforcement, like recent EU actions against Chinese e-bikes, is essential to protect jobs, innovation and fair competition across Europe.

     
       

     

      Anna Cavazzini (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Teddybär auf der Onlineplattform Temu, der sieht süß und flauschig aus und kostet auch nur zwölf Euro. Aber wenn die Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher diesen Teddy bestellen, besteht die 95-prozentige Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass er den europäischen Vorgaben für Produktsicherheit nicht entspricht. In anderen Worten: Das Kuscheltier ist gefährlich: Seine Augen können verschluckt werden, oder das Fell ist vielleicht giftig.

    Dem immer schneller wachsenden Anteil des Onlinehandels, besonders mit Billigprodukten aus China, stehen Zoll und Marktüberwachung hier in Europa hilflos gegenüber. Dieses Jahr gehen Schätzungen zufolge vier Milliarden Pakete in die Europäische Union ein, die unter der Zollgrenze von 150 Euro liegen, und sie landen direkt bei den Verbraucherinnen und Verbrauchern.

    Es ist allerhöchste Zeit, unseren hohen europäischen Verbraucherschutz auch im Onlinehandel durchzusetzen. Die Kommission muss das Gesetz über digitale Dienste konsequent umsetzen und Online-Marktplätze mehr in die Verantwortung nehmen. Die EU-Zollreform ist der Schlüssel, um Kontrollen an unseren Grenzen zu verbessern. Das Parlament hat seine Hausaufgaben gemacht; der Rat schleicht und blockiert, und wir verlieren kostbare Zeit.

    Wir brauchen endlich mehr rechtliche und finanzielle Verantwortung für die Onlineplattformen. Den großen Wurf hat leider die konservative Seite dieses Parlaments in der letzten Legislatur blockiert; jetzt erkennen alle, glaube ich, dass es ein Fehler war.

     
       

     

      Christian Doleschal (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ein T-Shirt für drei Euro, eine Jacke für sieben oder ein Kinder-Plüschtier für wenige Cents: E-Commerce-Händler wie Temu oder Shein überfluten mit aggressiven Vermarktungsstrategien und Dumpingpreisen unsere Märkte. Allein 2023 exportierten Shein und Temu zusammen täglich 9000 Tonnen Fracht nach Europa. Mit ihren unlauteren Praktiken setzen sie unsere Onlinehändler, aber auch unsere Geschäfte in unseren schönen Innenstädten unter enormen Druck. Während diese sich an strenge europäische Vorschriften halten, verstoßen Temu und Shein gegen Vorgaben zur Produktsicherheit, Arbeitsbedingungen, Nachhaltigkeit, Urheberrecht und Datenschutz – ohne spürbare Konsequenzen.

    Doch eigentlich mangelt es nicht an Regeln, sondern an deren konsequenter Durchsetzung. E-Commerce-Plattformen wie Temu oder Shein nutzen geschickt Lücken in der Marktüberwachung und bei der Wareneinfuhr zu ihrem Vorteil. Fehlende innereuropäische Vernetzung beim Datenaustausch, unzureichende Zollkontrollen und die aktuell noch gültigen Zollbestimmungen begünstigen die oftmals ungeprüfte Einfuhr von Waren aus dem Ausland in massenhaften Paketen mit geringem Warenwert.

    Ja, es ist wichtig, die Aufhebung der Zollbefreiung von Waren unter 150 Euro im Rahmen der EU-Zollreform anzuregen, und dafür danke ich der Kommission. Wir müssen sehen, dass diese neuen Regeln so schnell wie möglich in Kraft treten und durchgesetzt werden. Es geht nicht darum, Protektionismus zu fördern, vielmehr geht es um fairen Wettbewerb – wenn unsere Innenstädte leer gefegt und unsere europäischen Onlinehändler zerstört sind, ist es zu spät.

     
       

     

      Bernd Lange (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Temu-Schlagzeile „Shoppen wie ein Millionär“ müsste man wahrscheinlich umdichten in „Verkaufen wie ein Milliardär“. Wir haben gehört, vier Milliarden Päckchen kommen dieses Jahr von den Onlineplattformen Temu, Shein und AliExpress, und da frage ich mich schon, Herr Kommissar: Warum haben wir da nicht eine Gleichbehandlung mit Verkäufen innerhalb der Europäischen Union?

    Ich möchte ja nicht den Markt zumachen, überhaupt nicht. Aber es kann doch nicht sein, wenn wir innerhalb der Europäischen Union RAPEX haben, andere Möglichkeiten haben und wenn da ein Laden Produkte verkauft, die nicht akzeptabel sind, wird der Laden zugemacht, und hier fragen wir immer nur nach Informationen und machen im Grunde nicht klar, wenn ein Produkt auf der Plattform ist, und das ist mehrmals passiert, dass diese Plattform eben nicht mehr liefern kann.

    Oder auch – Sie sagen, die 150 Euro müssen fallen. Fallen die 2028, wie die Kommission vorschlägt, oder eben früher? Und was ist mit dem Rat und der Zollreform? Auch hier passiert zu wenig. Nicht nur klagen, sondern auch handeln für einen fairen Wettbewerb.

     
       

     

      Valérie Deloge (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, quand on entend parler de contrefaçons, on ne pense pas tout de suite à la nourriture. Pourtant, rien qu’en 2023, ce sont 1 150 000 produits alimentaires contrefaits qui ont été saisis en France. Yaourts, pâtes, fromages, mais aussi vin, cognac, huîtres et petits pots pour bébé: tout y passe. Ces produits sont faits pour ressembler à s’y méprendre aux originaux, mais ils ne répondent pas à nos normes et peuvent causer des risques pour notre santé. Pis: ces contrefaçons sont souvent 20 % à 70 % moins chères que les originaux. Nombreux sont les consommateurs qui les achètent, pensant profiter d’offres attrayantes sur des lots de déstockage.

    Cette situation est aussi dangereuse qu’intolérable. Elle signifie que nos agriculteurs et nos transformateurs ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec les pays étrangers qui inondent notre marché à cause d’accords de libre-échange irresponsables, ils sont aussi en concurrence avec ces fraudes, qui ternissent l’image des filières et véhiculent une image négative des produits.

    Après les manifestations de l’an dernier, vous avez dit entendre la colère du monde agricole. Vous prétendez vouloir rétablir la réputation des agriculteurs et défendre les filières européennes: voici une bonne occasion de le faire. Traquez ces produits, contrôlez l’entrée des marchandises de mauvaise qualité ou qui ne répondent pas à nos normes et rendez au consommateur l’assurance qu’en achetant des produits européens ils achèteront de la qualité. La colère des agriculteurs, elle, est toujours là. À vous maintenant de prouver que vous pouvez vraiment agir.

     
       

     

      Nicolas Bay (ECR). – Monsieur le Président, à quoi bon avoir les normes les plus strictes et les plus exigeantes du monde si c’est pour laisser notre marché être inondé par des importations qui ne les respectent pas? À quoi bon étouffer nos producteurs par la paperasse, les taxes, les règles, si c’est pour laisser leurs concurrents tricher?

    Face à la concurrence déloyale, l’Union doit autant protéger ses consommateurs que défendre ses entreprises et ses producteurs. La réciprocité et des conditions équitables de concurrence sont nécessaires pour que le commerce soit bénéfique à tous. Il est impératif de multiplier les contrôles sur les importations et il est surtout impératif de ne pas nouer des accords commerciaux déséquilibrés. Le traité avec le Mercosur, en particulier, que la Commission cherche à conclure dans la précipitation, sacrifiera comme toujours nos agriculteurs. C’est une telle certitude, d’ailleurs, qu’un fonds est déjà prévu pour les indemniser.

    Nos producteurs sont les plus respectueux à la fois des consommateurs, de leurs animaux et de l’environnement. Leurs produits sont les meilleurs au monde. Ils ne veulent pas vivre de la charité. Ils veulent vivre du plus vieux et du plus noble des métiers: le travail de la terre, le travail de nos pères. Libérons-les et laissons-les se battre à armes égales en cessant d’organiser la concurrence déloyale, qui les condamne à la disparition.

     
       

     

      Anna Stürgkh (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Ja, bei fast jeder Diskussion zur EU fällt ein Wort wie das Amen im Gebet: Regulierung. Die EU als Regulierungsweltmeister und die Regulierung als quasi Endgegner der Innovation, ganz nach dem Motto „Du, glückliches Europa, reguliere“. Dabei steckt ja hinter den Regulierungen eigentlich ein wichtiges Ziel: nämlich Menschen und Unternehmen zu schützen und sie zu unterstützen, sicherzugehen, dass sie nicht Produzentinnen und Produzenten ausgeliefert werden, die Gesetze mit Füßen treten und Profit am Ende sogar noch mit dem Leben ihrer Konsumentinnen und Konsumenten machen.

    Dafür müssen wir aber die richtige Regulierung machen, und dafür müssen wir uns auch trauen, manchmal hinderliche Regulierungen wegzulassen. Wir müssen Menschen die Sicherheit geben, dass die Produkte, die sie in Europa auch online kaufen, nicht ihre Gesundheit oder ihr Leben gefährden. Wir müssen dafür sorgen, dass die Regeln, die für europäische Produzentinnen und Produzenten gelten, auch für Produkte gelten, die in unserem Land aus Drittstaaten in unsere Haushalte kommen. Wir müssen sichergehen, dass europäische Regeln auch europäisch gelten und nicht 27-mal unterschiedlich ausgelegt werden.

    Die Ziele sind richtig, der Weg noch holprig. Aber ja, „Du glückliches Europa – reguliere“.

     
       


     

      Δημήτρης Τσιόδρας (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, οι Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες σε πολλές περιπτώσεις νιώθουν απροστάτευτοι από αθέμιτες πρακτικές, αλλά και από τον τρόπο με τον οποίο γίνονται πολλές συναλλαγές, ιδιαίτερα στο νέο ψηφιακό περιβάλλον.

    Στο ηλεκτρονικό εμπόριο πολλές φορές οι καταναλωτές δεν αισθάνονται ότι έχουν τον πλήρη έλεγχο των συναλλαγών τους λόγω των πολύπλοκων κανόνων και των ρητρών που περιλαμβάνονται στα περιβόητα ψιλά γράμματα. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις υπάρχουν συγκαλυμμένες χρεώσεις, ενώ ο σχεδιασμός πολλών ψηφιακών υπηρεσιών δημιουργεί εθισμό στα παιδιά και οδηγεί σε πρόσθετες χρεώσεις μέσω βιντεοπαιχνιδιών. Παράλληλα, κάθε χρόνο, καταναλωτές στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αγοράζουν, χωρίς να το γνωρίζουν, προϊόντα τα οποία δεν πληρούν τα ευρωπαϊκά πρότυπα ποιότητας και ασφάλειας.

    Ένα άλλο σημαντικό θέμα είναι ότι μεγάλες πολυεθνικές εταιρείες εκμεταλλεύονται τη δεσπόζουσα θέση τους στην αγορά για να επιβάλουν γεωγραφικούς εφοδιαστικούς περιορισμούς, επιβάλλοντας αδικαιολόγητα υψηλές τιμές. Ο πρωθυπουργός Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης έχει στείλει στην Επιτροπή μια σχετική επιστολή και πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να επιληφθεί του θέματος. Είναι αναγκαία η αυστηρή τήρηση των κανόνων και, όπου χρειάζεται, περαιτέρω αυστηροποίηση της νομοθεσίας και συνεργασία των αρχών, προκειμένου οι Ευρωπαίοι καταναλωτές να αισθάνονται ότι προστατεύονται.

     
       

     

      Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, potrošačke organizacije čak 17 država prijavile se Europskoj komisiji najnoviji kineski div Temu. Propituje se sigurnost proizvoda, štetnost za zdravlje, pa čak i prodajni lanac u smislu prodaje ilegalnih proizvoda. Temu i dalje prodaje, ljudi i dalje kupuju.

    Prije nekoliko godina 18 potrošačkih organizacija prijavilo je Tik Tok europskim tijelima radi štetnog utjecaja na maloljetnike, koji čine 30 posto njihovih korisnika. Narušavanje mentalnog zdravlja, izazivanje ovisnosti, poticanje nezdravih navika i ponašanja kod djece gorući su problemi koji traže hitnu reakciju. Unatoč tome, promjene na platformi su minimalne.

    Kako prisiliti internetske divove da poštuju europska pravila? Treba dati veće ovlasti Europskoj komisiji u slučaju povrede potrošačkih prava. Pokažimo građanima da nisu sami, da je udar na naše ljude, udar i na naše institucije i da će one brzo i efikasno odgovoriti ondje gdje ih najviše boli. One koji rade greške – udarimo ih po džepu.

     
       

     

      Philippe Olivier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, la question de la sécurité des produits n’est pas toujours affaire de développement juridique ou de normes, mais de contrôles. Elle pose la question des portes d’entrée de l’Europe, et les portes d’entrée de l’Europe, ce sont les ports. Sur Le Havre, sur 6 000 conteneurs, seuls 5 sont contrôlés. D’une manière générale, tous les ports européens tendent à être pris en main par les mafias, soit par la peur et par la menace, soit par la corruption. Personne ne s’en préoccupe.

    Comment croire que le libre-échange puisse être vertueux quand même les règles les plus élémentaires de surveillance sont en pratique bafouées aux endroits où les contrôles devraient être implacables? Que dire des matières premières qui sont vendues en Europe par des pays qui ne les possèdent pas, mais qui les volent? La République démocratique du Congo est ainsi pillée par son voisin, le Rwanda, et l’Europe commet des actes de recel en achetant à Kigali de telles matières premières.

    Si vous souhaitez ramener un peu d’éthique dans le commerce sans limites et sans règles, rétablissez les contrôles nécessaires.

     
       


     

      Henrik Dahl (PPE). – Hr. Formand. Tak for ordet. Kinesiske online platforme som Temu og Sheen presser det europæiske marked med produkter, der for det første er lodret ulovlige og for det andet er farlige. Disse produkter er for det første en risiko for forbrugerne, men de er også en direkte trussel imod det indre marked. Temu undergraver systematisk de regler, vi har bygget op for at beskytte de europæiske borgere. De regler overholder de europæiske virksomheder i modsætning til Temu. Når Temu udnytter huller i lovgivningen, så får de en unfair konkurrencefordel, som de bruger til at udkonkurrere europæiske virksomheder. EU har skabt et robust regelsæt for forbrugersikkerhed, men uden en effektiv håndhævelse er de regler ikke noget værd. Vi skal ikke tolerere, at kinesiske platforme systematisk bryder reglerne og underminerer europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er det på tide at tage kampen op mod de aktører, der misbruger systemet, skader forbrugerne og fører en form for økonomisk krig imod Europa. Europa skal være stærkt, og derfor skal Europa sanktionere de kinesiske virksomheder, som bevidst bryder reglerne.

     
       

     

      Pierre Jouvet (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, pour éviter un anniversaire ou un Noël sans cadeaux, des parents achètent à bas prix des jouets sur des sites chinois. Comment leur en vouloir, quand les fins de mois sont devenues si difficiles? C’est pourtant un cadeau empoisonné, parce que ces jouets sont certes peu chers, mais très probablement toxiques. D’après des tests menés en laboratoire, près de 80 % d’entre eux sont dangereux.

    En plus de ces jouets toxiques, combien de parfums irritants, de lunettes de soleil inefficaces, de jeans de contrefaçon seront vendus par ces plateformes chinoises qui inondent le marché? Temu, Shein, AliExpress importeront près de 4 milliards d’articles en Europe cette année. Ce chiffre a triplé en trois ans. Ces plateformes profitent du seuil douanier de 150 euros sur les colis internationaux pour échapper à tout contrôle. Ces entreprises violent les droits des consommateurs et nuisent aux fabricants européens, qui, eux, respectent les normes sociales et environnementales.

    L’Europe doit se réveiller et faire respecter un principe simple: «Notre marché, nos règles.»

     
       

     

      Zala Tomašič (PPE). – Gospod predsednik. V skladu s Temujevo politiko zasebnosti se osebni podatki, kot so ime, priimek, naslov, zgodovina nakupov in lokacija, lahko delijo s tretjimi oglaševalci, ponudniki storitev in poslovnimi partnerji. Temu včasih ponuja storitve, Temu včasih ponuja izdelke celo brezplačno. Ampak potrebno se je zavedati, da nič ni brezplačno.

    V zameno platforma pridobiva osebne podatke in spremlja obnašanje potrošnikov na spletu. Obstajajo pa tudi skrbi, da se ti podatki potem prodajajo tudi naprej. Le malokateri potrošnik pa se tega tudi zaveda.

