NewzIntel.com

    • Checkout Page
    • Contact Us
    • Default Redirect Page
    • Frontpage
    • Home-2
    • Home-3
    • Lost Password
    • Member Login
    • Member LogOut
    • Member TOS Page
    • My Account
    • NewzIntel Alert Control-Panel
    • NewzIntel Latest Reports
    • Post Views Counter
    • Privacy Policy
    • Public Individual Page
    • Register
    • Subscription Plan
    • Thank You Page

Category: Germany

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Second shipment of vitrified waste from UK to Germany completed

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    News story

    Second shipment of vitrified waste from UK to Germany completed

    The second of three planned shipments of high level waste in the form of vitrified residues has been safely delivered to Germany.

    Seven flasks containing high level waste were transported from the Sellafield site, West Cumbria to the port of Barrow-in-Furness by rail.

    The flasks were then loaded on to the specialist nuclear transport vessel Pacific Grebe, operated by Nuclear Transport Solutions (NTS) for transfer to the German port. The waste was then transported by rail in Germany to the ISAR federal storage facility arriving on 03 April 2025.

    This shipment was carried out in full compliance with all appropriate national and international regulations.

    The waste returned resulted from the reprocessing and recycling of spent nuclear fuel at Sellafield which had previously been used to produce electricity by utilities in Germany.

    Vitrified Residue Returns are a key component of the UK’s strategy to repatriate high level waste from the Sellafield site, fulfil overseas contracts and deliver on government policy.

    Sellafield Ltd’s programme manager Jonathan Clingan said:

    Thanks to the excellent work of various teams at Sellafield Ltd, NTS and other partners in the UK and overseas, we have safely delivered the second Vitrified Residue Return to Germany, delivering a key milestone in the UK Government’s commitment to returning waste to overseas customers.

    Share this page

    The following links open in a new tab

    • Share on Facebook (opens in new tab)
    • Share on Twitter (opens in new tab)

    Updates to this page

    Published 4 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Indosuez Wealth Management plans to acquire Banque Thaler

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Press release

    Geneva / Paris / Brussels, 4 April 2025

    Indosuez Wealth Management plans to acquire Banque Thaler

    Indosuez Wealth Management, a subsidiary of the Crédit Agricole Group, has announced that its entity in Switzerland has signed an agreement to purchase the entire capital of Banque Thaler, a Swiss banking institution recognised for the excellence of its services and its long-term expertise in wealth management.

    This acquisition is fully in line with Indosuez Wealth Management’s development strategy, strengthening its position in the Swiss market, the global hub for wealth management, where Indosuez has been present since 1876. Banque Thaler, founded in 1982, is renowned for the excellence of its services and its long-term expertise in wealth management.

    With this acquisition, Banque Thaler and Indosuez clients will have access to a broader range of products and expertise. In particular, Banque Thaler’s clients will be able to benefit from the Group’s solidity, its international network and its multiple capabilities in financing, corporate finance, fund servicing and asset management.

    For Jacques Prost, Chief Executive Officer of Indosuez Wealth Management: “This acquisition strengthens our position in Switzerland and illustrates our determination to provide our clients with solutions that are increasingly tailored to their needs. Indosuez is pursuing its growth strategy in a sector undergoing consolidation and is now a major stakeholder in wealth management in Europe.” Marc-André Poirier, Chief Executive Officer of Indosuez in Switzerland, adds: “We are delighted to welcome Banque Thaler. Following record revenue in 2024, this acquisition will bring our assets under management to nearly €50 billion1. We will work with Banque Thaler’s teams to make this acquisition a success for both clients and employees.”

    Dirk Eelbode, Chief Executive Officer of Banque Thaler: “Indosuez Wealth Management in Switzerland is the ideal partner for Banque Thaler. What our management can offer will not only be maintained but enhanced thanks to the substantial resources made available by a major banking group with exceptional financial strength. This can only benefit our clients. At Indosuez we also find the entrepreneurial spirit that characterises Banque Thaler, and this is a great opportunity for all our employees to join an ambitious growth project. These are all positives that will contribute to our continued goal of being the leading player in Switzerland for our clients.”

    The finalisation of the transaction remains subject to the prior approval of the relevant supervisory authorities, and is expected to be completed in the second half of 2025. This acquisition would bring Indosuez Wealth Management’s total assets under management to nearly €220 billion.
    The impact on Crédit Agricole S.A.’s CET1 ratio would be limited.

    ****

    Indosuez Wealth Management contacts

    Indosuez Wealth Management: Jenny Sensiau I jenny.sensiau@ca-indosuez.com I +33 7 86 22 15 24 
    Indosuez Wealth Management: Melinda Raverdy | melinda.raverdy@ca-indosuez.ch | +41 79 258 7829

    About Indosuez Wealth Management

    Indosuez Wealth Management is the global wealth management brand of the Crédit Agricole Group, the world’s 9th largest bank by balance sheet (The Banker 2024).

    For over 150 years, Indosuez Wealth Management has been helping major private clients, families, entrepreneurs and professional investors to manage their private and professional assets. The bank offers a customised approach enabling each of its clients to preserve and develop their wealth in line with their aspirations. Its teams offer a continuum of services and products including Advisory & Financing, Investment Solutions, Fund Servicing & Technology and Banking Solutions.

    Indosuez Wealth Management employs more than 4,500 people in 16 territories around the world: in Europe (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Monaco, Spain and Switzerland), Asia-Pacific (Hong Kong SAR, New Caledonia and Singapore), the Middle East (Dubai, Abu Dhabi) and Canada (representative office).

    With €215 billion in client assets at the end of December 2024, Indosuez Wealth Management is one of Europe’s leading wealth management companies.

    Find out more at https://ca-indosuez.com/.

    About Indosuez in Switzerland

    Indosuez Wealth Management is one of Switzerland’s leading financial institutions, and is now one of the country’s top three foreign banks.
    The bank in Switzerland handles wealth management, transactional commodity financing and commercial banking. Its roots date back to 1876, when it was established in Geneva. Its teams include more than 800 specialists based in Geneva, Lugano and Zurich, as well as in Asia (Hong Kong and Singapore) and in the Middle East (Abu Dhabi and Dubai). They combine their knowledge of the local environment with the extensive expertise and scope for action of the global network of Indosuez, Crédit Agricole CIB and the Crédit Agricole Group.

    The Swiss platform is in charge of developing Indosuez Wealth Management’s activities in Switzerland, the Middle East and Asia.

    Find out more at www.ca-indosuez.com and at https://switzerland.ca-indosuez.com/

    About Banque Thaler
    Banque Thaler is a Swiss wealth management bank that became independent in 1999 and is mainly owned by its directors. Throughout its existence, it has stood out for its focus on a targeted client base and on its discretionary management services. Serving families and entrepreneurs, its management is based on dynamic asset allocation by integrating solid expertise in selecting alternative funds and private equity. The bank has offices in Geneva and Zurich.

    https://banquethaler.ch/


    1 For CA Indosuez (Switzerland) SA – Pro forma to date

    Attachment

    • EN 04 04 2025 Indosuez Wealth Management plans to acquire Banque Thaler

    The MIL Network –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Chairman Wicker Leads SASC Hearing on EUCOM, AFRICOM Posture

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Mississippi Roger Wicker

    WASHINGTON – U.S. Senator Roger Wicker, R-Miss., the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, today chaired a hearing examining the posture of and threats to U.S. European Command (EUCOM) and U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM).

    In his opening statement, Chairman Wicker offered an update on the war in Ukraine, noting that Ukraine continues to heroically resist efforts of Russian subjugation, and that Russia will remain a long-term threat to the United States. Specifically, Chairman Wicker cautioned that reducing our military footprint in Europe would be dangerous for European peace, especially as many of our NATO allies have taken major steps to invest in their defense.

    Read Senator Wicker’s hearing opening statement as delivered below.

     

    The hearing will come to order. And today, we welcome General Christopher Cavoli, the Commander of U.S. European Command, and General Michael Langley, the Commander of U.S. Africa Command. We thank them both for being with us today.

     

    First of all, we meet today in the wake of the difficult news that that we have been learning more about over the last few days. We’ve been saddened by the death of four American service members and we now know the names of them all. They passed away in a tragic training accident in Lithuania, and so we recognize them and send our best to their families and friends.

     

    But this morning, we talk about two very important areas of responsibility. The European continent is now entering its third year of war as Russia continues its brutal assault against Ukraine. There’s no question who started this war.

     

    Despite the physical and psychological exhaustion and material constraints from the conflict, the Ukrainian military and people have heroically and successfully continued to resist Russian efforts to subjugate them. The war serves as a brutal reminder that Vladimir Putin has chosen to become an enemy of the West, and to throw away Russia’s future.

     

    The Department of Defense is right to label China as our pacing threat. Nonetheless, Russia and its thousands of varied nuclear weapons continue to pose an existential danger to the United States and to our allies. Moscow’s military aggression sows uncertainty and threatens vital U.S. interests every day, as Europe remains by far our largest trading partner and source of investment in the United States.

     

    The war in Ukraine has exposed the Russian army’s weakness, but it also has shown that Russia can adapt to changing circumstances and can endure heavy costs. The Russian industrial base, aided by China, North Korea, and Iran, has demonstrated its ability to sustain Putin’s army. Russia would likely use any pause in fighting to reconstitute its military.

     

    I say all this to make a simple point: we cannot wish away the Russian threat. Despite Russia’s aggression, there are some who believe now is the time to reduce drastically our military footprint in Europe. This is a viewpoint with which I disagree. I’m troubled that this deeply misguided and dangerous view is held by some midlevel bureaucrats within the Defense Department. They’ve been working to pursue a U.S. retreat from Europe, and they’ve often been doing so without coordinating with the Secretary of Defense and the National Security Council. As I have said, Russia is now mobilized for a permanent war. Withdrawing now would do away with any hope of lasting peace in Europe.

     

    Right now, we have a unique opportunity in Europe. President Trump’s leadership and the Russian threat have jolted Europe awake. Many nations have begun rebuilding their militaries. Our allies on the eastern flank – Poland, the Baltic States, and Romania are all spending much more than we are. The United Kingdom and France are awakening. Even Germany shows signs of stirring.

     

    NATO should be led by the United States, but Europe should shoulder most of the military burden. We can achieve that by combining the right incentives with low-cost assistance from the United States, including a drastically overhauled foreign military sales system. To build that NATO, we must maintain our current posture, which will serve as a bridge to the planned buildup of combat power by our European NATO allies.

     

    After three years of war, we probably should make some posture adjustments, including moving forces east, but we must maintain a strong military posture in Europe overall. l Failing to do so risks tempting Russian adventurism before our European allies have been able to ramp up their forces fully and their capabilities.

     

    The Chinese Communist Party views its competition against the United States as a global project. To China, the continents of Europe, Asia, South America, and Africa are all critical in Xi Jinping’s unprecedented global military expansion. In particular, Beijing has been active on the African continent. In Djibouti, China’s naval base has grown substantially. It’s now capable of hosting China’s most advanced naval vessels and serving as an intelligence collection outpost against American and allied forces in the entire region.

     

    China is also actively pursuing a naval base on Africa’s western coast, the Atlantic coast, which would provide an enduring foothold along the Atlantic Ocean. According to General Langley, this would “change the whole calculus of the geostrategic campaign plans of protecting the American homeland.”

     

    Russia also has designs on the African continent. Its destabilizing strategy is to trade security assistance for access to Africa’s abundant natural resources. This would help fund Vladimir Putin’s malign activities around the world. At the center of Putin’s Africa strategy is Libya which, serves as Russia’s key logistical node and enables its activities across the continent. I look forward to General Langley’s assessment of Africa’s importance to Vladimir Putin’s strategic objectives, as well as his description of what’s being done to counter Russian efforts, particularly in Libya.

     

    We cannot ignore the enduring threat posed by ISIS and al-Qaeda in Africa. Without sustained pressure, these vicious terrorists will reconstitute and continue to threaten America. President Trump was absolutely right to approve strikes against ISIS leadership targets in Somalia in recent weeks.

     

    Our adversaries view their fight against America as a global fight. We see their efforts playing out across Europe and Africa in particular. Now is not the time for an American withdrawal from these theaters. We cannot allow the Chinese Communist Party and its partners in Moscow, Tehran, and Pyongyang to overcome us strategically, or to erode the ability to protect American interests around the world.

     

    So, we have a lot of important topics to talk about today. I look forward to hearing our witnesses address these and many other concerns during this hearing, along with my friend, the Ranking Member whom I recognize right now.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA News: Report to the President on the America First Trade Policy Executive Summary

    Source: The White House

    Pursuant to the January 20, 2025 Presidential Memorandum on America First Trade Policy (AFTP), directed to the Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of Defense, Secretary of Commerce, Secretary of Homeland Security, Director of the Office of Management and Budget, U.S. Trade Representative, Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, and the Senior Counselor for Trade and Manufacturing, the President instructed the Department of the Treasury, the Department of Commerce, and the United States Trade Representative to report to the President on April 1, 2025, on the topics set forth therein, consisting of 24 individual chapters containing the reviews, investigations, findings, identifications, and recommendations enumerated in Sections 2(a) through 4(g) of the Presidential Memorandum. The Report also includes the expanded scope of work on non-reciprocal trading practices directed by the February 13, 2025 Presidential Memorandum on Reciprocal Trade and Tariffs. The findings from Sections 3(c), 3(d), and 3(f) of the February 21, 2025 Presidential Memorandum on Defending American Companies and Innovators from Overseas Extortion and Unfair Fines and Penalties are incorporated therein. This unified report is delivered to the President accordingly.

    Introduction

    An America First Trade Policy will unleash investment, jobs, and growth at home; reinforce our industrial and technological advantages; reduce our destructive trade imbalance; strengthen our economic and national security; and deliver substantial benefits for American workers, manufacturers, farmers, ranchers, entrepreneurs, and businesses. The America First Trade Policy Report (the Report) provides a foundation and resource for trade policy actions that will Make America Great Again by putting America First. It presents comprehensive recommendations covering the full scope of trade policies and challenges, from market access and the de minimis duty exemption to export controls and outbound investment restrictions. 

    The need for an America First Trade Policy is self-evident. For decades, the United States has shed jobs, innovation, wealth, and security to foreign countries who have used a myriad of unfair, non-reciprocal, and distortive practices to gain advantage over our domestic producers. There is no better expression of this dangerous state of affairs than America’s large and persistent trade deficit in goods, which soared to $1.2 trillion in 2024. Emerging from a tenuous geopolitical landscape in the previous four years, the United States cannot approach international economic and industrial policy issues with malaise. Our Nation’s future prosperity and national security requires a coordinated, strategic approach that fully utilizes the authorities and expertise of the Federal government to ensure the enduring economic, technological, and military dominance of the United States.

    It was for this reason that President Trump wasted no time in launching the America First Trade Policy mere hours after taking his oath of office. In the weeks that followed, he expanded the scope of work to include non-reciprocal trading practices—a key driver of the trade deficit—and foreign extortion of American firms, especially leading U.S. technology companies. For most administrations, success in any of the 24 separate workstreams discussed in the Report would represent some of the most significant international economic change in the history of the country. Each could easily take decades to resolve. In fact, it is precisely because decades have passed without resolution of these issues that urgent action is required today. The United States does not have decades to continue tinkering around the edges of international economics—the urgency of the situation requires bold action now.

    Today—on April 1—after a mere 71 days on the job, President Trump’s Administration delivered the results of its work. The Report provides the President with recommendations for transformative action. The Report charts a course for his Presidency to reshape U.S. trade relations by prioritizing economic and national security, and restoring the ability to make America, once again, a nation of producers and builders.

    Specifically, the Report includes a chapter for each subsection in the AFTP Memorandum, with an additional chapter for Section 3(f) of Presidential Memorandum on Defending American Companies and Innovators from Overseas Extortion and Unfair Fines and Penalties; reporting pursuant to Sections 3(c) and 3(d) of the latter are included within Chapter 3. Although the full Report delivered to the President is non-public, what follows is a brief public summary of the contents of each chapter.

    Addressing Unfair and Unbalanced Trade

    Chapter 1. Economic and National Security Implications of the Large and Persistent Trade Deficit (Section 2(a) of AFTP)

    The Report opens with a discussion of the magnitude and urgency of the economic and national security threat posed by the large and persistent trade deficit. In particular, the trade deficit demonstrates a fundamental unfairness and lack of reciprocity in how the United States is treated by its trading partners. For decades, while the United States has kept its tariffs low and its economy open, our trading partners have imposed egregious tariff and non-tariff barriers on American goods and services.  These unfair and non-reciprocal trade practices have undermined U.S. competitiveness, leading to business closures, job losses, missed market opportunities for American exporters, loss of industrial capacity, and an atrophying of our defense industrial base and national security posture. The sum total of these various non-reciprocal practices is that American exporters are less competitive abroad and foreign imports are artificially more competitive in the United States. Hence, our large and persistent trade deficit. The Report makes recommendations to the President to reduce the trade deficit, including the imposition of a tariff on certain imports in pursuit of reciprocity and balanced trade.

    Chapter 2. The External Revenue Service (Section 2(b) of AFTP)

    Through a collaboration between the Department of Commerce (DOC), the Department of the Treasury, and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the creation of an External Revenue Service (ERS) offers an opportunity to improve tariff collection. Tariffs have historically played a central role in the collection of Federal revenues. One way the United States can maximize its revenue recovery while deterring fraudulent and unfair trade practices is by establishing a centralized system to optimize revenue collection in the form of an ERS. By closing regulatory gaps and modernizing revenue collection mechanisms, the United States can reaffirm its commitment to a strong, fair, and enforceable trade system that benefits American businesses and taxpayers alike.

    Chapter 3. Review of Unfair and Non-Reciprocal Foreign Trade Practices (Section 2(c) of AFTP)

    U.S. trading partners pursue various unfair and non-reciprocal trade practices. In its review, the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) identified more than 500 of these practices, and stakeholders reported many more during a public comment process. Many countries impose higher tariffs on U.S. exports than the United States imposes on imports from those countries. The U.S. average applied tariff is 3.3%. But the average tariffs in the European Union (EU) (5%), China (7.5%), Vietnam (9.4%), India (17%), and Brazil (11.2%) are all higher. The disparity is even more evident in specific products. The U.S. most-favored nation (MFN) tariff on passenger vehicles is 2.5%, but the EU, India, and China tariff cars at much higher rates, 10%, 70%, and 15% respectively. The United States has no tariffs on apples, but India has a 50% tariff and Turkey a 60.3% tariff.

    Non-tariff barriers by our trade partners are often an even greater obstacle. The EU only allows imports of shellfish from two states—Massachusetts and Washington—but the United States gives the EU unlimited access to the U.S. shellfish market. The United Kingdom (UK) maintains non-science-based standards that adversely affect U.S. exports of safe, high-quality beef and poultry products. Non-tariff barriers also include domestic economic policies that suppress domestic consumption. While the U.S. share of consumption to gross domestic product (GDP) is 68%, it is much lower in Ireland (24%), China (38%), and Germany (49%). This is because our trading partners pursue intentional policies of consumption-reduction (e.g., wage suppression and labor, environmental, and regulatory arbitrage) to gain unfair trade advantage over the United States. This, in turn, contributes to our large and persistent trade deficit. USTR recommends a number of ways in which current legal authorities might be used to address these unfair practices and trade barriers.

    Chapter 4. Renegotiation of the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (Section 2(d) of AFTP)

    In his first term, President Trump ended the job-killing North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and replaced it with the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA). USMCA gained new market access for American exporters and adopted rules to incentivize the reshoring of manufacturing to the United States. It also included an innovative review mechanism to ensure that the agreement is responsive to changing economic circumstances. Under the USMCA Implementation Act, USTR is statutorily required to initiate the review process ahead of the July 2026 deadline. Numerous changes are needed, such as stronger rules of origin to reduce the inflow of non-market economy content into the United States, expanded market access—especially for dairy exports to Canada, and action to address Mexico’s discriminatory practices, such as in the energy sector.

    Chapter 5. Review of Foreign Currency Manipulation (Section 2(e) of AFTP)

    The Secretary of the Treasury is required to assess the policies and practices of major U.S. trading partners with respect to the rate of exchange between their currencies and the United States dollar pursuant to section 4421 of title 19, United States Code, and section 5305 of title 22, United States Code. The Department of the Treasury will strengthen its ongoing currency analysis and address the lack of transparency by foreign governments in currency markets.

    Chapter 6. Review of Existing Trade Agreements (Section 2(f) of AFTP)

    The United States has 14 comprehensive trade agreements in force with 20 countries. There is significant scope to modernize existing U.S. trade agreements so that trade terms are aligned with American interests while addressing underlying causes of imbalances. This includes lowering foreign tariff rates for American exporters, improving transparency and predictability in foreign regulatory regimes, improving market access for U.S. agricultural products, strengthening rules of origin to ensure the benefits of the agreement appropriately flow to the parties, and improving the alignment of our trading partners with U.S. approaches to economic security and non-market policies and practices.

    Chapter 7. Identification of New Agreements to Secure Market Access (Section 2(g) of AFTP)

    The negotiation of new trade agreements with trading partners offers an opportunity for the United States to knock down non-reciprocal barriers to U.S. exports, especially for agricultural products, and reshape the global trading system in ways that promote supply chain resilience, manufacturing reshoring, and economic and national security alignment with partners. The Report identifies countries and sectors which may be ripe for the negotiation of America First Agreements.

    Chapter 8. Review of Anti-Dumping and Countervailing Duty Policies (Section 2(h) of AFTP)

    Administered by DOC, anti-dumping and countervailing duties (AD/CVD) are a critical tool to address unfair trade and support domestic manufacturing. Recommendations include considering the addition of new countries to the list of non-market economies, methodologies to better implement AD/CVD laws, and more-active self-initiation of new investigations.

    Chapter 9. Review of the De Minimis Exemption (Section 2(i) of AFTP)

    Packages containing imports valued at $800 or less imported by one person on one day currently enter the United States duty free. The United States should end this duty-free de minimis exemption.  This exception has resulted in approximately $10.8 billion in foregone tariff revenue in 2024 alone.  De minimis shipments also pose serious security risks to the United States. The de minimis exemption is a means by which fentanyl, counterfeit goods, and various deadly and high-risk products enter the United States with little scrutiny. Countless consumer products that don’t meet U.S. health and safety standards, such as flammable children’s pajamas and lead-ridden plumbing fixtures, enter the United States through under the de minimis administrative exemption every year.  This is in part because the government does not collect sufficient data on low-value shipments to allow for enforcement targeting.  The de minimis exemption also allows for importers to evade trade enforcement tariffs; for instance, goods entering through the de minimis exemption do not need to pay duties owed pursuant to Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974. With nearly four million packages arriving each day through the de minimis exemption, it is imperative that DOC and CBP recover our rightful tariff revenue and defend our national security by ending the exemption.

    Chapter 10. Investigation of Extraterritorial Taxes (Section 2(j) of AFTP)

    The United States must combat efforts by foreign governments to collect illegitimate revenue from U.S. firms by imposing various discriminatory taxes and regulatory regimes aimed to capture the success of America’s most successful companies—not the least of which are our leading technology firms. Digital Services Taxes, for example, are often devised so as to shield most non-U.S. headquartered firms from taxation and UTPRs determine tax based primarily on factors outside the taxing jurisdiction. We need to ensure we have available the tools necessary to defend U.S. interests, including by providing technical assistance in furtherance of new legislative tools and further investigating identified taxes to determine the appropriate action.

    Chapter 11. Review of the Government Procurement Agreement (Section 2(k) of AFTP)

    Buy American is the epitome of common-sense public policy. In recent decades, the United States has weakened domestic procurement preferences by opening up our procurement market pursuant to the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA). Unfortunately, this market access is lopsided. A 2019 report by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) on the GPA found that in 2010, the United States reported $837 billion in GPA coverage. This was twice as much as the $381 billion reported by the next five largest GPA parties (the EU, Japan, South Korea, Norway, and Canada), despite the fact that total U.S. procurement was less than that of these five partners combined. Moreover, some GPA partners open their procurement markets to third countries who are not parties, forcing U.S. suppliers to compete for the preferential market access they are entitled to under the agreement. To address this lack of reciprocity and unfair competition, the United States should modify or renegotiate the GPA, and if unsuccessful, withdraw.

    An additional challenge is that, although defense procurement is closed to GPA partners, the Department of Defense still gives countries access to our huge defense procurement market by negotiating Reciprocal Defense Procurement (RDP) agreements. Shockingly, these RDPs not only open our market to foreign suppliers, but also require U.S. firms to move industrial capacity offshore as a condition of access to the markets of partner countries. These RDPs must be reviewed to ensure they put America First.

    Economic and Trade Relations with the People’s Republic of China

    Chapter 12. Review of the Phase One Agreement (Section 3(a) of AFTP)

    A key success of President Trump’s first term was the Phase One Agreement with China. Unfortunately, five years following the entry into force in February 2020, China’s lack of compliance with the Agreement is a serious concern. China has failed to live up to its commitments on agriculture, financial services, and protection of intellectual property (IP) rights. USTR assessed this lack of compliance and recommends potential responses.

    Chapter 13. Assessment of the Section 301 Four-Year Review (Section 3(b) of AFTP)

    The United States imposed tariffs pursuant to Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 in 2018. The law requires that Section 301 actions be reviewed every four years by USTR. The first Four-Year Review was completed in May 2024 and resulted in increases of some of the Section 301 tariffs on China. USTR assessed the results of this review to ensure the Section 301 action remains fit for purpose.

    Chapter 14. Identification of New Section 301 Actions (Section 3(c) of AFTP)

    Given the expansiveness of China’s non-market policies and practices, there may be a need for additional Section 301 investigations. USTR looked at various elements of China’s non-market policies and practices to identify additional investigations that may be warranted.

    Chapter 15. Assessment of Permanent Normal Trade Relations (Section 3(d) of AFTP)

    After China was granted Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) with the United States in 2000, China took full advantage of the openness of the U.S. economy by leveraging its state-directed capital investments and subsidies, industrial overcapacity, lax labor and environmental standards, forced technology transfer policies, and countless protectionist measures. U.S. goods imports from China increased from $100 billion in 2000 to $463.9 billion in 2024, while the U.S. trade deficit in goods with China ballooned from $83.8 billion in 2000 to $295.4 billion in 2024. More than two decades after being granted PNTR, China still embraces a non-market economic system. USTR carefully reviewed legislative proposals related to PNTR and advised the President accordingly.

    Chapter 16. Assessment of Reciprocity for Intellectual Property (Section 3(e) of AFTP)

    The full extent of China’s abusive tactics and practices with respect to U.S. intellectual property is staggering. The Report catalogues China’s abuses of this system and recommends appropriate responsive actions to address China’s massive imbalance on treatment of intellectual property.

    Additional Economic Security Matters

    Chapter 17. Identification of New Section 232 Actions (Section 4(a) of AFTP)

    In his first term, President Trump used Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 to save America’s steel and aluminum industries. Last week, President Trump invoked Section 232 to impose a 25% tariff on foreign automobiles and certain automobile parts to protect our automotive industrial base. Reshoring industrial production in key sectors is critical to national security, and DOC identified additional products and sectors that merit consideration for initiation of new Section 232 investigations, including pharmaceuticals, semiconductors, and certain critical minerals. 

    Chapter 18. Review of Section 232 Action on Steel and Aluminum (Section 4(b) of AFTP)

    On February 11, President Trump ended all product exclusions and country exemptions for the Section 232 tariffs on steel and aluminum. DOC further explains the basis for this needed action and recommends additional measures for steel and aluminum for that could be taken.

    Chapter 19. Review of U.S. Export Controls (Section 4(c) of AFTP)

    The United States must ensure that its advanced technology does not flow to our adversaries. Export controls should be simpler, stricter, and more effective, while promoting U.S. dominance in AI and asserting global technological leadership.

    Chapter 20. Review of the Office of Information and Communication Technology and Services (Section 4(d) of AFTP)

    Using his authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), President Trump created a new Office of Information and Communication Technology and Services (ICTS) at DOC in his first term. In the last administration, however, ICTS was underutilized. DOC reviewed ongoing ICTS work and identified key areas to strengthen and improve in line with ITCS’s original intent, including expanding its scope and remit to encompass advanced technologies controlled by our adversaries.

    Chapter 21. Review of Outbound Investment Restrictions (Section 4(e) of AFTP)

    President Trump’s America First Investment Policy serves as a basis for how the Administration will approach investment policy, including on outbound investment restrictions. Pursuant to the America First Investment Policy, the National Security Council and the Department of the Treasury will evaluate options that allow American business to thrive while ensuring that they, too, put America First and do not undermine U.S. national security interests. Among the things the Administration plans to evaluate is whether the scope of outbound investment restrictions should be expanded to be responsive to developments in technology and the strategies of countries of concern.

    Chapter 22. Assessment of Foreign Subsidies on Federal Procurement (Section 4(f) of AFTP)

    Foreign subsidies can disadvantage domestic products in a country’s government procurement market. The EU has recognized this problem and introduced the Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR) to address distortions caused by foreign subsidies for public procurement. OMB assessed the value of the FSR and other policies to tilt the playing field in favor U.S. producers by strengthening domestic procurement preferences and closing loopholes.

    Chapter 23. Assessment of Unlawful Migration and Fentanyl Flows from Canada, Mexico, and China (Section 4(g) of AFTP)

    On February 1, President Trump invoked IEEPA to impose tariffs on Canada, Mexico, and China to stop the threat posed by the flow of illegal migrants and drugs into the United States. DOC and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) elaborated on the necessity for the strong action already taken by President Trump and identified measures to further stem the flow of illegal migrants and drugs into the United States.

    Chapter 24. E-Commerce Moratorium (Section 3(f) of Presidential Memorandum on Defending American Companies and Innovators from Overseas Extortion and Unfair Fines and Penalties)

    At present, WTO Members have committed to a temporary moratorium on customs duties on electronic transmissions, known popularly as the e-commerce moratorium. In other words, no tariffs on data flows. However, some countries—such as India, Indonesia, and South Africa—seek to tariff the flow of data, thereby destroying the internet and harming the competitiveness for U.S. companies that are global leaders. USTR assessed the risks posed by data tariffs and made recommendations to ensure that the e-commerce moratorium is made permanent.

    Conclusion

    The Report offers a broad, yet substantive, view of U.S. trade policy as it currently stands, and articulates a roadmap for where it should go. The U.S. trade policy of today does not address long-standing and destructive global imbalances, nor does it reflect the reality that the United States is the most open, innovative, and dynamic economy in the world, which is why we must work to unlock its full potential.  Now is the time to pursue trade and economic policies that put the American economy, the American worker, and our national security first. This Report provides a foundation to do exactly that.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Union Commerce & Industry Minister Shri Piyush Goyal Calls for Investments in Emerging Technologies to Propel ‘Viksit Bharat 2047’ Vision

    Source: Government of India

    Union Commerce & Industry Minister Shri Piyush Goyal Calls for Investments in Emerging Technologies to Propel ‘Viksit Bharat 2047’ Vision

    Shri Piyush Goyal inaugurates Startup Mahakumbh

    Shri Piyush Goyal Urges Indian Investors to Strengthen Startup Ecosystem with More Domestic Capital

    We need to handhold start-ups that are struggling to succeed: Shri Goyal

    Posted On: 03 APR 2025 8:30PM by PIB Delhi

    Union Minister of Commerce & Industry, Shri Piyush Goyal, highlighted  the need for investments in emerging technologies such as robotics, automation, machine learning, 3D manufacturing, and next-generation factories at the inaugural ceremony of the second edition of Startup Mahakumbh in Delhi today. Shri Goyal, said these innovations are essential for realizing the vision of ‘Viksit Bharat 2047’ and establishing India as a global leader in industry and innovation.

    India’s position as the world’s third-largest startup ecosystem, attributing this achievement to the country’s dynamic entrepreneurial spirit and technological advancements. Speaking at the event which will run from April 3-5. He also underscored the evolving role of startups in driving India’s economic and technological growth.

    Encouraging Indian investors to support the domestic startup ecosystem, Shri Goyal reiterated the government’s commitment to fostering innovation and entrepreneurship. He assured that the government will handhold and support those who face challenges in their startup journey, encouraging them to persevere and try again. He also stressed the need for increasing domestic capital investments, stating that a strong foundation of indigenous investment is crucial to reducing dependency on foreign capital and ensuring long-term economic resilience.

    Shri Goyal emphasised the need to attract more domestic investors to strengthen India’s capital base and ensure self-reliance. He expressed confidence that with collective efforts, India’s startup ecosystem will continue to thrive and significantly contribute to the nation’s prosperity. He urged domestic investors to invest in the cuntry startups

    Shri Goyal lauded the organizing committee, sponsors, and participants for their contributions and efforts in making the event a grand success. He commended the growth of the Startup Mahakumbh since its inception, calling it a reflection of India’s changing mindset and expanding innovation ecosystem.

    Highlighting India’s economic trajectory, Shri Goyal noted that the country, currently the world’s fifth-largest GDP, is on track to become the fourth-largest by the end of 2025 and the third-largest by 2027, surpassing Japan and Germany. He credited this growth to India’s robust startup ecosystem, rapid advancements in artificial intelligence, semiconductor manufacturing, and deep-tech innovations.

    Shri Goyal expressed his aspiration to make the next Startup Mahakumbh even bigger, targeting participation from all 770 districts of India. He proposed launching a nationwide competition to identify young innovators from colleges and incubators, ensuring widespread representation and participation in future editions.

    ***

    Abhishek Dayal/ Abhijith Narayanan/ Ishita Biswas

    (Release ID: 2118508) Visitor Counter : 17

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Nations: New Permanent Representative of Ukraine Presents Credentials to the Director-General of the United Nations Office at Geneva

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    Yevhenii Tsymbaliuk, the new Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the United Nations Office at Geneva, today presented his credentials to Tatiana Valovaya, the Director-General of the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    Prior to his appointment to Geneva, Mr. Tsymbaliuk served as Special Envoy of Ukraine to the International Atomic Energy Agency since August 2024, and as Ambassador-at-Large on Human Rights, Gender Equality and Diversity for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine since January 2024.

    Mr. Tsymbaliuk served as Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the International Organizations in Vienna from July 2019 to December 2023.  From April 2015 to June 2018, he served as Ambassador of Ukraine to Kenya, concurrently serving as non-resident Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros, and as Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the United Nations Environment Programme and to the United Nations Human Settlements Programme from October 2015 to June 2018.  He also served as non-resident Ambassador to Rwanda from December 2015 to June 2018, and Tanzania from June 2015 to June 2018.

    He has also held high-level domestic roles within the Ukrainian Government, including as Deputy Director-General of the Department for International Organizations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2019); First Deputy Head of the Directorate of Strategic Planning and Operational Support of the Administration of the President (2018-2019); and Deputy Director-General of the Secretariat of the Minister for Foreign Affairs (2012-2015).

    Mr. Tsymbaliuk obtained a master’s degree in history at the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, where he also completed studies in English and German, and gained a second master’s degree in German language education at the Kyiv National Linguistic University.  Born on 30 May 1972 in Magdeburg, Germany, he is fluent in English and German, and is married and has one daughter.

    _______________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CR25.014E

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Meeting of 5-6 March 2025

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Wednesday and Thursday, 5-6 March 2025

    3 April 2025

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel started her presentation by noting that, since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 29-30 January 2025, euro area and US markets had moved in opposite directions in a highly volatile political environment. In the euro area, markets had focused on the near-term macroeconomic backdrop, with incoming data in the euro area surprising on the upside. Lower energy prices responding in part to the prospect of a ceasefire in Ukraine, looser fiscal policy due to increased defence spending and a potential relaxation of Germany’s fiscal rules had supported investor sentiment. This contrasted with developments in the United States, where market participants’ assessment of the new US Administration’s policy decisions had turned more negative amid fears of tariffs driving prices up and dampening consumer and business sentiment.

    A puzzling feature of recent market developments had been the dichotomy between measures of policy uncertainty and financial market volatility. Global economic policy uncertainty had shot up in the final quarter of 2024 and had reached a new all-time high, surpassing the peak seen at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. By contrast, volatility in euro area and US equity markets had remained muted, despite having broadly traced dynamics in economic policy uncertainty over the past 15 years. Only more recently, with the prospect of tariffs becoming more concrete, had stock market volatility started to pick up from low levels.

    Risk sentiment in the euro area remained strong and close to all-time highs, outpacing the United States, which had declined significantly since the Governing Council’s January monetary policy meeting. This mirrored the divergence of macroeconomic developments. The Citigroup Economic Surprise Index for the euro area had turned positive in February 2025, reaching its highest level since April 2024. This was in contrast to developments in the United States, where economic surprises had been negative recently.

    The divergence in investor appetite was most evident in stock markets. The euro area stock market continued to outperform its US counterpart, posting the strongest year-to-date performance relative to the US index in almost a decade. Stock market developments were aligned with analysts’ earnings expectations, which had been raised for European firms since the start of 2025. Meanwhile, US earnings estimates had been revised down continuously for the past eleven weeks.

    Part of the recent outperformance of euro area equities stemmed from a catch-up in valuations given that euro area equities had performed less strongly than US stocks in 2024. Moreover, in spite of looming tariffs, the euro area equity market was benefiting from potential growth tailwinds, including a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, the greater prospect of a stable German government following the country’s parliamentary elections and the likelihood of increased defence spending in the euro area. The share prices of tariff-sensitive companies had been significantly underperforming their respective benchmarks in both currency areas, but tariff-sensitive stocks in the United States had fared substantially worse.

    Market pricing also indicated a growing divergence in inflation prospects between the euro area and the United States. In the euro area, the market’s view of a gradual disinflation towards the ECB’s 2% target remained intact. One-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead stood at around 2%, while the one-year forward inflation-linked swap rate one year ahead continued to stand somewhat below 2%. However, inflation compensation had moved up across maturities on 5 March 2025. In the United States, one-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead had increased significantly, likely driven in part by bond traders pricing in the inflationary effects of tariffs on US consumer prices. Indicators of the balance of risks for inflation suggested that financial market participants continued to see inflation risks in the euro area as broadly balanced across maturities.

    Changing growth and inflation prospects had also been reflected in monetary policy expectations for the euro area. On the back of slightly lower inflation compensation due to lower energy prices, expectations for ECB monetary policy had edged down. A 25 basis point cut was fully priced in for the current Governing Council monetary policy meeting, while markets saw a further rate cut at the following meeting as uncertain. Most recently, at the time of the meeting, rate investors no longer expected three more 25 basis point cuts in the deposit facility rate in 2025. Participants in the Survey of Monetary Analysts, finalised in the last week of February, had continued to expect a slightly faster easing cycle.

    Turning to euro area market interest rates, the rise in nominal ten-year overnight index swap (OIS) rates since the 11-12 December 2024 Governing Council meeting had largely been driven by improving euro area macroeconomic data, while the impact of US factors had been small overall. Looking back, euro area ten-year nominal and real OIS rates had overall been remarkably stable since their massive repricing in 2022, when the ECB had embarked on the hiking cycle. A key driver of persistently higher long-term rates had been the market’s reassessment of the real short-term rate that was expected to prevail in the future. The expected real one-year forward rate four years ahead had surged in 2022 as investors adjusted their expectations away from a “low-for-long” interest rate environment, suggesting that higher real rates were expected to be the new normal.

    The strong risk sentiment had also been transmitted to euro area sovereign bond spreads relative to yields on German government bonds, which remained at contained levels. Relative to OIS rates, however, the spreads had increased since the January monetary policy meeting – this upward move intensified on 5 March with the expectation of a substantial increase in defence spending. One factor behind the gradual widening of asset swap spreads over the past two years had been the increasing net supply of government bonds, which had been smoothly absorbed in the market.

    Regarding the exchange rate, after a temporary depreciation the euro had appreciated slightly against the US dollar, going above the level seen at the time of the January meeting. While the repricing of expectations regarding ECB monetary policy relative to the United States had weighed on the euro, as had global risk sentiment, the euro had been supported by the relatively stronger euro area economic outlook.

    Ms Schnabel then considered the implications of recent market developments for overall financial conditions. Since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting, a broad-based and pronounced easing in financial conditions had been observed. This was driven primarily by higher equity prices and, to a lesser extent, by lower interest rates. The decline in euro area real risk-free interest rates across the yield curve implied that the euro area real yield curve remained well within neutral territory.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started his introduction by noting that, according to Eurostat’s flash release, headline inflation in the euro area had declined to 2.4% in February, from 2.5% in January. While energy inflation had fallen from 1.9% to 0.2% and services inflation had eased from 3.9% to 3.7%, food inflation had increased to 2.7%, from 2.3%, and non-energy industrial goods inflation had edged up from 0.5% to 0.6%.

    Most indicators of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. The Persistent and Common Component of Inflation had ticked down to 2.1% in January. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined by 0.2 percentage points to 4.0%. But it remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. Recent wage negotiations pointed to a continued moderation in labour cost pressures. For instance, negotiated wage growth had decreased to 4.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The wage tracker and an array of survey indicators also suggested a continued weakening of wage pressures in 2025.

    Inflation was expected to evolve along a slightly higher path in 2025 than had been expected in the Eurosystem staff’s December projections, owing to higher energy prices. At the same time, services inflation was expected to continue declining in early 2025 as the effects from lagged repricing faded, wage pressures receded and the impact of past monetary policy tightening continued to feed through. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations still stood at around 2%. Near-term market-based inflation compensation had declined across maturities, likely reflecting the most recent decline in energy prices, but longer-term inflation compensation had recently increased in response to emerging fiscal developments. Consumer inflation expectations had resumed their downward momentum in January.

    According to the March ECB staff projections, headline inflation was expected to average 2.3% in 2025, 1.9% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. Compared with the December 2024 projections, inflation had been revised up by 0.2 percentage points for 2025, reflecting stronger energy price dynamics in the near term. At the same time, the projections were unchanged for 2026 and had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points for 2027. For core inflation, staff projected a slowdown from an average of 2.2% in 2025 to 2.0% in 2026 and to 1.9% in 2027 as labour cost pressures eased further, the impact of past shocks faded and the past monetary policy tightening continued to weigh on prices. The core inflation projection was 0.1 percentage points lower for 2025 compared with the December projections round, as recent data releases had surprised on the downside, but they had been revised up by the same amount for 2026, reflecting the lagged indirect effects of the past depreciation of the euro as well as higher energy inflation in 2025.

    Geopolitical uncertainties loomed over the global growth outlook. The Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) for global composite output excluding the euro area had declined in January to 52.0, amid a broad-based slowdown in the services sector across key economies. The discussions between the United States and Russia over a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, as well as the de-escalation in the Middle East, had likely contributed to the recent decline in oil and gas prices on global commodity markets. Nevertheless, geopolitical tensions remained a major source of uncertainty. Euro area foreign demand growth was projected to moderate, declining from 3.4% in 2024 to 3.2% in 2025 and then to 3.1% in 2026 and 2027. Downward revisions to the projections for global trade compared with the December 2024 projections reflected mostly the impact of tariffs on US imports from China.

    The euro had remained stable in nominal effective terms and had appreciated against the US dollar since the last monetary policy meeting. From the start of the easing cycle last summer, the euro had depreciated overall both against the US dollar and in nominal effective terms, albeit showing a lot of volatility in the high frequency data. Energy commodity prices had decreased following the January meeting, with oil prices down by 4.6% and gas prices down by 12%. However, energy markets had also seen a lot of volatility recently.

    Turning to activity in the euro area, GDP had grown modestly in the fourth quarter of 2024. Manufacturing was still a drag on growth, as industrial activity remained weak in the winter months and stood below its third-quarter level. At the same time, survey indicators for manufacturing had been improving and indicators for activity in the services sector were moderating, while remaining in expansionary territory. Although growth in domestic demand had slowed in the fourth quarter, it remained clearly positive. In contrast, exports had likely continued to contract in the fourth quarter. Survey data pointed to modest growth momentum in the first quarter of 2025. The composite output PMI had stood at 50.2 in February, unchanged from January and up from an average of 49.3 in the fourth quarter of 2024. The PMI for manufacturing output had risen to a nine-month high of 48.9, whereas the PMI for services business activity had been 50.6, remaining in expansionary territory but at its lowest level for a year. The more forward-looking composite PMI for new orders had edged down slightly in February owing to its services component. The European Commission’s Economic Sentiment Indicator had improved in January and February but remained well below its long-term average.

    The labour market remained robust. Employment had increased by 0.1 percentage points in the fourth quarter and the unemployment rate had stayed at its historical low of 6.2% in January. However, demand for labour had moderated, which was reflected in fewer job postings, fewer job-to-job transitions and declining quit intentions for wage or career reasons. Recent survey data suggested that employment growth had been subdued in the first two months of 2025.

    In terms of fiscal policy, a tightening of 0.9 percentage points of GDP had been achieved in 2024, mainly because of the reversal of inflation compensatory measures and subsidies. In the March projections a further slight tightening was foreseen for 2025, but this did not yet factor in the news received earlier in the week about the scaling-up of defence spending.

    Looking ahead, growth should be supported by higher incomes and lower borrowing costs. According to the staff projections, exports should also be boosted by rising global demand as long as trade tensions did not escalate further. But uncertainty had increased and was likely to weigh on investment and exports more than previously expected. Consequently, ECB staff had again revised down growth projections, by 0.2 percentage points to 0.9% for 2025 and by 0.2 percentage points to 1.2% for 2026, while keeping the projection for 2027 unchanged at 1.3%. Respondents to the Survey of Monetary Analysts expected growth of 0.8% in 2025, 0.2 percentage points lower than in January, but continued to expect growth of 1.1% in 2026 and 1.2% in 2027, unchanged from January.

    Market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the January meeting but had risen over recent days in response to the latest fiscal developments. The past interest rate cuts, together with anticipated future cuts, were making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households, and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, a headwind to the easing of financing conditions was coming from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remained subdued overall. The cost of new loans to firms had declined further by 12 basis points to 4.2% in January, about 1 percentage point below the October 2023 peak. By contrast, the cost of issuing market-based corporate debt had risen to 3.7%, 0.2 percentage points higher than in December. Mortgage rates were 14 basis points lower at 3.3% in January, around 80 basis points below their November 2023 peak. However, the average cost of bank credit measured on the outstanding stock of loans had declined substantially less than that of new loans to firms and only marginally for mortgages.

    Annual growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December. This had mainly reflected base effects, as the negative flow in January 2024 had dropped out of the annual calculation. Corporate debt issuance had increased in January in terms of the monthly flow, but the annual growth rate had remained broadly stable at 3.4%. Mortgage lending had continued its gradual rise, with an annual growth rate of 1.3% in January after 1.1% in December.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    In summary, the disinflation process remained well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff expected, and the latest projections closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Wage growth was moderating as expected. The recent interest rate cuts were making new borrowing less expensive and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, past interest rate hikes were still transmitting to the stock of credit and lending remained subdued overall. The economy faced continued headwinds, reflecting lower exports and ongoing weakness in investment, in part originating from high trade policy uncertainty as well as broader policy uncertainty. Rising real incomes and the gradually fading effects of past rate hikes continued to be the key drivers underpinning the expected pick-up in demand over time.

    Based on this assessment, Mr Lane proposed lowering the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. In particular, the proposal to lower the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was rooted in the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Moving the deposit facility rate from 2.75% to 2.50% would be a robust decision. In particular, holding at 2.75% could weaken the required recovery in consumption and investment and thereby risk undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. Furthermore, the new projections indicated that, if the baseline dynamics for inflation and economic growth continued to hold, further easing would be required to stabilise inflation at the medium-term target on a sustainable basis. Under this baseline, from a macroeconomic perspective, a variety of rate paths over the coming meetings could deliver the remaining degree of easing. This reinforced the value of a meeting-by-meeting approach, with no pre-commitment to any particular rate path. In the near term, it would allow the Governing Council to take into account all the incoming data between the current meeting and the meeting on 16-17 April, together with the latest waves of the ECB’s surveys, including the bank lending survey, the Corporate Telephone Survey, the Survey of Professional Forecasters and the Consumer Expectations Survey.

    Moreover, the Governing Council should pay special attention to the unfolding geopolitical risks and emerging fiscal developments in view of their implications for activity and inflation. In particular, compared with the rate paths consistent with the baseline projection, the appropriate rate path at future meetings would also reflect the evolution and/or materialisation of the upside and downside risks to inflation and economic momentum.

    As the Governing Council had advanced further in the process of lowering rates from their peak, the communication about the state of transmission in the monetary policy statement should evolve. Mr Lane proposed replacing the “level” assessment that “monetary policy remains restrictive” with the more “directional” statement that “our monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive”. In a similar vein, the Governing Council should replace the reference “financing conditions continue to be tight” with an acknowledgement that “a headwind to the easing of financing conditions comes from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remains subdued overall”.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    As regards the external environment, members took note of the assessment provided by Mr Lane. Global activity at the end of 2024 had been marginally stronger than expected (possibly supported by firms frontloading imports of foreign inputs ahead of potential trade disruptions) and according to the March 2025 ECB staff projections global growth was expected to remain fairly solid overall, while moderating slightly over 2025-27. This moderation came mainly from expected lower growth rates for the United States and China, which were partially compensated for by upward revisions to the outlook for other economies. Euro area foreign demand was seen to evolve broadly in line with global activity over the rest of the projection horizon. Compared with the December 2024 Eurosystem staff projections, foreign demand was projected to be slightly weaker over 2025-27. This weakness was seen to stem mainly from lower US imports. Recent data in the United States had come in on the soft side. It was highlighted that the March 2025 projections only incorporated tariffs implemented at the time of the cut-off date (namely US tariffs of 10% on imports from China and corresponding retaliatory tariffs on US exports to China). By contrast, US tariffs that had been suspended or not yet formally announced at the time of the cut-off date were treated as risks to the baseline projections.

    Elevated and exceptional uncertainty was highlighted as a key theme for both the external environment and the euro area economy. Current uncertainties were seen as multidimensional (political, geopolitical, tariff-related and fiscal) and as comprising “radical” or “Knightian” elements, in other words a type of uncertainty that could not be quantified or captured well by standard tools and quantitative analysis. In particular, the unpredictable patterns of trade protectionism in the United States were currently having an impact on the outlook for the global economy and might also represent a more lasting regime change. It was also highlighted that, aside from specific, already enacted tariff measures, uncertainty surrounding possible additional measures was creating significant extra headwinds in the global economy.

    The impact of US tariffs on trading partners was seen to be clearly negative for activity while being more ambiguous for inflation. For the latter, an upside effect in the short term, partly driven by the exchange rate, might be broadly counterbalanced by downside pressures on prices from lower demand, especially over the medium term. It was underlined that it was challenging to determine, ex ante, the impact of protectionist measures, as this would depend crucially on how the measures were deployed and was likely to be state and scale-dependent, in particular varying with the duration of the protectionist measures and the extent of any retaliatory measures. More generally, a tariff could be seen as a tax on production and consumption, which also involved a wealth transfer from the private to the public sector. In this context, it was underlined that tariffs were generating welfare losses for all parties concerned.

    With regard to economic activity in the euro area, members broadly agreed with the assessment presented by Mr Lane. The overall narrative remained that the economy continued to grow, but in a modest way. Based on Eurostat’s flash release for the euro area (of 14 February) and available country data, year-on-year growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 appeared broadly in line with what had been expected. However, the composition was somewhat different, with more private and government consumption, less investment and deeply negative net exports. It was mentioned that recent surveys had been encouraging, pointing to a turnaround in the interest rate-sensitive manufacturing sector, with the euro area manufacturing PMI reaching its highest level in 24 months. While developments in services continued to be better than those in manufacturing, survey evidence suggested that momentum in the services sector could be slowing, although manufacturing might become less negative – a pattern of rotation also seen in surveys of the global economy. Elevated uncertainty was undoubtedly a factor holding back firms’ investment spending. Exports were also weak, particularly for capital goods.The labour market remained resilient, however. The unemployment rate in January (6.2%) was at a historical low for the euro area economy, once again better than expected, although the positive momentum in terms of the rate of employment growth appeared to be moderating.

    While the euro area economy was still expected to grow in the first quarter of the year, it was noted that incoming data were mixed. Current and forward-looking indicators were becoming less negative for the manufacturing sector but less positive for the services sector. Consumer confidence had ticked up in the first two months of 2025, albeit from low levels, while households’ unemployment expectations had also improved slightly. Regarding investment, there had been some improvement in housing investment indicators, with the housing output PMI having improved measurably, thus indicating a bottoming-out in the housing market, and although business investment indicators remained negative, they were somewhat less so. Looking ahead, economic growth should continue and strengthen over time, although once again more slowly than previously expected. Real wage developments and more affordable credit should support household spending. The outlook for investment and exports remained the most uncertain because it was clouded by trade policy and geopolitical uncertainties.

    Broad agreement was expressed with the latest ECB staff macroeconomic projections. Economic growth was expected to continue, albeit at a modest pace and somewhat slower than previously expected. It was noted, however, that the downward revision to economic growth in 2025 was driven in part by carry-over effects from a weak fourth quarter in 2024 (according to Eurostat’s flash release). Some concern was raised that the latest downward revisions to the current projections had come after a sequence of downward revisions. Moreover, other institutions’ forecasts appeared to be notably more pessimistic. While these successive downward revisions to the staff projections had been modest on an individual basis, cumulatively they were considered substantial. At the same time, it was highlighted that negative judgement had been applied to the March projections, notably on investment and net exports among the demand components. By contrast, there had been no significant change in the expected outlook for private consumption, which, supported by real wage growth, accumulated savings and lower interest rates, was expected to remain the main element underpinning growth in economic activity.

    While there were some downward revisions to expectations for government consumption, investment and exports, the outlook for each of these components was considered to be subject to heightened uncertainty. Regarding government consumption, recent discussions in the fiscal domain could mean that the slowdown in growth rates of government spending in 2025 assumed in the projections might not materialise after all. These new developments could pose risks to the projections, as they would have an impact on economic growth, inflation and possibly also potential growth, countering the structural weakness observed so far. At the same time, it was noted that a significant rise in the ten-year yields was already being observed, whereas the extra stimulus from military spending would likely materialise only further down the line. Overall, members considered that the broad narrative of a modestly growing euro area economy remained valid. Developments in US trade policies and elevated uncertainty were weighing on businesses and consumers in the euro area, and hence on the outlook for activity.

    Private consumption had underpinned euro area growth at the end of 2024. The ongoing increase in real wages, as well as low unemployment, the stabilisation in consumer confidence and saving rates that were still above pre-pandemic levels, provided confidence that a consumption-led recovery was still on track. But some concern was expressed over the extent to which private consumption could further contribute to a pick-up in growth. In this respect, it was argued that moderating real wage growth, which was expected to be lower in 2025 than in 2024, and weak consumer confidence were not promising for a further increase in private consumption. Concerning the behaviour of household savings, it was noted that saving rates were clearly higher than during the pre-pandemic period, although they were projected to decline gradually over the forecast horizon. However, the current heightened uncertainty and the increase in fiscal deficits could imply that higher household savings might persist, partly reflecting “Ricardian” effects (i.e. consumers prone to increase savings in anticipation of higher future taxes needed to service the extra debt). At the same time, it was noted that the modest decline in the saving rate was only one factor supporting the outlook for private consumption.

    Regarding investment, a distinction was made between housing and business investment. For housing, a slow recovery was forecast during the course of 2025 and beyond. This was based on the premise of lower interest rates and less negative confidence indicators, although some lag in housing investment might be expected owing to planning and permits. The business investment outlook was considered more uncertain. While industrial confidence was low, there had been some improvement in the past couple of months. However, it was noted that confidence among firms producing investment goods was falling and capacity utilisation in the sector was low and declining. It was argued that it was not the level of interest rates that was currently holding back business investment, but a high level of uncertainty about economic policies. In this context, concern was expressed that ongoing uncertainty could result in businesses further delaying investment, which, if cumulated over time, would weigh on the medium-term growth potential.

    The outlook for exports and the direct and indirect impact of tariff measures were a major concern. It was noted that, as a large exporter, particularly of capital goods, the euro area might feel the biggest impact of such measures. Reference was made to scenario calculations that suggested that there would be a significant negative impact on economic growth, particularly in 2025, if the tariffs on Mexico, Canada and the euro area currently being threatened were actually implemented. Regarding the specific impact on euro area exports, it was noted that, to understand the potential impact on both activity and prices, a granular level of analysis would be required, as sectors differed in terms of competition and pricing power. Which specific goods were targeted would also matter. Furthermore, while imports from the United States (as a percentage of euro area GDP) had increased over the past decade, those from the rest of the world (China, the rest of Asia and other EU countries) were larger and had increased by more.

    Members overall assessed that the labour market continued to be resilient and was developing broadly in line with previous expectations. The euro area unemployment rate remained at historically low levels and well below estimates of the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment. The strength of the labour market was seen as attenuating the social cost of the relatively weak economy as well as supporting upside pressures on wages and prices. While there had been some slowdown in employment growth, this also had to be seen in the context of slowing labour force growth. Furthermore, the latest survey indicators suggested a broad stabilisation rather than any acceleration in the slowdown. Overall, the euro area labour market remained tight, with a negative unemployment gap.

    Against this background, members reiterated that fiscal and structural policies should make the economy more productive, competitive and resilient. It was noted that recent discussions at the national and EU levels raised the prospect of a major change in the fiscal stance, notably in the euro area’s largest economy but also across the European Union. In the baseline projections, which had been finalised before the recent discussions, a fiscal tightening over 2025-27 had been expected owing to a reversal of previous subsidies and termination of the Next Generation EU programme in 2027. Current proposals under discussion at the national and EU levels would represent a substantial change, particularly if additional measures beyond extra defence spending were required to achieve the necessary political buy-in. It was noted, however, that not all countries had sufficient fiscal space. Hence it was underlined that governments should ensure sustainable public finances in line with the EU’s economic governance framework and should prioritise essential growth-enhancing structural reforms and strategic investment. It was also reiterated that the European Commission’s Competitiveness Compass provided a concrete roadmap for action and its proposals should be swiftly adopted.