    Poleg tega je kvaliteta teh izdelkov vprašljiva. Slišali smo že, kako otroške igrače takoj razpadejo na majhne dele, kako detektorji dima dima ne zaznajo. Ampak problem so tudi kozmetični izdelki, ki lahko pustijo nepopravljive poškodbe sluznice in kože.

    Močno podpiram prosti trg in konkurenčnost na trgu, vendar pa moramo zaščititi tako potrošnike pred zlorabo osebnih podatkov in škodljivimi izdelki kot tudi naše podjetnike pred nelojalno konkurenco.

     
       

     

      Maria Guzenina (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, komission edustajat, EU:n pitäisi olla maailman turvallisin alue ostaa tavaraa. Meillä on tiukat standardit sille, millaisia tuotteita täällä saa myydä, joten miten ihmeessä on mahdollista, että tuoreissa testeissä jopa 80 prosenttia leluista, joita myydään muun muassa kiinalaisissa verkkokaupoissa, eivät täyttäneet lelujen turvallisuusvaatimuksia. Kyse on kuluttajien, erityisesti lasten terveydestä. Kyse on ympäristömme suojelemisesta. Kyse on turvallisuudesta ja kyse on eurooppalaisten yritysten mahdollisuudesta pärjätä.

    Kiinalaiset säännöistä piittaamattomat jättimäiset verkkokaupat toimittavat kiihtyvällä vauhdilla tavaroita Eurooppaan. Suomen tullin mukaan kiinalaisten pakettien valtava määrä vaarantaa jo tullinkin toimintakyvyn.

    Tuoteturvallisuusdirektiivi, se on hyvä alku, mutta on tärkeää, että me emme lisää vastuullisten eurooppalaisten yritysten sääntelyä, vaan meidän pitää varmistaa, että kiinalaiset kaupat noudattavat eurooppalaisia sääntöjä.

    Tämän asian ratkaisemisella on kiire. Komission on tehtävä tässä tehtävänsä. Euroopan on oltava yhtenäinen tässä asiassa. Kyse on eurooppalaisten terveydestä.

     
       

     

      Niels Flemming Hansen (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, honourable colleagues, e-commerce has rapidly expanded, offering consumers access to products from around the globe. A recent study found that 30 out of 38 products from the Temu platform failed to meet European safety standards, posing a serious risk to consumers. Some 30 out of 38, my dear friends: that’s 78 %.

    This is not about protectionism. It’s about ensuring fairness and safety. Non-compliance puts the consumers at risk and creates an uneven playing field, especially for European SMEs that follow EU rules. SMEs, which are the backbone of our economy, will suffer the most.

    The scale of e-commerce makes it impossible for national customs to manage alone. In Germany, it’s estimated that there are around 400 000 packages a day from China; 78 % of that is 320 000 packages.

    Finally, this is a test of the EU’s ability to address the challenges of a globalised marketplace. We must be decisive, not only to protect our consumers, but to prove that Europe can enforce its own rules and uphold fairness in the single market.

     
       

     

      Pierfrancesco Maran (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, caro Commissario, come ha ben sottolineato, è necessario sistemare alcuni aspetti del mercato online e questo va fatto rapidamente.

    Oggi il 70% dei cittadini europei compra beni e servizi online. Eppure esistono due mercati: uno per chi rispetta le regole e uno per chi non le rispetta e le aggira. In molti abbiamo sottolineato come alcuni soggetti sono certamente protagonisti delle violazioni.

    Operatori come Temu, Shein, AliExpress – che insieme contano 300 milioni di utenti in Europa – immettono sul mercato migliaia di prodotti non sicuri a prezzi stracciati. Loro lo sanno bene e sanno che possono farlo, perché non mettiamo ancora in campo azioni strutturali che li rendano corresponsabili.

    Questo è il punto di lavoro principale, perché non possiamo pensare di andare ad inseguire ogni consegna alle dogane. È necessario agire alla fonte nei loro confronti, perché si adoperino per una svolta nei loro comportamenti commerciali.

    Lo dobbiamo ai cittadini europei, che devono sapere che i prodotti che comprano sono sempre sicuri e non essere tentati dalla convenienza del low cost senza regole. E lo dobbiamo alle aziende che invece rispettano le regole e che meritano di non avere questa concorrenza.

     
       


     

      Elisabeth Grossmann (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Die Digitalisierung und der wachsende E-Commerce haben unsere Märkte grundlegend verändert, und es ist unerlässlich, dass wir als EU entschlossen handeln, um Sicherheit und Fairness zu gewährleisten. Der europäische Handel gerät durch das Onlineangebot aus dem EU-Ausland zunehmend unter Druck, und große Plattformen, vorwiegend aus China, überschwemmen gerade den europäischen Markt mit Billigangeboten und nutzen die bestehenden Schlupflöcher aus, was den Wettbewerb verzerrt und europäische Unternehmen stark benachteiligt und auch europäische Arbeitsplätze kostet und natürlich auch europäische Wertschöpfung.

    Und ich sage Ihnen: Es ist nicht fünf vor zwölf, es ist fünf nach zwölf, weil es hat sich bereits das Kaufverhalten der Menschen erheblich verändert, und es sind bereits zahlreiche Unternehmen im Produktionsbereich und auch im Handelsbereich insolvent. Und hier haben wir in Zukunft mitunter auch ein Problem mit der Versorgungssicherheit.

    Deshalb ist dringendes Handeln, rasches Handeln geboten. Es ist mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte einiges gelungen – aber diese Gesetze gehören auch konsequent umgesetzt, und zwar sofort.

     
       

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ESTEBAN GONZÁLEZ PONS
    Vice-President

     
       

     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, EU consumer rights are worth absolutely nothing unless they are effectively enforced. We have made some progress with the General Product Safety Regulation, which is going to come into effect later on this year, and we are working on ambitious reforms, but it’s not just about laws.

    The EU’s many market surveillance authorities have to work together in order to take risk-based market surveillance seriously, because when it comes to illegal products coming into EU countries, we should be really, really vigilant. According to the Commission, last year, 2.3 billion items worth less than EUR 150 entered the EU last year. And we’re facing what could only be described as a flood of cheap products. Member State authorities are frequently overwhelmed and sometimes just to verify whether something meets a product safety standard is next to impossible. So we need to support these authorities and make sure that they have the resources they need to do their work online markets such as China’s Temu must meet the standards that we uphold every single European company to in order to have the right to operate in the EU market.

    We don’t want protectionism, we don’t want to reduce global trade. We just want to make sure that the level playing field is level and that the people who are consuming the goods are safe from them.

     
       

     

      Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in questi mesi ricorre insistentemente il tema della competitività, soprattutto in quest’Aula. Però leggiamo dalla recente relazione Letta che il 75% dei prodotti pericolosi in circolazione in Europa deriva da Paesi terzi ed è un dato in crescita preoccupante.

    Potete ben capire che questo non solo mette a rischio la competitività delle nostre imprese ma anche la salute dei nostri consumatori, ai quali invece dobbiamo garantire prodotti sicuri con controlli rigorosi, in particolare quelli acquistati sull’e-commerce, piattaforme esplose durante il periodo del COVID.

    Dobbiamo intervenire con urgenza per contrastare l’eccessiva presenza di prodotti dei Paesi terzi, che attraverso le piattaforme riescono a raggiungere con comodità milioni di utenti in tempi rapidissimi. Questa situazione crea una concorrenza sleale che penalizza le nostre imprese, che invece sono obbligate a rispettare norme sempre più stringenti, mentre molti prodotti sono importati senza i dovuti controlli.

    E allora particolare attenzione va rivolta soprattutto ai giocattoli, oppure ai farmaci, perché rivolti ai bambini e alle persone che hanno bisogno di cure. Dobbiamo garantire standard di sicurezza.

    In questo contesto, l’unione doganale può fare ovviamente molto di più e auspichiamo che, ovviamente, la riforma che è stata avviata possa essere portata a termine per garantire una vigilanza più stringente sulle importazioni, proteggendo il nostro mercato e soprattutto i nostri cittadini.

    Solo così potremo assicurare una concorrenza equa e un futuro di crescita e sicurezza per tutti.

     
       

       

    Catch-the-eye procedure

     
       



     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Menschen Europas, Hohes Haus! Wir haben heute bereits über die Wichtigkeit des europäischen Binnenmarkts gesprochen. Umso glücklicher bin ich über diese Debatte, denn wir müssen unseren Binnenmarkt auch schützen. Wir können es nicht akzeptieren, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unter Missachtung der Menschenrechte, teilweise sogar von uigurischen Zwangsarbeitern in Konzentrationslagern hergestellt werden. Wir können es nicht hinnehmen, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unseren Sicherheitsstandards nicht gerecht werden. Wir können es nicht tatenlos geschehen lassen, wenn diese Produkte von autoritären Staaten gezielt subventioniert werden.

    Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn diese Produkte von internationalen Großkonzernen unter bewusstem Ausnutzen verschiedener Steuersysteme innerhalb der EU vertrieben werden. Schließlich: Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn der Binnenmarkt zerstört wird, indem er von ausländischer Konkurrenz ausgespielt wird.

    Die Menschen wollen einen starken Binnenmarkt, nicht einen auf Wish bestellt; und das fängt, wie viele meiner Kollegen zu Recht betont haben, beim Zollsystem an.

     
       


       

    (End of catch-the-eye procedure)

     
       

     

      Didier Reynders, membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je voudrais d’abord vous remercier pour ce débat sur le marché intérieur et la manière dont des produits arrivent sur ce marché intérieur. Les plateformes jouent un rôle de plus en plus important en la matière. J’entends bien l’ensemble des remarques sur les règles – qui, pour une grande part, existent, même s’il y a encore du travail à faire – et sur le besoin d’un contrôle renforcé.

    Je dirais tout d’abord que nous devons mieux utiliser les outils qui arrivent et qui sont parfois déjà à notre disposition. Je voudrais féliciter les autorités chargées de la protection des consommateurs dans les États membres, que nous avons organisées en réseau. Ce réseau d’acteurs, le réseau CPC, fait déjà aujourd’hui, en relation avec les associations de consommateurs, un travail sur le terrain remarquable pour détecter et retirer des produits régulièrement, non seulement des magasins, mais aussi des plateformes en ligne. Nous avons d’ailleurs développé au sein de la Commission un outil numérique qui permet de vérifier que ces produits ne reviennent pas sur les plateformes.

    Je ne dis pas que nous détectons l’ensemble des produits ou que nous retirons l’ensemble des produits dangereux, que ce soit pour la sécurité proprement dite ou pour la santé des consommateurs, mais je voudrais saluer ce travail, sur lequel il faudra d’ailleurs à nouveau se pencher. Beaucoup ont évoqué le rôle particulier des douanes. Je voudrais confirmer que la Commission souhaite avancer en la matière. Le dossier est entre les mains des colégislateurs pour l’instant. Plusieurs ont évoqué la limite des 150 euros: nous souhaitons l’abolir. J’espère que nous pourrons aboutir prochainement à un accord entre les colégislateurs sur ce sujet. Le travail des douanes est un travail important dans le cadre de la protection des consommateurs.

    Le règlement sur les services numériques est en vigueur. Des pouvoirs ont été octroyés à la Commission, des pouvoirs que nous avons commencé à utiliser, y compris dans les domaines que vous avez évoqués et en particulier dans le cadre de plateformes qui inondent l’Union européenne de produits à bas prix. Le règlement général sur la sécurité des produits, que j’ai évoqué tout à l’heure, entrera en vigueur le 13 décembre. À travers ce règlement, comme plusieurs d’entre vous l’ont évoqué, la responsabilité personnelle des plateformes pourra être mise en cause, non seulement celle des grandes plateformes, mais aussi celle des plus petites, puisque nous avons prévu qu’une personne responsable devait être désignée dans l’Union européenne lorsque des produits sont effectivement importés sur le marché. Mais, je le répète, ce règlement général, que nous avons souhaité mettre en place pour remplacer une directive, entre en vigueur le 13 décembre prochain. Je vous invite donc à utiliser, pour le moment, les outils à disposition ou dont disposeront bientôt les différents acteurs chargés de la protection des consommateurs.

    Pour ce qui est de la poursuite du dialogue avec nos partenaires, j’ai mis en place au cours de la législature écoulée un dialogue avec les autorités américaines, notamment en matière de protection des produits. En ce qui concerne la politique des consommateurs, il y a aux États-Unis trois agences différentes, et la commission américaine chargée de la sécurité des produits est en dialogue constant avec la Commission européenne. Nous développons un dialogue similaire avec le Royaume-Uni, le Canada, le Japon, ou la Corée du Sud.

    Pour la première fois, nous avons tenu, à Paris, au sein de l’OCDE, une réunion ministérielle concernant la politique des consommateurs. Et l’OCDE, pour une fois, s’est penchée non plus seulement sur la production, mais aussi sur la consommation, et donc, réellement, sur la sécurité des produits pour les consommateurs. On voit que ce thème progresse. Nous avons d’ailleurs tenu à Bruxelles, très récemment, une semaine consacrée à la sécurité des produits, avec l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux.

    Il est vrai que nous devons aussi poursuivre le travail entamé avec la Chine. Nous le faisons par un dialogue direct, nous le faisons aussi, parfois, en collaboration avec des partenaires internationaux – nous avons mené une action trilatérale avec nos collègues américains. Je ne suis pas naïf, mais on doit continuer à tenter de convaincre nos partenaires chinois qu’il s’agit aussi d’un enjeu de réputation pour leurs produits et pour leurs entreprises, et probablement pour un nombre croissant de consommateurs chinois, qui souhaitent eux-mêmes une plus grande sécurité de leurs produits. C’est un travail qui a aussi été entamé au cours de ces dernières années.

    Enfin, vous avez évoqué des cas concrets de sécurité des produits sur des plateformes, mais aussi de produits à bas prix – je pense à Temu ou à Shein. Je l’ai dit, des actions sont en cours. Nous avons saisi le réseau des agences chargées de la protection des consommateurs sur ce sujet. Le réseau CPC y travaille. Le règlement sur les services numériques est lui aussi à l’œuvre dans le cadre de procédures visant ces plateformes, lesquelles ne posent pas seulement un problème de sécurité de produits ou de santé des consommateurs, mais aussi, vous l’avez rappelé, de concurrence déloyale, en raison de prix très faibles, de prix particulièrement bas. Elles ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec la production de nouveaux produits en Europe, elles le sont aussi avec le marché de seconde main.

    Nous avons, avec certains d’entre vous, beaucoup travaillé au développement du droit à la réparation, qui concerne chaque consommateur et qui permet par ailleurs de renforcer le marché de seconde main. Il est clair que nous devons la protéger contre l’évolution de la concurrence déloyale, tout en demandant bien entendu au secteur de la seconde main de garantir la sécurité de ses produits au même titre que le respect d’un certain nombre de règles européennes.

    Alors, bien entendu, je ne voudrais pas conclure sans évoquer un ou deux aspects, notamment une remarque plus personnelle. La Commission a vu ses compétences directes renforcées: aussi bien celles qu’elle détient, depuis longtemps, dans le domaine de la concurrence que celles acquises plus récemment dans celui des plateformes – à travers le règlement sur les services numériques.

    Pour ce qui est des consommateurs, il est peut-être temps aussi de se poser la question, au-delà du réseau des acteurs nationaux, d’une action possible et plus directe de la Commission pour des cas qui le méritent – des cas manifestement transfrontaliers et qui concernent l’ensemble des consommateurs européens. Cela nécessite des moyens, bien entendu. C’est donc un débat qui reviendra, je l’espère, dans les prochaines années: le travail en la matière ne doit plus se limiter aux agences nationales, il doit aussi advenir à l’échelon de la Commission.

    Je terminerai en vous disant que plusieurs ont évoqué la nécessité d’agir vite. J’ai notamment entendu des remarques sur la manière dont on produit un certain nombre de biens vendus sur le marché européen, parfois en violation des règles environnementales ou des droits de l’homme. Nous avons mis cinq ans à faire adopter une directive sur le devoir de vigilance. Maintenant, il faut en entamer la mise en œuvre.

    J’espère donc que la détermination de l’ensemble des acteurs – des colégislateurs comme des États membres – sera très grande pour agir: pas uniquement quand un produit arrive sur le marché européen, mais aussi sur les chaînes d’approvisionnement, en réfléchissant à la manière de faire respecter les règles environnementales aussi bien que celles en matière de droits de l’homme, tant par les entreprises européennes que par les entreprises de pays tiers qui viennent sur le marché intérieur – y compris à travers des plateformes.

    Beaucoup reste à faire, mais je crois que des règles sont en place. Il faut maintenant les rendre effectives et, surtout, renforcer le contrôle, pour une part à l’échelon européen – lorsque c’est nécessaire.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

     

    16. One-minute speeches on matters of political importance


     

      Φρέντης Μπελέρης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, θα ήθελα να μοιραστώ μαζί σας μια όμορφη πρωτοβουλία στην Ελλάδα και συγκεκριμένα στη Φουρνά Ευρυτανίας, ένα ελληνικό χωριό όπου Δήμος, Περιφέρεια και Εκκλησία συνεργάζονται αρμονικά, προσφέροντας μια καλύτερη ζωή σε μέλη νέων οικογενειών με στόχο να τους πείσουν να εγκατασταθούν στον τόπο τους. Θέλω να σας πω ότι αυτές ακριβώς τις μικρές νίκες πρέπει να αναζητούμε απέναντι στη δημογραφική κρίση· τις μάχες, δηλαδή, που δίνονται μεμονωμένα, ώστε η ευρωπαϊκή ύπαιθρος να μη «σβήσει».

    Ας δούμε όμως και τη μεγάλη εικόνα. Είναι αναγκαία η άμεση επανεκκίνηση της ευρωπαϊκής περιφέρειας. Αυτό θα το πετύχουμε με την αξιοποίηση επιτυχημένων πολιτικών και σωστή αναδιάρθρωση του ευρωπαϊκού προϋπολογισμού. Η Ευρώπη δεν πρέπει να επανέλθει στις διαφορετικές ταχύτητες με τις οποίες εξαπλώνεται το δημογραφικό πρόβλημα στα 27 κράτη μέλη, αλλά να χρηματοδοτήσει δράσεις με την ίδια ένταση και να δώσει ουσιαστικά κίνητρα.

    Κλείνοντας, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, οφείλουμε να φροντίσουμε ώστε να μη νιώθουν οι περιφέρειες και τα νησιά μας απομονωμένα. Κάθε κουκκίδα στον ευρωπαϊκό χάρτη που διασυνδέουμε με μια άλλη, είναι αυτομάτως μια μεγάλη κατάκτηση προς τον κοινό μας στόχο: να δώσουμε ξανά πνοή στην ήπειρό μας.

     
       

     

      Gabriela Firea (S&D). – Domnule președinte, vinerea trecută, tocmai a trecut, a marcat Ziua Europeană de Luptă împotriva Traficului de Persoane, o zi care ne amintește cât de fragilă este siguranța pentru multe femei și mulți copii din Europa. Din păcate, traficul de persoane, care este strâns legat de violența domestică, continuă să fie o problemă gravă. Observăm la nivelul Uniunii Europene că se fac pași importanți. A fost adoptată o versiune revizuită a directivei antitrafic, cu măsuri mai stricte pentru combaterea noilor forme de exploatare, inclusiv a celor din mediul online. Programe precum Fondul pentru azil, migrație și integrare și Programul „Cetățeni, egalitate, drepturi și valori” sprijină victimele și încearcă să prevină traficul de persoane.

    Totuși, nu este suficient și este clar că avem nevoie de o mai bună coordonare între statele membre și de o utilizare mai eficientă a fondurilor, inclusiv prin Mecanismul de redresare și reziliență. Este vital să investim mai mult în educație, în prevenție și mai ales în protecția reală a victimelor, iar cei care comit aceste crime să fie aduși în fața justiției, pentru că asta înseamnă să facem dreptate: să-i protejăm pe cei vulnerabili și să nu lăsăm nicio victimă fără voce.

     
       

     

      Julien Sanchez (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, le récent rapport de la Cour des comptes européenne sur le fonds fiduciaire d’urgence en faveur de la stabilité et de la lutte contre les causes profondes de la migration irrégulière et du phénomène des personnes déplacées en Afrique, fonds doté rappelons-le de 5 milliards d’euros d’argent public de nos concitoyens, est édifiant et accablant.

    Si les besoins sont réels et la situation préoccupante, les exemples de gaspillage sans aucun contrôle sont hélas innombrables et choquants. Oui, la Commission européenne gère notre argent avec amateurisme et légèreté. Ainsi, en Gambie, des bénéficiaires ont reçu deux fois la même aide pour des projets agricoles qui, en plus, sont des projets fictifs. En Afrique subsaharienne, des mixeurs ont été distribués dans des écoles qui n’ont même pas accès à l’électricité. Il y a des dizaines d’exemples dans ce rapport, que j’invite chacun à lire.

    J’ai trois questions. Ce programme existe-t-il juste pour se donner bonne conscience? Comment peut-on balancer des milliards et se désintéresser à ce point de l’utilisation réelle et concrète de ces fonds? Enfin: n’avez-vous pas honte de voir l’argent des contribuables ainsi dilapidé? Comment tout cela est-il possible, et pourquoi les gens qui laissent faire cela ne sont-ils pas limogés?

     
       






     

      Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, we are broadly agreed across this House that nothing we do or say would reward Russia for its aggression and its contempt for human rights. Equally, we are broadly agreed that we would not do or say anything that would reward Iran for its aggression. Yet we are now slowly embarking on a policy to do just that, under the banner of so-called normalisation of relations with Assad’s Syria. This will send a clear message to Russia and Iran.

    Having stood by those who sought freedom, having passed countless resolutions condemning Assad’s prisons and gulags and executions, and his use of chemical warfare, and looking for an end to impunity, now we quietly return to restore normal relations at a time that can only send one clear message: the EU will stand by those who seek freedom, but if autocrats have the patience and seek the protection of Iran and Russia, they might just succeed.

     
       

     

      Vicent Marzà Ibáñez (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, mientras en este Parlamento, hace unos años, y en el Consejo, justo este mes, se ha aprobado una normativa, la nueva Directiva de calidad del aire ambiente, mucho más restrictiva de acuerdo con los criterios científicos, en la ciudad de Elx, en nuestra tercera ciudad valenciana, el Gobierno da rienda suelta a la contaminación y lo que hace es destruir carriles bici, pervertir la zona de bajas emisiones promoviendo el uso del coche y, además, poner en peligro doce millones de euros de fondos europeos que no va a ejecutar con el fin para el que fueron asignados.

    Por eso, desde aquí queremos lanzar esta denuncia, en relación con todas las denuncias ciudadanas que están luchando contra esta situación en Elx, en la tercera ciudad valenciana, y pedimos a la Comisión Europea que tome cartas en el asunto. Le queremos preguntar si va a seguir permitiendo que se destinen fondos europeos contra la salud de los ilicitanos y las ilicitanas.

     
       



     

      Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, v týchto dňoch si pripomíname osemdesiate výročie Slovenského národného povstania, ktoré vypuklo 29. augusta 1944, a osemdesiate výročie karpatsko-duklianskej operácie, ktorá bola najväčšou horskou bitkou druhej svetovej vojny a najväčšou bitkou v Československu. Bohužiaľ, dnes nás opustil jeden z posledných žijúcich partizánov na Slovensku, pán Karol Kuna, ktorý sa dožil 96 rokov, a tých pamätníkov Slovenského národného povstania máme stále menej a menej. Rada by som citovala pána Kunu, ktorý povedal: Keby nebolo toľkých, ktorí pretrhli putá zotročenia, dnes by sme nežili v slobodnej krajine. Slovenskí partizáni bojovali za hodnoty odboja proti fašizmu, ako bola sloboda, spravodlivosť a rovnosť, a len vďaka nim bolo nakoniec Československo a Slovenská republika slobodnou krajinou, ktorá stála na strane víťazov. Rada by som dnes vzdala česť týmto ľuďom, ktorí padli za našu slobodu. V Slovenskom národnom povstaní padlo približne desaťtisíc ľudí, ktorí boli nielen vojaci, nielen partizáni, ale takisto civilisti, ktorí pomáhali týmto ľuďom prežiť v horách. A takisto pri duklianskej operácii padlo asi 150 tisíc ľudí. Buď stratili svoj život, svoje zdravie, alebo boli zajatí. Česť ich pamiatke.

     
       



     

      Michele Picaro (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il turismo dentale nei paesi extra-UE è un fenomeno in crescita che solleva importanti preoccupazioni per la salute pubblica.

    Negli ultimi anni molti pazienti europei, in particolare italiani, si sono rivolti a destinazioni come Albania e Turchia per trattamenti odontoiatrici a prezzi competitivi. Tuttavia, un’indagine della British Dental Association ha evidenziato che il 70% dei pazienti che hanno cercato cure all’estero ha sperimentato eventi avversi gravi, come infezioni e ascessi o difficoltà masticatoria, condizioni che hanno compromesso non solo la loro salute, ma anche la durata di protesi e impianti, vanificando così il vantaggio economico iniziale.

    Le norme sanitarie in questi Paesi spesso mancano di una regolamentazione rigorosa. Per questo è necessario promuovere campagne informative che forniscano ai cittadini dati chiari e affidabili sui rischi e i benefici delle cure odontoiatriche all’estero. Informare i pazienti riguardo alle normative sanitarie dei Paesi di destinazione, alla formazione del personale medico, agli standard di qualità delle strutture è cruciale per consentire scelte consapevoli.

    Per tale ragione è imperativo che il Parlamento europeo consideri queste problematiche e promuova iniziative per garantire la sicurezza e la qualità delle cure odontoiatriche. Al contrario, si tratta di garantire ad ogni paziente scelte informate, sicure e supportate da normative adeguate. Solo così potremo garantire e proteggere la salute dei cittadini e mantenere la fiducia nel sistema sanitario.

     
       

     

      Ciaran Mullooly (Renew). – Mr President, reports along the corridors of this building say a trade deal with the Mercosur countries has all but been agreed by our Commission, and talk of compensation for Irish farmers and others is widespread. But I come here this evening to give you one message, and a message back to those who send those briefs. No way! No way will we accept this.

    A study by the Irish Government Department of Enterprise in 2021 indicated that Ireland’s beef sector would lose between EUR 44 million and EUR 55 million if the EU-Mercosur deal goes ahead.

    We are the fifth largest beef exporter in the world and the biggest EU exporter, with more than 90 % traded internationally on an annual basis.

    It is not acceptable that Ireland and key other European Member States incur high environmental food-safety traceability charges, while third countries just sail in here and are simply allowed to avoid such costs and undercut our beef in prime EU markets.

    This Parliament has and must insist on one rule for everyone equally applied to the Mercosur countries, and until this equality rule applies, Ireland says no deal and no sell-out!

     
       




     

      Christophe Clergeau (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, jeudi matin, j’étais dans ma ville de Nantes, aux côtés des salariés de General Electric, qui s’apprête à supprimer près de 400 emplois dans son usine et son centre de recherche-développement consacrés à la production d’éoliennes maritimes.

    Il y a plus de dix ans, alors que j’étais vice-président de ma région, j’avais œuvré à la naissance de cette filière et montré aux citoyens que l’écologie pouvait créer des centaines d’emplois: d’ouvriers, de techniciens et d’ingénieurs. Aujourd’hui, je vois ces emplois disparaître parce que l’Europe et la France sont incapables de développer des projets éoliens en mer à un tarif qui permettrait de rémunérer une chaîne de valeur et des emplois européens, incapables d’imposer un contenu européen là où il y a pourtant un soutien public important.

    Nos usines risquent de fermer alors que nous en aurons besoin pour équiper les nouveaux parcs éoliens en mer. Pendant ce temps, les Chinois construisent des usines en Écosse et en Italie pour assembler des éoliennes essentiellement fabriquées en Chine. Nous parlons de politique industrielle et de compétitivité, mais, dans la vie réelle, nous laissons s’effondrer les filières des industries vertes et nous sacrifions les emplois.

    L’Europe va-t-elle enfin se réveiller, ou va-t-elle s’enferrer dans ce lent suicide collectif? Il est temps de réagir et de lutter.

     
       

     

      Mélanie Disdier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, si je m’adresse à vous aujourd’hui, c’est pour vous parler d’une filière en danger: celle du bois.

    En 2020, toutes les grandes centrales syndicales et patronales du secteur de l’industrie de transformation du bois ont pris l’initiative d’une déclaration commune pour dire stop à l’exportation massive de grumes en Asie, et particulièrement en Chine. L’exportation du bois non transformé prend des proportions inquiétantes, et pas uniquement pour le chêne – comme c’est le cas dans la forêt de Mormal, qui m’est chère. Toutes les essences sont concernées ou le seront à court terme. Les menuisiers, artisans, constructeurs, fabricants de parquets sont très nombreux à s’alarmer, car ils sont inquiets pour leur avenir. Si les scieries sont privées d’approvisionnement, c’est toute la filière qui va être touchée à court terme.

    Dans un contexte de pénurie de matériaux, il est donc suicidaire de laisser perdurer la situation sans réagir. Le bois est devenu une ressource stratégique, qui fait partie intégrante de notre souveraineté, et une clé de la neutralité carbone. Il est grand temps que l’Union européenne s’empare de ce dossier. Des milliers d’emplois sont en jeu en France et en Europe.

     
       

     

      Dick Erixon (ECR). – Herr talman! Efter polisrazzior i Öst- och Sydeuropa tidigare i år beslagtogs Rolexklockor, guld, diamanter, smycken, lägenheter, villor, kryptovaluta, Lamborghini, Porsche och en Audi Q8.

    Ett enda kriminellt gäng misstänks ha stulit över sex miljarder kronor från coronafonden Next Generation, med hjälp av experter på bidragsansökningar, AI-verktyg och bluffbolag. När socialdemokrater och moderater släppte igenom coronafonden lovades rigorösa kontroller. Så blev det inte. Den överdimensionerade EU-budgeten göder korruption och slöseri, men hjälper även kriminella som hittat en ny kassako att mjölka genom ekobrottslighet.

    Bidragen är så stora och mottagarna så många att rigorösa kontroller inte är möjliga. Detta måste få ett slut.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, o inquérito pós‑eleitoral feito pelo Parlamento Europeu mostrou que a principal preocupação dos povos é o custo de vida. Este Parlamento deveria estar a discutir as soluções para esse problema, mas nenhum outro grupo político aceitou fazer esse debate. Nenhum outro grupo político quis discutir as opções para combater o aumento do custo de vida, as medidas de controlo e fixação dos preços dos bens essenciais, medidas de combate aos preços especulativos que garantem lucros milionários dos grupos da distribuição da energia e dos combustíveis, das telecomunicações ou da banca.

    Deveríamos também estar a discutir as consequências das novas regras da governação económica. Em Portugal, o Governo acabou de apresentar uma proposta de Orçamento do Estado que mostra bem os impactos dessas novas regras, que mostra os condicionamentos e restrições orçamentais, as limitações nos serviços públicos e nas funções sociais do Estado, as restrições ao investimento; tudo isso em contraste com as políticas de privilégio aos grupos económicos e às multinacionais. Também este debate foi travado, porque, para grande parte deste Parlamento, verdadeiramente as condições de vida dos povos pouco interessam.

     
       

     

      Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la solidaridad y la cohesión son el modelo social europeo y si hay una amenaza que pende sobre ese modelo es la dificultad de acceso a la vivienda que recorre toda Europa.

    Este último fin de semana en Canarias, de nuevo, miles de personas han vuelto a salir a la calle para protestar contra lo que consideran que es un exceso de presión turística, porque en Canarias se ha producido un incremento de población de un 30 % en los últimos veinte años y porque, además, se han declarado en los últimos años 60 000 ofertas alojativas extrahoteleras, lo que equivale a doce hoteles con 250 camas cada uno. Pero no se han realizado las inversiones correspondientes ni en hospitales, ni en residencias, ni en redes eléctricas, ni en aeropuertos, ni en conexiones marítimas, ni tampoco en el ciclo del agua y en relación con los vertidos al mar.

    Y tenemos puestas nuestras esperanzas en la próxima Comisión Von der Leyen, en la que va a haber por fin un comisario encargado de vivienda, el danés Dan Jørgensen, que podrá movilizar fondos europeos contra los fondos de inversión, contra los fondos buitre, para generar, por fin, oferta de vivienda en alquiler o en venta que permita la emancipación de la gente joven y el acceso a la vivienda de la clase trabajadora. Eso significará una oportunidad de restaurar el modelo social europeo con una política de vivienda europea.