    In light of exceptional uncertainty around trade policies and the fiscal outlook, it was noted that one potential impact of elevated uncertainty was that the baseline scenario was becoming less likely to materialise and risk factors might suddenly enter the baseline. Moreover, elevated uncertainty could become a persistent fact of life. It was also considered that the current uncertainty was of a different nature to that normally considered in the projection exercises and regular policymaking. In particular, uncertainty was not so much about how certain variables behaved within the model (or specific model parameters) but whether fundamental building blocks of the models themselves might have to be reconsidered (also given that new phenomena might fall entirely outside the realm of historical data or precedent). This was seen as a call for new approaches to capture uncertainty.

    Against this background, members assessed that even though some previous downside risks had already materialised, the risks to economic growth had increased and remained tilted to the downside. An escalation in trade tensions would lower euro area growth by dampening exports and weakening the global economy. Ongoing uncertainty about global trade policies could drag investment down. Geopolitical tensions, such as Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East, remained a major source of uncertainty. Growth could be lower if the lagged effects of monetary policy tightening lasted longer than expected. At the same time, growth could be higher if easier financing conditions and falling inflation allowed domestic consumption and investment to rebound faster. An increase in defence and infrastructure spending could also add to growth. For the near-term outlook, the ECB’s mechanical updates of growth expectations in the first half of 2025 suggested some downside risk. Beyond the near term, it was noted that the baseline projections only included tariffs (and retaliatory measures) already implemented but not those announced or threatened but not yet implemented. The materialisation of additional tariff measures would weigh on euro area exports and investment as well as add to the competitiveness challenges facing euro area businesses. At the same time, the potential fiscal impulse had not been included either.

    With regard to price developments, members largely agreed that the disinflation process was on track, with inflation continuing to develop broadly as staff had expected. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a delay. However, recent wage negotiations pointed to an ongoing moderation in labour cost pressures, with a lower contribution from profits partially buffering their impact on inflation and most indicators of underlying inflation pointing to a sustained return of inflation to target. Preliminary indicators for labour cost growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 suggested a further moderation, which gave some greater confidence that moderating wage growth would support the projected disinflation process.

    It was stressed that the annual growth of compensation per employee, which, based on available euro area data, had stood at 4.4% in the third quarter of 2024, should be seen as the most important and most comprehensive measure of wage developments. According to the projections, it was expected to decline substantially by the end of 2025, while available hard data on wage growth were still generally coming in above 4%, and indications from the ECB wage tracker were based only on a limited number of wage agreements for the latter part of 2025. The outlook for wages was seen as a key element for the disinflation path foreseen in the projections, and the sustainable return of inflation to target was still subject to considerable uncertainty. In this context, some concern was expressed that relatively tight labour markets might slow the rate of moderation and that weak labour productivity growth might push up the rate of increase in unit labour costs.

    With respect to the incoming data, members reiterated that hard data for the first quarter would be crucial for ascertaining further progress with disinflation, as foreseen in the staff projections. The differing developments among the main components of the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) were noted. Energy prices had increased but were volatile, and some of the increases had already been reversed most recently. Notwithstanding the increases in the annual rate of change in food prices, momentum in this salient component was down. Developments in the non-energy industrial goods component remained modest. Developments in services were the main focus of discussions. While some concerns were expressed that momentum in services appeared to have remained relatively elevated or had even edged up (when looking at three-month annualised growth rates), it was also argued that the overall tendency was clearly down. It was stressed that detailed hard data on services inflation over the coming months would be key and would reveal to what extent the projected substantial disinflation in services in the first half of 2025 was on track.

    Regarding the March inflation projections, members commended the improved forecasting performance in recent projection rounds. It was underlined that the 0.2 percentage point upward revision to headline inflation for 2025 primarily reflected stronger energy price dynamics compared with the December projections. Some concern was expressed that inflation was now only projected to reach 2% on a sustained basis in early 2026, rather than in the course of 2025 as expected previously. It was also noted that, although the baseline scenario had been broadly materialising, uncertainties had been increasing substantially in several respects. Furthermore, recent data releases had seen upside surprises in headline inflation. However, it was remarked that the latest upside revision to the headline inflation projections had been driven mainly by the volatile prices of crude oil and natural gas, with the decline in those prices since the cut-off date for the projections being large enough to undo much of the upward revision. In addition, it was underlined that the projections for HICP inflation excluding food and energy were largely unchanged, with staff projecting an average of 2.2% for 2025 and 2.0% for 2026. The argument was made that the recent revisions showed once again that it was misleading to mechanically relate lower growth to lower inflation, given the prevalence of supply-side shocks.

    With respect to inflation expectations, reference was made to the latest market-based inflation fixings, which were typically highly sensitive to the most recent energy commodity price developments. Beyond the short term, inflation fixings were lower than the staff projections. Attention was drawn to a sharp increase in the five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead following the latest expansionary fiscal policy announcements. However, it was argued that this measure remained consistent with genuine expectations broadly anchored around 2% if estimated risk premia were taken into account, and there had been a less substantial adjustment in nearer-term inflation compensation. Looking at other sources of evidence on expectations, collected before the fiscal announcements (as was the case for all survey evidence), panellists in the Survey of Monetary Analysts saw inflation close to 2%. Consumer inflation expectations from the ECB Consumer Expectations Survey were generally at higher levels, but they showed a small downtick for one-year ahead expectations. It was also highlighted that firms mentioned inflation in their earnings calls much less frequently, suggesting inflation was becoming less salient.

    Against this background, members saw a number of uncertainties surrounding the inflation outlook. Increasing friction in global trade was adding more uncertainty to the outlook for euro area inflation. A general escalation in trade tensions could see the euro depreciate and import costs rise, which would put upward pressure on inflation. At the same time, lower demand for euro area exports as a result of higher tariffs and a re-routing of exports into the euro area from countries with overcapacity would put downward pressure on inflation. Geopolitical tensions created two-sided inflation risks as regards energy markets, consumer confidence and business investment. Extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices by more than expected. Inflation could turn out higher if wages or profits increased by more than expected. A boost in defence and infrastructure spending could also raise inflation through its effect on aggregate demand. But inflation might surprise on the downside if monetary policy dampened demand by more than expected. The view was expressed that the prospect of significantly higher fiscal spending, together with a potentially significant increase in inflation in the event of a tariff scenario with retaliation, deserved particular consideration in future risk assessments. Moreover, the risks might be exacerbated by potential second-round effects and upside wage pressures in an environment where inflation had not yet returned to target and the labour market remained tight. In particular, it was argued that the boost to domestic demand from fiscal spending would make it easier for firms to pass through higher costs to consumers rather than absorb them in their profits, at a time when inflation expectations were more fragile and firms had learned to rapidly adapt the frequency of repricing in an environment of high uncertainty. It was argued that growth concerns were mainly structural in nature and that monetary policy was ineffective in resolving structural weaknesses.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the Governing Council’s January meeting, before surging in the days immediately preceding the March meeting. Long-term bond yields had risen significantly: for example, the yield on ten-year German government bonds had increased by about 30 basis points in a day – the highest one-day jump since the surge linked to German reunification in March 1990. These moves probably reflected a mix of expectations of higher average policy rates in the future and a rise in the term premium, and represented a tightening of financing conditions. The revised outlook for fiscal policy – associated in particular with the need to increase defence spending – and the resulting increase in aggregate demand were the main drivers of these developments and had also led to an appreciation of the euro.

    Looking back over a longer period, it was noted that broader financial conditions had already been easing substantially since late 2023 because of factors including monetary policy easing, the stock market rally and the recent depreciation of the euro until the past few days. In this respect, it was mentioned that, abstracting from the very latest developments, after the strong increase in long-term rates in 2022, yields had been more or less flat, albeit with some volatility. However, it was contended that the favourable impact on debt financing conditions of the decline in short-term rates had been partly offset by the recent significant increase in long-term rates. Moreover, debt financing conditions remained relatively tight compared with longer-term historical averages over the past ten to 15 years, which covered the low-interest period following the financial crisis. Wider financial markets appeared to have become more optimistic about Europe and less optimistic about the United States since the January meeting, although some doubt was raised as to whether that divergence was set to last.

    The ECB’s interest rate cuts were gradually contributing to an easing of financing conditions by making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 4.2% in January, from 4.4% in December. Over the same period the average interest rate on new mortgages had fallen to 3.3%, from 3.4%. At the same time, lending rates were proving slower to turn around in real terms, so there continued to be a headwind to the easing of financing conditions from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit. This meant that lending rates on the outstanding stock of loans had only declined marginally, especially for mortgages. The recent substantial increase in long-term yields could also have implications for lending conditions by affecting bank funding conditions and influencing the cost of loans linked to long-term yields. However, it was noted that it was no surprise that financing conditions for households and firms still appeared tight when compared with the period of negative interest rates, because longer-term fixed rate loans taken out during the low-interest rate period were being refinanced at higher interest rates. Financing conditions were in any case unlikely to return to where they had been prior to the COVID-19 pandemic and the inflation surge. Furthermore, the most recent bank lending survey pointed to neutral or even stimulative effects of the general level of interest rates on bank lending to firms and households. Overall, it was observed that financing conditions were at present broadly as expected in a cycle in which interest rates would have been cut by 150 basis points according to the proposal, having previously been increased by 450 basis points.

    As for lending volumes, loan growth was picking up, but lending remained subdued overall. Growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December, on the back of a moderate monthly flow of new loans. Growth in debt securities issued by firms had risen to 3.4% in annual terms. Mortgage lending had continued to rise gradually but remained muted overall, with an annual growth rate of 1.3%, up from 1.1% in December.

    Underlying momentum in bank lending remained strong, with the three-month and six-month annualised growth rates standing above the annual growth rate. At the same time, it was contended that the recent uptick in bank lending to firms mainly reflected a substitution from market-based financing in response to the higher cost of debt security financing, so that the overall increase in corporate borrowing had been limited. Furthermore, lending was increasing from quite low levels, and the stock of bank loans to firms relative to GDP remained lower than 25 years ago. Nonetheless, the growth of credit to firms was now roughly back to pre-pandemic levels and more than three times the average during the 2010s, while mortgage credit growth was only slightly below the average in that period. On the household side, it was noted that the demand for housing loans was very strong according to the bank lending survey, with the average increase in demand in the last two quarters of 2024 being the highest reported since the start of the survey. This seemed to be a natural consequence of lower interest rates and suggested that mortgage lending would keep rising. However, consumer credit had not really improved over the past year.

    Strong bank balance sheets had been contributing to the recovery in credit, although it was observed that non-performing and “stage 2” loans – those loans associated with a significant increase in credit risk – were increasing. The credit dynamics that had been picking up also suggested that the decline in excess liquidity held by banks as reserves with the Eurosystem was not adversely affecting banks’ lending behaviour. This was to be expected since banks’ liquidity coverage ratios were high, and it was underlined that banks could in any case post a wide range of collateral to obtain liquidity from the ECB at any time.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements that the Governing Council had communicated in 2023 as shaping its reaction function. These comprised (i) the implications of the incoming economic and financial data for the inflation outlook, (ii) the dynamics of underlying inflation, and (iii) the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, members noted that inflation had continued to develop broadly as expected, with incoming data largely in line with the previous projections. Indeed, the central scenario had broadly materialised for several successive quarters, with relatively limited changes in the inflation projections. This was again the case in the March projections, which were closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Inflation expectations had remained well anchored despite the very high uncertainty, with most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continuing to stand at around 2%. This suggested that inflation remained on course to stabilise at the 2% inflation target in the medium term. Still, this continued to depend on the materialisation of the projected material decline in wage growth over the course of 2025 and on a swift and significant deceleration in services inflation in the coming months. And, while services inflation had declined in February, its momentum had yet to show conclusive signs of a stable downward trend.

    It was widely felt that the most important recent development was the significant increase in uncertainty surrounding the outlook for inflation, which could unfold in either direction. There were many unknowns, notably related to tariff developments and global geopolitical developments, and to the outlook for fiscal policies linked to increased defence and other spending. The latter had been reflected in the sharp moves in long-term yields and the euro exchange rate in the days preceding the meeting, while energy prices had rebounded. This meant that, while the baseline staff projection was still a reasonable anchor, a lower probability should be attached to that central scenario than in normal times. In this context, it was argued that such uncertainty was much more fundamental and important than the small revisions that had been embedded in the staff inflation projections. The slightly higher near-term profile for headline inflation in the staff projections was primarily due to volatile components such as energy prices and the exchange rate. Since the cut-off date for the projections, energy prices had partially reversed their earlier increases. With the economy now in the flat part of the disinflation process, small adjustments in the inflation path could lead to significant shifts in the precise timing of when the target would be reached. Overall, disinflation was seen to remain well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff had expected and the latest projections closedly aligned with the previous inflation outlook. At the same time, it was widely acknowledged that risks and uncertainty had clearly increased.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members concurred that most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Core inflation was coming down and was projected to decline further as a result of a further easing in labour cost pressures and the continued downward pressure on prices from the past monetary policy tightening. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and prices of certain services were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. However, while the continuing strength of the labour market and the potentially large fiscal expansion could both add to future wage pressures, there were many signs that wage growth was moderating as expected, with lower profits partially buffering the impact on inflation.

    Regarding the transmission of monetary policy, recent credit dynamics showed that monetary policy transmission was working, with both the past tightening and recent interest rate cuts feeding through smoothly to market interest rates, financing conditions, including bank lending rates, and credit flows. Gradual and cautious rate cuts had contributed substantially to the progress made towards a sustainable return of inflation to target and ensured that inflation expectations remained anchored at 2%, while securing a soft landing of the economy. The ECB’s monetary policy had supported increased lending. Looking ahead, lags in policy transmission suggested that, overall, credit growth would probably continue to increase.

    The impact of financial conditions on the economy was discussed. In particular, it was argued that the level of interest rates and possible financing constraints – stemming from the availability of both internal and external funds – might be weighing on corporate investment. At the same time, it was argued that structural factors contributed to the weakness of investment, including high energy and labour costs, the regulatory environment and increased import competition, and high uncertainty, including on economic policy and the outlook for demand. These were seen as more important factors than the level of interest rates in explaining the weakness in investment. Consumption also remained weak and the household saving rate remained high, though this could also be linked to elevated uncertainty rather than to interest rates.

    On this basis, the view was expressed that it was no longer clear whether monetary policy continued to be restrictive. With the last rate hike having been 18 months previously, and the first cut nine months previously, it was suggested that the balance was increasingly shifting towards the transmission of rate cuts. In addition, although quantitative tightening was operating gradually and smoothly in the background, the stock of asset holdings was still compressing term premia and long-term rates, while the diminishing compression over time implied a tightening.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, almost all members supported the proposal by Mr Lane to lower the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. Lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was justified by the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Looking ahead, the point was made that the likely shocks on the horizon, including from escalating trade tensions, and uncertainty more generally, risked significantly weighing on growth. It was argued that these factors could increase the risk of undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. In addition, it was argued that the recent appreciation of the euro and the decline in energy prices since the cut-off date for the staff projections, together with the cooling labour market and well-anchored inflation expectations, mitigated concerns about the upward revision to the near-term inflation profile and upside risks to inflation more generally. From this perspective, it was argued that being prudent in the face of uncertainty did not necessarily equate to being gradual in adjusting the interest rate.

    By contrast, it was contended that high levels of uncertainty, including in relation to trade policies, fiscal policy developments and sticky services and domestic inflation, called for caution in policy-setting and especially in communication. Inflation was no longer foreseen to return to the 2% target in 2025 in the latest staff projections and the date had now been pushed out to the first quarter of 2026. Moreover, the latest revision to the projected path meant that inflation would by that time have remained above target for almost five years. This concern would be amplified should upside risks to inflation materialise and give rise to possible second-round effects. For example, a significant expansion of fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending would increase price pressures. This had the potential to derail the disinflation process and keep inflation higher for longer. Indeed, investors had immediately reacted to the announcements in the days preceding the meeting. This was reflected in an upward adjustment of the market interest rate curve, dialling back the number of expected rate cuts, and a sharp increase in five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead. The combination of US tariffs and retaliation measures could also pose upside risks to inflation, especially in the near term. Moreover, firms had also learned to raise their prices more quickly in response to new inflationary shocks.

    Against this background, a few members stressed that they could only support the proposal to reduce interest rates by a further 25 basis points if there was also a change in communication that avoided any indication of future cuts or of the future direction of travel, which was seen as akin to providing forward guidance. One member abstained, as the proposed communication did not drop any reference to the current monetary policy stance being restrictive.

    In this context, members discussed in more detail the extent to which monetary policy could still be described as restrictive following the proposed interest rate cut. While it was clear that, with each successive rate cut, monetary policy was becoming less restrictive and closer to most estimates of the natural or neutral rate of interest, different views were expressed in this regard.

    On the one hand, it was argued that it was no longer possible to be confident that monetary policy was restrictive. It was noted that, following the proposed further cut of 25 basis points, the level of the deposit facility rate would be roughly equal to the current level of inflation. Even after the increase in recent days, long-term yields remained very modest in real terms. Credit and equity risk premia continued to be fairly contained and the euro was not overvalued despite the recent appreciation. There were also many indications in lending markets that the degree of policy restriction had declined appreciably. Credit was responding to monetary policy broadly as expected, with the tightening effect of past rate hikes now gradually giving way to the easing effects of the subsequent rate cuts, which had been transmitting smoothly to market and bank lending rates. This shifting balance was likely to imply a continued move towards easier credit conditions and a further recovery in credit flows. In addition, subdued growth could not be taken as evidence that policy was restrictive, given that the current weakness was seen by firms as largely structural.

    In this vein, it was also noted that a deposit facility rate of 2.50% was within, or at least at around the upper bound of, the range of Eurosystem staff estimates for the natural or neutral interest rate, with reference to the recently published Economic Bulletin box, entitled “Natural rate estimates for the euro area: insights, uncertainties and shortcomings”. Using the full array of models and ignoring estimation uncertainty, this currently ranged from 1.75% to 2.75%. Notwithstanding important caveats and the uncertainties surrounding the estimates, it was contended that they still provided a guidepost for the degree of monetary policy restrictiveness. Moreover, while recognising the high model uncertainty, it was argued that both model-based and market-based measures suggested that one main driver of the notable increase in the neutral interest rate over the past three years had been the increased net supply of government bonds. In this context, it was suggested that the impending expansionary fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending – and the likely associated increase in the excess supply of bonds – would affect real interest rates and probably lead to a persistent and significant increase in the neutral interest rate. This implied that, for a given policy rate, monetary policy would be less restrictive.

    On the other hand, it was argued that monetary policy would still be in restrictive territory even after the proposed interest rate cut. Inflation was on a clear trajectory to return to the 2% medium-term target while the euro area growth outlook was very weak. Consumption and investment remained weak despite high employment and past wage increases, consumer confidence continued to be low and the household saving ratio remained at high levels. This suggested an economy in stagnation – a sign that monetary policy was still in restrictive territory. Expansionary fiscal policy also had the potential to increase asset swap spreads between sovereign bond and OIS markets. With a greater sovereign bond supply, that intermediation spread would probably widen, which would contribute to tighter financing conditions. In addition, it was underlined that the latest staff projections were conditional on a market curve that implied about three further rate cuts, indicating that a 2.50% deposit facility rate was above the level necessary to sustainably achieve the 2% target in the medium term. It was stressed, in this context, that the staff projections did not hinge on assumptions about the neutral interest rate.

    More generally, it was argued that, while the natural or neutral rate could be a useful concept when policy rates were very far away from it and there was a need to communicate the direction of travel, it was of little value for steering policy on a meeting-by-meeting basis. This was partly because its level was fundamentally unobservable, and so it was subject to significant model and parameter uncertainty, a wide range between minimum and maximum estimates, and changing estimates over time. The range of estimates around the midpoint and the uncertainty bands around each estimate underscored why it was important to avoid excessive focus on any particular value. Rather, it was better to simply consider what policy setting was appropriate at any given point in time to meet the medium-term inflation target in light of all factors and shocks affecting the economy, including structural elements. To the extent that consideration should be given to the natural or neutral interest rate, it was noted that the narrower range of the most reliable staff estimates, between 1.75% and 2.25%, indicated that monetary policy was still restrictive at a deposit facility rate of 2.50%. Overall, while there had been a measurable increase in the natural interest rate since the pandemic, it was argued that it was unlikely to have reached levels around 2.5%.

    Against this background, the proposal by Mr Lane to change the wording of the monetary policy statement by replacing “monetary policy remains restrictive” with “monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive” was widely seen as a reasonable compromise. On the one hand, it was acknowledged that, after a sustained sequence of rate reductions, the policy rate was undoubtedly less restrictive than at earlier stages in the current easing phase, but it had entered a range in which it was harder to determine the precise level of restrictiveness. In this regard, “meaningfully” was seen as an important qualifier, as monetary policy had already become less restrictive with the first rate cut in June 2024. On the other hand, while interest rates had already been cut substantially, the formulation did not rule out further cuts, even if the scale and timing of such cuts were difficult to determine ex ante.

    On the whole, it was considered important that the amended language should not be interpreted as sending a signal in either direction for the April meeting, with both a cut and a pause on the table, depending on incoming data. The proposed change in the communication was also seen as a natural progression from the previous change, implemented in December. This had removed the intention to remain “sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary” and shifted to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance, on a meeting-by-meeting basis, depending on incoming data. From this perspective there was no need to identify the neutral interest rate, particularly given that future policy might need to be above, at or below neutral, depending on the inflation and growth outlook.

    Looking ahead, members reiterated that the Governing Council remained determined to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at its 2% medium-term target. Its interest rate decisions would continue to be based on its assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission. Uncertainty was particularly high and rising owing to increasing friction in global trade, geopolitical developments and the design of fiscal policies to support increased defence and other spending. This underscored the importance of following a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Members

    • Ms Lagarde, President
    • Mr de Guindos, Vice-President
    • Mr Cipollone
    • Mr Demarco, temporarily replacing Mr Scicluna*
    • Mr Dolenc, Deputy Governor of Banka Slovenije
    • Mr Elderson
    • Mr Escrivá
    • Mr Holzmann
    • Mr Kazāks*
    • Mr Kažimír
    • Mr Knot
    • Mr Lane
    • Mr Makhlouf
    • Mr Müller
    • Mr Nagel
    • Mr Panetta*
    • Mr Patsalides
    • Mr Rehn
    • Mr Reinesch*
    • Ms Schnabel
    • Mr Šimkus*
    • Mr Stournaras
    • Mr Villeroy de Galhau
    • Mr Vujčić
    • Mr Wunsch

    * Members not holding a voting right in March 2025 under Article 10.2 of the ESCB Statute.

    Other attendees

    • Mr Dombrovskis, Commissioner**
    • Ms Senkovic, Secretary, Director General Secretariat
    • Mr Rostagno, Secretary for monetary policy, Director General Monetary Policy
    • Mr Winkler, Deputy Secretary for monetary policy, Senior Adviser, DG Monetary Policy

    ** In accordance with Article 284 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

    Accompanying persons

    • Mr Arpa
    • Ms Bénassy-Quéré
    • Mr Debrun
    • Mr Gavilán
    • Mr Horváth
    • Mr Kyriacou
    • Mr Lünnemann
    • Mr Madouros
    • Ms Mauderer
    • Mr Nicoletti Altimari
    • Mr Novo
    • Ms Reedik
    • Mr Rutkaste
    • Ms Schembri
    • Mr Šiaudinis
    • Mr Sleijpen
    • Mr Šošić
    • Mr Tavlas
    • Mr Välimäki
    • Ms Žumer Šujica

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni-Rousseau, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 22 May 2025.

    MIL OSI Economics –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Green Deal – – E-001285/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-001285/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Siegbert Frank Droese (ESN)

    at the heart of the European Green Deal is the EU’s plan to become climate neutral by 2050. This was proposed by the Commission in 2019 and became EU law in 2021. A study published in 2020 by McKinsey entitled ‘How the European Union could achieve net-zero emissions at net-zero cost’ presents the EU’s decarbonisation plan as sensible and feasible. However, this is the same consultancy company that was involved in massive scandals both in France under Macron and in Germany in the Ministry of Defence under Ursula von der Leyen. In each scandal McKinsey was accused of maintaining excessively close ties with the government and charging large sums.

    • 1.Did the Commission itself carry out a cost-benefit analysis of its plan to make the EU climate neutral by 2050?
    • 2.Did the Commission engage a consultancy firm to carry out a cost-benefit analysis before the plan was introduced?
    • 3.Why did the Commission engage McKinsey to prepare a report on the feasibility of achieving climate neutrality by 2050 despite the scandals surrounding this consultancy firm?

    Submitted: 27.3.2025

    Last updated: 3 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA News: Support Grows for President Trump’s America First Reciprocal Trade Plan

    Source: The White House

    One day after President Donald J. Trump announced a new chapter in American prosperity, support continues to roll in for his bold vision to reverse the decades of globalization that has decimated our industrial base.

    The support is bipartisan, with Democrat Rep. Jared Golden lauding President Trump’s plan: “I’m pleased the president is building his tariff agenda on the foundation of a universal 10 percent tariff like the one I proposed in the BUILT USA Act. This ring fence around the American economy is a good start to erasing our unsustainable trade deficits. I’m eager to work with the president to fix the broken ‘free trade’ system that made multinational corporations rich but ruined manufacturing communities across the country.”

    Here’s what else they’re saying:

    Coalition for a Prosperous America Chairman Zach Mottl: “A permanent, universal baseline tariff resets the global trade environment and finally addresses the destructive legacy of decades of misguided free-trade policies. President Trump’s decision to implement a baseline tariff is a game-changing shift that prioritizes American manufacturing, protects working-class jobs, and safeguards our economic security from adversaries like China. This is exactly the type of bold action America needs to restore its industrial leadership. Today’s action will deliver lasting benefits to the U.S. economy and working-class Americans, cementing President Trump’s legacy as one that ushered in a new Golden Age of American industrialization and prosperity.”

    National Cattlemen’s Beef Association SVP of Government Affairs Ethan Lane: “For too long, America’s family farmers and ranchers have been mistreated by certain trading partners around the world. President Trump is taking action to address numerous trade barriers that prevent consumers overseas from enjoying high-quality, wholesome American beef. NCBA will continue engaging with the White House to ensure fair treatment for America’s cattle producers around the world and optimize opportunities for exports abroad.”

    Steel Manufacturers Association President Philip K. Bell: “President Trump is a champion of the domestic steel industry, and his America First Trade Policy is designed to fight the unfair trade that has harmed American workers and weakened manufacturing in the United States. The recently reinvigorated 232 steel tariffs have already started creating American jobs and bolstering the domestic steel industry. President Trump is working to turn America into a manufacturing powerhouse and the steel tariffs are driving that movement. President Trump’s initial 232 steel tariffs and the historic tax cuts led to investments of nearly $20 billion by steel manufacturers in the United States. Since the revised tariffs took effect, Hyundai Steel announced a $5.8 billion steel mill in Louisiana, demonstrating that the tariffs are working to bring more steel investments and production to the United States. The domestic steel market is stronger when other nations are forced to compete on a level playing field. On a level playing field, American workers can outcompete anyone. We look forward to continuing working with President Trump and his administration to ensure a level playing field for Americans and a robust domestic steel industry that strengthens our national, economic and energy security.”

    Alliance for American Manufacturing President Scott Paul: “Today’s trade action prioritizes domestic manufacturers and America’s workers. These hardworking men and women have seen unfair trade cut the ground from beneath their feet for decades. They deserve a fighting chance. Our workers can out-compete anyone in the world, but they need a level playing field to do it. This trade reset is a necessary step in the right direction.”

    National Electrical Contractors Association CEO David Long: “President Trump has consistently prioritized policies that put the electrical industry as a priority, and we recognize his commitment to strengthening our nation’s economy. As these new tariffs take effect, we look forward to working with the Administration to ensure that electrical contractors and the entire electrical industry can continue powering America efficiently while navigating potential cost and supply chain challenges.”

    American Compass Chief Economist Oren Cass: “The new policies announced by President Trump today confirm the end of the disastrous WTO era and lay the groundwork for a new set of arrangements in the international economy that prioritize the national interest and the flourishing of the nation’s working families.”

    National Council of Textile Organizations CEO Kim Glas: “We strongly commend President Trump and his administration on their tariff reciprocity plan to finally begin rebalancing America’s trade positioning in markets at home and abroad. We want to thank President Trump on behalf of the U.S. textile industry and the 471,000 workers we employ.”

    Southern Shrimp Alliance Executive Director John Williams: “We’ve watched as multigenerational family businesses tie up their boats, unable to compete with foreign producers who play by a completely different set of rules. We are grateful for the Trump Administration’s actions today, which will preserve American jobs, food security, and our commitment to ethical production.”

    American Iron and Steel Institute President Kevin Dempsey: “AISI thanks President Trump for standing up for American workers by restoring fairness in international trade and addressing non-reciprocal trade relationships. American steel producers are all too familiar with the detrimental effects of unfair foreign trade practices on domestic industries and their workers. Driven by subsidies and other foreign government trade-distorting practices, global overcapacity in the steel industry reached 573 million metric tons in 2024 and has spurred high levels of exports of steel from countries like China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam and Indonesia that continue to produce steel in volumes that significantly exceed their domestic demand. These exports directly and indirectly injure steel producers in the U.S. and government action to address this unloading of steel overproduction on world markets is overdue.”