     
       

     

      Csaba Dömötör (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A legutóbbi uniós csúcson a felek arra jutottak, hogy fokozni kell az erőfeszítéseket az uniós versenyképesség növelésére. Ezzel egyet is értünk, de azt is szomorúan állapíthatjuk meg, hogy hiányzik a szókimondó párbeszéd arról, hogy mi is okozza Európa egyre nagyobb leszakadását a versenyképességi versenyben. Sok okot azonosíthatunk, de a legfontosabb mégiscsak az, hogy elszálltak az energiaárak.

    Azért szálltak el, mert Európa a brüsszeli intézmények nyomására ideológiai okokból hátat fordított a vezetékes gáznak. A helyette beszerzett cseppfolyós gáz jóval drágább. A zöld energia a legtöbb esetben sajnos szintén drágább, és ez drasztikus terhet ró az európai vállalatokra, kicsikre és nagyokra is. Nem véletlen, hogy egyre több vállalat helyezi át a termelését máshová. A Draghi-jelentés szerint Európában ma kétszer-háromszor magasabbak az áramárak az Egyesült Államokhoz képest, a gázárak pedig négyszer-ötször. Ha ez tartósan így marad, akkor Európa maradék versenyképessége is megy a levesbe. Nem kell beletörődnünk, hogy ez így legyen, újratervezésre van szükség.

     
       

     

      Thierry Mariani (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, le Liban est en danger de mort. Ni l’Union européenne ni la France ne sont à la hauteur du drame humain qui s’y joue. Face à cette guerre impitoyable, l’Union européenne s’entête dans ses certitudes et refuse de venir en aide à Damas, qui est pourtant en première ligne pour gérer l’accueil des réfugiés dans cette crise.

    Chaque jour, des milliers de personnes traversent la frontière pour chercher refuge et protection en Syrie. Aujourd’hui, ce sont déjà près de 240 000 personnes qui ont fait le choix de passer en Syrie, considérant que ce pays est un territoire sûr. Mais l’Europe et la France restent immobiles, tandis que l’Italie, elle, plaide pour renouer le dialogue avec la République arabe syrienne. La situation au Liban ne fait qu’empirer, et avec elle, si rien n’est fait, plane la menace d’une nouvelle vague migratoire de réfugiés vers l’Europe.

    Les Syriens, derrière Bachar el-Assad, ont résisté vaillamment aux islamistes qu’une partie d’entre vous, dans cet hémicycle, avait soutenus. Il est urgent de renouer les liens avec la Syrie. C’est l’intérêt des réfugiés qu’elle accueille, mais également des pays de la région, et c’est aussi l’intérêt de l’Europe.

     
       



     

      Marko Vešligaj (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, uvažene kolege, ruralna područja čine 83 posto teritorija Europske unije, a u njima živi 137 milijuna ljudi.

    Ova područja su ključna za proizvodnju temeljnih resursa poput hrane i energije. Ipak, unatoč njihovoj važnosti, ruralne zajednice sustavno se marginaliziraju konkretnim politikama i programima financiranja. Da, postoje dokumenti poput Ruralnog pakta i dugoročne vizije za ruralna područja, koje su dobre smjernice, ali njihova implementacija je spora, a problemi se gomilaju.

    Iseljavanje, manjak javnih usluga, neadekvatna infrastruktura svakodnevica su lokalnih zajednica u ruralnim prostorima, a nedostatak podrške viših razina vlasti stvara neodrživu situaciju. Danas je dodatno ruralna Europa uslijed klimatskih promjena suočena i s prirodnim katastrofama, od klizanja tla, suša, poplava do potresa i požara.

    I za takve situacije trebamo brže i jednostavnije financijske mehanizme. Zato je nužno osigurati izravna i lako dostupna europska sredstva kao garanciju razvoja i održivosti ruralnih područja i ostanka ljudi u njima.

     
       



     

      Angéline Furet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, sous couvert d’un humanisme totalement dévoyé et de faux bons sentiments, des politiciens traîtres aux peuples européens promeuvent une idéologie fanatique qu’ils ont érigée en dogme: l’immigrationnisme.

    Malheureusement, cette volonté de suicide altruiste imposée aux Européens a des conséquences concrètes au quotidien. La ville du Mans, en France, en est un triste exemple. L’immigration y a plus que doublé en quinze ans et, avec elle, les délits et les crimes. Augmentation des vols de plus de 300 %, augmentation des viols de plus de 500 % et augmentation des attaques au couteau, elle, de 1 000 %, carrément. Oui, dix fois plus qu’avant l’arrivée sur notre sol de ces étrangers délinquants, de ces criminels importés aux frais des Européens que vous appelez les «migrants».

    Le sang des victimes de cette abomination est sur les mains des membres de la Commission européenne qui ont ordonné cette submersion et sur les mains des députés qui l’ont votée.

     
       


     

      President. – That concludes this item.

     

    17. Agenda of the next sitting

     

      President. – The next sitting is tomorrow, Tuesday, 22 October 2024 at 09:00. The agenda has been published and is available on the European Parliament website.

     

    18. Approval of the minutes of the sitting

     

      President. – The minutes of the sitting will be submitted to Parliament for its approval tomorrow, at the beginning of the afternoon.

     

    19. Closure of the sitting

       

    (The sitting closed at 22:02)

     

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Enphase Energy Reports Financial Results for the Third Quarter of 2024

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    FREMONT, Calif., Oct. 22, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Enphase Energy, Inc. (NASDAQ: ENPH), a global energy technology company and the world’s leading supplier of microinverter-based solar and battery systems, announced today financial results for the third quarter of 2024, which included the summary below from its President and CEO, Badri Kothandaraman.

    We reported quarterly revenue of $380.9 million in the third quarter of 2024, along with 48.1% for non-GAAP gross margin. We shipped 1,731,768 microinverters, or approximately 730.0 megawatts DC, and 172.9 megawatt hours of IQ® Batteries.

    Financial highlights for the third quarter of 2024 are listed below:

    • Quarterly revenue of $380.9 million
    • GAAP gross margin of 46.8%; non-GAAP gross margin of 48.1% with net IRA benefit
    • Non-GAAP gross margin of 38.9%, excluding net IRA benefit of 9.2%
    • GAAP operating income of $49.8 million; non-GAAP operating income of $101.4 million
    • GAAP net income of $45.8 million; non-GAAP net income of $88.4 million
    • GAAP diluted earnings per share of $0.33, non-GAAP diluted earnings per share of $0.65
    • Free cash flow of $161.6 million; ending cash, cash equivalents, and marketable securities of $1.77 billion

    Our revenue and earnings for the third quarter of 2024 are provided below, compared with the prior quarter:

    (In thousands, except per share and percentage data)

      GAAP   Non-GAAP
      Q3 2024   Q2 2024   Q3 2023   Q3 2024   Q2 2024   Q3 2023
    Revenue $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082     $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082  
    Gross margin   46.8 %     45.2 %     47.5 %     48.1 %     47.1 %     48.4 %
    Operating expenses $ 128,383     $ 135,367     $ 144,024     $ 81,612     $ 81,706     $ 99,027  
    Operating income $ 49,788     $ 1,799     $ 117,989     $ 101,411     $ 61,080     $ 167,593  
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 88,402     $ 58,824     $ 141,849  
    Basic EPS $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.04  
    Diluted EPS $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.02  
                                                   

    Total revenue for the third quarter of 2024 was $380.9 million, compared to $303.5 million in the second quarter of 2024. Our revenue in the United States for the third quarter of 2024 increased approximately 43%, compared to the second quarter of 2024. The increase was due to higher shipments to distributors as inventory returned to normal levels. Our revenue in Europe decreased approximately 15% for the third quarter of 2024, compared to the second quarter of 2024. The decline in revenue was the result of a further softening in European demand.

    Our non-GAAP gross margin was 48.1% in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 47.1% in the second quarter of 2024. Our non-GAAP gross margin, excluding net IRA benefit, was 38.9% in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 41.0% in the second quarter of 2024.

    Our non-GAAP operating expenses were $81.6 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $81.7 million in the second quarter of 2024. Our non-GAAP operating income was $101.4 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $61.1 million in the second quarter of 2024.

    We exited the third quarter of 2024 with $1.77 billion in cash, cash equivalents, and marketable securities and generated $170.1 million in cash flow from operations in the third quarter of 2024. Our capital expenditures were $8.5 million in the third quarter of 2024, compared to $9.6 million in the second quarter of 2024.

    In the third quarter of 2024, we repurchased 434,947 shares of our common stock at an average price of $114.48 per share for a total of approximately $49.8 million. We also spent approximately $6.3 million dollars by withholding shares to cover taxes for employee stock vesting that reduced the diluted shares by 59,607 shares.

    We shipped 172.9 megawatt hours of IQ Batteries in the third quarter of 2024, compared to 120.2 megawatt hours in the second quarter of 2024. We are now shipping our third generation of IQ Batteries, the IQ® Battery 5P™, to the United States, Puerto Rico, Mexico, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium. More than 9,000 installers worldwide are certified to install our IQ Batteries, compared to more than 7,400 installers worldwide in the second quarter of 2024.

    During the third quarter of 2024, we shipped approximately 1,176,000 microinverters from our contract manufacturing facilities in the United States that we booked for 45X production tax credits. We began shipping IQ8HC™ Microinverters with higher domestic content, produced at our contract manufacturing facilities in the United States. We expect to begin shipping our commercial microinverters, and batteries with higher domestic content, produced at our United States contract manufacturing facilities in the fourth quarter of 2024.

    During the third quarter of 2024, we launched AI-based software that is designed to optimize energy use by integrating solar and consumption forecasting with electricity tariff. This is intended to help consumers maximize savings as energy markets become increasingly complex, such as with dynamic electricity rates in parts of Europe and NEM 3.0 in California. We are gearing up to launch our second-generation IQ® EV charger, the 3-Phase IQ Battery with backup, and the IQ® Balcony Solar Kit all for the European market – pushing the boundaries of innovation. Finally, our fourth-generation energy system, featuring the IQ® Meter Collar, 10 kWh IQ Battery, and enhanced IQ® Combiner, is expected to debut in the United States in early 2025, targeting a substantial reduction in installation costs.

    BUSINESS HIGHLIGHTS

    On Oct. 16, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8™ Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar panels in select countries and territories, including the Netherlands, Austria, New Caledonia, and Malta.

    On Oct. 9, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it is expanding its support for grid services programs – or virtual power plants (VPPs) – in New Hampshire, North Carolina, and California, powered by the new IQ Battery 5P.

    On Oct. 3, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its IQ8X™ Microinverters in Australia, and that all IQ8 Microinverters activated starting Oct. 1, 2024 in Australia come with an industry-leading 25-year limited warranty, currently the longest standard residential warranty in the Australian market.

    On Sept. 24, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its most powerful Enphase® Energy System™ to-date, featuring the new IQ Battery 5P and IQ8 Microinverters, for customers in India.

    On Sept. 16, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping the IQ Battery 5P in Belgium. Enphase also introduced IQ® Energy Management, its new AI-based energy management software to enable support for dynamic electricity rates and the integration of third-party EV chargers and heat pumps in Belgium.

    On Sept. 10, 2024, Enphase Energy announced initial shipments of IQ8HC Microinverters supplied from contract manufacturing facilities in the United States with higher domestic content than previous models. The microinverters have SKUs with a “DOM” suffix, indicating the increased amount of domestic content.

    On Sept. 4, 2024, Enphase Energy announced a solution for expanding legacy net energy metering (NEM) solar energy systems in California without penalty using new Enphase Energy Systems configurations with IQ® Microinverters, IQ Batteries, and Enphase Power Control.

    On Aug. 27, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the availability of pre-orders for IQ Battery 5Ps produced in the United States. Pre-orders are also available for IQ8HC Microinverters, IQ8P-3P™ Microinverters, and IQ8X Microinverters produced in the United States with higher domestic content.

    On Aug. 19, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping the IQ Battery 5P in the Netherlands. Enphase also introduced IQ Energy Management, its new energy management software to enable support for dynamic electricity rates and the integration of third-party EV chargers and heat pumps in the Netherlands.

    On Aug. 8, 2024, Enphase Energy announced the launch of its new North American Charging Standard (NACS) connectors for its entire line of IQ EV Chargers. NACS connectors and charger ports have recently become the industry standard embraced by several major automakers for electric vehicles (EVs).

    On Aug. 5, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8P™ and IQ8HC Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar panels in select countries throughout the Caribbean.

    On Aug. 1, 2024, Enphase Energy announced that it started shipping IQ8 Microinverters to support newer, high-powered solar modules in select countries throughout Europe, including France, Germany, Spain, Bulgaria, Estonia, Slovakia, and Croatia.

    FOURTH QUARTER 2024 FINANCIAL OUTLOOK

    For the fourth quarter of 2024, Enphase Energy estimates both GAAP and non-GAAP financial results as follows:

    • Revenue to be within a range of $360.0 million to $400.0 million, which includes shipments of 140 to 160 megawatt hours of IQ Batteries
    • GAAP gross margin to be within a range of 47.0% to 50.0% with net IRA benefit
    • Non-GAAP gross margin to be within a range of 49.0% to 52.0% with net IRA benefit and 39.0% to 42.0% excluding net IRA benefit. Non-GAAP gross margin excludes stock-based compensation expense and acquisition related amortization
    • Net IRA benefit to be within a range of $38.0 million to $41.0 million based on estimated shipments of 1,300,000 units of U.S. manufactured microinverters
    • GAAP operating expenses to be within a range of $135.0 million to $139.0 million
    • Non-GAAP operating expenses to be within a range of $81.0 million to $85.0 million, excluding $54.0 million estimated for stock-based compensation expense, acquisition related expenses and amortization

    For 2024, GAAP and non-GAAP annualized effective tax rate with IRA benefit, excluding discrete items, is expected to be within a range of 17.0% to 19.0%.

    Follow Enphase Online

    Use of non-GAAP Financial Measures

    Enphase Energy has presented certain non-GAAP financial measures in this press release. Generally, a non-GAAP financial measure is a numerical measure of a company’s performance, financial position, or cash flows that either exclude or include amounts that are not normally excluded or included in the most directly comparable measure calculated and presented in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles in the United States (GAAP). Reconciliation of each non-GAAP financial measure to the most directly comparable GAAP financial measure can be found in the accompanying tables to this press release. Non-GAAP financial measures presented by Enphase Energy include non-GAAP gross profit, gross margin, operating expenses, income from operations, net income, net income per share (basic and diluted), net IRA benefit, and free cash flow.

    These non-GAAP financial measures do not reflect a comprehensive system of accounting, differ from GAAP measures with the same captions and may differ from non-GAAP financial measures with the same or similar captions that are used by other companies. In addition, these non-GAAP measures have limitations in that they do not reflect all of the amounts associated with Enphase Energy’s results of operations as determined in accordance with GAAP. As such, these non-GAAP measures should be considered as a supplement to, and not as a substitute for, or superior to, financial measures calculated in accordance with GAAP. Enphase Energy uses these non-GAAP financial measures to analyze its operating performance and future prospects, develop internal budgets and financial goals, and to facilitate period-to-period comparisons. Enphase Energy believes that these non-GAAP financial measures reflect an additional way of viewing aspects of its operations that, when viewed with its GAAP results, provide a more complete understanding of factors and trends affecting its business.

    As presented in the “Reconciliation of Non-GAAP Financial Measures” tables below, each of the non-GAAP financial measures excludes one or more of the following items for purposes of calculating non-GAAP financial measures to facilitate an evaluation of Enphase Energy’s current operating performance and a comparison to its past operating performance:

    Stock-based compensation expense. Enphase Energy excludes stock-based compensation expense from its non-GAAP measures primarily because they are non-cash in nature. Moreover, the impact of this expense is significantly affected by Enphase Energy’s stock price at the time of an award over which management has limited to no control.

    Acquisition related expenses and amortization. This item represents expenses incurred related to Enphase Energy’s business acquisitions, which are non-recurring in nature, and amortization of acquired intangible assets, which is a non-cash expense. Acquisition related expenses and amortization of acquired intangible assets are not reflective of Enphase Energy’s ongoing financial performance.

    Restructuring and asset impairment charges. Enphase Energy excludes restructuring and asset impairment charges due to the nature of the expenses being unusual and arising outside the ordinary course of continuing operations. These costs primarily consist of fees paid for cash-based severance costs and asset write-downs of property and equipment and acquired intangible assets, and other contract termination costs resulting from restructuring initiatives.

    Non-cash interest expense. This item consists primarily of amortization of debt issuance costs and accretion of debt discount because these expenses do not represent a cash outflow for Enphase Energy except in the period the financing was secured and such amortization expense is not reflective of Enphase Energy’s ongoing financial performance.