    Americans for Limited Government Executive Director Robert Romano: “Thank you, President Trump, for putting America first and finally once and for all levying the same tariffs on trade partners that they have levied mercilessly on the United States for decades. This was not an easy decision to make, but one that is long overdue with a record $1.2 trillion trade in goods deficit in 2024 after the failed rule of former President Joe Biden. … Under President Trump’s leadership, America will be the industrial and technology leader of the world, with commitments for hundreds of billions of investments in the United States. For countries that want to avoid the tariffs, it’s simple: Build in America. … Thank you again, President Trump, for your leadership in restoring reciprocity in trade and for having the courage that all of our other leaders have lacked.”

    American Petroleum Institute: “We welcome President Trump’s decision to exclude oil and natural gas from new tariffs, underscoring the complexity of integrated global energy markets and the importance of America’s role as a net energy exporter. We will continue working with the Trump administration on trade policies that support American energy dominance.”

    National Association of Home Builders Chairman Buddy Hughes: “NAHB is pleased President Trump recognized the importance of critical construction inputs for housing and chose to continue current exemptions for Canadian and Mexican products, with a specific exemption for lumber from any new tariffs at this time. NAHB will continue to work with the administration to find ways to increase domestic lumber production, reduce regulatory burdens, and create an environment that allows builders to increase our nation’s housing supply.”

    International Dairy Foods Association SVP of Trade and Workforce Policy Becky Rasdall Vargas: “The U.S. dairy industry exports more than $8 billion of high-quality dairy products every year to approximately 145 countries around the world. To meet growing global demand, dairy businesses have invested $8 billion in new processing capacity here in the United States—creating jobs, strengthening rural economies, and positioning America as the world’s leading dairy supplier. This growth depends on strong trade relationships and access to essential ingredients, finished goods, packaging, and equipment to provide Americans with safe, affordable, and nutritious dairy foods and beverages. IDFA supports the Trump Administration’s efforts to hold trading partners accountable and expand market access for U.S. dairy.”

    Bienvenido Empresarios: “As an organization committed to empowering Hispanic Americans and strengthening our nation’s future, Bienvenido supports policies that build a more resilient American economy, safeguard our communities, and reassert U.S. leadership on the global stage. President Trump’s emphasis on using economic leverage — including tariffs — reflects a broader strategy to counter China, confront the deadly fentanyl crisis, and bring critical industries back home. Now is a time for tough, decisive action when national security and American livelihoods are at stake. Our hope is that these measures lead to stronger enforcement, fairer trade, and long-term prosperity for all Americans.”

    America First Policy Institute: “Tariffs worked then—and they’ll work again. Under President Trump, tariffs brought back jobs, lowered inflation, and strengthened national security. It’s not just economic policy—it’s America First in action.”

    Author Batya Ungar-Sargon: “[President Trump] is saying we’re going to invest heavily in our middle class. We are no longer going to be a country in which our economy is an upward funnel of wealth from the hardest-working Americans into the pockets of the international global elites.”

    Fox Business Network’s Charles Payne: “President Trump ran on tariffs. What we just saw was a president who did what he said he was going to do … This system is unsustainable … Is our patriotism tied to Wall Street? Or should it be tied to our own personal ability to achieve the American Dream?”

    Republic Financial Chairman Nate Morris: “As someone who was raised by a proud autoworker – thank you President Trump for putting AMERICAN workers first again!”

    Commentator Geraldo Rivera: “The family did visit Japan… we did not see a single American car on the road in Tokyo — not a Caddy, not a Buick, not a Ford, not a Chevy… I have an innate sense that there’s something unfair going on… if they are screwing us, we got to tax them.”

    Commentator Bill O’Reilly: “We’ve been getting hosed since World War II by the trade imbalance … You can do what Biden and Obama did, which is just ignore it completely … The numbers are staggering, and the best part of Trump’s speech today was that he said that if you go to Japan or South Korea or China or Germany, you’re not going to see any American cars because they won’t let them in … Trump is right.”

    CPAC Chairman Matt Schlapp: “America cannot afford to be taken advantage of any longer.  Even our friends and strategic allies have for too long assumed that the United States could absorb unfair treatment, including high tariffs on American goods.  We applaud the steps taken by President Trump today to defend American manufacturers not because we like higher taxes, but because we know that trade is only free when both sides follow similar rules.  What President Trump understands is that America needs to get back on track by improving our domestic competitiveness by cutting taxes and regulations AND we need to take on the globalists who believe Americans should not always have to take it in the chops.  Real respect begins with economic reciprocity.”

    Speaker Mike Johnson: “President Trump is sending a clear message with Liberation Day: America will not be exploited by unfair trade practices anymore. These tariffs restore fair and reciprocal trade and level the playing field for American workers and innovators. The President understands that FREE trade ONLY works when it’s FAIR!”

    Gov. Jeff Landry: “Pro Jobs. Pro Business. Pro America.”

    Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso: “President Trump is acting boldly to put America first. America needs fair and free trade. We can’t allow other countries to keep abusing our workers and job creators. It’s time we had a level playing field. I applaud President Trump’s 100% commitment to Made in America.”

    Sen. Jim Banks: “The decision by President Trump today to impose reciprocal tariffs will be so good for Indiana. … Those are the manufacturing jobs that President Trump is bringing back from overseas.”

    Sen. Bill Cassidy: “The president’s trade agenda can pave the way for stronger trade deals, fairer rules, and real results. I am excited to work with President Trump to make it happen. Louisiana’s workers and families deserve nothing less.”

    Sen. John Kennedy: “America is rich. We buy a lot of stuff. President Trump is saying that if you foreign businesses want to sell in America, then move your business here and hire American workers.”

    Sen. Roger Marshall: “President Donald Trump is fighting for long-term solutions to put America’s farmers and ranchers first.”

    Sen. Ashley Moody: “It’s liberation day in America! Today, @POTUS sent a message to the world that the era of America being taken advantage of is over.”

    Sen. Bernie Moreno: “President Trump is finally reversing their failed policies and fighting back for American workers.”

    Sen. Markwayne Mullin: “President Trump is going to charge foreign countries roughly half of what they *already* charge us to do business. Literally who can argue with this?”

    Sen. Pete Ricketts: “President Trump is delivering on his campaign promises to level the playing field and stand up for the American people. Reciprocal tariffs will ensure equal treatment for American businesses. @POTUS is working to reshore jobs lost overseas and secure our supply chains. He is working to open new markets for our nation’s agriculture products. He is demonstrating to foreign adversaries like China that we will no longer be taken advantage of.”

    Sen. Rick Scott: “The days of the U.S. being taken advantage of by other countries are OVER! Pres. Trump is making it clear that he will ALWAYS put American jobs, manufacturing and our economy first. As Americans, let’s stand with him and support one another by buying products MADE IN AMERICA.”

    Sen. Eric Schmitt: “President Trump is bringing America back. We won’t be ripped off by other countries anymore. We’re bringing back manufacturing, unleashing energy production, and paving the way for prosperity.”

    Sen. Tim Sheehy: “They tariff us at up to 50% of our exported ag products and then dump mass produced ag products into our market severely hurting our farmers and ranchers. It’s about time we have a level playing field for businesses.”

    Sen. Tommy Tuberville: “For too long, other countries have ripped us off with bad trade deals – resulting in American jobs and manufacturing moving overseas. But change is coming. The Golden Age of America’s economy is here. Happy Liberation Day.”

    House Majority Leader Steve Scalise: “The United States and American workers will no longer be ripped off by other countries with unfair trade practices. Thank you President Trump for putting America’s workers and innovators first with reciprocal tariffs that level the playing field and make trade FAIR.”

    House Majority Whip Tom Emmer: “For too long, foreign countries have taken advantage of us at the expense of American workers. President @realDonaldTrump says NO MORE.”

    House Republican Conference Chairwoman Lisa McClain: “Tariffs work! @POTUS has proven tariffs are an effective tool in achieving economic and strategic objectives. The President’s long-term strategy will pay off.”

    Rep. Elise Stefanik: “I strongly support President Trump’s America First economic policies to strengthen American manufacturing and create millions of American jobs. For too long, Americans have suffered under unfair trade practices putting America Last. We will not allow other countries to take advantage of us and we must put America and the American worker first.”

    Rep. Jason Smith: “America shouldn’t reward countries that discriminate against American workers and manufacturers. On Liberation Day, President Trump is correcting this and demanding fair treatment for American producers.”

    Rep. Mark Alford: “The days of the United States being taken advantage of are OVER. Republicans are putting American workers FIRST.”

    Rep. Rick Allen: “@POTUS is undoing decades of unfair trade practices and putting American workers, businesses, and manufacturers FIRST. These reciprocal tariffs are simply leveling the playing field and will help ensure the U.S. is no longer on the losing end of global trade.”

    Rep. Jodey Arrington: “For too long, our leaders have allowed other nations to rip us off through numerous unfair trade practices resulting in suppressed wages, lost opportunities, and unrealized economic growth. Just as he did in his first term, President Trump is fighting to ensure an even playing field for our manufacturers, farmers, and workers so we can unleash American prosperity and Make America Great Again.”

    Rep. Brian Babin: “Trump’s tariffs aren’t starting a trade war—they’re ending one. For decades, other countries ripped off American workers with unfair tariffs and barriers. Now, we’re finally fighting back.”

    Rep. Andy Biggs: “Past administrations have allowed the United States to be ripped off by allies and adversaries alike. President Trump said “NO MORE!” The Art of the Deal.”

    Rep. Vern Buchanan: “For too long, unfair trade practices devastated America’s manufacturing base and stole millions of blue-collar jobs. It’s time to level the playing field and bring those jobs back. @POTUS is fighting for American workers.”

    Rep. Eli Crane: “America First policies are what the American people voted for.”

    Rep. Michael Cloud: “America-First means putting the American people first. We will no longer be taken advantage of as a nation and people.”

    Rep. Andrew Clyde: “For far too long, the U.S. has been ripped off by countries across the globe with unfair trade practices. Now, we’re finally leveling the playing field. THANK YOU, President Trump, for putting American workers and manufacturing FIRST.”

    Rep. Mike Collins: “This is fair. Whether it’s our military or economy, other countries have taken advantage of the U.S. for far too long. That time is over.”

    Rep. Byron Donalds: “For decades, a lot of these countries have built their economies on the back of the American economy … These nations have become, not just developing nations, they are now strong economies. And so, we have to have fair trade if we’re going to have free trade.”

    Rep. Chuck Edwards: “Many countries are taking advantage of the United States by imposing tariffs against us while we don’t have reciprocal tariffs against them. @POTUS has used tariffs to produce successful trade deals for us in his first term, and I support his plan to use them again to create a more level playing field and secure fairer trade deals for America. The quicker other countries agree to fairer trade deals, the quicker the tariffs can end.”

    Rep. Gabe Evans: “This admin puts America first from strengthening our economy & national security to prioritizing hard working Americans. Farmers in #CO08 have been disadvantaged in foreign trade deals & will benefit from reciprocal tariffs that promote FAIR & free trade.”

    Rep. Scott Franklin: “For years the US handcuffed itself and played nice while other countries imposed massive tariffs and took advantage of us. We’re done putting America last. @POTUS is leveling the playing field, ending trade imbalances and prioritizing American workers and manufacturing again!”

    Rep. Mike Flood: “Biden did nothing for four years on trade. Five years after Brexit, America doesn’t have a free trade deal with the UK. President @realDonaldTrump is rightsizing our trade relationships.”

    Rep. Russell Fry: “HAPPY LIBERATION DAY. Thanks to @POTUS, America is DONE being taken advantage of. A new era has begun.”

    Rep. Lance Gooden: “For decades, Washington allowed Texans to be ripped off by foreign countries. Those days are now over. @POTUS is committed to making America wealthy again!”

    Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene: “If you want to do business in America, you need to play by our rules. For too long, American businesses, big and small, have been ripped off by bad trade deals and unfair competition. President Trump is putting a stop to it. He’s standing up for our workers, our companies, and our consumers.”

    Rep. Abe Hamadeh: “The America First Republican party is the party of the working class, the forgotten men and women. On this Liberation Day, we further our commitment to them, that we will reshore our manufacturing, restore fair trade, and rebuild the greatest economy in the world.”

    Rep. Pat Harrigan: “If you want access to the most powerful economy in the world, treat us fairly. If not, don’t expect a free ride. That’s real leadership and @POTUS is delivering it!”

    Rep. Andy Harris: “President Trump’s reciprocal tariffs will put the American worker first and bring fairness back to international trade. America is being respected again.”

    Rep. Diana Harshbarger: “President Trump is bringing back the American Dream. Our taxpayers have been ripped off by foreign countries for far too long, but those days are over. President Trump is right to impose these reciprocal tariffs.”

    Rep. Clay Higgins: “.@POTUS’ trade agenda puts American industry and America first. I support the President’s action to protect our domestic producers.”

    Rep. Wesley Hunt: “Today, President Trump empowered the American middle class.  His policies on tariffs will bring automotive manufacturing back to America.”

    Rep. Morgan Luttrell: “President Trump is putting America First on trade—standing up to foreign adversaries, protecting American workers, and rebuilding our manufacturing base. The days of unfair trade deals and economic surrender are OVER.”

    Rep. Nicole Malliotakis: “Since President Trump has been elected, we’ve attracted $5 trillion in private investment, foreign & domestic companies have announced Made in USA manufacturing, countries have reduced tariffs or changed foreign policies. President Trump is sticking up for American workers & farmers, repatriating our supply chain and protecting our national security.”

    Rep. Addison McDowell: “My district was hit hard over the years by unfair trade deals. Finally, we have a President who wants to put the American worker FIRST.”

    Rep. Dan Meuser: “We have been treated unfairly. Free trade has become synonymous with unfair trade, and @POTUS is recognizing that… We needed a reckoning; we needed a correction. President Trump is bringing it.”

    Rep. Mary Miller: “America will no longer be taken advantage of! This is how you put America First.”

    Rep. John Moolenaar: “For far too long, the Chinese Communist Party has exploited America’s generosity, stolen our intellectual property, and undermined our workers. President Trump’s recent tariffs and the Restoring Trade Fairness Act, which I introduced earlier this year to revoke China’s permanent normal trade relations status, will finally put an end to this abuse—holding China accountable and protecting American jobs. For decades, we’ve accepted one-sided trade deals that hurt our industries while benefiting our adversaries. Trade deficits reflect that imbalance, but they also reveal something deeper: the strength of the American consumer. It’s time we stopped allowing that strength to be used against us and started putting American workers first.”

    Rep. Riley Moore: “For decades, foreign countries have enjoyed free access to the greatest consumer marketplace on the face of the planet, all while still charging our domestic producers hefty duties or imposing significant barriers to access their markets. Today that ends. President Trump is the only president in my lifetime to acknowledge how unfair trade has gutted the heartland and shipped countless jobs overseas. By finally reciprocating in-kind, we’ll force foreign competitors to the negotiating table, lower trade barriers, and ultimately create real free and fair trade across the board. I’m confident this move will boost our domestic manufacturing industry and fuel demand for American products across the globe.”

    Rep. Tim Moore: “President Trump is leveling the playing field for American workers and bringing back MADE IN AMERICA!”

    Rep. Troy Nehls: “President Trump’s reciprocal tariffs make it clear that our country will not be ripped off anymore. We are bringing back American manufacturing and putting America First.”

    Rep. Ralph Norman: “Happy LIBERATION Day … ✅Protect the American worker ✅Strengthen manufacturing ✅Reduce unfair trade practices … Our economy will be competitive again!!”

    Rep. Andy Ogles: “He’s resetting the negotiating table. He’s resetting the deck here to say, ‘You know what? For too long, you’ve taken advantage of our free market and you’ve literally leached jobs away from the American people … Let’s have a serious conversation and let’s do something that’s fair and mutually beneficial for both sides.’”

    Rep. Guy Reschenthaler: “I fully support President Trump’s critical efforts to right this generational wrong, bring manufacturing jobs home, and rejuvenate American working families. Made in America is back.”

    Rep. John Rutherford: “Tariffs help bring American jobs back home, incentivize buying American, AND put pressure on Canada and Mexico to stop the flow of fentanyl and illegal immigrants from their countries into ours. Even the Biden Admin kept or increased tariffs that President Trump imposed during his first presidency. Under Trump, inflation stayed around 2% and our GDP grew to 3%. Smart tariffs are a long-term investment in the American economy that are worth the short-term cost.”

    Rep. Adrian Smith: “Reducing trade barriers is necessary to ensuring American farmers, ranchers, manufacturers, small businesses, and innovators can sell their products in other markets. President Trump has made it clear other countries can avoid tariffs by reducing or eliminating their existing barriers to U.S. products. Engagement on trade is vital to our economy and opportunity for U.S. workers. In his first term, President Trump proved robust engagement can be productive as he moved the ball down the field on several agreements with our top trade partners. To achieve economic stability, we must continue to fight to give our producers the chance to compete in a global marketplace.”

    Rep. Greg Steube: “What many fail to realize: Trump’s reciprocal tariffs are a long-overdue response to years of unfair trade policies against America. For decades, America has been ripped off by other countries who have repeatedly slapped tariffs on our goods, blocked our products, and flooded our markets with theirs. The numbers don’t lie–the rest of the world has profited at the expense of American workers and businesses. President Trump is finally putting America First by taking bold, necessary actions that past leaders wouldn’t take.”

    Rep. Marlin Stutzman: “If Australia doesn’t want our beef – WE DON’T WANT THEIRS! Thank you @POTUS for opening the door of fair treatment for America’s Cattlemen‼️”

    Rep. Tom Tiffany: “Gone are the days of America being taken advantage of by foreign countries. The American worker comes FIRST.”

    Rep. William Timmons: “President Trump’s tariffs are a necessary move to protect American workers and rebuild our economy. We are finally breaking free from decades of unfair trade deals that gutted our industries. These tariffs will bring jobs back to our districts, strengthen manufacturing, and ensure our children inherit a country that is not just a consumer, but a producer. Thank you, @POTUS.”

    Rep. Beth Van Duyne: “For far too long, the United States has been taken advantage of by our foreign trade partners. The American people re-elected President Trump to bring back truly fair trade with other countries. Reciprocal tariffs are a first step to have a level playing field for American products and to start bringing back manufacturing to our country!”

    Rep. Daniel Webster: “President @realDonaldTrump is delivering on his mandate to restore America’s economic strength. For too long, unfair trade deals have hollowed out our factories and shipped American jobs overseas. By standing up to bad actors like China and Venezuela and enforcing fair trade, President Trump is defending American industries and putting American workers first.”

    Rep. Tony Wied: “President Trump has made it clear with these reciprocal tariffs that we will no longer allow other countries to take advantage of us. His goal is simple: to bring jobs and manufacturing back to our country and open up foreign markets to American products. If companies want to avoid these tariffs, they will do business in the United States. I applaud the President for taking a stand against years of unfair trade practices and making sure we put American workers and consumers first. It’s time our foreign trading partners finally live up to their end of the bargain.”

    Rep. Roger Williams: “For too long, America Last policies have put the U.S. auto industry at a disadvantage. As a car dealer and small business owner, I support @POTUS’ Executive Order to increase competition, boost revenue, and bring back American jobs.”

    Mississippi Commissioner of Agriculture and Commerce Andy Gipson: “I applaud President Trump’s actions today to reset global trade relations through the President’s ‘Liberation Day’ tariff plan. America is not only in a trade war, we’ve been in a trade war for years now. This trade war has resulted in historic trade deficits that continue to hurt our farmers. … I believe President Trump’s actions today will set the stage for the renegotiation of better trade deals that will benefit American farmers and all our domestic industries going forward and will also serve to spur more local production.”

    U.S. Trade Representative Ambassador Jamieson Greer: “Today, President Trump is taking urgent action to protect the national security and economy of the United States. The current lack of trade reciprocity, demonstrated by our chronic trade deficit, has weakened our economic and national security. After only 72 days in office, President Trump has prioritized swift action to bring reciprocity to our trade relations and reduce the trade deficit by leveling the playing field for American workers and manufacturers, reshoring American jobs, expanding our domestic manufacturing base, and ensuring our defense-industrial base is not dependent on foreign adversaries—all leading to stronger economic and national security.”

    Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick: “Today, the world starts taking us seriously. Our workforce will finally be treated fairly.”

    Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent: “President Trump signed the Declaration of Economic Independence for the American people. For decades, the trade status quo has allowed countries to leverage tariffs and unfair trade practices to get ahead at the expense of hardworking Americans. The President’s historic actions will level the playing field for American workers and usher in a new age of economic strength.”

    Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins: “FARMERS COME FIRST — @POTUS is leveling the playing field, ensuring American farmers and ranchers can compete globally again!”

    Secretary of State Marco Rubio: “Thank you, @POTUS! ‘Made in America’ is not just a tagline — it’s an economic and national security priority.”

    Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem: “For too long, America has been targeted by unfair trade practices that made our supply chain dependent on foreign adversaries, eroded our industrial base, and hurt American workers. This has gravely impacted our national security. President Trump’s strong action will help make America safe again. @DHS, primarily through @CBP, is ready to collect these new tariffs and put an end to unfair trade practices. Thank you President @realDonaldTrump for putting America FIRST.”

    Secretary of Labor Lori Chavez-DeRemer: “Promises made, promises kept”

    Secretary of Energy Chris Wright: “President Trump is a businessman; he’s a negotiator. The result of that has been and will continue to be improvements for the American people. We are in the midst of a negotiation, and he is fighting every day to make the cost-of-living conditions better for Americans.”

    Secretary of Education Linda McMahon: “At the White House this afternoon, we celebrated Liberation Day — setting our economy on the path of future prosperity for our children. Business owners, workers, and taxpayers have been waiting for strong economic leadership.

    @POTUS’ actions today prove we are done being taken advantage of in international trade.”

    Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum: “President Trump’s Liberation Day reciprocity plan is commonsense. If you tariff us, we’ll tariff you. This will strengthen our economy and make America wealthy again!”

    Secretary of Transportation Sean Duffy: “Today is the day we will liberate ourselves from unfair trade practices and outdated ways of thinking. Tariffs are an important tool in the President’s toolbox to stop foreign countries from ripping us off, protect America’s workers, and restore U.S. manufacturing. I stand with @POTUS as he finally levels the playing field. Happy Liberation Day!”

    Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Scott Turner: “For four years, Americans couldn’t afford groceries, let alone a house. This Liberation Day, @POTUS is bringing manufacturing and jobs back. President Trump is making the American Dream achievable again!”

    Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lee Zeldin: “Massive announcement by @POTUS today restoring U.S. dominance, cementing his America First vision, and Powering the Great American Comeback.”

    Small Business Administration Administrator Kelly Loeffler: “Small businesses will no longer be crushed by foreign governments and unfair trade deals. Instead, we will put American industry, workers, and strength FIRST. Thank you @POTUS for bringing back Made in America!”

    National Security Advisor Mike Waltz: “Economic security is national security. Thank you President Trump for putting America first.”

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Would you join the resistance if stuck in an authoritarian regime? Here’s the psychology

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Magnus Linden, Associate Professor of Psychology, Lund University

    Female activist protesting with megaphone during a strike with group of demonstrator in background. Jacob Lund/Shuttestock

    Most of us like to believe we would have opposed the rise of Nazism in 1930s Germany. We may even like to imagine that we would have bravely fought for the resistance to Nazism in the 1940s. But would we? Our ability to take a stand may be put to the test as authoritarianism is increasing worldwide.

    All electoral democracies can transform into autocracies. These are governments that restrict political and civil rights, centralise executive power, manipulate elections and minimise the diversity of political views.

    In western democracies, a move toward autocracy is often led by would-be strongmen whose focus is to reinstate traditionalist values and nationalism. They typically target the free media, opponents and stigmatised social groups without moral compunction.

    Moves to deepen autocracy are always resisted, however. Depending on how autocratic a country is, this resistance will differ. Early in the autocratisation process, resistance is common within formal state institutions. It may be expressed in overt actions, including public statements condemning government actions.

    In closed autocracies, however, resistance is exercised more by covert social movements. One reason for this is the personal risk connected to resistance. In Vladimir Putin´s autocratic Russia, for example, political dissenters know they risk being either murdered or imprisoned if they’re caught.

    In the United States, on the other hand, where the new administration has taken steps that increase the level of autocracy, dissonant views may effectively be silenced because of fear of retribution. Many people are scared of losing their jobs or having their companies harmed.

    Psychological profile

    The science about the choices made by those who resist autocratic regimes, and the strategies they apply in resisting, is evolving.

    Interviews with resisters in Myanmar suggest that personal moral commitments, being compassionate and feeling compelled to act when witnessing violations of rights, are all factors motivating resistance.

    These factors are also evident in those who helped Jews survive during the Holocaust. For example, studies suggest that rescuers were more empathic and morally conscious than others. They had essentially been socialised into being ethical in childhood and were also more inclusive of people from other social groups.

    People who join resistance groups also tend to be more open to taking risks. That makes sense: the more driven you are by a need to feel safe, the less likely you are to engage in anything that could jeopardise that – even if your moral compass suggests you should.

    Beyond resisting autocratic steps, research on moral courage in everyday settings shows that believing you can succeed, that you have the necessary knowledge and skills, is an important predictor for intervention when people witness norm violations, whether this means addressing a perpetrator or protecting a victim.

    Leadership characteristics

    That said, it’s not all down to individual followers. No autocratic leader can gain power without influencing their followers. The same is true of resistance: resistance cannot exist without effective leadership.

    Research suggests that followers are influenced by leaders who create a positive ethical climate, which in turn influences their own ethical behaviour.

    For fighting autocracy, one important aspect of this process is to communicate that inclusive moral values, such as universalism (the idea that things like liberty, justice, fraternity and equality should apply to everyone) and benevolence (helping, forgiving, being responsible) are a prominent part of the group’s identity.

    Members of the French resistance group Maquis in La Tresorerie, September 14 1944, Boulogne.

    For example, when the Danish Jews were persecuted by the Nazis in 1943, representatives of morally-grounded institutions, including bodies representing the Protestant clergy and hospital physicians, started to actively resist the regime. They became effective leaders as they were already in jobs perceived to be morally “committed”, and people trusted their judgement.

    Research on nonviolent resistance also shows that strong resistance organisations, and their leaders, tend to embrace diversity among people. And when they are successful, they often include the pillars in society that have the power to disrupt, such as military forces or economic elites.

    Research on the underground railroad, the network of activists helping enslaved people escape to the northern states in America or Canada, has shown that influential church leaders played a crucial role. They refused to follow federal legislation that obliged them to help slave owners capture enslaved people that had escaped.

    Knowing that ethical role models are taking a stand is important for a resistance movement’s followers. Stanley Milgram gave evidence for this in his much-debated psychological obedience studies, showing that 90% of the participants who had been asked to give others electrical shocks stopped immediately if two assistant teachers stopped first.

    Building resistance

    In a world where autocracy is on the rise, how can we foster traits in people that promote appropriate forms of resistance?

    Teaching others about morally courageous figures can work, but heroism is not the key for all learners. The science suggests a number of other – perhaps surprising – objectives which can move ordinary people to stand up for democracy. In particular, educational initiatives that boost contact between different groups may be useful.

    To be able to resist autocratic regimes, and help people who are persecuted under them, we ultimately need empathy for people who are different to ourselves. There’s plenty of research showing that white people who move to more diverse areas, within cities, for example, become less racist.

    So perhaps the more time we spend with people who are unlike us, the more we are growing our potential as resistance fighters.

    We may also want to boost our self-efficacy, or self-confidence. One technique is to repeatedly expose ourselves to situations that evoke fear, but which force us to act courageously, such as standing up to bullies. This is a crucial part of ethical police training, for example.

    Learning about moral values can also help build confidence. Educators who are given the challenge to teach good moral behaviour can do this effectively by focusing on universal principles – rather than those that are based on culture or social class – such as treating others how we wish to be treated.

    These are building blocks for a group identity which favours empathy with all and expectations of good behaviour.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Would you join the resistance if stuck in an authoritarian regime? Here’s the psychology – https://theconversation.com/would-you-join-the-resistance-if-stuck-in-an-authoritarian-regime-heres-the-psychology-252533

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Sports diplomacy – 4th “Relay Around the World” (3 Apr. 2025)

    Source: Republic of France in English
    The Republic of France has issued the following statement:

    Thanks to the joint efforts of the French diplomatic network, the Relay Around the World has become a key aspect of French sports diplomacy on the international stage. Each participating embassy or consulate is responsible for organizing an hour-long sports event from 9 to 10 a.m. (local time) before handing over to a post in the next time zone, so that the Relay lasts 24 hours, from New Zealand to Tahiti.

    The Paris 2024 Games showed just how much sport can build bridges and unite people, regardless of their origins, beliefs and opinions. The Relay Around the World symbolizes this will to bring us together around essential values (Olympic values of friendship, respect and excellence; Paralympic values of determination, equality, inspiration and courage).

    In a divided world, we must encourage “the spirit of the Games” now more than ever, a spirit of fraternity, cohesion and inclusion.

    This year, once again, the Relay will promote sporting actions and cooperation undertaken by the French diplomatic network and all “Team France” all over the world. The enthusiasm for this Relay is emblematic of our collective ability to mobilize our staff, our expatriate communities, our network abroad and our local sporting ecosystems thanks to the momentum generated by the 2024 Paris Games and with a view to the 2030 Winter Games in the French Alps.

    For example, our embassy in Singapore will bring together diplomats and students from the Institut Français for a football tournament; in Lebanon, the embassy will organize a multi-sports day with over 300 participants, including students from the French schools in Beirut and young people with disabilities; in Cuba, the embassy and the local federation will hold a day to introduce and promote rugby to about 100 students from schools in Havana.

    The Paris stage of the Relay will highlight France’s determination to host the world’s biggest sporting events. In the run-up to the Badminton World Championships in Paris this summer, the French Foreign Ministry will bring together the French Badminton Federation and several embassies for an awareness programme on the sport, which has 390 million players and 750 million fans around the world. Ministry staff will also partake in sporting activities (badminton, yoga, five-a-side football, walking, running) to show their commitment to a more united world through sport.

    In 2024, the Relay involved 138 embassies, consulates general and overseas territories, and a total of more than 20,000 participants.

    Le 3 avril, ce sera la 4ème édition du Relais autour du monde !

    Nos ambassades et consulats célébreront l’esprit des Jeux en mettant le #sport à l’honneur à travers le globe #Relaisautourdumonde@DucroquetSamuel

    https://t.co/HcsLqPApXr pic.twitter.com/bUD8PEE944

    — France Diplomatie (@francediplo) March 31, 2025

    La Porte de Brandebourg est dans les starting blocks pour l´édition berlinoise du #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 ! On vous dévoile notre dossard et un aperçu de notre parcours en avant-première À votre avis, par où passe-t-on ? @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel @IF_Deutschland pic.twitter.com/72s0wFm5QS

    — Botschaft Frankreich (@FranzBotschaft) March 31, 2025

    ¡RESERVA LA FECHA: 03.04.2025! ¡Prepárate para la 4ª edición del #RelaisAutourDuMonde (Relevo Mundial)!

    ¡Únete a nosotros en una épica maratón deportiva mundial de 24 horas, pasando un estafeta entre zonas horarias! Una verdadera celebración del deporte dando la… pic.twitter.com/TbX3khstiL

    — France au Salvador (@FR_El_Salvador) April 1, 2025

    Demain, le #Relaisautourdumonde passera par Vientiane, au Lycée @Josue_Hoffet !
    Rendez-vous à 9h avec l’athlète olympique Silina Pha Aphay !@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel pic.twitter.com/aZfai4fBd5

    — La France au Laos (@FranceAuLaos) April 2, 2025

    . Le relais autour du monde arrive à Tbilissi. Merci @franceinindia de nous avoir transmis le témoin. À nous les jeux! #Olympics #Terredejeux2024 #RelaisautourduMonde #EcoleFrancaiseduCaucase @francediplo pic.twitter.com/6k9oJzECak

    — Sheraz Gasri (@Sherzag) March 14, 2024

    Reserva tu fecha para el 3 de abril de 2025 ! El liceo franco-nicaraguense Victor Hugo prepara la 4a edición del #relaisautourdumonde pic.twitter.com/9uji55xCwv

    — France au Nicaragua (@AmbaFranceNica) April 2, 2025

    Ապրիլի 3-ին տեղի կունենա #Relaisautourdumonde-ի 4-րդ թողարկումը

    Մեր դեսպանությունները և հյուպատոսությունները կընդգծեն #սպորտի կարևորությունը՝ ողջ աշխարհում տոնելով Օլիմպիական խաղերի ոգին։ https://t.co/xizfMjBNFa

    — France en Arménie (@AmbaFR_Armenie) April 2, 2025

    ¡Vuelve el #Relaisautourdumonde ! el relevo mundial que reúne a las representaciones diplomáticas de para celebrar el espíritu de los Juegos.

    Mañana, el testigo pasará por y llegará a manos de Fernanda Aguirre, taekwondista del Team Chile. @DucroquetSamuel @francediplo pic.twitter.com/aaGsdwHnhY

    — La France au Chili (@ambafrancecl) April 2, 2025

    The #RelaisautourduMonde 2025 (relay around the world) takes place tomorrow!

    Our Olympic Phryge warms up for the swimming competition on the Cape Town Waterfront @francediplo_EN@DucroquetSamuel@Paris2024 @FranceCapeTown pic.twitter.com/BqBWQZb2RP

    — France in South Africa, Lesotho and Malawi (@FrenchEmbassyZA) April 2, 2025

    Next stop: Suva! Kicking off #RelaisAutourDuMonde with @ridgwayschool! H.E. Ambassador @Laurence_Beau is passing the baton to @ambafrancefj keeping the global relay going!

    Celebrating unity & #SportsDiplomacy@francediplo_EN | @MinistereSports | @DucroquetSamuel pic.twitter.com/FXSF9sUruT

    — France in New Zealand (@AmbafranceNZ) April 2, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde commence MAINTENANT à Wellington avec @AmbafranceNZ

    C’est parti pour 24h de solidarité, d’inclusion, de partage… bref, de sport

    Bon relais à notre formidable réseau @francediplo – Vive le sport et vive les Jeux pic.twitter.com/6sKedNRNXF

    — Samuel Ducroquet (@DucroquetSamuel) April 2, 2025

    The relay around the world 2025 passes through #Fiji as the 2nd country of the 24 hour race. It is 9am , let the race begin. Thanks to @AmbafranceNz for passing the baton! #DiplomatieSportive #relaisautourdumonde pic.twitter.com/Xup2qPOhcP

    — France in Fiji (@ambafrancefj) April 2, 2025

    The #Relaisautourdumonde was in Australia this morning ! ‍

    Thank you to all participants of @franceauxfidji for passing the baton.
    It is 10 and the baton was handed over by @AmbPAImbert to @FranceinPNG !@francediplo @samuelducroquet pic.twitter.com/UyCR6JVqMG

    — France in Australia (@FranceAustralia) April 2, 2025

    Merci à @franceaustralia à Canberra de nous passer le témoin ! Le #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 commence à Port Moresby, Papouasie-Nouvelle-Guinée avec la participation de nos amis de @pngocofficial @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/jynf6joAep

    — France in PNG (@FranceinPNG) April 2, 2025

    Arrivée en du #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 ! Il est 9h et la séquence sportive de Taekwondo commence à Séoul ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel
    Merci à @FranceinPNG pour le passage de témoin. pic.twitter.com/QnFRv4hDd8

    — La France en Corée (@FranceenCoree) April 3, 2025

    Arrivée en du #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 ! Il est 9h et la séquence sportive de Taekwondo commence à Séoul ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel
    Merci à @FranceinPNG pour le passage de témoin. pic.twitter.com/QnFRv4hDd8

    — La France en Corée (@FranceenCoree) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h et notre séquence se termine ! à tous les participants ! @FranceenCoreepasse le témoin aux collègues de France à Pékin, à Hong-Kong, à Taipei et à Singapour pour une nouvelle étape !@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel @ChristileDrulhe @FranceinSG @France_en_Chine pic.twitter.com/Uosweukg33

    — La France en Corée (@FranceenCoree) April 3, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde passe aussi par Hong Kong ! Merci à @FranceenCoree pour le passage de témoin ! C’est parti pour une heure d’entraînement de rugby à 7, en compagnie de l’équipe de France et de nos médaillés olympiques ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/VBdMDqJnhG

    — Christile Drulhe (@ChristileDrulhe) April 3, 2025

    Merci à @FranceenCoree de nous passer le témoin ! Le #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 arrive à Canton. C’est parti pour 1h d’activités sportives dans 7 villes de Chine sous le signe du badminton ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/dNmhdazipC

    — La France en Chine 法国驻华使馆 (@France_en_Chine) April 3, 2025

    Thank you to @FranceenCoree for passing us the relay! The #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 kicks off in

    Let’s go for an hour of football with the students of @IFSSingapore .
    A big thank you to all the participants from the embassy and the IFS students who got into the spirit of… pic.twitter.com/bLZwqoFlHp

    — France in Singapore (@FranceinSG) April 3, 2025

    Il est maintenant l’heure pour Canton de passer le témoin à Pékin. Au tour du 6e joueur mondial de badminton en simple hommes Li Shifeng de prendre le relais ! #Relaisautourdumonde 2025@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/74r1UbtC8h

    — La France en Chine 法国驻华使馆 (@France_en_Chine) April 3, 2025

    Notre entraînement de rugby à 7 se termine ici à Hong Kong ! Merci à nos champions olympiques d’avoir participé à ce #Relaisautourdumonde ! Bon courage au Vietnam @FranceAuVietnam ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/dz9oEoPmKT

    — Christile Drulhe (@ChristileDrulhe) April 3, 2025

    Notre entraînement de rugby à 7 se termine ici à Hong Kong ! Merci à nos champions olympiques d’avoir participé à ce #Relaisautourdumonde ! Bon courage au Vietnam @FranceAuVietnam ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/dz9oEoPmKT

    — Christile Drulhe (@ChristileDrulhe) April 3, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde passe par le Lycée Français International de Vientiane @Josue_Hoffet ! L’athlète olympique Silina Pha Aphay récupère le relais de @franceinsg que nous remercions
    Il est 9h, c’est le début de la séquence sportive au Laos ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel pic.twitter.com/d7gWbikkPa

    — La France au Laos (@FranceAuLaos) April 3, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde passe par le Lycée Français International de Vientiane @Josue_Hoffet ! L’athlète olympique Silina Pha Aphay récupère le relais de @franceinsg que nous remercions
    Il est 9h, c’est le début de la séquence sportive au Laos ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel pic.twitter.com/d7gWbikkPa

    — La France au Laos (@FranceAuLaos) April 3, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde passe par Bichkek ! Il est 9h et c’est le début de notre séquence sportive au Kirghizstan! C’est parti pour une heure d’entraînement de rugby
    Merci @FranceAuLaos et @FranceAuVietnam pour le passage de témoin ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel pic.twitter.com/GRQnPTD339

    — Ambassade de France au Kirghizstan (@franceaukg) April 3, 2025

    It’s 10 a.m. it’s time for the relay to continue in another country! Thanks & congrats to #EFID & #Maer_Achol school for their participation! We’re passing the stick to @FranceInNepal for the next step of #Relaisautourdumonde! @francediplo_EN @DucroquetSamuel #SportsDiplomatie pic.twitter.com/l1N7IhR02j

    — France in Bangladesh (@FRauBangladesh) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h, notre entraînement de rugby touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les participants
    L’Ambassade de France au Kirghizstan passe le témoin à @FranceinIndia pour une nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde ! #DiplomatieSportive@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel pic.twitter.com/q4RktLg9B1

    — Ambassade de France au Kirghizstan (@franceaukg) April 3, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde passe par #NewDelhi !

    Il est 9h30 et c’est le début de notre séquence sportive en Inde ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel

    Merci @franceaukg pour le passage de témoin. pic.twitter.com/unaqsu5Guj

    — French Embassy in India (@FranceinIndia) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h30, notre séquence sportive touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les participants.

    L’Ambassade de France en Inde passe le témoin à l’Ambassade de France à Maurice pour une nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde !@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/lLeURPRmC4

    — French Embassy in India (@FranceinIndia) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h30, notre séquence sportive touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les participants.

    L’Ambassade de France en Inde passe le témoin à l’Ambassade de France à Maurice pour une nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde !@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/lLeURPRmC4

    — French Embassy in India (@FranceinIndia) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h30, notre séquence sportive touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les participants.

    L’Ambassade de France en Inde passe le témoin à l’Ambassade de France à Maurice pour une nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde !@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/lLeURPRmC4

    — French Embassy in India (@FranceinIndia) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h30, notre séquence sportive touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les participants.

    L’Ambassade de France en Inde passe le témoin à l’Ambassade de France à Maurice pour une nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde !@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/lLeURPRmC4

    — French Embassy in India (@FranceinIndia) April 3, 2025

    Thank you @AmbaFR_Armenie for passing the baton to us! The #relaisautourdumonde 2025 starts in Nairobi, Kenya . Beyond the 2024 Paris Olympics games, as France in Kenya we joined our colleagues globally for the Around The World Relay 2025 as sports is a unifying factor.… https://t.co/dpah46Pi2C pic.twitter.com/chk4wgIc7e

    — FrenchEmbassyKenya (@FranceinKenya) April 3, 2025

    Merci à l’ambassade de France à Maurice de passer le témoin à Adam ! Le #Relaisautourdumonde2025 commence à Ramallah. C’est parti pour 1h de sport pour les élèves du Lycée français international de Ramallah. #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/vSB9k2Lz4Y

    — France à Jérusalem (@FranceJerusalem) April 3, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde passe par Bucarest/Roumanie. Il est 9h et c’est le début de notre séquence sportive!
    Merci à l’Ambassade de France à Maurice pour le passage de témoin.@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel#DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/JCXfnLsxqb

    — FranceenRoumanie (@FranceRomania) April 3, 2025

    #RelaisAutourduMonde 2025. Nous présentons avec l’#UTOP un projet inédit : deux joëlettes permettront à des coureurs en situation de handicap moteur de participer à la course mythique de 60 km entre Mantasoa et Ambatobe. @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive #SportInclusif pic.twitter.com/lT8mdtx3GR

    — France à Madagascar (@ambafrmada) April 3, 2025

    Thank you @AmbaFR_Armenie for passing the baton to us! The #relaisautourdumonde 2025 starts in Nairobi, Kenya . Beyond the 2024 Paris Olympics games, as France in Kenya we joined our colleagues globally for the Around The World Relay 2025 as sports is a unifying factor.… https://t.co/dpah46Pi2C pic.twitter.com/chk4wgIc7e

    — FrenchEmbassyKenya (@FranceinKenya) April 3, 2025

    Dans le cadre de la 4ème édition du #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 organisé par le Ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires Etrangères et de la semaine des Jeux olympiques et paralympiques (du 31 mars au 4 avril), le Lycée français Anatole France accueille un match de para-basket avec la… pic.twitter.com/koMmlJkrP5

    — Lycée français Anatole France, Arménie (@LyceeFrArmenie) April 3, 2025

    Le LFIR a ouvert ses portes dans de nouveaux locaux en septembre 2024. Il accueille 57 élèves de 3 à 11 ans. Il dispose de toutes les installations sportives nécessaires pour permettre aux élèves de développer dès le plus jeune âge le goût de la pratique sportive. Aujourd’hui,… pic.twitter.com/O5BmmK3RnP

    — France à Jérusalem (@FranceJerusalem) April 3, 2025

    Merci, Vilnius, pour le témoin ! Le relais arrive au . Au programme, l’inauguration du Dojo national de Bujumbura, qu’a financé notre ambassade, avec une série de performances sportives et artistiques.@DucroquetSamuel @francediplo #relaisautourdumonde #Diplomatiesportive pic.twitter.com/46Z1N9Z5pC

    — La France au Burundi (@franceauburundi) April 3, 2025

    C’est terminé !

    Après une belle séquence de course à pied l’ambassadeur @EmmanuelMignot2 et les @FrForcesEstonia passent le témoin à @FranceMacedoine ! Merci à tous et que le #relaisautourdumonde continue ! #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/0JFiRVdNhb

    — France en Estonie (@france_estonia) April 3, 2025

    Félicitations à toutes et tous d’avoir participé à ce #RelaisAutourDuMonde 2025. Nous passons le relais à la République tchèque ! @France_CZ#RelaisAutourDuMonde @francediplo @ducroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/vGs3x0GpbF

    — France à Madagascar (@ambafrmada) April 3, 2025

    Félicitations à toutes et tous d’avoir participé à ce #RelaisAutourDuMonde 2025. Nous passons le relais à la République tchèque ! @France_CZ#RelaisAutourDuMonde @francediplo @ducroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/vGs3x0GpbF

    — France à Madagascar (@ambafrmada) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h. Notre course touche à sa fin. L’ambassade de France en Roumanie passe le témoin à @AmbaFranceLibye pour une nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde@francediplo@DucroquetSamuel#DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/QE0xzNhjEW

    — FranceenRoumanie (@FranceRomania) April 3, 2025

    Merci, Vilnius, pour le témoin ! Le relais arrive au . Au programme, l’inauguration du Dojo national de Bujumbura, qu’a financé notre ambassade, avec une série de performances sportives et artistiques.@DucroquetSamuel @francediplo #relaisautourdumonde #Diplomatiesportive pic.twitter.com/46Z1N9Z5pC

    — La France au Burundi (@franceauburundi) April 3, 2025

    The #RelayaroundtheWorld comes to ! @Paris2024 @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive

    Thank you South Africa, Germany, Angola, Kosovo, Luxembourg, North Macedonia, and Czech Republic for passing the baton #TerredeJeux2025 pic.twitter.com/rw0io85gBS

    — France in Ireland (@FranceinIreland) April 3, 2025

    Ça y est, le relais est passé par le , et il a fait l’événement : vive le sport et vive la coopération France-Burundi ! La présidente du CNO transmet le témoin : à vous, Tunis !@DucroquetSamuel @francediplo @FranceTn #Relaisautourdumonde #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/yIvXD1puLl

    — La France au Burundi (@franceauburundi) April 3, 2025

    Ça y est, le relais est passé par le , et il a fait l’événement : vive le sport et vive la coopération France-Burundi ! La présidente du CNO transmet le témoin : à vous, Tunis !@DucroquetSamuel @francediplo @FranceTn #Relaisautourdumonde #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/yIvXD1puLl

    — La France au Burundi (@franceauburundi) April 3, 2025

    It’s the end! The #RelayAroundTheWorld 2025 concludes in South Africa with the help of incredibly talented children

    Our champion @ChadleClos passes the baton to @FranceinIreland! @francediplo_EN @DucroquetSamuel @FranceCapeTown #SportsDiplomacy pic.twitter.com/BAElTRUFo8

    — France in South Africa, Lesotho and Malawi (@FrenchEmbassyZA) April 3, 2025

    Notre activité ping-pong se termine, nous passons le relais à @FranceinIreland, sportivement vôtre !
    Le #RelaisAutourduMonde continue ! @FranceDiplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/New8eUQzpS

    — IF Prague (@IFPrague) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h, notre tennis de table touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les participants
    L’Ambassade de France au Kosovo passe le témoin à @FranceinIreland pour une nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde ! @NOCKOSOVO @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive #franceaukosovo pic.twitter.com/KKA5NG2whb

    — France au Kosovo (@FranceauKosovo) April 3, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde passe par le ! Notre équipe a participé à la Semaine olympique et paralympique avec +300 élèves d’établissements @aefeinfo, @SESOBEL et @IRAP_Liban ! Bravo à tous les participants ! @AmbaFranceLiban @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/5NnQXBI4z9

    — Institut français du Liban (@InstitutFrLiban) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h à Milan, notre relais touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les participants et aux mascottes @MilanCortina26 pour ces beaux moments de sport. Nous passons le témoin à @FranceTn pour une nouvelle étape du relais ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #diplomatiesportive pic.twitter.com/Qd1TvzBJym

    — La France en Italie (@FranceenItalie) April 3, 2025

    Notre activité ping-pong se termine, nous passons le relais à @FranceinIreland, sportivement vôtre !
    Le #RelaisAutourduMonde continue ! @FranceDiplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/New8eUQzpS

    — IF Prague (@IFPrague) April 3, 2025

    #Relaisautourdumonde C’est parti à Dakar !
    Nous venons de récupérer le témoin du Relais autour du monde pour cette édition 2025
    Félicitations à @FranceinIreland pour leur beau relais ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel @cnossenegal @lycee_saly #Dakar2026 pic.twitter.com/eGswzFcc9j

    — France au Sénégal (@FranceoSenegal) April 3, 2025

    Merci à @FranceTn pour ce passage de témoin !
    Il est maintenant l’heure du #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 à Reykjavík , pour une heure d’entrainement avec Árni Þór Hallgrímson ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/gKnJDJcGTk

    — La France en Islande (@FranceenIslande) April 3, 2025

    Even the Ambassadors are taking part in the game.

    A great moment of camaraderie as ambassadors from Francophone countries take on Irish parliamentarians in a friendly match.

    Sport strengthens bonds ! #TerredeJeux2024 @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/G2twGDTcML

    — France in Ireland (@FranceinIreland) April 3, 2025

    Our Relay in comes to an end! Ambassador @CelinePlace passes the baton. Kudos to everyone for the “Relay around the World” @francediplo

    Now it’s the turn of @FranceoSenegal and @FranceauTogo #TerredeJeux2024 @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/wt6LHBRWOx

    — France in Ireland (@FranceinIreland) April 3, 2025

    Le #Relaisautourdumonde est lancé au Sénégal.
    De Paris 2024 à Dakar 2026, le témoin a été transmis

    Avec l’ambassadrice de France au Sénégal @chfages et Ibrahima Wade, Vice-président du Comité national olympique et sportif sénégalais et Coordonnateur général du… pic.twitter.com/n8AB8bmDYK

    — France au Sénégal (@FranceoSenegal) April 3, 2025

    #Relaisautourdumonde C’est terminé au Sénégal !
    Après Dakar, Diamniadio, le Relais autour du monde 2025 s’achève à Saly.

    Félicitations aux élèves de l’université Amadou Mahtar Mbow et aux élèves du lycée Jacques Prévert de Saly pour leur participation et un grand merci… pic.twitter.com/zAEyPiLGcx

    — France au Sénégal (@FranceoSenegal) April 3, 2025

    Pas de diplomate qualifié pour les mondiaux de badminton à Paris cet été, malgré des talents prometteurs et une ambiance conviviale. Bravo aux participants & à la @FFBad pour son soutien !@FranceintheUK et Lycée français de Londres, à vous ! @AEFE #SOP2025 #Relaisautourdumonde pic.twitter.com/ZPfOJSBcjx

    — France Diplomatie (@francediplo) April 3, 2025

    Obrigado à @franceaucapvert por passar o bastão!

    O #Relaiautourdumonde 2025 começa no Rio de Janeiro. Vamos para uma hora de salto em distância!@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/iiuwSdJsKc

    — France au Brésil (@franceaubresil) April 3, 2025

    Le #RelaisAutourDuMonde est passé par @FranceauCapVert

    À vous @franceaubresil pic.twitter.com/pVh2fcQtWb

    — Samuel Ducroquet (@DucroquetSamuel) April 3, 2025

    Thank you to the French Embassy in Chili for passing us the baton! The #relaisautourdumonde (Relay Around the World) passes through Washington, D.C. before going to Columbia.@ambafrancecl @France_Colombia @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/spjUD0N9zH

    — Embassy of France in the U.S. (@franceintheus) April 3, 2025

    Desde Chile , pasamos el testigo a @franceintheus y el #Relaisautourdumonde ya llega a Washington: unidos a nuestros colegas de todo el en el Relevo Mundial para celebrar los valores del deporte y el espíritu de los Juegos@DucroquetSamuel @francediplo pic.twitter.com/fyd7VoUJTt

    — La France au Chili (@ambafrancecl) April 3, 2025

    Merci à @ambafrancecl de nous passer le témoin ! Le #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 commence à La Havana. C’est parti pour 1h d’entraînement de rugby avec @inder @FFR @stadefrancais @CREPSAntilles Guyane !@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/lGe6Jdr7KV

    — France à Cuba (@FranceACuba) April 3, 2025

    Début des activités du #Relaisautourdumonde 2025 en Ethiopie, avec l’ambassadeur Alexis Lamek, Yayesh Tesfaw et son guide ( JOP2024), le directeur du lycée Guébré-Mariam ainsi que les élèves venus nombreux pour l’évènement ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/IlUCO5woBw

    — French Embassy in Addis Abeba (@AmbafranceET) April 3, 2025

    El #Relaisautourdumonde comienza en Chile para celebrar los valores del deporte. Gracias @franceaubresil por pasar el testigo a Fernanda Aguirre, taekwondista olímpica del Team Chile. ¡Juntos mantengamos encendida la llama del espíritu olímpico! @DucroquetSamuel @francediplo pic.twitter.com/bYvsMWPh6L

    — La France au Chili (@ambafrancecl) April 3, 2025

    La FFBaD est fière d’organiser l’étape parisienne de la 4ème édition du #Relaisautourdumonde en collaboration avec @francediplo

    Les ambassades de 8 pays sont présentes pour jouer au badminton ainsi que Samuel DUCROQUET, ambassadeur pour le sport en France https://t.co/cXlIpRq2D1 pic.twitter.com/NPSzLYsfGH

    — FFBaD (@FFBaD) April 3, 2025

    Le #RelaisAutourDuMonde est passé par @FranceauCapVert

    À vous @franceaubresil pic.twitter.com/pVh2fcQtWb

    — Samuel Ducroquet (@DucroquetSamuel) April 3, 2025

    Dans la nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde ! @france_estonia a fait un petit relais en plus #DiplomatieSportive@francediplo @DucroquetSamuel pic.twitter.com/xOcMoNMSyn

    — Emmanuel Mignot (@EmmanuelMignot2) April 3, 2025

    #Relaisautourdumonde

    It’s 10 AM, our tennis session is coming to an end. Well done to the young Ghanaian volunteers from the Olympic Volunteers Program!

    It’s now time to pass the baton to @franceaucapvert ! #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/oQwirZvcF0

    — Ambassade de France au Ghana (@FranceandGhana) April 3, 2025

    Pas de diplomate qualifié pour les mondiaux de badminton à Paris cet été, malgré des talents prometteurs et une ambiance conviviale. Bravo aux participants & à la @FFBad pour son soutien !@FranceintheUK et Lycée français de Londres, à vous ! @AEFE #SOP2025 #Relaisautourdumonde pic.twitter.com/ZPfOJSBcjx

    — France Diplomatie (@francediplo) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h, notre heure de sport touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les participants

    L’Ambassade de France en Guinée et en Sierra Leone passe le témoin à @FranceauCapVert pour une nouvelle étape du #Relaisautourdumonde ! @francediplo @DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/ZaW2ecN52l

    — France en Guinée et en Sierra Leone (@AmbaFrGuinee) April 3, 2025

    Il est 10h, notre séquence sportive touche à sa fin ! Bravo à tous les élèves du Lycée français de Nouakchott qui se sont prêtés au jeu ! #Relaisautourdumonde

    L’Ambassade de en Mauritanie passe le témoin à @FranceauCapVert !@DucroquetSamuel #DiplomatieSportive pic.twitter.com/pk2G8p27bM

    — France en Mauritanie (@FranceenRIM) April 3, 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Nations: AI’s $4.8 trillion future: UN warns of widening digital divide without urgent action

    Source: United Nations 4

    3 April 2025 Economic Development

    Artificial Intelligence (AI) is on course to become a $4.8 trillion global market by 2033 – roughly the size of Germany’s economy – but unless urgent action is taken, its benefits may remain in the hands of a privileged few, a new UN report warns.  

    The Technology and Innovation Report 2025, released on Thursday by the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), sounds the alarm on growing inequality in the AI landscape and lays out a roadmap for countries to harness AI’s potential. 

    The report shows that just 100 companies, mostly in the United States and China, are behind 40 per cent of the world’s private investment in research and development, highlighting a sharp concentration of power.

    At the same time, 118 countries – mostly from the Global South – are missing from global AI governance discussions altogether.

    UNCTAD Secretary-General Rebeca Grynspan underlined the importance of stronger international cooperation to shift the focus “from technology to people,” and enable countries “to co-create a global artificial intelligence framework”.

    A jobs revolution

    The report estimates that up to 40 percent of global jobs could be affected by AI.  

    While the technology brings new opportunities, especially through productivity gains and new industries, it also raises serious concerns about automation and job displacement – especially in economies where low-cost labour has been a competitive advantage.

    But it’s not all bad news. UNCTAD’s experts argue that AI is not just about replacing jobs – it can also create new industries and empower workers.

    If governments invest in reskilling, upskilling and workforce adaptation, they can ensure AI enhances employment opportunities rather than eliminate them.

    © ADB/Narendra Shrestha

    Students attend a computer class at a secondary school in Kailali, Nepal.

    How to prepare?

    To avoid being left behind, developing countries need to strengthen what UNCTAD calls the “three key leverage points”: infrastructure, data and skills.

    That means investing in fast, reliable internet connections and the computing power needed to store and process vast amounts of information.

    It also means ensuring access to diverse, high-quality datasets to train AI systems in ways that are effective and fair.  

    And crucially, it requires building education systems that equip people with the digital and problem-solving skills needed to thrive in an AI-driven world.

    Not just national: A global effort

    Beyond national policies, UNCTAD calls for stronger international collaboration to guide the development of artificial intelligence.

    The report proposes establishing a shared global facility to give all countries equitable access to computing power and AI tools.

    It also recommends creating a public disclosure framework for AI, similar to existing environmental, social and governance (ESG) standards, to boost transparency and accountability.  

    “History has shown that while technological progress drives economic growth, it does not on its own ensure equitable income distribution or promote inclusive human development,” noted Ms. Grynspan, calling for people to be at the centre of the AI revolution.  

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Canada: Prime Minister Carney speaks with Chancellor of Germany Olaf Scholz

    Source: Government of Canada – Prime Minister

    Today, the Prime Minister, Mark Carney, spoke with the Chancellor of Germany, Olaf Scholz.

    Prime Minister Carney and Chancellor Scholz highlighted the successes of Hannover Messe, the world’s leading trade show for industrial technology, for which Canada is the Partner Country for 2025.

    The two leaders discussed the importance of reliable partners working together to protect transatlantic security and deepen economic ties, particularly in the current global trade context. The Prime Minister shared his plan to fight the United States’ unjustified trade actions against Canada, protect Canadian workers and businesses, and build Canada’s economy.