    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment. This item represents the amount adjusted to Enphase Energy’s GAAP tax provision or benefit to exclude the income tax effects of GAAP adjustments such as stock-based compensation, amortization of purchased intangibles, and other non-recurring items that are not reflective of Enphase Energy ongoing financial performance.

    Non-GAAP net income per share, diluted. Enphase Energy excludes the dilutive effect of in-the-money portion of convertible senior notes as they are covered by convertible note hedge transactions that reduce potential dilution to our common stock upon conversion of the Notes due 2025, Notes due 2026, and Notes due 2028, and includes the dilutive effect of employee’s stock-based awards and the dilutive effect of warrants. Enphase Energy believes these adjustments provide useful supplemental information to the ongoing financial performance.

    Net IRA benefit. This item represents the advanced manufacturing production tax credit (AMPTC) from the IRA for manufacturing microinverters in the United States, partially offset by the incremental manufacturing cost incurred in the United States relative to manufacturing in Mexico, India, and China. The AMPTC is accounted for by Enphase Energy as an income-based government grants that reduces cost of revenues in the condensed consolidated statements of operations.

    Free cash flow. This item represents net cash flows from operating activities less purchases of property and equipment.

    Conference Call Information

    Enphase Energy will host a conference call for analysts and investors to discuss its third quarter 2024 results and fourth quarter 2024 business outlook today at 4:30 p.m. Eastern Time (1:30 p.m. Pacific Time). The call is open to the public by dialing (833) 634-5018. A live webcast of the conference call will also be accessible from the “Investor Relations” section of Enphase Energy’s website at https://investor.enphase.com. Following the webcast, an archived version will be available on the website for approximately one year. In addition, an audio replay of the conference call will be available by calling (877) 344-7529; replay access code 2677879, beginning approximately one hour after the call.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This press release contains forward-looking statements, including statements related to Enphase Energy’s expectations as to its fourth quarter of 2024 financial outlook, including revenue, shipments of IQ Batteries by megawatt hours, gross margin with net IRA benefit and excluding net IRA benefit, estimated shipments of U.S. manufactured microinverters, operating expenses, and annualized effective tax rate with IRA benefit; its expectations regarding the expected net IRA benefit; its expectations on the timing and introduction of new products and updates to existing products; its expectations for global capacity of microinverters; its ability to support grid services in new locations; the ability of its AI-based software to help consumers maximize savings as energy markets become increasingly complex; and the capabilities, advantages, features, and performance of its technology and products. These forward-looking statements are based on Enphase Energy’s current expectations and inherently involve significant risks and uncertainties. Enphase Energy’s actual results and the timing of events could differ materially from those anticipated in such forward-looking statements as a result of certain risks and uncertainties including those risks described in more detail in its most recently filed Annual Report on Form 10-K, Quarterly Report on Form 10-Q, and other documents on file with the SEC from time to time and available on the SEC’s website at http://www.sec.gov. Enphase Energy undertakes no duty or obligation to update any forward-looking statements contained in this release as a result of new information, future events or changes in its expectations, except as required by law.

    A copy of this press release can be found on the investor relations page of Enphase Energy’s website at https://investor.enphase.com.

    About Enphase Energy, Inc.

    Enphase Energy, a global energy technology company based in Fremont, CA, is the world’s leading supplier of microinverter-based solar and battery systems that enable people to harness the sun to make, use, save, and sell their own power—and control it all with a smart mobile app. The company revolutionized the solar industry with its microinverter-based technology and builds all-in-one solar, battery, and software solutions. Enphase has shipped approximately 78.0 million microinverters, and over 4.5 million Enphase-based systems have been deployed in more than 160 countries. For more information, visit https://enphase.com/.

    © 2024 Enphase Energy, Inc. All rights reserved. Enphase Energy, Enphase, the “e” logo, IQ, IQ8, and certain other marks listed at https://enphase.com/trademark-usage-guidelines are trademarks or service marks of Enphase Energy, Inc. Other names are for informational purposes and may be trademarks of their respective owners.

    Contact:

    Zach Freedman
    Enphase Energy, Inc.
    Investor Relations
    ir@enphaseenergy.com

    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF OPERATIONS
    (In thousands, except per share data)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended Nine Months Ended
      September 30,
    2024
      June 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
      September 30,
    2024
      September 30,
    2023
    Net revenues $ 380,873     $ 303,458     $ 551,082     $ 947,670     $ 1,988,216  
    Cost of revenues   202,702       166,292       289,069       516,825       1,076,490  
    Gross profit   178,171       137,166       262,013       430,845       911,726  
    Operating expenses:                  
    Research and development   47,843       48,871       54,873       150,925       172,045  
    Sales and marketing   49,671       51,775       55,357       154,753       178,383  
    General and administrative   30,192       33,550       33,794       98,924       104,456  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171       —       3,755       870  
    Total operating expenses   128,383       135,367       144,024       408,357       455,754  
    Income from operations   49,788       1,799       117,989       22,488       455,972  
    Other income, net                  
    Interest income   19,977       19,203       19,669       58,889       49,235  
    Interest expense   (2,237 )     (2,220 )     (2,196 )     (6,653 )     (6,571 )
    Other income (expense), net   (16,785 )     (7,566 )     1,883       (24,264 )     2,276  
    Total other income, net   955       9,417       19,356       27,972       44,940  
    Income before income taxes   50,743       11,216       137,345       50,460       500,912  
    Income tax provision   (4,981 )     (383 )     (23,392 )     (9,962 )     (82,895 )
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Net income per share:                  
    Basic $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.30     $ 3.06  
    Diluted $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.30     $ 2.92  
    Shares used in per share calculation:                  
    Basic   135,329       135,646       136,165       135,621       136,491  
    Diluted   139,914       136,123       143,863       136,236       145,081  
                                           
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEETS
    (In thousands)
    (Unaudited)
     
      September 30, 
    2024
      December 31, 
    2023
    ASSETS      
    Current assets:      
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 256,325   $ 288,748
    Marketable securities   1,510,299     1,406,286
    Accounts receivable, net   232,225     445,959
    Inventory   158,837     213,595
    Prepaid expenses and other assets   203,195     88,930
    Total current assets   2,360,881     2,443,518
    Property and equipment, net   148,444     168,244
    Operating lease, right of use asset, net   28,120     19,887
    Intangible assets, net   51,152     68,536
    Goodwill   214,292     214,562
    Other assets   185,448     215,895
    Deferred tax assets, net   275,854     252,370
    Total assets $ 3,264,191   $ 3,383,012
    LIABILITIES AND STOCKHOLDERS’ EQUITY      
    Current liabilities:      
    Accounts payable $ 112,417   $ 116,164
    Accrued liabilities   189,819     261,919
    Deferred revenues, current   129,556     118,300
    Warranty obligations, current   35,755     36,066
    Debt, current   99,931     —
    Total current liabilities   567,478     532,449
    Long-term liabilities:      
    Deferred revenues, non-current   354,210     369,172
    Warranty obligations, non-current   148,477     153,021
    Other liabilities   62,392     51,008
    Debt, non-current   1,200,261     1,293,738
    Total liabilities   2,332,818     2,399,388
    Total stockholders’ equity   931,373     983,624
    Total liabilities and stockholders’ equity $ 3,264,191   $ 3,383,012
               
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF CASH FLOWS
    (In thousands)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
      September 30, 
    2024
      June 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
      September 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
    Cash flows from operating activities:                  
    Net income $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Adjustments to reconcile net income to net cash provided by operating activities:                  
    Depreciation and amortization   20,103       20,484       19,448       60,724       53,867  
    Net amortization (accretion) of premium (discount) on marketable securities   (2,904 )     (1,030 )     5,094       (1,109 )     (12,611 )
    Provision for doubtful accounts   2,704       1,897       653       4,471       1,282  
    Asset impairment   17,568       6,241       903       24,141       903  
    Non-cash interest expense   2,173       2,157       2,114       6,462       6,254  
    Net loss (gain) from change in fair value of debt securities   741       1,931       (1,910 )     1,730       (5,408 )
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Deferred income taxes   (5,276 )     (14,076 )     (11,499 )     (27,644 )     (38,295 )
    Changes in operating assets and liabilities:                  
    Accounts receivable   49,414       82,183       (34,752 )     208,956       (118,249 )
    Inventory   17,231       31,825       (8,003 )     54,758       (24,406 )
    Prepaid expenses and other assets   (64,149 )     (42,810 )     (15,383 )     (117,856 )     (57,376 )
    Accounts payable, accrued and other liabilities   32,088       (23,944 )     9,903       (58,140 )     117,128  
    Warranty obligations   7,053       15       8,151       (4,855 )     57,420  
    Deferred revenues   1,690       (1,401 )     13,369       (5,265 )     105,169  
    Net cash provided by operating activities   170,138       127,062       145,855       346,401       661,330  
    Cash flows from investing activities:                  
    Purchases of property and equipment   (8,533 )     (9,636 )     (23,848 )     (25,540 )     (90,326 )
    Purchases of marketable securities   (319,190 )     (300,053 )     (470,766 )     (1,091,511 )     (1,743,674 )
    Maturities and sale of marketable securities   215,241       282,063       494,804       994,677       1,406,608  
    Investments in private companies   —       —       (15,000 )     —       (15,000 )
    Net cash used in investing activities   (112,482 )     (27,626 )     (14,810 )     (122,374 )     (442,392 )
    Cash flows from financing activities:                  
    Partial settlement of convertible notes   (5 )     —       —       (7 )     —  
    Repurchase of common stock   (49,794 )     (99,908 )     (110,000 )     (191,698 )     (310,000 )
    Proceeds from issuance of common stock under employee equity plans   14       6,769       719       7,969       1,315  
    Payment of withholding taxes related to net share settlement of equity awards   (6,286 )     (7,473 )     (8,465 )     (73,801 )     (93,100 )
    Net cash used in financing activities   (56,071 )     (100,612 )     (117,746 )     (257,537 )     (401,785 )
    Effect of exchange rate changes on cash and cash equivalents   2,638       (374 )     (1,900 )     1,087       (322 )
    Net increase (decrease) in cash and cash equivalents   4,223       (1,550 )     11,399       (32,423 )     (183,169 )
    Cash and cash equivalents—Beginning of period   252,102       253,652       278,676       288,748       473,244  
    Cash and cash equivalents —End of period $ 256,325     $ 252,102     $ 290,075     $ 256,325     $ 290,075  
                                           
    ENPHASE ENERGY, INC.
    RECONCILIATION OF NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES
    (In thousands, except per share data and percentages)
    (Unaudited)
     
      Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
      September 30, 
    2024
      June 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
      September 30, 
    2024
      September 30, 
    2023
    Gross profit (GAAP) $ 178,171     $ 137,166     $ 262,013     $ 430,845     $ 911,726  
    Stock-based compensation   2,948       3,730       2,708       10,860       9,775  
    Acquisition related amortization   1,904       1,890       1,899       5,685       5,686  
    Gross profit (Non-GAAP) $ 183,023     $ 142,786     $ 266,620     $ 447,390     $ 927,187  
                       
    Gross margin (GAAP)   46.8 %     45.2 %     47.5 %     45.5 %     45.9 %
    Stock-based compensation   0.8       1.3       0.6       1.1       0.5  
    Acquisition related amortization   0.5       0.6       0.3       0.6       0.2  
    Gross margin (Non-GAAP)   48.1 %     47.1 %     48.4 %     47.2 %     46.6 %
                       
    Operating expenses (GAAP) $ 128,383     $ 135,367     $ 144,024     $ 408,357     $ 455,754  
    Stock-based compensation(1)   (42,992 )     (49,027 )     (41,106 )     (148,670 )     (147,860 )
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   (3,102 )     (3,463 )     (3,891 )     (10,027 )     (11,429 )
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   (677 )     (1,171 )     —       (3,755 )     (901 )
    Operating expenses (Non-GAAP) $ 81,612     $ 81,706     $ 99,027     $ 245,905     $ 295,564  
                       
    (1)Includes stock-based compensation as follows:                  
    Research and development $ 19,790     $ 20,210     $ 19,285     $ 64,550     $ 64,528  
    Sales and marketing   14,237       16,784       13,297       49,199       49,231  
    General and administrative   8,965       12,033       8,524       34,921       34,101  
    Total $ 42,992     $ 49,027     $ 41,106     $ 148,670     $ 147,860  
                       
    Income from operations (GAAP) $ 49,788     $ 1,799     $ 117,989     $ 22,488     $ 455,972  
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   5,006       5,353       5,790       15,712       17,115  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171       —       3,755       901  
    Income from operations (Non-GAAP) $ 101,411     $ 61,080     $ 167,593     $ 201,485     $ 631,623  
                       
    Net income (GAAP) $ 45,762     $ 10,833     $ 113,953     $ 40,498     $ 418,017  
    Stock-based compensation   45,940       52,757       43,814       159,530       157,635  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   5,006       5,353       5,790       15,712       17,115  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   677       1,171       —       3,755       901  
    Non-cash interest expense   2,173       2,157       2,114       6,462       6,254  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (11,156 )     (13,447 )     (23,822 )     (30,775 )     (61,413 )
    Net income (Non-GAAP) $ 88,402     $ 58,824     $ 141,849     $ 195,182     $ 538,509  
                       
    Net income per share, basic (GAAP) $ 0.34     $ 0.08     $ 0.84     $ 0.30     $ 3.06  
    Stock-based compensation   0.34       0.39       0.32       1.17       1.15  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   0.04       0.04       0.04       0.12       0.13  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   0.01       0.01       —       0.03       0.01  
    Non-cash interest expense   0.02       0.02       0.02       0.05       0.04  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (0.10 )     (0.11 )     (0.18 )     (0.23 )     (0.44 )
    Net income per share, basic (Non-GAAP) $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.04     $ 1.44     $ 3.95  
                       
    Shares used in basic per share calculation GAAP and Non-GAAP   135,329       135,646       136,165       135,621       136,491  
                       
    Net income per share, diluted (GAAP) $ 0.33     $ 0.08     $ 0.80     $ 0.30     $ 2.92  
    Stock-based compensation   0.33       0.38       0.32       1.17       1.17  
    Acquisition related expenses and amortization   0.04       0.04       0.04       0.12       0.12  
    Restructuring and asset impairment charges   0.01       0.01       —       0.03       0.01  
    Non-cash interest expense   0.02       0.02       0.02       0.05       0.04  
    Non-GAAP income tax adjustment   (0.08 )     (0.10 )     (0.16 )     (0.24 )     (0.40 )
    Net income per share, diluted (Non-GAAP)(2) $ 0.65     $ 0.43     $ 1.02     $ 1.43     $ 3.86  
                       
    Shares used in diluted per share calculation GAAP   139,914       136,123       143,863       136,236       145,081  
    Shares used in diluted per share calculation Non-GAAP   135,839       136,123       138,535       136,236       139,753  
                       
    Income-based government grants (GAAP) $ 46,552     $ 24,329     $ 18,532     $ 89,498     $ 20,583  
    Incremental cost for manufacturing in U.S.   (11,396 )     (5,950 )     (4,085 )     (22,228 )     (4,491 )
    Net IRA benefit (Non-GAAP) $ 35,156     $ 18,379     $ 14,447     $ 67,270     $ 16,092  
                       
    Net cash provided by operating activities (GAAP) $ 170,138     $ 127,062     $ 145,855     $ 346,401     $ 661,330  
    Purchases of property and equipment   (8,533 )     (9,636 )     (23,848 )     (25,540 )     (90,326 )
    Free cash flow (Non-GAAP) $ 161,605     $ 117,426     $ 122,007     $ 320,861     $ 571,004  
                                           

    (2) Calculation of non-GAAP diluted net income per share for the three and nine months ended September 30, 2023 excludes convertible Notes due 2023 interest expense, net of tax of less than $0.1 million from non-GAAP net income.

    This press release was published by a CLEAR® Verified individual.

    The MIL Network –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Breaking the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns for good | Joint guest contribution by Joachim Nagel and Nicolas Véron, op-ed for Politicoby Politico

    Source: Bundesbank

    Twelve years after its initiation, it is time to complete the banking union

    In the early hours of 29 June 2012, boldness and clarity came together. After a long night of negotiations, European leaders laid the foundations for the banking union project. They found strong and clear words on its purpose, stating it is imperative to break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns.