    Prime Minister Carney and Chancellor Scholz underscored the close bilateral relationship between Canada and Germany, and they agreed to remain in close contact.

    Associated Links

    MIL OSI Canada News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Russia: “Thank you to everyone who defends our country”: HSE Academic Council meeting held at the Victory Museum

    Translartion. Region: Russians Fedetion –

    Source: State University Higher School of Economics – State University Higher School of Economics –

    Before the meeting, university veterans and members Academic Council laid wreaths and flowers at the sculpture group “Sorrow” in the Hall of Memory and Sorrow. In addition, they took part in the ceremony of transferring 185 stories of students and employees of the Higher School of Economics about their loved ones during the Great Patriotic War to the All-People’s Historical Project “Faces of Victory“.

    In memory of the defenders of the Fatherland

    The official ceremony of handing over the stories was opened by the General Director of the Victory Museum, Alexander Shkolnik. He recalled that the museum and the university had recently signed an agreement on partnership and cooperation. “After all, we are doing one big thing – raising new generations of real citizens of our country. And they can only be real when they know the history of their country, honor and remember its heroes,” he emphasized.

    Rector of the National Research University Higher School of Economics Nikita Anisimov noted that those who have no past cannot be responsible for the future, and the university is responsible for the future. The transfer of stories of students and employees of the HSE about their heroic ancestors to the Faces of Victory project is the university’s contribution to perpetuating the memory of the defenders of the Fatherland.

    “We are grateful to the Victory Museum for the opportunity to pay tribute to the memory and say words of gratitude to the heroes who defended our country in difficult years, and also to hold the Academic Council of the Higher School of Economics here. And we are happy to hand over to the museum 185 stories collected by our students and staff as part of the Faces of Victory project. We are a young university, but many of the HSE students have something in their families that is connected with the Great Patriotic War, they have a story of their heroes. And I also want to say thank you to everyone who is defending our country now. Among them are students and staff of the Higher School of Economics. And their names, I am sure, will be on the next pages of the memorial materials that we are compiling today,” said Nikita Anisimov.

    The hero of one of these stories is the first rector of the Moscow Institute of Electronic Engineering (now Moscow Institute of Electronics and Mathematics Yevgeny Armensky, who volunteered for the front after receiving his high school diploma and ended the war in Prague, was a member of the HSE. Nikita Anisimov noted that he created the glory of Russian engineering education and that it is important to remember this now, when it is being revived in Russia.

    Preservation of historical memory

    After the ceremonial meeting, the Academic Council met. The names of 11,695 Heroes of the Soviet Union are immortalized on the marble pylons of the Hall of Fame, where it was held, and a 10-meter figure of a victorious soldier is installed in the center.

    At the beginning of the meeting, Nikita Anisimov awarded honorary certificates to university veterans: Boris Gerenrot, professor Faculty of Law, and Vladimir Gavrilov, head of the rector’s secretariat from 1998 to 2000. Boris Gerenrot was 15 years old in 1941, he was called up to the front in 1944, and Vladimir Gavrilov survived the war as a child – he was driven away with his family to Germany, and his mother was shot before his eyes.

    The honorary guest of the Academic Council was the scientific director of the Russian Military Historical Society (RMHS) Mikhail Myagkov. He gave a report on the topic “Memory of the Liberators of Europe in the 21st Century”, emphasizing the role of the Soviet Union in the defeat of Nazi Germany.

    Mikhail Myagkov, in particular, said that in Prague, Marshal Konev lost control of the advanced units of the 1st Ukrainian Front for some time because the Praguers surrounded the soldiers and rocked them in their arms. More than 4 thousand monuments and memorials were erected in Europe, and, for example, 90% of the French considered the USSR’s role in the victory decisive, although France was liberated by the armies of the allies.

    Today, in Europe and the USA, the winners are considered to be primarily the British and Americans, history is falsified to suit politics, and American textbooks devote two lines to the Battle of Stalingrad. At the same time, Mikhail Myagkov emphasized, the decisive contribution of the USSR to the victory in the war is confirmed by indisputable facts and figures. On the Soviet-German front, 607 enemy divisions were destroyed, and on the Western front, only 176.

    The speaker answered questions from members of the Academic Council.

    Focus on technology leadership

    The second issue on the agenda of the Academic Council meeting was the participation of HSE in major federal projects and programs.

    Recently, the HSE team successfully defended the university development program before the Council for Support of Development Programs for Higher Education Organizations, taking second place among the participants of the Priority 2030 program. Vice-Rector Elena Odoevskaya presented a new model for implementing this program at the university, emphasizing that the emphasis in it is on technological leadership. In the near future, it is necessary to develop a KPI model for university departments to ensure their contribution to achieving the program’s target indicators.

    First Vice-Rector Leonid Gokhberg reported on the results of the work Center for Artificial Intelligence HSE University, created in 2021 following a large-scale competition. The most significant results: 31 publications at A* conferences and 23 articles in Q1 journals, 31 projects for industrial partners, 45 registered RIAs. More than 1,000 students have completed 34 AI courses created by the center. This year, the university applied for a new competition, the results of which will be announced soon.

    Vice-Rector Sergey Roshchin presented the main findings of the analytical report “The Position of HSE Graduates in the Russian Labor Market”. It notes HSE’s leading positions in terms of graduates’ salaries in most areas of training: IT, business informatics, economics, management, etc. Key employers for HSE graduates are leading bigtech and fintech companies.

    After the meeting, members of the Academic Council, accompanied by tour guides, visited the Victory Museum exhibitions “The Feat of the People” and “The Battle for Moscow. The First Victory.”

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Join Us on 4/24 for a Foreign and Comparative Law Webinar: The More the Merrier: The Form and Function of Coalition Governments Around the World

    Source: US Global Legal Monitor

    Join us on Thursday, April 24, 2025, at 2:00 pm EDT for our next foreign, comparative, and international law webinar, “The More the Merrier: The Form and Function of Coalition Governments Around the World.”

    Within the last two years, several jurisdictions have formed or are in the process of forming new coalition governments, including Germany, the Netherlands, Austria, France, South Africa, and New Zealand. In some instances, these new governments have occurred due to snap elections; taken a great deal of time to form; led to new parties coming into power or certain parties being excluded from power; indicated a change in national political practice; or a shift from one side of the political spectrum to the other. With these changes, we can observe how coalitions form, operate, and collapse in different global locations.

    In our April entry of our Foreign and Comparative Law Webinar Series, we will look at coalition governments, focusing on how they are formed, how they function, and how they are dissolved. We will use examples from various jurisdictions around the world to illustrate different means of creating and ending coalition governments, as well as the contrasting functions of those governments.

    Please register here.

    This webinar will be presented by Heather Casey, a writer-editor in the Global Legal Research Directorate of the Law Library of Congress. Heather has a J.D. from William & Mary Law School, an M.L.I.S. from Drexel University, and a B.A. from the University of Cincinnati.


    Subscribe to In Custodia Legis – it’s free! – to receive interesting posts drawn from the Law Library of Congress’s vast collections and our staff’s expertise in U.S., foreign, and international law.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Prof Thomas Hartung – Exposome Moonshot Project

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    April 2, 2025

    The Human Exposome Moonshot Project is a bold initiative to map how environmental exposures shape human health from conception to old age. Much like the Human Genome Project transformed genetics, the Human Exposome Project seeks to revolutionize our understanding of disease origins, public health, and environmental policy. Today, we know that up to 90% of chronic diseases are linked to environmental factors—ranging from pollutants and diet to social stressors. However, a comprehensive understanding of these exposures remains elusive.

    Prof Hartung is on the Organising Committee of the Exposome Moonshot Project. He will be in the UK, ahead of the first Human Exposome Moonshot Forum in Washington in May, speaking at the International Network for Governmental Science Advice conference.

    Journalists were invited to attend this briefing to meet Prof Hartung and learn more about how the Human Exposome Moonshot Project will redefine environmental health and public policy on a global scale over the next decades. He covered:

    • What is the Human Exposome, and why is it as significant as the Human Genome Project?
    • How do environmental exposures contribute to major diseases, and what percentage of disease burden can be attributed to these factors?
    • Why is now the right time for a Human Exposome Moonshot? What technological breakthroughs make it feasible today?
    • What key advances in artificial intelligence, exposomics, and real-time exposure monitoring are driving this initiative?
    • How will the project impact healthcare, drug development, and regulatory science?
    • What role will governments, industry, and public health organizations play in shaping and implementing the exposome agenda?
    • How can stakeholders—scientists, policymakers, businesses, and the public—get involved in this initiative?
    • What are the expected short- and long-term outcomes of the Human Exposome Project, and how will success be measured?

    Speakers included:

    Prof Thomas Hartung, Professor at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, the Whiting School of Engineering, Georgetown University, Washington D.C., and University of Konstanz, Germany and Director at the Centers for Alternatives to Animal Testing (CAAT) in the US and Europe. 

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: U.S. International Trade in Goods and Services, February 2025

    Source: US Bureau of Economic Analysis

    The U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis announced today that the goods and services deficit was $122.7 billion in February, down $8.0 billion from $130.7 billion in January, revised.

    U.S. International Trade in Goods and Services Deficit
    Deficit: $122.7 Billion  –6.1%°
    Exports: $278.5 Billion  +2.9%°
    Imports: $401.1 Billion     0.0%°

    Next release: Tuesday, May 6, 2025

    (°) Statistical significance is not applicable or not measurable. Data adjusted for seasonality but not price changes

    Source: U.S. Census Bureau, U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis; U.S. International Trade in Goods and Services, April 3, 2025

    Exports, Imports, and Balance (exhibit 1)

    February exports were $278.5 billion, $8.0 billion more than January exports. February imports were $401.1 billion, less than $0.1 billion less than January imports.

    The February decrease in the goods and services deficit reflected a decrease in the goods deficit of $8.8 billion to $147.0 billion and a decrease in the services surplus of $0.8 billion to $24.3 billion.

    Year-to-date, the goods and services deficit increased $117.1 billion, or 86.0 percent, from the same period in 2024. Exports increased $24.0 billion or 4.6 percent. Imports increased $141.2 billion or 21.4 percent.

    Three-Month Moving Averages (exhibit 2)

    The average goods and services deficit increased $14.8 billion to $117.1 billion for the three months ending in February.

    • Average exports increased $1.6 billion to $271.8 billion in February.
    • Average imports increased $16.5 billion to $389.0 billion in February.

    Year-over-year, the average goods and services deficit increased $50.1 billion from the three months ending in February 2024.

    • Average exports increased $10.2 billion from February 2024.
    • Average imports increased $60.3 billion from February 2024.

    Exports (exhibits 3, 6, and 7)

    Exports of goods increased $8.3 billion to $181.9 billion in February.

      Exports of goods on a Census basis increased $6.2 billion.

    • Industrial supplies and materials increased $3.0 billion.
      • Nonmonetary gold increased $3.2 billion.
      • Fuel oil decreased $1.0 billion.
    • Capital goods increased $2.7 billion.
      • Computer accessories increased $0.9 billion.
      • Civilian aircraft increased $0.5 billion.
    • Automotive vehicles, parts, and engines increased $1.6 billion.
      • Passenger cars increased $1.0 billion.
      • Trucks, buses, and special purpose vehicles increased $0.6 billion.
    • Other goods decreased $1.3 billion. (See the “Notice” for more information.)

      Net balance of payments adjustments increased $2.1 billion.

    Exports of services decreased $0.4 billion to $96.5 billion in February.

    • Transport decreased $0.3 billion.
    • Travel decreased $0.3 billion.
    • Government goods and services decreased $0.2 billion.
    • Financial services increased $0.2 billion.

    Imports (exhibits 4, 6, and 8)

    Imports of goods decreased $0.5 billion to $328.9 billion in February.

      Imports of goods on a Census basis decreased $0.6 billion.

    • Industrial supplies and materials decreased $4.2 billion.
      • Finished metal shapes decreased $2.6 billion.
      • Nonmonetary gold decreased $1.3 billion
    • Consumer goods increased $2.4 billion.
      • Cell phones and other household goods increased $1.5 billion.
      • Pharmaceutical preparations increased $1.2 billion.
    • Capital goods increased $1.0 billion.
      • Computers increased $0.7 billion.
      • Medical equipment increased $0.5 billion.
      • Civilian aircraft decreased $0.7 billion.

      Net balance of payments adjustments increased $0.1 billion.

    Imports of services increased $0.5 billion to $72.2 billion in February.

    • Travel increased $0.2 billion.
    • Charges for the use of intellectual property increased $0.1 billion.

    Real Goods in 2017 Dollars – Census Basis (exhibit 11)

    The real goods deficit decreased $6.9 billion, or 4.8 percent, to $135.4 billion in February, compared to a 4.4 percent decrease in the nominal deficit.

    • Real exports of goods increased $4.9 billion, or 3.4 percent, to $147.9 billion, compared to a 3.6 percent increase in nominal exports.
    • Real imports of goods decreased $2.0 billion, or 0.7 percent, to $283.3 billion, compared to a 0.2 percent decrease in nominal imports.

    Revisions

    Revisions to January exports

    • Exports of goods were revised up $0.8 billion.
    • Exports of services were revised down $0.2 billion.

    Revisions to January imports

    • Imports of goods were revised down $0.1 billion.
    • Imports of services were revised up $0.1 billion.

    Goods by Selected Countries and Areas: Monthly – Census Basis (exhibit 19)

    The February figures show surpluses, in billions of dollars, with South and Central America ($4.8), Netherlands ($4.1), United Kingdom ($3.4), Hong Kong ($2.4), Belgium ($0.8), Brazil ($0.4), and Saudi Arabia ($0.2). Deficits were recorded, in billions of dollars, with European Union ($30.9), China ($26.6), Switzerland ($18.8), Mexico ($16.8), Ireland ($14.0), Vietnam ($12.4), Taiwan ($8.7), Germany ($8.1), Canada ($7.3), India ($5.6), Japan ($5.2), Italy ($5.1), South Korea ($4.5), Malaysia ($3.1), Australia ($2.1), France ($1.5), Singapore ($1.1), and Israel ($0.7).

    • The deficit with Switzerland decreased $4.0 billion to $18.8 billion in February. Exports increased $0.7 billion to $2.5 billion and imports decreased $3.3 billion to $21.3 billion.
    • The balance with the United Kingdom shifted from a deficit of $0.5 billion in January to a surplus of $3.4 billion in February. Exports increased $3.3 billion to $9.5 billion and imports decreased $0.6 billion to $6.1 billion.
    • The deficit with the European Union increased $5.4 billion to $30.9 billion in February. Exports decreased $2.3 billion to $29.9 billion and imports increased $3.2 billion to $60.8 billion.

    All statistics referenced are seasonally adjusted; statistics are on a balance of payments basis unless otherwise specified. Additional statistics, including not seasonally adjusted statistics and details for goods on a Census basis, are available in exhibits 1-20b of this release. For information on data sources, definitions, and revision procedures, see the explanatory notes in this release. The full release can be found at www.census.gov/foreign-trade/Press-Release/current_press_release/index.html or www.bea.gov/data/intl-trade-investment/international-trade-goods-and-services. The full schedule is available in the Census Bureau’s Economic Briefing Room at www.census.gov/economic-indicators/ or on BEA’s website at www.bea.gov/news/schedule.

    Next release: May 6, 2025, at 8:30 a.m. EDT
    U.S. International Trade in Goods and Services, March 2025

    Notice

    Impact of Canada Border Services Agency’s (CBSA) Release of CBSA Assessment and Revenue Management (CARM)

    The CBSA introduced a new accounting system (CARM) on October 21, 2024. As a result, importers in Canada have experienced delays in filing shipment information. These delays affected the compilation of statistics on U.S. exports of goods to Canada for September 2024 through February 2025, which are derived from data compiled by Canada through the United States – Canada Data Exchange. A dollar estimate of the filing backlog is included in estimates for late receipts and, following the U.S. Census Bureau’s customary practice for late receipt estimates, is included in the export end-use category “Other goods” as well as in exports to Canada. This estimate will be replaced with the actual transactions reported by the Harmonized System classification in June 2025 with the release of “U.S. International Trade in Goods and Services, Annual Revision.” Until then, please refer to the supplemental spreadsheet “CARM Exports to Canada Corrections,” which provides a breakdown of the late receipts by 1-digit end-use category for statistics through 2024. This spreadsheet will be updated as late export transactions are received to reflect reassignments from the initial “Other goods” category to the appropriate 1-digit end-use category. Any 2025 impacts will be revised in June 2026.

    If you have questions or need additional information, please contact the Census Bureau, Economic Indicators Division, International Trade Macro Analysis Branch, on 800-549-0595, option 4, or at eid.international.trade.data@census.gov.

    Upcoming Updates to Goods and Services

    With the releases of the “U.S. International Trade in Goods and Services” report (FT-900) and the FT-900 Annual Revision on June 5, 2025, statistics on trade in goods, on both a Census basis and a balance of payments (BOP) basis, will be revised beginning with 2020 and statistics on trade in services will be revised beginning with 2018. The revised statistics for goods on a BOP basis and for services will also be included in the “U.S. International Transactions, 1st Quarter 2025 and Annual Update” report and in the international transactions interactive database, both to be released by BEA on June 24, 2025.

    Revised statistics on trade in goods will reflect:

    • Corrections and adjustments to previously published not seasonally adjusted statistics for goods on a Census basis.
    • End-use reclassifications of several commodities.
    • Recalculated seasonal and trading-day adjustments.
    • Newly available and revised source data on BOP adjustments, which are adjustments that BEA applies to goods on a Census basis to convert them to a BOP basis. See the “Goods (balance of payments basis)” section in the explanatory notes for more information.

    Revised statistics on trade in services will reflect:

    • Newly available and revised source data, primarily from BEA surveys of international services.
    • Corrections and adjustments to previously published not seasonally adjusted statistics.
    • Recalculated seasonal adjustments.
    • Revised temporal distributions of quarterly source data to monthly statistics. See the “Services” section in the explanatory notes for more information.

    A preview of BEA’s 2025 annual update of the International Transactions Accounts will be available in the Survey of Current Business later in April 2025.

    If you have questions or need additional information, please contact the Census Bureau, Economic Indicators Division, International Trade Macro Analysis Branch, on (800) 549-0595, option 4, or at eid.international.trade.data@census.gov or BEA, Balance of Payments Division, at InternationalAccounts@bea.gov.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Europe: Meeting of 5-6 March 2025

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Wednesday and Thursday, 5-6 March 2025

    3 April 2025

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel started her presentation by noting that, since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 29-30 January 2025, euro area and US markets had moved in opposite directions in a highly volatile political environment. In the euro area, markets had focused on the near-term macroeconomic backdrop, with incoming data in the euro area surprising on the upside. Lower energy prices responding in part to the prospect of a ceasefire in Ukraine, looser fiscal policy due to increased defence spending and a potential relaxation of Germany’s fiscal rules had supported investor sentiment. This contrasted with developments in the United States, where market participants’ assessment of the new US Administration’s policy decisions had turned more negative amid fears of tariffs driving prices up and dampening consumer and business sentiment.

    A puzzling feature of recent market developments had been the dichotomy between measures of policy uncertainty and financial market volatility. Global economic policy uncertainty had shot up in the final quarter of 2024 and had reached a new all-time high, surpassing the peak seen at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. By contrast, volatility in euro area and US equity markets had remained muted, despite having broadly traced dynamics in economic policy uncertainty over the past 15 years. Only more recently, with the prospect of tariffs becoming more concrete, had stock market volatility started to pick up from low levels.

    Risk sentiment in the euro area remained strong and close to all-time highs, outpacing the United States, which had declined significantly since the Governing Council’s January monetary policy meeting. This mirrored the divergence of macroeconomic developments. The Citigroup Economic Surprise Index for the euro area had turned positive in February 2025, reaching its highest level since April 2024. This was in contrast to developments in the United States, where economic surprises had been negative recently.

    The divergence in investor appetite was most evident in stock markets. The euro area stock market continued to outperform its US counterpart, posting the strongest year-to-date performance relative to the US index in almost a decade. Stock market developments were aligned with analysts’ earnings expectations, which had been raised for European firms since the start of 2025. Meanwhile, US earnings estimates had been revised down continuously for the past eleven weeks.

    Part of the recent outperformance of euro area equities stemmed from a catch-up in valuations given that euro area equities had performed less strongly than US stocks in 2024. Moreover, in spite of looming tariffs, the euro area equity market was benefiting from potential growth tailwinds, including a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, the greater prospect of a stable German government following the country’s parliamentary elections and the likelihood of increased defence spending in the euro area. The share prices of tariff-sensitive companies had been significantly underperforming their respective benchmarks in both currency areas, but tariff-sensitive stocks in the United States had fared substantially worse.

    Market pricing also indicated a growing divergence in inflation prospects between the euro area and the United States. In the euro area, the market’s view of a gradual disinflation towards the ECB’s 2% target remained intact. One-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead stood at around 2%, while the one-year forward inflation-linked swap rate one year ahead continued to stand somewhat below 2%. However, inflation compensation had moved up across maturities on 5 March 2025. In the United States, one-year forward inflation compensation one year ahead had increased significantly, likely driven in part by bond traders pricing in the inflationary effects of tariffs on US consumer prices. Indicators of the balance of risks for inflation suggested that financial market participants continued to see inflation risks in the euro area as broadly balanced across maturities.

    Changing growth and inflation prospects had also been reflected in monetary policy expectations for the euro area. On the back of slightly lower inflation compensation due to lower energy prices, expectations for ECB monetary policy had edged down. A 25 basis point cut was fully priced in for the current Governing Council monetary policy meeting, while markets saw a further rate cut at the following meeting as uncertain. Most recently, at the time of the meeting, rate investors no longer expected three more 25 basis point cuts in the deposit facility rate in 2025. Participants in the Survey of Monetary Analysts, finalised in the last week of February, had continued to expect a slightly faster easing cycle.

    Turning to euro area market interest rates, the rise in nominal ten-year overnight index swap (OIS) rates since the 11-12 December 2024 Governing Council meeting had largely been driven by improving euro area macroeconomic data, while the impact of US factors had been small overall. Looking back, euro area ten-year nominal and real OIS rates had overall been remarkably stable since their massive repricing in 2022, when the ECB had embarked on the hiking cycle. A key driver of persistently higher long-term rates had been the market’s reassessment of the real short-term rate that was expected to prevail in the future. The expected real one-year forward rate four years ahead had surged in 2022 as investors adjusted their expectations away from a “low-for-long” interest rate environment, suggesting that higher real rates were expected to be the new normal.

    The strong risk sentiment had also been transmitted to euro area sovereign bond spreads relative to yields on German government bonds, which remained at contained levels. Relative to OIS rates, however, the spreads had increased since the January monetary policy meeting – this upward move intensified on 5 March with the expectation of a substantial increase in defence spending. One factor behind the gradual widening of asset swap spreads over the past two years had been the increasing net supply of government bonds, which had been smoothly absorbed in the market.

    Regarding the exchange rate, after a temporary depreciation the euro had appreciated slightly against the US dollar, going above the level seen at the time of the January meeting. While the repricing of expectations regarding ECB monetary policy relative to the United States had weighed on the euro, as had global risk sentiment, the euro had been supported by the relatively stronger euro area economic outlook.

    Ms Schnabel then considered the implications of recent market developments for overall financial conditions. Since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting, a broad-based and pronounced easing in financial conditions had been observed. This was driven primarily by higher equity prices and, to a lesser extent, by lower interest rates. The decline in euro area real risk-free interest rates across the yield curve implied that the euro area real yield curve remained well within neutral territory.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started his introduction by noting that, according to Eurostat’s flash release, headline inflation in the euro area had declined to 2.4% in February, from 2.5% in January. While energy inflation had fallen from 1.9% to 0.2% and services inflation had eased from 3.9% to 3.7%, food inflation had increased to 2.7%, from 2.3%, and non-energy industrial goods inflation had edged up from 0.5% to 0.6%.

    Most indicators of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. The Persistent and Common Component of Inflation had ticked down to 2.1% in January. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined by 0.2 percentage points to 4.0%. But it remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. Recent wage negotiations pointed to a continued moderation in labour cost pressures. For instance, negotiated wage growth had decreased to 4.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The wage tracker and an array of survey indicators also suggested a continued weakening of wage pressures in 2025.

    Inflation was expected to evolve along a slightly higher path in 2025 than had been expected in the Eurosystem staff’s December projections, owing to higher energy prices. At the same time, services inflation was expected to continue declining in early 2025 as the effects from lagged repricing faded, wage pressures receded and the impact of past monetary policy tightening continued to feed through. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations still stood at around 2%. Near-term market-based inflation compensation had declined across maturities, likely reflecting the most recent decline in energy prices, but longer-term inflation compensation had recently increased in response to emerging fiscal developments. Consumer inflation expectations had resumed their downward momentum in January.

    According to the March ECB staff projections, headline inflation was expected to average 2.3% in 2025, 1.9% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. Compared with the December 2024 projections, inflation had been revised up by 0.2 percentage points for 2025, reflecting stronger energy price dynamics in the near term. At the same time, the projections were unchanged for 2026 and had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points for 2027. For core inflation, staff projected a slowdown from an average of 2.2% in 2025 to 2.0% in 2026 and to 1.9% in 2027 as labour cost pressures eased further, the impact of past shocks faded and the past monetary policy tightening continued to weigh on prices. The core inflation projection was 0.1 percentage points lower for 2025 compared with the December projections round, as recent data releases had surprised on the downside, but they had been revised up by the same amount for 2026, reflecting the lagged indirect effects of the past depreciation of the euro as well as higher energy inflation in 2025.

    Geopolitical uncertainties loomed over the global growth outlook. The Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) for global composite output excluding the euro area had declined in January to 52.0, amid a broad-based slowdown in the services sector across key economies. The discussions between the United States and Russia over a possible ceasefire in Ukraine, as well as the de-escalation in the Middle East, had likely contributed to the recent decline in oil and gas prices on global commodity markets. Nevertheless, geopolitical tensions remained a major source of uncertainty. Euro area foreign demand growth was projected to moderate, declining from 3.4% in 2024 to 3.2% in 2025 and then to 3.1% in 2026 and 2027. Downward revisions to the projections for global trade compared with the December 2024 projections reflected mostly the impact of tariffs on US imports from China.

    The euro had remained stable in nominal effective terms and had appreciated against the US dollar since the last monetary policy meeting. From the start of the easing cycle last summer, the euro had depreciated overall both against the US dollar and in nominal effective terms, albeit showing a lot of volatility in the high frequency data. Energy commodity prices had decreased following the January meeting, with oil prices down by 4.6% and gas prices down by 12%. However, energy markets had also seen a lot of volatility recently.

    Turning to activity in the euro area, GDP had grown modestly in the fourth quarter of 2024. Manufacturing was still a drag on growth, as industrial activity remained weak in the winter months and stood below its third-quarter level. At the same time, survey indicators for manufacturing had been improving and indicators for activity in the services sector were moderating, while remaining in expansionary territory. Although growth in domestic demand had slowed in the fourth quarter, it remained clearly positive. In contrast, exports had likely continued to contract in the fourth quarter. Survey data pointed to modest growth momentum in the first quarter of 2025. The composite output PMI had stood at 50.2 in February, unchanged from January and up from an average of 49.3 in the fourth quarter of 2024. The PMI for manufacturing output had risen to a nine-month high of 48.9, whereas the PMI for services business activity had been 50.6, remaining in expansionary territory but at its lowest level for a year. The more forward-looking composite PMI for new orders had edged down slightly in February owing to its services component. The European Commission’s Economic Sentiment Indicator had improved in January and February but remained well below its long-term average.

    The labour market remained robust. Employment had increased by 0.1 percentage points in the fourth quarter and the unemployment rate had stayed at its historical low of 6.2% in January. However, demand for labour had moderated, which was reflected in fewer job postings, fewer job-to-job transitions and declining quit intentions for wage or career reasons. Recent survey data suggested that employment growth had been subdued in the first two months of 2025.

    In terms of fiscal policy, a tightening of 0.9 percentage points of GDP had been achieved in 2024, mainly because of the reversal of inflation compensatory measures and subsidies. In the March projections a further slight tightening was foreseen for 2025, but this did not yet factor in the news received earlier in the week about the scaling-up of defence spending.

    Looking ahead, growth should be supported by higher incomes and lower borrowing costs. According to the staff projections, exports should also be boosted by rising global demand as long as trade tensions did not escalate further. But uncertainty had increased and was likely to weigh on investment and exports more than previously expected. Consequently, ECB staff had again revised down growth projections, by 0.2 percentage points to 0.9% for 2025 and by 0.2 percentage points to 1.2% for 2026, while keeping the projection for 2027 unchanged at 1.3%. Respondents to the Survey of Monetary Analysts expected growth of 0.8% in 2025, 0.2 percentage points lower than in January, but continued to expect growth of 1.1% in 2026 and 1.2% in 2027, unchanged from January.