    The decision was taken in the aftermath of a twin crisis that had shaken the euro area – a sovereign debt crisis coupled with a banking crisis. The close links between sovereigns and banks had created a “doom loop”: sovereigns bailed out teetering banks, straining public finances, and rising sovereign yields put pressure on banks’ home-biased sovereign exposures. Such loops emerged as a particular vulnerability of the euro area, with its unique institutional setup as a monetary union of otherwise sovereign states, increasing the pressure on the Eurosystem to save the day. The banking union was conceived as the sword that would sever the doom loop.

    Today’s banking union is primarily the result of intensive legislative efforts between 2012 and 2014. They established a complete framework for supervising European banks, and an incomplete one for dealing with banking crises. This helped to mitigate the vicious circle, in particular by creating the Single Supervisory Mechanism under the European Central Bank and the national supervisory authorities. That has proven its effectiveness, but the vicious circle has not yet been broken.

    Before the lessons of 2012 are forgotten, the new EU term offers an opportunity to finish the task and break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns for good. Action must go both ways. First, block the direct contagion channel from banks to sovereigns. Taxpayers should not have to suffer when banks run into problems. Second, close the contagion channel from sovereigns to banks. A sovereign credit event cannot and should not be ruled out in a monetary union with sovereign fiscal policies at the national level. At the same time, it must not be permitted to drag down banks with it and thus further jeopardise financial stability.

    The first aim calls for strengthening the crisis intervention framework. Valuable progress has been made with the establishment of the Single Resolution Board and the Single Resolution Fund. The latter reached its target level, currently at €78 billion, after a decade of build-up. However, a more streamlined and predictable framework is needed. Specifically, resolution should be a credible and feasible option to manage more, if not all, failing banks under EU law, instead of the current confusing mix of European and national procedures that leaves too much scope for national state aid and moral hazard.

    The reform of the framework for crisis management is closely linked to deposit insurance. A common European deposit insurance mechanism would strengthen confidence in depositor protection and thus reduce the risk of bank runs. It is intended to weaken the link between banks and their national sovereigns and thus to contribute to making the euro area as a whole more resilient. The two of us have different views on how it should be structured, whether fully centralised or a hybrid involving national authorities. However, we share the firm conviction that deposit protection needs a European level. All banks in the euro area should participate in it. Its funding can and should be risk-based, taking into account arrangements such as the institutional protection schemes that play a significant role in Austria and Germany.

    Under that mechanism, certain risks would be shouldered jointly within the EU. Conversely, risks that are within the remit of the individual Member States must be appropriately limited. To reduce negative spillovers from sovereigns to banks – the second aim – it is crucial to avoid large and undiversified exposures of bank balance sheets to a single sovereign. Concentration limits and capital charges can serve as effective tools here. With adequate calibration and a transition phase, these tools could incentivise banks to diversify their sovereign exposures, thereby gradually overcoming home bias.

    As it turns out, the issues of crisis management, deposit insurance and banks’ sovereign exposures are intertwined. Attempts to make progress have so far failed, not least because they were not comprehensive enough. Part of why the European Commission’s 2015 legislative proposal on deposit insurance was shelved is because banks’ concentrated sovereign exposures were not tackled at the same time. It seems that Member States are unwilling to make concessions if the outcome is merely a halfway house. A comprehensive approach that addresses the interlinked issues holistically is worth considering. It could complete the work that began with a promise twelve years ago – to break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns.

    Nicolas Véron is a French economist. He is a senior fellow at Bruegel in Brussels, which he co-founded in 2002–05, and at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington DC.

    MIL OSI Economics –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: MoS Dr Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani addresses concluding session of two day Workshop on Modern Technologies in Survey-Resurvey for Urban Land Records at New Delhi today

    Source: Government of India (2)

    MoS Dr Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani addresses concluding session of two day Workshop on Modern Technologies in Survey-Resurvey for Urban Land Records at New Delhi today

    More than administrative tools, accurate land records are the back bone of socio economic planning, public service delivery and conflict resolution: Dr Pemmasani

    International workshop explored range of innovations including advances in survey-Resurvey techniques, Geo spatial tools, Drone and Aircraft technologies and GIS integrated solutions: MoS Dr Pemmasani

    Posted On: 22 OCT 2024 5:16PM by PIB Delhi

    Minister of State for Rural development Dr Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani addressed concluding session of   two day Workshop on Modern Technologies in Survey-Resurvey for Urban Land Records at Dr. Ambedkar International Centre (DAIC), New Delhi today.  Minister of state during his speech emphasized that more than administrative tools, accurate land records are the back bone of socio economic planning, public service delivery and conflict resolution .This  international workshop explored range of innovations including advances in survey-Resurvey techniques, geo spatial tools, drone and aircraft technologies and GIS integrated solutions. The collective insights shared in this workshop will act as bedrock for building smarter and more efficient urban management system in India. This event has brought together global experts and leaders united in the mission to explore innovative solution for urban land survey, he added.

    Dr. Pemmasani said that as rural land records evolved urban land management must also rise to meet the demand of rapid urbanisation of cities and land administration must keep pace to ensure equitable development. We now stand at a pivotal moment in urban governance where technology meets opportunity. More than tools like Drones, aircraft based survey and satellite imagery offer unparalleled precisions, these technologies provide Ortho rectified images (ORI) , geo referenced maps  that are both accurate and truth to the earth surface. By deploying these tools we reduce human errors increase efficiency and collect consistent up-to-date data in the most challenging urban environment with tall buildings, dense vegetation and complex land usage patterns. Integrating these images into GIS platforms will turn data into actionable insights enabling urban planning real estate development infra structure management, and even disaster preparedness with unprecedented precisions.

    The union minister of State added over the past decade, India, under the visionary Leadership of  Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi has made significant strides with initiatives such as the Digital India Land Records Modernization Programme (DILRMP). He added that India has digitized Records of Rights (RoR) across over 6.25 lakh villages, launched the Unique Land Parcel Identification Number (ULPIN), also known as Bhu-Aadhaar, and created seamless integration between revenue and registration systems. However, as rural land records evolve, urban land management must also rise to meet the demands of rapid urbanization. Cities are expanding vertically and horizontally, and land administration must keep pace to ensure equitable development. He emphasized that urban land management is not just a technical exercise but is the foundation of economic growth, industrial development, and social harmony.

     Dr Pemmasani said that moreover by creating spatially enabled land records we can resolve longstanding issues such as overlapping ownership claims, inconsistent land valuations and boundary disputes. The time has come to move beyond traditional costly and time consuming surveys and adapt these advanced technologies for a new era in urban governance.  Union minister of state  pleased to learn that this workshop features impactful case studies  and representative from several countries across the globe US, South Korea, Spain, Germany, India and other countries shared experiences overcoming the challenges of urban land management . This workshop is not the end but the beginning of a transformative journey. The insights gained here will shape national programme to modernize urban land records.  We envision the creation of pilot projects across select cities combined with capacity building initiatives for local bodies and state officials. As we leave this workshop let us Carrie with a shared commitment to apply the knowledge technologies and solutions discussed here. Together we will create a transparent efficient and equitable system of urban land management, he added.  Dr Pemmasani emphasised that urban land management is not just a technical exercise and it is the foundation of economic growth, industrial development and social harmony.

    Union minister congratulated the entire department of land resources and the all officials for this one of a kind movement and presenting the modern India’s capabilities to the rest of the world.

    The Department of Land Resources has sanctioned a pilot programme called the “National geospatial Knowledge-based land Survey of urban Habitations (NAKSHA)” with a view to create Land Records in about 130 cities in all the States / UTs within an expected time of one year to be followed by more phases to complete the whole exercise in about 4900 Urban Local Bodies within an expected period of 5 years.

    The workshop was organized with a view to consult experts of other countries on creation and collation of land records, discuss and understand the global best practices in usage of new and emerging technologies for the benefit of the stakeholders, especially the representatives of State Governments. The workshop facilitated discussions on Advanced Land Mapping with Accurate and Efficient Ortho Rectified Image Generation using aerial photography for mapping urban land parcels and properties. The speakers from Industry partners and international experts from USA, Spain, South Korea, France, Germany, Netherlands, UK, Japan and Australia presented their views during the workshop. The workshop facilitated presentations on successful case studies innovative approaches, policy frameworks, technological advancements and stakeholder involvement.

    The workshop has been an excellent gathering of experts and leaders from across the globe and from within the country and one of its kind on the important topic of Urban land survey. It facilitated discussions on the advancements and innovations in modern technologies in survey-resurvey for urban land records and also showcased cutting-edge technologies by both Indian and international firms that can revolutionize land administration in urban areas of our country.

    *****

    SS

    (Release ID: 2067061) Visitor Counter : 45

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: NEWS: Senator Bernie Sanders and President Joe Biden Hold Event in New Hampshire to Discuss Lowering Prescription Drug Costs in America

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Vermont – Bernie Sanders
    WASHINGTON, Oct. 22 – Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Chairman of the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP), today joined President Joe Biden in Concord, New Hampshire at the New Hampshire Technical Institute for an event on their work to lower prescription drug costs for the American people.
    Sanders’ remarks, as prepared for delivery, are below and the full event can be watched live here and here:
    In America today we spend almost twice as much per person as any other major country on health care – over $13,000 for every man, woman and child.
    And one of the reasons for that is the outrageously high cost of prescription drugs in this country.
    The truth is that the American people, whether they are Democrats, Republicans or Independents, are sick and tired of paying, by far, the highest prices in the world for prescription drugs.
    There is no rational reason why Merck should be charging diabetes patients in America $6,900 for Januvia when that same product can be purchased in Canada for $900 and just $200 in France.
    Why Johnson & Johnson charges Americans with arthritis $79,000 for Stelara when that same exact product can be purchased for just $16,000 in the United Kingdom.
    Why Bristol Myers Squibb charges patients in America $7,100 for Eliquis when that same exact product can be purchased for just $900 in Canada and just $650 in France.
    I personally, on two occasions, have led Americans into Canada where we purchased on one occasion a breast cancer drug and on another occasion insulin for one-tenth, one-tenth, the price Americans were paying for the same exact drug.
    The result of this absurd reality is that while ten top pharmaceutical companies made over $110 billion in profits last year, and paid their CEOs exorbitant salaries, 1 out of 4 Americans cannot afford the medicine their doctors prescribe. 
    How crazy is that?
    This is unacceptable, and it has got to change.
    In America, we must substantially lower the cost of prescription drugs so that our people can afford the medicine they need; so that we can lower hospital costs; so that we can lower insurance costs; so that we can lower out of pocket costs.
    In the midst of all of this let me give you some good news and that is that under the leadership of President Biden and Vice President Harris we are making some very significant progress in taking on the greed of the pharmaceutical industry and lowering prescription drug costs in America.
    Today, no senior in America is paying over $35 a month for insulin.
    Beginning next year, no senior in America will pay over $2,000 a year for prescription drugs. 
    And Medicare, despite the fierce opposition of pharma, is for the first time in history negotiating with the pharmaceutical industry to lower the price of some of the most expensive drugs in America.
    And as a result of these negotiations, guess what? 
    The price of Januvia in America will be cut by 79%.
    The price of Eliquis in America will be cut by 56%.
    And the price of Stelara in America will be cut by 66%.
    That is real progress. Thank you, President Biden for your courage in being the first President in history to take on the power of the big drug companies and thank you Vice President Harris for your hard work on this issue as well.
    I am also proud of the accomplishments the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP), which I chair, has made to bring down the cost of prescription drugs.
    Earlier this year, the HELP Committee launched an investigation into the outrageously high price of inhalers that 25 million Americans with asthma and 16 million Americans with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) need to breathe.
    And what we learned is that the American people were paying, in many cases, 10-70 times more for inhalers than the people in Canada and Europe.
    Working with the Biden Administration and Lina Khan of the FTC I am proud to tell you that the CEOs of 3 major inhaler manufacturers, agreed to cap the cost of their inhalers at no more than $35.
    When we first started this investigation Americans were paying up to $645 for these inhalers.  Today, they are only paying $35 for them. That’s progress.
    But, despite all that we’ve accomplished, it is not enough.  Much more has to be done.
    In his State of the Union address, President Biden called on Congress to pass legislation to cap out-of-pocket prescription drug costs for all Americans at no more than $2,000 a year and to substantially increase the number of drugs that can be negotiated with the pharmaceutical industry.  I strongly agree with him.
    And let me give you one example of what we have got to be doing in the future.
    Earlier this year, President Biden and I called on Novo Nordisk and Eli Lilly to substantially reduce the price of their blockbuster drugs for diabetes and weight loss.
    In the President’s view and in my view, it is unacceptable for Novo Nordisk to charge Americans with diabetes $969 for Ozempic when that same exact drug can be purchased for just $155 in Canada, $122 in Denmark, $71 in France, and just $59 in Germany.
    It is also unacceptable for this extremely profitable pharmaceutical company to charge Americans struggling with obesity $1,349 for Wegovy when this same exact drug can be purchased for just $265 in Canada, $186 in Denmark, $137 in Germany, and $92 in the United Kingdom.
    As President Biden and I stated in an op-ed:
    “If Novo Nordisk and other pharmaceutical companies refuse to substantially lower prescription drug prices in our country and end their greed, we will do everything within our power to end it for them. Novo Nordisk must substantially reduce the price of Ozempic and Wegovy.”
    And the good news is that some progress is being made.
    In August, Eli Lilly took a modest step forward by reducing the starter price for Zepbound from over $1,000 a month to less than $400 a month.
    Last month, the CEO of Novo Nordisk committed to working with Pharmacy Benefit Managers to lower the list price of Ozempic and Wegovy and expand access to these drugs at a hearing my committee held on this issue.
    But let’s be clear.
    If Novo Nordisk and Eli Lilly do not do more to substantially reduce the price of these drugs, I believe the Administration should take bold action to make these drugs more affordable and more accessible.
    The outrageously high price of these drugs are forcing hundreds of thousands of Americans to buy cheaper, copycat versions of these drugs that have not been approved as safe and effective by the FDA.
    That is unprecedented and, in my view, that is unacceptable.
    Generic drug companies have told me that if the Administration exercises its authority to end the monopoly Novo Nordisk has over Ozempic they could sell this same FDA-approved drug for less than $100 in the United States.
    And it’s not just the high price of weight loss and diabetes drugs, as important as they are.
    In my view, we have to move forward aggressively so that the people in the United States are no longer paying more for the same prescription drugs than our friends in Europe, Canada, or Japan. And if we did that we can cut the price of prescription drugs in America by at least 50%.
    Bottom line: The pharmaceutical industry must stop ripping off the American people.
    Now, I understand that this fight will not be easy. 
    The pharmaceutical industry today has over 1,800 well-paid lobbyists on Capitol Hill – including former leaders of the Democratic and Republican parties.
    In the last 25 years, they have spent over $8.5 billion on lobbying and over $750 million in campaign contributions.
    Their greed has no end.
    But, in my view, if Congress stops listening to the needs of the CEOs in the pharmaceutical industry and starts listening to the needs of the American people we can make this happen.
    Again. This is not a progressive idea.  It’s not a conservative idea. It’s not a Democratic idea or a Republican idea.  It’s precisely what the American people want.
    Thanks to President Biden and Vice President Harris we have begun to take on the greed of the pharmaceutical industry. 
    Now, it’s time to finish the job.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Kaine, Colleagues Urge President Biden to Protect Undersea Cables from China, Russia