    Market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the January meeting but had risen over recent days in response to the latest fiscal developments. The past interest rate cuts, together with anticipated future cuts, were making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households, and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, a headwind to the easing of financing conditions was coming from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remained subdued overall. The cost of new loans to firms had declined further by 12 basis points to 4.2% in January, about 1 percentage point below the October 2023 peak. By contrast, the cost of issuing market-based corporate debt had risen to 3.7%, 0.2 percentage points higher than in December. Mortgage rates were 14 basis points lower at 3.3% in January, around 80 basis points below their November 2023 peak. However, the average cost of bank credit measured on the outstanding stock of loans had declined substantially less than that of new loans to firms and only marginally for mortgages.

    Annual growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December. This had mainly reflected base effects, as the negative flow in January 2024 had dropped out of the annual calculation. Corporate debt issuance had increased in January in terms of the monthly flow, but the annual growth rate had remained broadly stable at 3.4%. Mortgage lending had continued its gradual rise, with an annual growth rate of 1.3% in January after 1.1% in December.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    In summary, the disinflation process remained well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff expected, and the latest projections closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Wage growth was moderating as expected. The recent interest rate cuts were making new borrowing less expensive and loan growth was picking up. At the same time, past interest rate hikes were still transmitting to the stock of credit and lending remained subdued overall. The economy faced continued headwinds, reflecting lower exports and ongoing weakness in investment, in part originating from high trade policy uncertainty as well as broader policy uncertainty. Rising real incomes and the gradually fading effects of past rate hikes continued to be the key drivers underpinning the expected pick-up in demand over time.

    Based on this assessment, Mr Lane proposed lowering the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. In particular, the proposal to lower the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was rooted in the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Moving the deposit facility rate from 2.75% to 2.50% would be a robust decision. In particular, holding at 2.75% could weaken the required recovery in consumption and investment and thereby risk undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. Furthermore, the new projections indicated that, if the baseline dynamics for inflation and economic growth continued to hold, further easing would be required to stabilise inflation at the medium-term target on a sustainable basis. Under this baseline, from a macroeconomic perspective, a variety of rate paths over the coming meetings could deliver the remaining degree of easing. This reinforced the value of a meeting-by-meeting approach, with no pre-commitment to any particular rate path. In the near term, it would allow the Governing Council to take into account all the incoming data between the current meeting and the meeting on 16-17 April, together with the latest waves of the ECB’s surveys, including the bank lending survey, the Corporate Telephone Survey, the Survey of Professional Forecasters and the Consumer Expectations Survey.

    Moreover, the Governing Council should pay special attention to the unfolding geopolitical risks and emerging fiscal developments in view of their implications for activity and inflation. In particular, compared with the rate paths consistent with the baseline projection, the appropriate rate path at future meetings would also reflect the evolution and/or materialisation of the upside and downside risks to inflation and economic momentum.

    As the Governing Council had advanced further in the process of lowering rates from their peak, the communication about the state of transmission in the monetary policy statement should evolve. Mr Lane proposed replacing the “level” assessment that “monetary policy remains restrictive” with the more “directional” statement that “our monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive”. In a similar vein, the Governing Council should replace the reference “financing conditions continue to be tight” with an acknowledgement that “a headwind to the easing of financing conditions comes from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit, and lending remains subdued overall”.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    As regards the external environment, members took note of the assessment provided by Mr Lane. Global activity at the end of 2024 had been marginally stronger than expected (possibly supported by firms frontloading imports of foreign inputs ahead of potential trade disruptions) and according to the March 2025 ECB staff projections global growth was expected to remain fairly solid overall, while moderating slightly over 2025-27. This moderation came mainly from expected lower growth rates for the United States and China, which were partially compensated for by upward revisions to the outlook for other economies. Euro area foreign demand was seen to evolve broadly in line with global activity over the rest of the projection horizon. Compared with the December 2024 Eurosystem staff projections, foreign demand was projected to be slightly weaker over 2025-27. This weakness was seen to stem mainly from lower US imports. Recent data in the United States had come in on the soft side. It was highlighted that the March 2025 projections only incorporated tariffs implemented at the time of the cut-off date (namely US tariffs of 10% on imports from China and corresponding retaliatory tariffs on US exports to China). By contrast, US tariffs that had been suspended or not yet formally announced at the time of the cut-off date were treated as risks to the baseline projections.

    Elevated and exceptional uncertainty was highlighted as a key theme for both the external environment and the euro area economy. Current uncertainties were seen as multidimensional (political, geopolitical, tariff-related and fiscal) and as comprising “radical” or “Knightian” elements, in other words a type of uncertainty that could not be quantified or captured well by standard tools and quantitative analysis. In particular, the unpredictable patterns of trade protectionism in the United States were currently having an impact on the outlook for the global economy and might also represent a more lasting regime change. It was also highlighted that, aside from specific, already enacted tariff measures, uncertainty surrounding possible additional measures was creating significant extra headwinds in the global economy.

    The impact of US tariffs on trading partners was seen to be clearly negative for activity while being more ambiguous for inflation. For the latter, an upside effect in the short term, partly driven by the exchange rate, might be broadly counterbalanced by downside pressures on prices from lower demand, especially over the medium term. It was underlined that it was challenging to determine, ex ante, the impact of protectionist measures, as this would depend crucially on how the measures were deployed and was likely to be state and scale-dependent, in particular varying with the duration of the protectionist measures and the extent of any retaliatory measures. More generally, a tariff could be seen as a tax on production and consumption, which also involved a wealth transfer from the private to the public sector. In this context, it was underlined that tariffs were generating welfare losses for all parties concerned.

    With regard to economic activity in the euro area, members broadly agreed with the assessment presented by Mr Lane. The overall narrative remained that the economy continued to grow, but in a modest way. Based on Eurostat’s flash release for the euro area (of 14 February) and available country data, year-on-year growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 appeared broadly in line with what had been expected. However, the composition was somewhat different, with more private and government consumption, less investment and deeply negative net exports. It was mentioned that recent surveys had been encouraging, pointing to a turnaround in the interest rate-sensitive manufacturing sector, with the euro area manufacturing PMI reaching its highest level in 24 months. While developments in services continued to be better than those in manufacturing, survey evidence suggested that momentum in the services sector could be slowing, although manufacturing might become less negative – a pattern of rotation also seen in surveys of the global economy. Elevated uncertainty was undoubtedly a factor holding back firms’ investment spending. Exports were also weak, particularly for capital goods.The labour market remained resilient, however. The unemployment rate in January (6.2%) was at a historical low for the euro area economy, once again better than expected, although the positive momentum in terms of the rate of employment growth appeared to be moderating.

    While the euro area economy was still expected to grow in the first quarter of the year, it was noted that incoming data were mixed. Current and forward-looking indicators were becoming less negative for the manufacturing sector but less positive for the services sector. Consumer confidence had ticked up in the first two months of 2025, albeit from low levels, while households’ unemployment expectations had also improved slightly. Regarding investment, there had been some improvement in housing investment indicators, with the housing output PMI having improved measurably, thus indicating a bottoming-out in the housing market, and although business investment indicators remained negative, they were somewhat less so. Looking ahead, economic growth should continue and strengthen over time, although once again more slowly than previously expected. Real wage developments and more affordable credit should support household spending. The outlook for investment and exports remained the most uncertain because it was clouded by trade policy and geopolitical uncertainties.

    Broad agreement was expressed with the latest ECB staff macroeconomic projections. Economic growth was expected to continue, albeit at a modest pace and somewhat slower than previously expected. It was noted, however, that the downward revision to economic growth in 2025 was driven in part by carry-over effects from a weak fourth quarter in 2024 (according to Eurostat’s flash release). Some concern was raised that the latest downward revisions to the current projections had come after a sequence of downward revisions. Moreover, other institutions’ forecasts appeared to be notably more pessimistic. While these successive downward revisions to the staff projections had been modest on an individual basis, cumulatively they were considered substantial. At the same time, it was highlighted that negative judgement had been applied to the March projections, notably on investment and net exports among the demand components. By contrast, there had been no significant change in the expected outlook for private consumption, which, supported by real wage growth, accumulated savings and lower interest rates, was expected to remain the main element underpinning growth in economic activity.

    While there were some downward revisions to expectations for government consumption, investment and exports, the outlook for each of these components was considered to be subject to heightened uncertainty. Regarding government consumption, recent discussions in the fiscal domain could mean that the slowdown in growth rates of government spending in 2025 assumed in the projections might not materialise after all. These new developments could pose risks to the projections, as they would have an impact on economic growth, inflation and possibly also potential growth, countering the structural weakness observed so far. At the same time, it was noted that a significant rise in the ten-year yields was already being observed, whereas the extra stimulus from military spending would likely materialise only further down the line. Overall, members considered that the broad narrative of a modestly growing euro area economy remained valid. Developments in US trade policies and elevated uncertainty were weighing on businesses and consumers in the euro area, and hence on the outlook for activity.

    Private consumption had underpinned euro area growth at the end of 2024. The ongoing increase in real wages, as well as low unemployment, the stabilisation in consumer confidence and saving rates that were still above pre-pandemic levels, provided confidence that a consumption-led recovery was still on track. But some concern was expressed over the extent to which private consumption could further contribute to a pick-up in growth. In this respect, it was argued that moderating real wage growth, which was expected to be lower in 2025 than in 2024, and weak consumer confidence were not promising for a further increase in private consumption. Concerning the behaviour of household savings, it was noted that saving rates were clearly higher than during the pre-pandemic period, although they were projected to decline gradually over the forecast horizon. However, the current heightened uncertainty and the increase in fiscal deficits could imply that higher household savings might persist, partly reflecting “Ricardian” effects (i.e. consumers prone to increase savings in anticipation of higher future taxes needed to service the extra debt). At the same time, it was noted that the modest decline in the saving rate was only one factor supporting the outlook for private consumption.

    Regarding investment, a distinction was made between housing and business investment. For housing, a slow recovery was forecast during the course of 2025 and beyond. This was based on the premise of lower interest rates and less negative confidence indicators, although some lag in housing investment might be expected owing to planning and permits. The business investment outlook was considered more uncertain. While industrial confidence was low, there had been some improvement in the past couple of months. However, it was noted that confidence among firms producing investment goods was falling and capacity utilisation in the sector was low and declining. It was argued that it was not the level of interest rates that was currently holding back business investment, but a high level of uncertainty about economic policies. In this context, concern was expressed that ongoing uncertainty could result in businesses further delaying investment, which, if cumulated over time, would weigh on the medium-term growth potential.

    The outlook for exports and the direct and indirect impact of tariff measures were a major concern. It was noted that, as a large exporter, particularly of capital goods, the euro area might feel the biggest impact of such measures. Reference was made to scenario calculations that suggested that there would be a significant negative impact on economic growth, particularly in 2025, if the tariffs on Mexico, Canada and the euro area currently being threatened were actually implemented. Regarding the specific impact on euro area exports, it was noted that, to understand the potential impact on both activity and prices, a granular level of analysis would be required, as sectors differed in terms of competition and pricing power. Which specific goods were targeted would also matter. Furthermore, while imports from the United States (as a percentage of euro area GDP) had increased over the past decade, those from the rest of the world (China, the rest of Asia and other EU countries) were larger and had increased by more.

    Members overall assessed that the labour market continued to be resilient and was developing broadly in line with previous expectations. The euro area unemployment rate remained at historically low levels and well below estimates of the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment. The strength of the labour market was seen as attenuating the social cost of the relatively weak economy as well as supporting upside pressures on wages and prices. While there had been some slowdown in employment growth, this also had to be seen in the context of slowing labour force growth. Furthermore, the latest survey indicators suggested a broad stabilisation rather than any acceleration in the slowdown. Overall, the euro area labour market remained tight, with a negative unemployment gap.

    Against this background, members reiterated that fiscal and structural policies should make the economy more productive, competitive and resilient. It was noted that recent discussions at the national and EU levels raised the prospect of a major change in the fiscal stance, notably in the euro area’s largest economy but also across the European Union. In the baseline projections, which had been finalised before the recent discussions, a fiscal tightening over 2025-27 had been expected owing to a reversal of previous subsidies and termination of the Next Generation EU programme in 2027. Current proposals under discussion at the national and EU levels would represent a substantial change, particularly if additional measures beyond extra defence spending were required to achieve the necessary political buy-in. It was noted, however, that not all countries had sufficient fiscal space. Hence it was underlined that governments should ensure sustainable public finances in line with the EU’s economic governance framework and should prioritise essential growth-enhancing structural reforms and strategic investment. It was also reiterated that the European Commission’s Competitiveness Compass provided a concrete roadmap for action and its proposals should be swiftly adopted.

    In light of exceptional uncertainty around trade policies and the fiscal outlook, it was noted that one potential impact of elevated uncertainty was that the baseline scenario was becoming less likely to materialise and risk factors might suddenly enter the baseline. Moreover, elevated uncertainty could become a persistent fact of life. It was also considered that the current uncertainty was of a different nature to that normally considered in the projection exercises and regular policymaking. In particular, uncertainty was not so much about how certain variables behaved within the model (or specific model parameters) but whether fundamental building blocks of the models themselves might have to be reconsidered (also given that new phenomena might fall entirely outside the realm of historical data or precedent). This was seen as a call for new approaches to capture uncertainty.

    Against this background, members assessed that even though some previous downside risks had already materialised, the risks to economic growth had increased and remained tilted to the downside. An escalation in trade tensions would lower euro area growth by dampening exports and weakening the global economy. Ongoing uncertainty about global trade policies could drag investment down. Geopolitical tensions, such as Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East, remained a major source of uncertainty. Growth could be lower if the lagged effects of monetary policy tightening lasted longer than expected. At the same time, growth could be higher if easier financing conditions and falling inflation allowed domestic consumption and investment to rebound faster. An increase in defence and infrastructure spending could also add to growth. For the near-term outlook, the ECB’s mechanical updates of growth expectations in the first half of 2025 suggested some downside risk. Beyond the near term, it was noted that the baseline projections only included tariffs (and retaliatory measures) already implemented but not those announced or threatened but not yet implemented. The materialisation of additional tariff measures would weigh on euro area exports and investment as well as add to the competitiveness challenges facing euro area businesses. At the same time, the potential fiscal impulse had not been included either.

    With regard to price developments, members largely agreed that the disinflation process was on track, with inflation continuing to develop broadly as staff had expected. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and some services prices were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a delay. However, recent wage negotiations pointed to an ongoing moderation in labour cost pressures, with a lower contribution from profits partially buffering their impact on inflation and most indicators of underlying inflation pointing to a sustained return of inflation to target. Preliminary indicators for labour cost growth in the fourth quarter of 2024 suggested a further moderation, which gave some greater confidence that moderating wage growth would support the projected disinflation process.

    It was stressed that the annual growth of compensation per employee, which, based on available euro area data, had stood at 4.4% in the third quarter of 2024, should be seen as the most important and most comprehensive measure of wage developments. According to the projections, it was expected to decline substantially by the end of 2025, while available hard data on wage growth were still generally coming in above 4%, and indications from the ECB wage tracker were based only on a limited number of wage agreements for the latter part of 2025. The outlook for wages was seen as a key element for the disinflation path foreseen in the projections, and the sustainable return of inflation to target was still subject to considerable uncertainty. In this context, some concern was expressed that relatively tight labour markets might slow the rate of moderation and that weak labour productivity growth might push up the rate of increase in unit labour costs.

    With respect to the incoming data, members reiterated that hard data for the first quarter would be crucial for ascertaining further progress with disinflation, as foreseen in the staff projections. The differing developments among the main components of the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) were noted. Energy prices had increased but were volatile, and some of the increases had already been reversed most recently. Notwithstanding the increases in the annual rate of change in food prices, momentum in this salient component was down. Developments in the non-energy industrial goods component remained modest. Developments in services were the main focus of discussions. While some concerns were expressed that momentum in services appeared to have remained relatively elevated or had even edged up (when looking at three-month annualised growth rates), it was also argued that the overall tendency was clearly down. It was stressed that detailed hard data on services inflation over the coming months would be key and would reveal to what extent the projected substantial disinflation in services in the first half of 2025 was on track.

    Regarding the March inflation projections, members commended the improved forecasting performance in recent projection rounds. It was underlined that the 0.2 percentage point upward revision to headline inflation for 2025 primarily reflected stronger energy price dynamics compared with the December projections. Some concern was expressed that inflation was now only projected to reach 2% on a sustained basis in early 2026, rather than in the course of 2025 as expected previously. It was also noted that, although the baseline scenario had been broadly materialising, uncertainties had been increasing substantially in several respects. Furthermore, recent data releases had seen upside surprises in headline inflation. However, it was remarked that the latest upside revision to the headline inflation projections had been driven mainly by the volatile prices of crude oil and natural gas, with the decline in those prices since the cut-off date for the projections being large enough to undo much of the upward revision. In addition, it was underlined that the projections for HICP inflation excluding food and energy were largely unchanged, with staff projecting an average of 2.2% for 2025 and 2.0% for 2026. The argument was made that the recent revisions showed once again that it was misleading to mechanically relate lower growth to lower inflation, given the prevalence of supply-side shocks.

    With respect to inflation expectations, reference was made to the latest market-based inflation fixings, which were typically highly sensitive to the most recent energy commodity price developments. Beyond the short term, inflation fixings were lower than the staff projections. Attention was drawn to a sharp increase in the five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead following the latest expansionary fiscal policy announcements. However, it was argued that this measure remained consistent with genuine expectations broadly anchored around 2% if estimated risk premia were taken into account, and there had been a less substantial adjustment in nearer-term inflation compensation. Looking at other sources of evidence on expectations, collected before the fiscal announcements (as was the case for all survey evidence), panellists in the Survey of Monetary Analysts saw inflation close to 2%. Consumer inflation expectations from the ECB Consumer Expectations Survey were generally at higher levels, but they showed a small downtick for one-year ahead expectations. It was also highlighted that firms mentioned inflation in their earnings calls much less frequently, suggesting inflation was becoming less salient.

    Against this background, members saw a number of uncertainties surrounding the inflation outlook. Increasing friction in global trade was adding more uncertainty to the outlook for euro area inflation. A general escalation in trade tensions could see the euro depreciate and import costs rise, which would put upward pressure on inflation. At the same time, lower demand for euro area exports as a result of higher tariffs and a re-routing of exports into the euro area from countries with overcapacity would put downward pressure on inflation. Geopolitical tensions created two-sided inflation risks as regards energy markets, consumer confidence and business investment. Extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices by more than expected. Inflation could turn out higher if wages or profits increased by more than expected. A boost in defence and infrastructure spending could also raise inflation through its effect on aggregate demand. But inflation might surprise on the downside if monetary policy dampened demand by more than expected. The view was expressed that the prospect of significantly higher fiscal spending, together with a potentially significant increase in inflation in the event of a tariff scenario with retaliation, deserved particular consideration in future risk assessments. Moreover, the risks might be exacerbated by potential second-round effects and upside wage pressures in an environment where inflation had not yet returned to target and the labour market remained tight. In particular, it was argued that the boost to domestic demand from fiscal spending would make it easier for firms to pass through higher costs to consumers rather than absorb them in their profits, at a time when inflation expectations were more fragile and firms had learned to rapidly adapt the frequency of repricing in an environment of high uncertainty. It was argued that growth concerns were mainly structural in nature and that monetary policy was ineffective in resolving structural weaknesses.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, market interest rates in the euro area had decreased after the Governing Council’s January meeting, before surging in the days immediately preceding the March meeting. Long-term bond yields had risen significantly: for example, the yield on ten-year German government bonds had increased by about 30 basis points in a day – the highest one-day jump since the surge linked to German reunification in March 1990. These moves probably reflected a mix of expectations of higher average policy rates in the future and a rise in the term premium, and represented a tightening of financing conditions. The revised outlook for fiscal policy – associated in particular with the need to increase defence spending – and the resulting increase in aggregate demand were the main drivers of these developments and had also led to an appreciation of the euro.

    Looking back over a longer period, it was noted that broader financial conditions had already been easing substantially since late 2023 because of factors including monetary policy easing, the stock market rally and the recent depreciation of the euro until the past few days. In this respect, it was mentioned that, abstracting from the very latest developments, after the strong increase in long-term rates in 2022, yields had been more or less flat, albeit with some volatility. However, it was contended that the favourable impact on debt financing conditions of the decline in short-term rates had been partly offset by the recent significant increase in long-term rates. Moreover, debt financing conditions remained relatively tight compared with longer-term historical averages over the past ten to 15 years, which covered the low-interest period following the financial crisis. Wider financial markets appeared to have become more optimistic about Europe and less optimistic about the United States since the January meeting, although some doubt was raised as to whether that divergence was set to last.

    The ECB’s interest rate cuts were gradually contributing to an easing of financing conditions by making new borrowing less expensive for firms and households. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 4.2% in January, from 4.4% in December. Over the same period the average interest rate on new mortgages had fallen to 3.3%, from 3.4%. At the same time, lending rates were proving slower to turn around in real terms, so there continued to be a headwind to the easing of financing conditions from past interest rate hikes still transmitting to the stock of credit. This meant that lending rates on the outstanding stock of loans had only declined marginally, especially for mortgages. The recent substantial increase in long-term yields could also have implications for lending conditions by affecting bank funding conditions and influencing the cost of loans linked to long-term yields. However, it was noted that it was no surprise that financing conditions for households and firms still appeared tight when compared with the period of negative interest rates, because longer-term fixed rate loans taken out during the low-interest rate period were being refinanced at higher interest rates. Financing conditions were in any case unlikely to return to where they had been prior to the COVID-19 pandemic and the inflation surge. Furthermore, the most recent bank lending survey pointed to neutral or even stimulative effects of the general level of interest rates on bank lending to firms and households. Overall, it was observed that financing conditions were at present broadly as expected in a cycle in which interest rates would have been cut by 150 basis points according to the proposal, having previously been increased by 450 basis points.

    As for lending volumes, loan growth was picking up, but lending remained subdued overall. Growth in bank lending to firms had risen to 2.0% in January, up from 1.7% in December, on the back of a moderate monthly flow of new loans. Growth in debt securities issued by firms had risen to 3.4% in annual terms. Mortgage lending had continued to rise gradually but remained muted overall, with an annual growth rate of 1.3%, up from 1.1% in December.

    Underlying momentum in bank lending remained strong, with the three-month and six-month annualised growth rates standing above the annual growth rate. At the same time, it was contended that the recent uptick in bank lending to firms mainly reflected a substitution from market-based financing in response to the higher cost of debt security financing, so that the overall increase in corporate borrowing had been limited. Furthermore, lending was increasing from quite low levels, and the stock of bank loans to firms relative to GDP remained lower than 25 years ago. Nonetheless, the growth of credit to firms was now roughly back to pre-pandemic levels and more than three times the average during the 2010s, while mortgage credit growth was only slightly below the average in that period. On the household side, it was noted that the demand for housing loans was very strong according to the bank lending survey, with the average increase in demand in the last two quarters of 2024 being the highest reported since the start of the survey. This seemed to be a natural consequence of lower interest rates and suggested that mortgage lending would keep rising. However, consumer credit had not really improved over the past year.

    Strong bank balance sheets had been contributing to the recovery in credit, although it was observed that non-performing and “stage 2” loans – those loans associated with a significant increase in credit risk – were increasing. The credit dynamics that had been picking up also suggested that the decline in excess liquidity held by banks as reserves with the Eurosystem was not adversely affecting banks’ lending behaviour. This was to be expected since banks’ liquidity coverage ratios were high, and it was underlined that banks could in any case post a wide range of collateral to obtain liquidity from the ECB at any time.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements that the Governing Council had communicated in 2023 as shaping its reaction function. These comprised (i) the implications of the incoming economic and financial data for the inflation outlook, (ii) the dynamics of underlying inflation, and (iii) the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, members noted that inflation had continued to develop broadly as expected, with incoming data largely in line with the previous projections. Indeed, the central scenario had broadly materialised for several successive quarters, with relatively limited changes in the inflation projections. This was again the case in the March projections, which were closely aligned with the previous inflation outlook. Inflation expectations had remained well anchored despite the very high uncertainty, with most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continuing to stand at around 2%. This suggested that inflation remained on course to stabilise at the 2% inflation target in the medium term. Still, this continued to depend on the materialisation of the projected material decline in wage growth over the course of 2025 and on a swift and significant deceleration in services inflation in the coming months. And, while services inflation had declined in February, its momentum had yet to show conclusive signs of a stable downward trend.

    It was widely felt that the most important recent development was the significant increase in uncertainty surrounding the outlook for inflation, which could unfold in either direction. There were many unknowns, notably related to tariff developments and global geopolitical developments, and to the outlook for fiscal policies linked to increased defence and other spending. The latter had been reflected in the sharp moves in long-term yields and the euro exchange rate in the days preceding the meeting, while energy prices had rebounded. This meant that, while the baseline staff projection was still a reasonable anchor, a lower probability should be attached to that central scenario than in normal times. In this context, it was argued that such uncertainty was much more fundamental and important than the small revisions that had been embedded in the staff inflation projections. The slightly higher near-term profile for headline inflation in the staff projections was primarily due to volatile components such as energy prices and the exchange rate. Since the cut-off date for the projections, energy prices had partially reversed their earlier increases. With the economy now in the flat part of the disinflation process, small adjustments in the inflation path could lead to significant shifts in the precise timing of when the target would be reached. Overall, disinflation was seen to remain well on track. Inflation had continued to develop broadly as staff had expected and the latest projections closedly aligned with the previous inflation outlook. At the same time, it was widely acknowledged that risks and uncertainty had clearly increased.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members concurred that most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. Core inflation was coming down and was projected to decline further as a result of a further easing in labour cost pressures and the continued downward pressure on prices from the past monetary policy tightening. Domestic inflation, which closely tracked services inflation, had declined in January but remained high, as wages and prices of certain services were still adjusting to the past inflation surge with a substantial delay. However, while the continuing strength of the labour market and the potentially large fiscal expansion could both add to future wage pressures, there were many signs that wage growth was moderating as expected, with lower profits partially buffering the impact on inflation.

    Regarding the transmission of monetary policy, recent credit dynamics showed that monetary policy transmission was working, with both the past tightening and recent interest rate cuts feeding through smoothly to market interest rates, financing conditions, including bank lending rates, and credit flows. Gradual and cautious rate cuts had contributed substantially to the progress made towards a sustainable return of inflation to target and ensured that inflation expectations remained anchored at 2%, while securing a soft landing of the economy. The ECB’s monetary policy had supported increased lending. Looking ahead, lags in policy transmission suggested that, overall, credit growth would probably continue to increase.

    The impact of financial conditions on the economy was discussed. In particular, it was argued that the level of interest rates and possible financing constraints – stemming from the availability of both internal and external funds – might be weighing on corporate investment. At the same time, it was argued that structural factors contributed to the weakness of investment, including high energy and labour costs, the regulatory environment and increased import competition, and high uncertainty, including on economic policy and the outlook for demand. These were seen as more important factors than the level of interest rates in explaining the weakness in investment. Consumption also remained weak and the household saving rate remained high, though this could also be linked to elevated uncertainty rather than to interest rates.

    On this basis, the view was expressed that it was no longer clear whether monetary policy continued to be restrictive. With the last rate hike having been 18 months previously, and the first cut nine months previously, it was suggested that the balance was increasingly shifting towards the transmission of rate cuts. In addition, although quantitative tightening was operating gradually and smoothly in the background, the stock of asset holdings was still compressing term premia and long-term rates, while the diminishing compression over time implied a tightening.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, almost all members supported the proposal by Mr Lane to lower the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. Lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was justified by the updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Looking ahead, the point was made that the likely shocks on the horizon, including from escalating trade tensions, and uncertainty more generally, risked significantly weighing on growth. It was argued that these factors could increase the risk of undershooting the inflation target in the medium term. In addition, it was argued that the recent appreciation of the euro and the decline in energy prices since the cut-off date for the staff projections, together with the cooling labour market and well-anchored inflation expectations, mitigated concerns about the upward revision to the near-term inflation profile and upside risks to inflation more generally. From this perspective, it was argued that being prudent in the face of uncertainty did not necessarily equate to being gradual in adjusting the interest rate.

    By contrast, it was contended that high levels of uncertainty, including in relation to trade policies, fiscal policy developments and sticky services and domestic inflation, called for caution in policy-setting and especially in communication. Inflation was no longer foreseen to return to the 2% target in 2025 in the latest staff projections and the date had now been pushed out to the first quarter of 2026. Moreover, the latest revision to the projected path meant that inflation would by that time have remained above target for almost five years. This concern would be amplified should upside risks to inflation materialise and give rise to possible second-round effects. For example, a significant expansion of fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending would increase price pressures. This had the potential to derail the disinflation process and keep inflation higher for longer. Indeed, investors had immediately reacted to the announcements in the days preceding the meeting. This was reflected in an upward adjustment of the market interest rate curve, dialling back the number of expected rate cuts, and a sharp increase in five-year forward inflation expectations five years ahead. The combination of US tariffs and retaliation measures could also pose upside risks to inflation, especially in the near term. Moreover, firms had also learned to raise their prices more quickly in response to new inflationary shocks.

    Against this background, a few members stressed that they could only support the proposal to reduce interest rates by a further 25 basis points if there was also a change in communication that avoided any indication of future cuts or of the future direction of travel, which was seen as akin to providing forward guidance. One member abstained, as the proposed communication did not drop any reference to the current monetary policy stance being restrictive.