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Virginia Tim Kaine
    WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Senator Tim Kaine (D-VA), a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, joined a bipartisan group of colleagues in sending a letter to President Biden expressing concerns about the security of the global network of undersea communications and energy cables upon which American workers and businesses rely.
    More than 95% of international internet traffic travels via these undersea cables, resulting in trillions of dollars in financial transactions each day. The locations of these cables are often openly published to prevent accidental damage.
    As American companies look to expand and invest in this critical infrastructure, it is imperative that the United States has a complete understanding of existing vulnerabilities, especially those that impact our economic and national security.
    “America’s adversaries have been developing their capabilities to attack or disrupt critical undersea infrastructure. There is a long tradition, dating back well over a century, of belligerents attacking their opponents’ underwater communications lines in the first phase of a conflict,” the senators wrote. “Given these threats and challenges, it is imperative that the United States undertake a review of existing vulnerabilities to global undersea cable infrastructure, including the threat of sabotage by Russia as well as the growing role of the People’s Republic of China in cable laying and repair. If we are truly to deepen vital commercial and security relationships with willing partners and allies, this must be a national priority.”
    In addition to Kaine, U.S. Senators Todd Young (R-IN), Chris Murphy (D-CT), Marco Rubio (R-FL), Pete Ricketts (R-NE), Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Dan Sullivan (R-AK), and Brian Schatz (D-HI) also signed the letter.
    Read the full text of the letter to President Biden here and below:
    Dear Mr. President: 
    We write to you to express our concern about the security of global undersea communications and energy cables, especially those that impact America’s economic and national security and that of our allies and partners. As you are well aware, more than 95% of international internet traffic travels via undersea cables, including trillions of dollars in financial transactions each day. Moreover, the exact locations of most of these cables are openly published in order to reduce the likelihood of accidental damage from ships’ anchors or fishing activities. Internet and telecommunications providers, including American firms, intend to invest billions of dollars in expanding the global network of undersea communications cables. Additionally, energy transmission cables are proliferating as governments look to new sources of electricity generation. 
    America’s adversaries have been developing their capabilities to attack or disrupt critical undersea infrastructure. There is a long tradition, dating back well over a century, of belligerents attacking their opponents’ underwater communications lines in the first phase of a conflict. For example, in both World Wars, Britain’s first naval actions were to cut the telegraph cables connecting Germany to the Americas, and in 1918 a German U-boat severed lines connecting New York to both Nova Scotia and Panama. In addition to this kind of overt, kinetic attack, the nature of undersea infrastructure increases the feasibility of gray zone actions with plausible deniability. It is difficult to distinguish between an accident and a deliberate action on the seabed, and more difficult still to confirm who conducted such an action. On top of this, because this infrastructure is privately owned by commercial enterprises, repairs are the responsibility of these private companies, which are likely not prepared to maintain them under wartime conditions and are likely to seek the most cost-effective repair and maintenance options—even if that option is owned or operated by a foreign adversary or strategic competitor. 
    Given these threats and challenges, it is imperative that the United States undertake a review of existing vulnerabilities to global undersea cable infrastructure, including the threat of sabotage by Russia as well as the growing role of the People’s Republic of China in cable laying and repair. If we are truly to deepen vital commercial and security relationships with willing partners and allies, this must be a national priority. We respectfully request that you provide responses to the following questions and direct senior administration officials to brief Members of Congress, including members of relevant committees of jurisdiction, on your plans and the resources and authorities needed to carry them out.
    1) What is your Administration’s overall strategy to guarantee the security of America’s undersea infrastructure and to promote the security of that of our allies and partners? 
    2) The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020 established the Cable Security Fleet (CSF). If authorized and sufficiently funded, what would be your assessment of the ideal size of the U.S.-flagged and -operated cable laying and repair vessel fleet to ensure sufficient cable repair capacity during a conflict or national emergency? How can the United States work with trusted allies and partners for additional capacity to support the expansion and repair of trusted undersea cable networks? 
    3) What is the Administration’s strategy to encourage other nations to choose trusted suppliers in their selection of undersea cable manufacturers, particularly in any nation of concern or which may be vulnerable to coercion or covert action by America’s adversaries? 
    4) How is the Administration working with the private sector to ensure that commercial enterprises’ investments in undersea cables align with U.S. national security priorities? 
    5) How do you intend to protect the physical security of undersea cables in the open ocean, including through any interpretation of customary international law? 
    6) How is the Administration working multilaterally to collectively enhance security and monitor potential threats to undersea infrastructure, including through NATO, the Quad, and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity? 
    Thank you for your prompt attention to this request. As Congress works to continue its oversight of national security, it is vital that we understand the current state of the information backbone of our economy and efforts to protect it. 
    Sincerely, 

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 24, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of World Economic Outlook October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers:
    Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, Director, Research Department, IMF
    Petya Koeva Brooks, Deputy Director, Research Department, IMF
    Jean‑Marc Natal, Division Chief, Research Department, IMF

    Moderator:
    Jose Luis De Haro, Communications Officer, IMF

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I think we can start. First of all, welcome, everyone. Good morning for those who are joining, as online. I am Jose Luis De Haro with the Communications Department here at the IMF. And once again, we are gathered here today for the release of our new World Economic Outlook, titled Policy Pivot Raising Threats. I hope that by this time, all of you have had access to a copy of the flagship. If not, I would encourage you to go to IMF.org. There, you’re going to find the document, but also, you’re going to find Pierre‑Olivier’s blog, the underlying data for the charts, videos, and other assets that I think are going to be very, very helpful for your reporting. And what’s best, that to discuss all the details of the World Economic Outlook that, to be joined here today by Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, the Economic Counsellor Chief Economist and the Director of the Research Department. Next to him are Petya Koeva Brooks. She is the Deputy Director of the Research Department. And also with us, Jean‑Marc Natal, the Division Chief at the Research Department. We are going to start with some opening remarks from Pierre‑Olivier, and then we will proceed to take your questions. I want to remind everyone that this press conference is on the record and that we will also be taking questions online.

    With no further ado, Pierre‑Olivier, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you, Jose, and good morning, everyone. Let me start with the good news. The battle against inflation is almost won. After peaking at 9.4 percent year on year in the third quarter of 2022, we now project headline inflation will fall to 3.5 percent by the end of next year, and in most countries, inflation is now hovering close to central bank targets.

    Now, inflation came down while the global economy remained resilient. Growth is projected to hold steady at 3.2 percent in 2024 and 2025. The United States is expected to cool down, while other advanced economies will rebound. Performance in emerging Asia remains robust, despite the slight downward revision for China to 4.8 percent in 2024. Low‑income countries have seen their growth revised downwards, some of it because of conflicts and climate shocks.

    Now, the decline in inflation without a global recession is a major achievement. Much of that disinflation can be attributed to the unwinding of the unique combination of supply and demand shocks that caused the inflation in the first place, together with improvements in labor supply due to immigration in many advanced countries. But monetary policy played a decisive role, keeping inflation expectations anchored.

    Now, despite the good news, on inflation, risks are now tilted to the downside. This downside risks include an escalation in regional conflicts, especially in the Middle East, which could cause serious risks for commodity markets. Policy shifts toward undesirable trade and industrial policies could also significantly lower output, a sharp reduction in migration into advanced economies, which can unwind some of the supply gains that helped ease inflation in recent quarters. This could trigger an abrupt tightening of global financial conditions that would further depress output. And together, these represent about a 1.6 percent of global output in 2026.

    Now, to mitigate these downside risks and to strengthen growth, policymakers now need to shift gears and implement a policy triple pivot.

    The first pivot on monetary policy is already underway. The decline in inflation paved the way for monetary easing across major central banks. This will support activity at a time when labor markets are showing signs of cooling, with rising unemployment rates. So far, however, this rise has been gradual and does not point to an imminent slowdown. Lower interest rates in major economies will also ease the pressure on emerging market economies. However, vigilance remains key. Inflation in services remains too elevated, almost double prepandemic levels, and a few emerging market economies are seeing rising price pressures, calling for higher policy rates. Furthermore, we have now entered a world dominated by supply shocks, from climate, health, and geopolitical tensions. And this makes the job of central banks harder.

    The second pivot is on fiscal policy. It is urgent to stabilize debt dynamics and rebuild much‑needed fiscal buffers. For the United States and China, current fiscal plans do not stabilize debt dynamics. For other countries, despite early improvements, there are increasing signs of slippage. The path is narrow. Delaying consolidation increases the risk of disorderly adjustments, while an excessively abrupt turn toward fiscal tightening could hurt economic activity. Success requires implementing, where necessary, and without delay, a sustained and credible multi‑year fiscal adjustment.

    The third pivot and the hardest is toward growth‑enhancing reform. This is the only way we can address many of the challenges we face. Many countries are implementing industrial and trade policy measures to protect domestic workers and industries. These measures can sometimes boost investment and activity in the short run, but they often lead to retaliation and ultimately fail to deliver sustained improvements in standards of living. They should be avoided when not carefully addressing well‑identified market failures or narrowly defined national security concerns.

    Economic growth must come, instead, from ambitious domestic reforms that boost innovation, increase human capital, improve competition and resource allocation. Growth‑enhancing reforms often face significant social resistance. Our report shows that information strategies can help improve support, but they only go so far. Building trust between governments and citizens and inclusion of proper compensation measures are essential features.

    Building trust is an important lesson that should also resonate when thinking about ways to further improve international cooperation to address common challenges in the year that we celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Bretton Woods Institutions. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Thank you, Pierre‑Olivier. Before we open the floor for your questions, let’s remind some ground rules. First of all, if you have any question that it is related to a country program or a country negotiation, I would recommend not to formulate that question here. Basically, those questions can be formulated in the different regional press briefings that are going to happen later this week.

    Also, if you want to ask a question, just raise your hand, wait until I call you. Identify yourself and the outlet that you represent. And let’s try to keep it to just one question. I know that there are going to be many, many questions. We might not be able to take all of you. So please be patient. There are going to be many other opportunities to ask questions throughout the week.

    Let me start—how I am going to start. I am going to start in the center. A couple of questions here. Then I am going to go to my right, and then I am going to go there. I am going to start in the first row, the lady with the white jacket, thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you, Jose, for taking my question. I am Moaling Xiong from Xinhua News Agency. I want to ask about the geopolitical tensions that was mentioned in the report. It says there are rising geopolitical tensions. So far, the impact has been limited. But further intensification of geopolitical rifts could weigh on trade, investment, and beyond. I wonder whether Pierre‑Olivier, could you talk a little bit about what are the economic impacts of growing geopolitical tensions? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. This is, of course, a very important question. This is something that we are very concerned about, the rising geoeconomic fragmentation, trade tensions between countries, measures that are disrupting trade, disrupting cross‑border investment. This is something that we have looked at in our World Economic Outlook report. In Chapter 1, we have a box that evaluates the impact of various adverse measures, measures that could be taken by policymakers or various of shocks that would impact output. And when we look at the impact that rising trade tensions could have, there are two dimensions of this. One is, of course, you are increasing tariffs, for instance, between different blocs. That would disrupt trade. That will misallocate resources. That will weigh down on economic activity. But there is also an associated layer that comes from the uncertainty that increases related to future trade policy. And that will also depress investment, depress economic activity and consumption. When we put these two together, what we find is, we find an impact on world output that is on the order of about 0.5 percent of output levels in 2026. So it’s a quite sizable effect of both an increase in tariffs between different countries and an increase in trade policy uncertainty.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to continue here in the center. We’re going to go to the gentleman on the third row. Yep. There. There, third row, there. Third row. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Hi. Thanks very much for taking my question. I just want to ask about the inflation side of the WEO. You mentioned just now inflation, you know, the battle is almost won. I am just wondering, there’s sort of a divergence between the advanced economies and emerging markets and developing economies. When do you expect inflation to sort of fall toward that 2 percent target in emerging markets and developing economies? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So inflation, the progress on inflation has been more pronounced for advanced economies, and now we expect advanced economies to be back to their target sometime in 2025 for most of them. For emerging markets and developing economies, there is more variation, and we see an increase in dispersion of inflation, so a lot of countries have made a lot of progress. You look, for instance, at emerging Asia. There are inflation levels very similar to advanced economies for a number of them. You look at other regions—in the Middle East, for instance, or sub‑Saharan Africa—and you have countries that still have double‑digital inflation rates and will maybe take more time to converge back. So we see an increased divergence that reflects some of the shocks that are specific to some of these regions. Of course, conflict or climate‑related shocks can have an impact on inflation, and that’s what we’re seeing in these two regions I mentioned.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I’m going to move to my right. The first row here, the lady with the red suit.

    QUESTION: Hello. This is Norah from Asharq Business with Bloomberg from Dubai.

    Pierre, you mentioned that the geopolitical tensions could account for 0.5 percent of output if things kind of get out of hand. To what extent is this a very optimistic number here? Because we’re talking about tensions not only in the Middle East. You have things going down in the Taiwan Strait. We have the Russian‑Ukraine war still ongoing. And there is a very big risk that shipping lines, straits might get disrupted. And this would affect very substantially the price of oil and other commodities. To what extent this would affect output—again, global output and inflation levels? Would inflation be a big risk again if major commodities prices increased substantially?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So you are absolutely right. The scenario I was referring to earlier is a scenario where we have increased trade disruptions, tariffs, and trade policy uncertainty. But one can think also about geopolitical tensions impacting commodity market or shipping. Now, this is not something that we looked at in this report. That’s something that we had looked at in our April report. And in April, when we looked at the potential for escalation in conflicts in the Middle East, the impact it could have on oil prices or on shipping costs, we found that this would very much be in the nature of adverse supply shock. It would negatively impact output, and it would increase inflation pressures. Now, the numbers we had when we did that exercise back in April, they’re still very relevant for the environment we’re in now. And that was one of the layers I showed today, is that it would reduce output by another about 0.4 percent by 2026 and would increase inflation by something on the order of 0.7 percent higher inflation in 2025. So this is something that is very much on top of the other tensions that I mentioned. This is why we are living in this world where there are multiple layers of risk that could be compounding each other.

    Mr. De Haro: I’m going to stay here. First row, here. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. My name is Simon Ateba. I am with Today News Africa Washington, D.C. I would like you to talk a little bit more about the situation in Africa. I know two years ago it was about COVID and then Ukraine. What do you see now? And what are some of the recommendations for sub‑Saharan Africa? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So sub‑Saharan African region is one that is seeing growth rates that are fairly steady this year, compared to last year, at about 3.6 percent, and then expected to increase to about 4.2 percent next year. So we’re seeing some pickup in growth from this year to next year. But now, this is certainly a region that’s been adversely impacted by weather shocks and, in some cases, conflict. So the growth remains subdued and somewhat uneven, and that’s certainly something that we are concerned about.

    Let me turn it over to my colleague Jean‑Marc Natal to add some color.

    Mr. Natal: I would be happy to. Do you hear me? OK.

    So yes, so there has been over the last year, year and a half, there has been some progress in the region. You saw, you know, inflation stabilizing in some countries going down even. And reaching close—level close to the target. But half of them is still at distance, large distance from the target. And a third of them are still having double‑digital inflation.

    In terms of growth, as Pierre‑Olivier mentioned, it’s quite uneven, but it remains too low. The other issue is debt in the region. Obviously, it is still high. It has not increased. It has stopped increasing, and in some countries already starting to consolidate. But it’s still too high. And the debt service is correspondingly still high in the region. So the challenges are still there. There has been some progress. So in terms of the recommendation, in countries where inflation is very high, you would recommend, you know, tight monetary policy and in some cases, when possible, helped by consolidation on the fiscal side.

    It’s complicated. In many countries, you know, there are trade‑offs, and, you know, consolidating fiscal is difficult when you also have to provide for relief, like in Nigeria, for example, due to the flooding. So targeting the support to the poor and the vulnerable is part of the package when you consolidate. I will stop here.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I am moving to my left. I am going to go to the gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. Joel Hills from ITV News. We know that the chancellor in the United Kingdom is planning on changing the fiscal rule on debt to allow for—to borrow more for investment. Pierre‑Olivier, do you support this idea? And what, in your view, are the risks? And should the U.K. government continue to target a fall in debt of some description or a rise in public sector net worth?

    Mr. De Haro: Pierre‑Olivier, before you answer, are there any other questions on the U.K. in the room? I am going to take just two more from this group of U.K. reporters on my right that they are very eager. Just two questions more. We do not want to overwhelm—

    QUESTION: Alex Brummer from the Daily Mail in London. Again, around the chancellor’s upcoming budget. In your opening remarks, you referred to the possibility of abrupt changes in fiscal policy, disrupting what might happen to economies. U.K., according to your forecast, is in a quite good place in terms of growth heading upward. Do you fear that too strong a change in direction in fiscal policy in the U.K. could affect future growth?

    Mr. De Haro: Just one more question.

    QUESTION: Mehreen Khan from The Times. You mentioned that there are some countries at risk of fiscal slippage because governments have promised to do their consolidation have struggled to execute. Is the U.K. in that group? Also, the IMF has previously recommended that countries are under fiscal strain should—can keep sort of investment flowing if they do shift to measures like public sector net worth. Is that still a recommendation that you stand by in particular relevance for the U.K.?

    Mr. De Haro: And to give Pierre‑Olivier a little bit of time, I just want to remind everyone that we will have regional press briefings later this week, and some of these questions can be brought to all heads of departments that are going to be talking later on in the week. Pierre‑Olivier?

    Mr. Gourinchas: First, I will make three quick remarks. We are going to wait and see at the end of this month, on October 30, the details of the budget that will be announced by the U.K. government. And at that point, we’ll be able to evaluate and see the detail of the measures and how they will impact the U.K. economy.

    The broader question, I think, is relevant for many countries, not just the U.K. And it goes to the second pivot I mentioned, this narrow path in terms of fiscal consolidation. I think when countries have elevated debt levels, when interest rates are high, when growth is OK but not great, there is a risk that things could escalate or get out of control quickly. And so there is a need to bring debt levels down, stabilize them when they are not stabilized and rebuild fiscal buffers. That is true for many countries around the world. And if you are not doing that—and that is getting to the question that was asked by the gentleman on the right here—if you’re not doing that, that’s when you find yourself potentially later on at the mercy of market pressures that will force an adjustment that is uncontrolled to a large extent. At which point you have very few degrees of freedom, so you do not want to get in that position. And I think the effort to stabilize public debt has to be seen in that context.

    Now, the other side of the narrow path is, of course, if you try to do too much too quickly, you might have an adverse impact on growth. And you have to be careful there because we do have important—most countries have important needs when it comes to spending, whether it’s about central services, what we think about healthcare, or if we think about public investment and climate transition. So we need to protect also the type of spending that can be good for growth. So finding ways—and this is something that our colleagues in the Fiscal Monitor report emphasize, finding ways to consolidate by reducing expenditures where it’s needed. Maybe raising revenues. Often, it’s a combination of both but doing so in a way that is least impactful on growth. It’s country by country. There is no general formula. But that’s kind of the nature of the exercise.

    That pivot, that second pivot is absolutely essential. At the point we’re at again precisely because we’re in a world in which there will be more shocks and countries need to be prepared and need to have some room on the fiscal side to be able to build that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Last question on this side. Then I will go online, and then I will go around the room again. The gentleman in the second row.

    QUESTION: Thanks, Jose. Pierre‑Olivier, a question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for the country for next year, improving GDP and inflation, 45 percent at the end of the year. Oh, yes. Sorry. Alam Md Hasanul from International.

    A question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for next year, but I wanted to see if you could give us a little bit more detail on, where do you see the economy going. And if it’s accurate to say at this point that the worst of the crisis is in the past? Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: We have received other questions regarding Argentina online from Lilliana Franco. Basically, she wants to know what’s behind our expectations for inflation for 2025. And I think that there are other Argentine reporters in the room. I see them in the back. Please, if somebody can get them the mic and we can get all the questions on Argentina and then move on to other regions. There. There. Those two, please. Try to keep it short.

    QUESTION: Hi. Patricia Valli from El Cronista. You mentioned the need to keep going with the reforms. And the government in Argentina is implementing a series of reforms. What’s the take of the IMF in terms of these? And if they are perhaps hurting the most vulnerable due to the increase of poverty numbers in Argentina in the past report?

    QUESTION: Hello. Juan Manuel Barca from Clarín Newspaper. I want to know if you raised your employment projection compared to the April—compared to the July forecast.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So let me first state at the outset that our projections for Argentina have not been updated since July, and the reason for this is because there are ongoing program discussions between the authorities and the Fund. And so while that process is going on, we did not update the projections for the October round.

    Now, to come to the question that was asked on the left. There are two things that are relevant for Argentina, two main things. One is what’s happening on the inflation side. Here, I think the progress has been very substantial. We are now seeing month‑on‑month inflation in Argentina close to 3.5 percent, and this is down from about 25 percent month on month back in December of last year. So very, very significant decline in the inflation rate. So that’s something to acknowledge. And the hope is, of course, that the measures in place will continue to improve the situation on that front.

    On the growth front, what we are saying is that activity has contracted substantially in the first half of the year, but there are signs that it’s starting to gradually recover. Now how much again, I cannot give you an update because we do not have it as of now. But there are signs that there is a recovery in real wages and in private credit and activity.

    Now, of course, this has been difficult for the Argentine economy, the decline in growth of that nature. And that’s something that, again, we are engaged in discussions with the authorities on the best way forward. I cannot comment more than that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I am going to get a question from our colleagues on WebEx. I think that Weier is there.

    QUESTION: I have a question on China. Given China’s recent implementation of various stimulus measures, such as support for the real estate—real sector and interest rate reductions and other economic incentives, we’ve already seen a major boost in its capital market. So how do you assess the potential impact of these developments on China’s economic recovery and growth perspective?

    Also, how the external effects, such as the Federal Reserve’s easing monetary path, will play a role here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Before you answer on the Federal Reserve, there’s other questions on China of a similar nature. Recent stimulus announced by the Governor and its effects.

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So China, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, we have a slight downward revision for its 2024 growth, compared to our July projections to 4.8 percent. And that’s a revision that’s coming largely due to a weaker second quarter of the year. And that weaker second quarter of the year is reflecting continued decline in confidence in the household and corporate sector and also the continued problems in the property sector in China.

    Now, this is something that, of course, is a top priority to address for the Chinese authorities. And we’ve seen a number of measures that have been announced since the end of last month. First measures, monetary and financial measures announced by the People’s Bank of China, and then some fiscal measures that were announced a few weeks ago.

    These measures in general go in the right direction, from our perspective. They are trying to improve the situation in the property sector. They’re trying to, for instance, lowering borrowing rates or trying to improve the balance sheet of the property developers.

    In our view, in our assessment, the measures announced at the end of last month by the PBOC, although they go in the right direction, are not sufficient to lift growth in a substantially material way. And that’s why our forecast is still at about 4.8 percent for 2024 and is unchanged for next year, at 4.5 percent.

    The new, more recent measures announced a few weeks ago by the Ministry of Finance are not incorporated in our forecast. We are waiting to see the details. I should mention, however, that since then, there has also been a release of the Q3 growth for China, and this has also been a little bit on the disappointing side. So I would say that what we’re seeing in terms of where the Chinese economy might be going is a little bit of a downward revision coming from the Q3 forecast and then potentially some measures that will help lift the economy going forward.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. So we have an additional question online. Basically, it comes from a reporter in Israel who wants to know how the current conflict is affecting the region and the global economy. Also, if there’s any other questions regarding the ongoing conflict, we can go here in the first row, please.

    QUESTION: Hi. Amir Goumma from Asharq with Bloomberg. With the GCC countries increasingly focusing and diversifying their economies away from oil now, how the IMF sees the progress and how you assess that with geopolitical tensions that may affect the attraction of the investment?

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So on the impact of the conflict in the Middle East on the countries in the region, and more broadly, let me ask my colleague Petya Koeva Brooks to come in.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Sure. Indeed, the conflict has inflicted a heavy toll on the region, and our hearts go to all who have been affected by it. We are monitoring the situation very closely. And what we could say at this stage is apart from the enormous uncertainty that we see is that the fallout has been the hardest in the countries in the region, at the epicenter of the conflict. We’ve seen significant declines in output in West Bank, in Gaza. Lebanon has also been hard hit. Now, we’ve also seen impact in the—on the economy in Israel, although there, I think the—so far at least, the impact has been smaller.

    Now, beyond that, there has also been an impact on commodity prices, on oil prices. We’ve seen quite a lot of volatility, though, as other factors have also come in, such as the concerns about global demand kind of have pushed prices in the opposite direction.

    Now, beyond that, when it comes to specific countries in the GCC region, when it comes to, for instance, Saudi Arabia, we’ve seen there, actually the non‑oil output has done very well, and we do have a small downward revision in the overall growth rate, but that is pretty much because of the voluntary oil cuts that have now been extended through November. Let me stop here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We are coming here to the center of the room. I’m going to go way back. The gentleman in the blue shirt that I think is the third row from the back. Yep. There. He has—there, there, there. A little bit. Can you stand up? Yep. Perfect. And then I will go with you, with the lady.

    QUESTION: Thank you for doing this. Your alternative scenario about the trade war does not seem so far from reality. Indeed, especially if Trump wins the elections. So could you augment about that? Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: We have a couple of questions similar to that nature.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, of course, I will first preface by saying we are not commenting on elections or potential platforms here at the IMF. What we are seeing and when we’re looking at the world economy goes beyond what might be happening in a single country. This is why the scenario that we are looking at in Box 1.2 of our World Economic Outlook is one that focuses on, if you want, an escalation of trade tensions between different regions—whether the U.S., the European Union, or China. And the numbers I quoted earlier are reflecting our model estimates of the cumulative impact of this increase in tensions. So I think that this is something that we are very concerned about. We’ve seen a very sharp increase in a number of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries since 2019, roughly. They’ve gone from 1,000 to 3,000, so tripling of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries, and 2019 was not a low point. That was already something that was above what we were seeing in the 2010s. So there is definitely, you know, a direction of travel here that we are very concerned about because a lot of these trade‑distorting measures could reflect decisions by countries that are self‑centered but could be ultimately harmful not just to the global economy, but this is the benefits of doing a scenario analysis like the one we did. They are also hurtful for the countries that want to implement them, as well, because the impact on global trade also makes the residents of a country poorer.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to take a question from WebEx and then I’m going to go to you. I think that we have a question on the U.S. Please go ahead.

    QUESTION: My question would be regarding the U.S. resilience toward inflation shock. I remember talks about this during the April meetings and the April report. And I wanted to ask you whether you’re still committed to this forecast of the U.S. resiliency, and whether we can still see the risk of recession in the U.S. since recent talks about the unemployment data, it has not always come to the expectations of what the bond market or the stock exchange thinks.

    So is the U.S. still as resilient as you saw it in April this year?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, the news on the U.S. is good in a sense. We have had an upgrade in growth forecasts for 2024 and 2025. The historical numbers have also been revised, so even upgraded 2023, that is already sort of behind us. But the numbers came in, and they were stronger than what was realized. And that strong growth performance has been happening in a context of a continued disinflation. There have been some bumps in the road. The disinflation may not have been proceeding, especially earlier in the year, as quickly as was projected, but lately it has been quite substantial.

    So what accounts for this is two things that are really important there. One is, there is strong productivity growth that we see when we look at the U.S. That’s somewhat unlike other advanced economies, in fact. When we look around the world. And the second is also a very significant role that immigration has played, the increase in foreign‑born workers in the U.S. that have been integrated fairly quickly into the labor force. Now, the increase in unemployment that we’ve seen recently—I just showed it in my opening remarks—reflects to a large extent the fact that you have this increase in foreign‑born workers. And it takes—they have been integrated quickly in the labor force, but still there was an influx of them or there was an influx of them, and it’s taken a little bit of time to absorb them. And that’s what is reflected in the increased unemployment rate. So the labor market picture remains one that is fairly, fairly robust, even though it has cooled off but from very, very tight levels. Growth is solid. So I think the answer to the question that was posed, I think a risk of a recession in the U.S. in the absence of a very sharp shock would be somewhat diminished.

    Now, that is really what paved the way when you think about what the Federal Reserve is doing, seeing this inflation coming down a lot but noticing the increase in unemployment, pivoting away from just fighting inflation, that fight is almost done, and now being more concerned about, maybe what might be happening going forward with the labor market and wanting to make sure that that cooling off of the labor market does not turn into something that is more negative.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. The clock here says that I have seven minutes that I can push a little bit, but we go there. Then we will go to this side. And come back here and maybe end around here.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. My name is Hope Moses‑Ashike from Business Day Nigeria. So I am right here in this room, in April, you projected the Nigeria economy to grow by 3.3 percent, and you cited improved oil sector, security, and then agriculture. So I want to understand, what has changed since then in terms of Nigeria’s growth and the factors you mentioned? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. Jean‑Marc, do you want to comment on Nigeria?

    Mr. Natal: Yes. Rightly so. We revised growth for Nigeria in 2024 by .2 down. And, you know, things are volatile, I suppose, because the reason for the revision is precisely issues in agriculture related to flooding. And also issues in the production of oil related to security issues, and also maintenance issues that have pushed down the production of oil. So these two factors have played a role.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We go to this side. I’m going to go to the front row, the lady with the white jacket. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. So this is still a follow‑up question since you just answered on Nigeria. What’s the IMF’s projection for the social impacts on full subsidy removal, especially when you—full subsidy removal and forex unification in terms of poverty, inequality, and food insecurity? And also, can give us your medium‑term projections for Nigeria’s growth? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So I am afraid on this one I will have to go back and check because I do not have the number ready on the impact of the removal of the fuel subsidies specifically that you asked about. I do not know if my colleagues—

    Mr. De Haro: And I would encourage you to formulate this question in the press briefing for the regional outlook for the African Department. Probably there, you will get your answer, but reach out to us bilaterally and then we will get you the question.

    We are going to stay—we’re going to go to the gentleman in the back. Yep.

    QUESTION: Thanks very much. Andy Robinson of La Vanguardia, Barcelona, Spain. There seems to be a strange sort of divergence in the euro zone economy in which Spain—you have revised upwards Spain’s GDP growth forecast a whole point, percentage point, whilst Germany is languishing. Could I ask you, is Spain’s performance sustainable? And Germany’s in a recession?

    Also, one other question. You seem in your box on inflation and wage share and profit share, wage share you seem to be suggesting if there’s any danger of increasing inflation in the future, it’s more an excessive profit share than exactly wage? Could you tell me if that’s a correct interpretation? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So just a few words on the euro area in general. And then I will let my colleague Petya come in on Spain. We do see some divergence across the different countries of the euro area. And one of the drivers is how reliant they are on manufacturing, as one of the key sectors in domestic production. And what you are seeing is, there is a general weakness in manufacturing and that’s heating countries like Germany. While countries that are maybe a bit more reliant on services, including tourism—and Spain is one of them—are seeing a better performance.

    Now, on the second part of your question, and I will turn it over to Petya, on the profit share and wages. We’re seeing now wage growth that is in excess of inflation. And sometimes people say, well, that’s a problem because that means, you know, maybe that cannot be sustained and therefore there will be more inflation. Well, not quite. That’s not the view we have here at the Fund. A lot of the increase in wages in excess of inflation right now—so that’s an improvement in real wages in standards of living—is reflecting a catchup phenomenon. It’s after years during which inflation was higher than wage inflation, wage increase. So real wages are catching up. They are covering lost ground.

    Now, during those years when inflation was higher than wages, profit margins somewhere were higher in the economy. And that is the profit margin that is being eroded back. So it’s not that we’re squeezing profits inordinately right now. It’s just they’re coming back more toward their historical level as real wages are catching up, and that’s not necessarily a concern in terms of inflation dynamics going forward. With this, let me turn it over to Petya.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Thank you. Indeed Spain does stand out as one of the countries with a substantial upward revision for this year. We’re now projecting growth to be 2.9, after last year, when it was 2.7. So what’s behind this revision is the positive surprises that we’ve already seen, especially in the second quarter, as well as some of the revisions to the back data.

    And then when we look at the composition of these surprises, again, it was net exports and the receipts from tourism that were a substantial contributor. But also, private consumption and investment also played a role, which may imply that some of the impact of the national recovery plan and the EU funds that are being used could—we could already be seeing the impact of that. And then when we move forward, we are expecting a slowdown in growth next year, but, again, if these—if this investment continues, of course, that would be a very positive factor behind the recovery. Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I have time for just one question because literally, we have 15 seconds. So I’m going to go with the gentleman here.

    QUESTION: Thank you. Barry Wood, Hong Kong Radio. Mr. Gourinchas, in April you said likely we will see one rate cut in the United States. We’ve seen it. The data, as you just said, is very good. Would further rate cuts be counterproductive?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Well, in our projections, of course, we need to make some assumptions about what central banks, and this round of projection is no exception. So in our projections just released today, we’re assuming that there will be two more rate cuts by the Fed in 2024 and then four additional rate cuts in 2025. And that would bring the policy rate towards the terminal rate that is around 2.75, 3. Why do we see the additional rate cuts? Well, in part it’s the progress on inflation. And then as I mentioned earlier, as an answer to an earlier question, the fact that we’re seeing the labor markets cooling and therefore the concern for the Fed is now to make sure that that last part of the disinflation process is not one that is going to hit activity. In the Chapter 2 of our report, we describe how that last mile could be somewhat more costly because, as the supply constraints have eased and moved away, it becomes harder to bring down inflation in that last mile without hurting economic activity, so it’s important to also adjust the policy rate path in a direction of a little bit more easing, as the economy is smooth landing.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. As in life, all good things have to come to an end. But before that, I want to thank you all, on behalf of Pierre‑Olivier, Petya, and Jean‑Marc. Also, on behalf of the Communications Department and a couple of reminders for all of you, the Global Financial Stability Report press briefing is going to happen in this same room at around 10:15 a.m. Tomorrow morning, you have the press briefing for the Fiscal Monitor, and later on in the week, you will have the Managing Director’s press briefing and all the regional press briefings that we’ve been talking about. I want to encourage you to go to IMF.org, download the flagships, the World Economic Outlook, and if you have any questions, comments, feedback, everything to media at IMF.org. So have a great day.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER:

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    MIL OSI Economics –

    January 24, 2025
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