    In this context, members discussed in more detail the extent to which monetary policy could still be described as restrictive following the proposed interest rate cut. While it was clear that, with each successive rate cut, monetary policy was becoming less restrictive and closer to most estimates of the natural or neutral rate of interest, different views were expressed in this regard.

    On the one hand, it was argued that it was no longer possible to be confident that monetary policy was restrictive. It was noted that, following the proposed further cut of 25 basis points, the level of the deposit facility rate would be roughly equal to the current level of inflation. Even after the increase in recent days, long-term yields remained very modest in real terms. Credit and equity risk premia continued to be fairly contained and the euro was not overvalued despite the recent appreciation. There were also many indications in lending markets that the degree of policy restriction had declined appreciably. Credit was responding to monetary policy broadly as expected, with the tightening effect of past rate hikes now gradually giving way to the easing effects of the subsequent rate cuts, which had been transmitting smoothly to market and bank lending rates. This shifting balance was likely to imply a continued move towards easier credit conditions and a further recovery in credit flows. In addition, subdued growth could not be taken as evidence that policy was restrictive, given that the current weakness was seen by firms as largely structural.

    In this vein, it was also noted that a deposit facility rate of 2.50% was within, or at least at around the upper bound of, the range of Eurosystem staff estimates for the natural or neutral interest rate, with reference to the recently published Economic Bulletin box, entitled “Natural rate estimates for the euro area: insights, uncertainties and shortcomings”. Using the full array of models and ignoring estimation uncertainty, this currently ranged from 1.75% to 2.75%. Notwithstanding important caveats and the uncertainties surrounding the estimates, it was contended that they still provided a guidepost for the degree of monetary policy restrictiveness. Moreover, while recognising the high model uncertainty, it was argued that both model-based and market-based measures suggested that one main driver of the notable increase in the neutral interest rate over the past three years had been the increased net supply of government bonds. In this context, it was suggested that the impending expansionary fiscal policy linked to defence and other spending – and the likely associated increase in the excess supply of bonds – would affect real interest rates and probably lead to a persistent and significant increase in the neutral interest rate. This implied that, for a given policy rate, monetary policy would be less restrictive.

    On the other hand, it was argued that monetary policy would still be in restrictive territory even after the proposed interest rate cut. Inflation was on a clear trajectory to return to the 2% medium-term target while the euro area growth outlook was very weak. Consumption and investment remained weak despite high employment and past wage increases, consumer confidence continued to be low and the household saving ratio remained at high levels. This suggested an economy in stagnation – a sign that monetary policy was still in restrictive territory. Expansionary fiscal policy also had the potential to increase asset swap spreads between sovereign bond and OIS markets. With a greater sovereign bond supply, that intermediation spread would probably widen, which would contribute to tighter financing conditions. In addition, it was underlined that the latest staff projections were conditional on a market curve that implied about three further rate cuts, indicating that a 2.50% deposit facility rate was above the level necessary to sustainably achieve the 2% target in the medium term. It was stressed, in this context, that the staff projections did not hinge on assumptions about the neutral interest rate.

    More generally, it was argued that, while the natural or neutral rate could be a useful concept when policy rates were very far away from it and there was a need to communicate the direction of travel, it was of little value for steering policy on a meeting-by-meeting basis. This was partly because its level was fundamentally unobservable, and so it was subject to significant model and parameter uncertainty, a wide range between minimum and maximum estimates, and changing estimates over time. The range of estimates around the midpoint and the uncertainty bands around each estimate underscored why it was important to avoid excessive focus on any particular value. Rather, it was better to simply consider what policy setting was appropriate at any given point in time to meet the medium-term inflation target in light of all factors and shocks affecting the economy, including structural elements. To the extent that consideration should be given to the natural or neutral interest rate, it was noted that the narrower range of the most reliable staff estimates, between 1.75% and 2.25%, indicated that monetary policy was still restrictive at a deposit facility rate of 2.50%. Overall, while there had been a measurable increase in the natural interest rate since the pandemic, it was argued that it was unlikely to have reached levels around 2.5%.

    Against this background, the proposal by Mr Lane to change the wording of the monetary policy statement by replacing “monetary policy remains restrictive” with “monetary policy is becoming meaningfully less restrictive” was widely seen as a reasonable compromise. On the one hand, it was acknowledged that, after a sustained sequence of rate reductions, the policy rate was undoubtedly less restrictive than at earlier stages in the current easing phase, but it had entered a range in which it was harder to determine the precise level of restrictiveness. In this regard, “meaningfully” was seen as an important qualifier, as monetary policy had already become less restrictive with the first rate cut in June 2024. On the other hand, while interest rates had already been cut substantially, the formulation did not rule out further cuts, even if the scale and timing of such cuts were difficult to determine ex ante.

    On the whole, it was considered important that the amended language should not be interpreted as sending a signal in either direction for the April meeting, with both a cut and a pause on the table, depending on incoming data. The proposed change in the communication was also seen as a natural progression from the previous change, implemented in December. This had removed the intention to remain “sufficiently restrictive for as long as necessary” and shifted to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance, on a meeting-by-meeting basis, depending on incoming data. From this perspective there was no need to identify the neutral interest rate, particularly given that future policy might need to be above, at or below neutral, depending on the inflation and growth outlook.

    Looking ahead, members reiterated that the Governing Council remained determined to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at its 2% medium-term target. Its interest rate decisions would continue to be based on its assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission. Uncertainty was particularly high and rising owing to increasing friction in global trade, geopolitical developments and the design of fiscal policies to support increased defence and other spending. This underscored the importance of following a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Monetary policy statement for the press conference of 6 March 2025

    Press release

    Monetary policy decisions

    Meeting of the ECB’s Governing Council, 5-6 March 2025

    Members

    • Ms Lagarde, President
    • Mr de Guindos, Vice-President
    • Mr Cipollone
    • Mr Demarco, temporarily replacing Mr Scicluna*
    • Mr Dolenc, Deputy Governor of Banka Slovenije
    • Mr Elderson
    • Mr Escrivá
    • Mr Holzmann
    • Mr Kazāks*
    • Mr Kažimír
    • Mr Knot
    • Mr Lane
    • Mr Makhlouf
    • Mr Müller
    • Mr Nagel
    • Mr Panetta*
    • Mr Patsalides
    • Mr Rehn
    • Mr Reinesch*
    • Ms Schnabel
    • Mr Šimkus*
    • Mr Stournaras
    • Mr Villeroy de Galhau
    • Mr Vujčić
    • Mr Wunsch

    * Members not holding a voting right in March 2025 under Article 10.2 of the ESCB Statute.

    Other attendees

    • Mr Dombrovskis, Commissioner**
    • Ms Senkovic, Secretary, Director General Secretariat
    • Mr Rostagno, Secretary for monetary policy, Director General Monetary Policy
    • Mr Winkler, Deputy Secretary for monetary policy, Senior Adviser, DG Monetary Policy

    ** In accordance with Article 284 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

    Accompanying persons

    • Mr Arpa
    • Ms Bénassy-Quéré
    • Mr Debrun
    • Mr Gavilán
    • Mr Horváth
    • Mr Kyriacou
    • Mr Lünnemann
    • Mr Madouros
    • Ms Mauderer
    • Mr Nicoletti Altimari
    • Mr Novo
    • Ms Reedik
    • Mr Rutkaste
    • Ms Schembri
    • Mr Šiaudinis
    • Mr Sleijpen
    • Mr Šošić
    • Mr Tavlas
    • Mr Välimäki
    • Ms Žumer Šujica

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni-Rousseau, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 22 May 2025.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Thales to recruit 8,000 people in 2025 and accelerate its ‘Learning company’ programme

    Source: Thales Group

    Headline: Thales to recruit 8,000 people in 2025 and accelerate its ‘Learning company’ programme

    03 Apr 2025

    Share this article

    • Thales, a global leader in advanced technologies for Defence, Aerospace and Cyber & Digital, plans to recruit 8,000 people worldwide in 2025 to support the strong growth momentum across its three business segments. Around 40% of new hires will join engineering roles (including software and systems engineering, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, data, etc.), while approximately 25% will join industrial roles (including technicians, operators and industrial engineers).
    • In parallel, more than 4,000 employees will benefit from functional and geographical internal mobility.
    • In a context marked by interconnected geopolitical crises, a rebound in air traffic and accelerating global connectivity, all of Thales’s businesses are growing and hiring. This builds on the strong momentum established in recent years, with:
      • Over 30,000 new hires between 2022 and 2024, including 9,000 in the Defence sector;
      • Over 8,000 internal mobility moves between 2023 and 2024;
      • Ten consecutive years during which Thales has hired at least 5,000 people annually.
    • In 2025, recruitment will take place across all regions of operation, including approximately 3,000 people in France, over 1,000 in the United Kingdom, 500 in the Netherlands, 400 in the United States, 400 in Australia, 300 in Central Europe, 250 in India, 200 in Germany, and 150 in Africa and the Middle East.

    Learning company: supporting employees’ professional development and keeping Thales’s expertise at the highest level

    • For the past three years, Thales has invested in its “Learning company” global skills development programme, delivered by 2,000 internal trainers as well as numerous tutors and mentors. Since 2023, Thales has increased the number of its Academies, which are designed to share knowledge globally. The Group now operates 13 Domain Academies (AI, Cybersecurity, Radar, Naval, Tube, Pyrotechnics, etc.) and 18 Functional Academies (Software, Hardware, Systems, Industry, Bid & Project Management, HR, Finance, Communication, etc.). By the end of 2025, Thales will have more than 35 academies.
    • The Group has also introduced innovative skills development methods, including a shared competency management system, simulation and virtual reality tools, and hands-on training solutions.
    • In 2024, 90% of Thales’s global workforce – 72,000 people – took part in skills development activities.

    Thales is committed to raising awareness amongst youth about the importance of science and to promoting inclusion and diversity

    • Across all countries where it operates, Thales strengthened its outreach efforts in 2024, engaging with more than 150,000 young people and taking part in over 600 events. In France in 2025, the Group plans to host more than 3,000 interns and apprentices, around 25% of whom will go on to be hired on permanent or fixed-term contracts. Nearly 1,500 middle and high school students will also complete observation internships at Thales sites.
    • Improving gender balance within teams and leadership remains a key priority for the Group. In 2024, women accounted for 30% of new hires worldwide. More than 60% of the Group’s executive Committees included at least four women; Thales is aiming for 75% by 2026.
    • With the signing of a new Group-wide agreement in 2024 to further promote the inclusion of people with disabilities, Thales is reaffirming its commitment, with an employment rate of nearly 7% in France.

    « To support the Group’s growth and performance, recruitment and internal mobility are essential, but we must go further. Giving our teams the opportunity to continuously develop their skills and encouraging them to pass on their expertise to colleagues is both the spirit and the ambition of our ‘Learning company’ programme. Our goal is to support the professional growth of our people and maintain Thales’s expertise at the highest level,»

    Clément de Villepin, Senior Executive Vice President, Human Resources, Thales

    Interested candidates can learn more and apply online at
    ​
    Thales careers

    MIL OSI Economics –

    April 4, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Russia: How to break into cinema: director Alexander Zhigalkin gave advice to the younger generation

    Translartion. Region: Russians Fedetion –

    Source: State University of Management – Official website of the State –

    On April 2, a meeting of students with the famous Russian director Alexander Zhigalkin was held at the State University of Management as part of the VI All-Russian Festival of Student Short Films “Kinosfera”.

    Aleksandr Zhigalkin is a theater, film and dubbing actor, TV presenter, screenwriter, producer, director of such humorous projects as “6 frames” and “Thank God, you came!”, as well as the well-known television sitcoms “Daddy’s Daughters”, “Daddy’s Daughters. New” and “Voronins”. Winner of the Russian national television award “TEFI-2011” in the nomination “Director of a television program” for the sketch show “6 frames”.

    At the beginning of the conversation, Alexander noted that calling him “outstanding” is not entirely correct.

    “An outstanding director is Eldar Ryazanov, Andrei Tarkovsky, Federico Fellini, Michelangelo Antonioni and a huge number of great masters. I only have an outstanding nose. So I ask you to talk to me like a normal person. I just do my job well, so everything works out great,” the guest noted.

    The meeting was held in a question-and-answer format and provoked a lively discussion and response from students.

    The first thing we did was ask the director what inspires him to create and how he started his career.

    Alexander noted with regret that the films that inspired him as a child are not known to the modern generation, and this is sad, because being well-watched is an important quality for a director.

    “In the 2nd grade, I watched the film “Truffaldino from Bergamo” – a funny, wild comedy based on the play by Carlo Goldoni “The Servant of Two Masters”. I was shocked by how incredibly Konstantin Raikin played there: he danced, made faces, but did not sing himself, the songs were performed by Mikhail Boyarsky. I especially remember how the main character jumped and fell with plates, and I began to repeat this at home. After I broke several plates, my parents gave me plastic ones and approved of my hobby. In the 5th-6th grade, I began to attend classes at the ZIL People’s Theater and there I developed an incredible love for theater. After school, I went to a theater institute, I did not think about another profession. I failed the first time, but after serving in the army I tried again and entered,” the speaker shared.

    He also spoke about his first attempts at acting, the difficulties of life in the 90s, his first troupe and his first staged performance. Alexander Alexandrovich also noted why he ultimately chose cinema over theater, and why the profession of a director is better for him than acting.

    “I didn’t want to go to the theater as an actor, because at that time it seemed like theater was a bondage. I sincerely adore the theater, but only as a spectator. In the theater, a lot of things weigh on an actor: the director, the producer, the artistic director, etc. And for me, the lack of opportunity to freely engage in creativity is death. The director is freer, his creative life is longer. In addition, as an actor, I always have the opportunity to play a small role in a film, because the director approves me without auditions.”

    Alexander also told a funny story about how in the 90s a friend from Moscow State University helped him go to Germany as a student of the landscape science faculty for a paid internship.

    “I didn’t understand anything about this area, but I had a diploma as an actor from the B. Shchukin Theatre School, so I coped brilliantly with the role of a student. I came to the office at 8 a.m., colored cards, sometimes went out for practice. But after a month I ran away from there to earn money by tap dancing with a musical group from Hongover.”

    The guest emphasized that an important role in the formation of his life priorities was played by a meeting with the German Ferdinand, who was involved in cars.

    “It turned out that in his youth he taught physical education to Konstantin Raikin in Leningrad. And, apparently, something clicked in him when he met me, because I am also an actor, and he showed me the first Mercedes in my life, which I saw up close. When we got in, he showed me what incredible functions it had, that the car was like alive. And he said an important phrase: “A car should be either this or nothing. So wait for the opportunity to get exactly what you want.” Then I realized that since there are no roles like what I want, and I don’t want to play others, I need to do something else.”

    When asked how to understand that a script is worth taking on, Alexander answered simply: “You have to take what grabs you.” The director also emphasized that his goal is “to make films and TV series that give people the opportunity to lift their spirits, become kinder and brighter, and disconnect from the problems that are plentiful in real life. At the same time, the quality of humor is important; jokes should be subtle and ironic, and not stoop below the belt.”

    Since the meeting was attended mainly by students from the Department of Management in the Sphere of Culture, Cinema, Television and Entertainment Industry of the Institute of Management and Budgetary Culture, they took advantage of the opportunity to clarify how they could get onto the set and join the director’s team.

    “It is quite possible to watch the filming process, I think we can organize it. As for the team, everything is more complicated here. Today there is a shortage of specialists in all areas of the filming process. I am a tough guy on the set, a tyrant and a despot. My filming pace is fast, so I try to assemble a group so that everything works like clockwork. I always say before filming: guys, we came so that the actors in the frame feel as comfortable as possible. We will be letters in the credits, and they will carry everything we wanted to say to the viewers.”

    Of course, the guys asked how the director felt about the reboot of the project “Daddy’s Daughters”, which he directed from 2007 to 2011.

    “I would like to remind you that “Daddy’s Daughters” is our first sitcom that was created on Russian script soil, and not adapted from a foreign version. I was a guest director and took part in the development. It’s like sculpting, where you are not alone, but your hands are present on the clay. As for the new seasons, I only filmed the first of them. It is an excellent successful project, wonderful actresses whom I selected and with whom we communicate. But for me, after those 5 years when we were just starting out, that feeling of the team, the atmosphere, the children and the intonations that were there, something didn’t work out in the new seasons. It’s too decent, too bright, the apartment is too rich. In my opinion, it should be a family from the next door, with ordinary problems familiar to everyone. The new seasons are talented, interesting, but not for me.”

    Alexander also talked about how “Voronins” was filmed and what he considers to be the secret to the long life and popular love of this project.

    “It was the happiest time of incredible happiness, we were one family, spent a lot of time together. The viability of this sitcom is due to the fact that we all did not quarrel, did not break up, but lived in happiness and friendship for all these ten years. There is a channel “Voronins”. Sometimes I turn it on and think “My God, how good this is!”, although it is no longer a trend today, but there is so much sincerity and truth in relation to the viewer. On the set, we were disciplined and united by Boris Klyuev, who is no longer alive. I remember how courageously he acted until the last, when he was already battling cancer, but never asked for indulgences or anything like that. You can see all this on the screen and it became the life of families. If we talk about the reboot of the series called “Kostya-Vera”, then I watched two episodes and did not do more. Without Boris, it makes no sense to do this, he was the nail that held everything together.”

    When asked what advice the renowned master could give to young directors, Alexander gave advice that applies to many creative professions.

    “You definitely shouldn’t get depressed, be afraid, or be embarrassed by your expressions. You should definitely read literature, it provides a huge amount of plot material for work, for new stories, for building character relationships. You need to understand and accept that everything has already been filmed and written. Times change, but people, their problems, and relationships are essentially the same. Chekhov, Tolstoy, Gogol have already written all this. You need to read thoughtfully, it’s so funny, deep, and sometimes scary. If you think you’ve come up with something yourself, then put that idea aside, study historical experience, and you’ll understand that it definitely happened. It’s all about talented interpretation, so you need to learn from the greats.”

    There was also a question about how young talents can break into cinema. The guest’s answer is simple in essence, but difficult to execute, and can be framed for absolutely everyone and not to forget about it.

    “The first thing you need to understand is that in order to break through, you need to break through. 90% of success is work. My teacher Yuri Avsharov used to say: “If it doesn’t work out, don’t sit in the kitchen and complain. Open a book and read, go to people, they will see you and hear you.” If a person is creative, then they will find their place. It is important to always keep yourself in working tone, then everything will work out.”

    At the end of the meeting, there were photo and autograph sessions, and representatives of the student editorial board of the State University of Management SUM Times took a short interview from Alexander, which will soon be published in the Vkontakte group and on the Rutube channel.

    Subscribe to the TG channel “Our GUU” Date of publication: 04/03/2025

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Schakowsky, Jayapal, Carson, Welch Reintroduce Bill to Restore UNRWA Funding

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky (9th District of Illinois)

    WASHINGTON – U.S. Representative Jan Schakowsky (IL-09) has re-introduced H.R. 2411, the UNRWA Funding Emergency Restoration Act, with Rep. André Carson (IN-07), Rep. Pramila Jayapal (WA-07), and Senator Peter Welch (D-VT). This bill will end the congressionally and administratively mandated pause on funding for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). 

    The United States has historically been one of the largest financial supporters of UNRWA, which serves nearly 6 million Palestinian refugees across the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon. In March of last year, the U.S. paused UNRWA funding after the Israeli government alleged that 12 agency employees had direct involvement in Hamas’ October 7 terrorist attack. 

    Following the United Nations’ investigation and proactive commitments made by UNRWA toward complete accountability and reform, all countries except the U.S. have resumed their UNRWA funding, including the European Union, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Finland, Germany, Japan, and Sweden. 

    Humanitarian aid and supplies have not entered the Gaza Strip since March 2, when the Israeli authorities imposed a siege. Reports show that supplies are depleting at alarming rates, which could cause deaths from malnutrition and starvation. Several bakeries have already shut down after running out of cooking gas, and the U.N. World Food Programme reports that its flour supplies can only support bread production for five more day. UNRWA has served as the primary humanitarian aid organization operating in Gaza, and without funding, hundreds of thousands of Gaza civilians are left vulnerable.

    “For decades, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has been a lifeline for Palestinians throughout the Middle East, providing food, clean water, health care, shelter, education, and livelihoods. UNRWA has provided essential support to those in Gaza throughout the Israel-Hamas war and dire humanitarian crisis. UNRWA and the United Nations have taken swift and decisive actions to address the concerns raised by the U.S. government when it paused funding last year and our allies have long ago resumed funding for UNRWA. The U.S. must follow suit and finally resume funding for this critical humanitarian agency,” said Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky. “I am proud to co-lead the UNRWA Funding Emergency Restoration Act to restore funding to UNRWA and help Gazans get the humanitarian assistance they need at a time of unprecedented crisis.”

    “The scale of this devastating, man-made crisis in Gaza cannot be overstated,” said Congressman André Carson. “Providing humanitarian aid to a starving nation – with funding Congress has appropriated year after year – should not be controversial. We need to end this blockade and restore full humanitarian funding to UNRWA. I urge my colleagues who care about basic human rights, the rights of pregnant women, and the wellbeing of innocent children to join our bill. It’s past time we restore funding and save lives.”

    “For decades, UNRWA has played a unique and integral role in supporting the welfare of Palestinian refugees,” said Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal. “The organization’s on-the-ground understanding is invaluable to ensuring that humanitarian aid makes it to the people who need it most — in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and critically in this moment, in Gaza. Permanently revoking funding for UNRWA will unquestionably lead to more devastation and loss of life in Gaza and throughout the Middle East. We must restore U.S. funding to UNRWA to ensure that those acting in good faith to save civilian lives have the necessary resources to continue their irreplaceable work.”

    “Since day one of this conflict, UNRWA has proven to be the backbone of the humanitarian response in Gaza. It is unacceptable that the funding pause has gone on this long—the civilian populations of Gaza and the West Bank are paying the price. As the humanitarian crisis in Gaza continues to intensify, support for humanitarian aid is more important than ever,” said Senator Peter Welch. “Congress must pass this legislation to ensure UNRWA can safely deliver humanitarian assistance to starving women, children, and families desperate for food, medicine, and shelter.”

    Below is a list of all endorsing organizations:

    National Organizations: 99 Coalition, American Friends Service Committee, Amnesty International USA, Amnesty International USA, Carolina Peace Center , Historians for Peace and Democracy, Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC), Center for Constitutional Rights, Center for Constitutional Rights, Center for Gender & Refugee Studies, Center for International Policy Advocacy, Center for Jewish Nonviolence, Charity & Security Network, Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights (CHIRLA), CODEPINK, Congregation of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd, U.S. Provinces, Demand Progress, Doctors Against Genocide, DSA, End Wars Working Group of Progressive Democrats of America , Episcopal Peace Fellowship Palestine Israel Network, Friends Committee on National Legislation, Friends Committee on National Legislation , Friends of Sabeel North America (FOSNA), George Devendorf, Global Ministries of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) and United Church of Christ, Health Advocacy International, Hindus for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, IfNotNow Movement, International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), International Refugee Assistance Project, J Street, Jahalin Solidarity, Jahalin Solidarity, Jewish Voice for Peace Action, Justice4palestinians, MADRE, Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns, Medglobal , Middle East Democracy Center (MEDC), Migrant Roots Media, MoveOn, MPower Change Action Fund, Muslim Advocates, Muslims United PAC, National Advocacy Center of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd, National Council of Churches, New Jewish Narrative, No Dem Left Behind , Nonviolent Peaceforce, NRC USA, Partners for Progressive Israel, Pax Christi USA, Peace Action, Poligon Education Fund, Presbyterian Church, (USA), Office of Public Witness, Quincy Institute, ReThinking Foreign Policy, ReThinking Foreign Policy, RootsAction.org, Sisters of Mercy of the Americas – Justice Team, Terre des hommes Lausanne, The Borgen Project, The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP), United Methodists for Kairos Response (UMKR), UNRWA USA National Committee, USCPR Action, Win Without War, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, US Section (WILPF US), Yemen Relief and Reconstruction Foundation 

    State and Local Organizations:  Al Otro Lado, Atlanta Multifaith Coalition for Palestine (AMCP), Barry University, Brooklyn For Peace, Carolyn Eisenberg, Ceasefire Now NJ, Christian Jewish Allies for a just peace for Israel Palestine, Church Women United in New York State, Delawareans for Palestinian Human Rights, Florida Peace & Justice Alliance, FOSNA Pittsburgh , Greater Dayton Peace Coalition, Houston for Palestine Coalition, Indiana Center for Middle East Peace, Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, MARUF CT (Muslim Advocacy for Rights, Unity, and Fairness), Massachusetts Peace Action, Minnesota Peace Project, Muslim Justice League, Nebraskans for Peace Palestinian Rights Task Force, NorCal Sabeel, Oasis Legal Services, Peace Action Maine, Peace Action WI, Peace Action WI, Peace, Justice, Sustainability NOW!, Peace, Justice, Sustainability, NOW!, Progressive Democrats of America – Central New Mexico, Progressive Democrats of America- Central New Mexico, Sisterhood of Salaam Shalom DC-Metro Action Group, The Palestine Justice Network of the Presbyterian Church USA, Bay Area, UPTE Members for Palestine, Valley View Presbyterian Church, Voices for Justice in Palestine, YUSRA

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Rep. Estes Reintroduces Legislation to Protect American Taxpayers

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Ron Estes (R-Kansas)

    Today, Rep. Ron Estes (R-Kansas), joined by every Ways and Means Republican, reintroduced the Unfair Tax Prevention Act to discourage foreign countries from attacking U.S. jobs and tax revenues through the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)’s Pillar 2 so-called Under Taxed Profit Rule (UTPR) surtax. The bill ensures that if a country moves forward with a UTPR surtax on American workers and businesses, the United States will impose a reciprocal tax measure that will apply as long as the foreign country’s unfair tax remains in place.
     
    “When it comes to international taxes, the United States should put American businesses and the U.S. Treasury first – a departure from the Biden administration’s policies of putting America last,” said Rep. Estes. “The OECD and their so-called Under Taxed Profit Rule in Pillar 2 is a disgraceful surtax that disproportionately impacts U.S. job creators and our country’s economic competitiveness by targeting our companies for foreign treasuries’ gains. Ways and Means Republicans stand behind President Trump, who has clearly stated that he will protect American interests in any global tax negotiations, in defending our tax base from unfair extraterritorial taxes by foreign countries. Our allies and partners should take note – abandon the UTPR surtax.”
     
    Background
    The Unfair Tax Prevention Act defends Americans from unfair taxation by foreign countries with a reciprocal tax measure for any country that decides to target Americans under the guise of the OECD deal:

    • Defines “foreign-owned extraterritorial tax regime entities” (FETR entities) as foreign-controlled entities connected with entities operating in jurisdictions with extraterritorial taxes aimed at U.S. business operations, including the UTPR surtax. 
    • Strengthens anti-avoidance rules in the U.S. base erosion and anti-abuse tax (BEAT), by eliminating the 3% base erosion percentage floor and the $500 million gross receipts test for FETR entities.
    • Revokes the ability of FETR entities to disregard certain service payments and payments subject to withholding taxes, and treats 50% of cost of goods sold as a base erosion tax benefit.
    • Accelerates the scheduled BEAT rate increase and tax credit changes for FETR entities.

    For years Rep. Estes has been sounding the alarm and pushing back against the OECD’s global tax scheme, and outside organizations, like the Federation of German Industries (BDI) and the American Free Enterprise Chamber of Commerce, agree. Earlier this week, he commented on reports that Treasury delivered a memo to the White House in response to President Donald Trump’s Jan. 20 executive action on OECD. In January, Rep. Estes praised President Trump’s executive actions rejecting the OECD tax deal. On that same day, he also joined Ways and Means Chairman Jason Smith (R-Missouri) in introducing the Defending American Jobs and Investment Act. Earlier that month he published an op-ed in London’s Telegraph outlining U.S. opposition to the OECD deal. He previously published an op-ed with MP Priti Patel on the OECD Pillar Two tax scheme, led a letter to Treasury demanding accountability and traveled with Ways and Means colleague to Germany and France to discuss Pillar Two with European leaders. He also introduced legislation to impose reciprocal taxes on countries that use the OECD deal to impose unfair taxes on U.S. business and raid the U.S. tax base in the last Congress. Earlier, he penned an op-ed in The Hill outlining the concerns with the OECD deal and published a Bloomberg op-ed with Rep. Randy Feenstra (R-Iowa) highlighting how the OECD tax deal would harm the United States.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Rep. Estes Comments on Treasury Memo Regarding OECD

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Ron Estes (R-Kansas)

    Today, Rep. Ron Estes (R-Kansas) issued the following statement after reports that Treasury delivered a memo to the White House in response to President Donald Trump’s Jan. 20 executive action on OECD.
     
    “I’m pleased to hear that Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has followed through on the president’s directive to dismantle the disastrous OECD agreements that put America last and allow foreign countries to target U.S. job creators for their own treasuries’ gains,” said Rep. Estes. “The Trump administration made clear from day one that it will defend American interests in any global tax negotiations. Delivery of the Treasury report directly to the White House is a positive step in confirming that the U.S. is not going to cede our tax authority or our tax revenues. Ways and Means Chairman Smith has already introduced legislation to assist in this process, and I look forward to introducing a bill soon as well.”
     
    Background:
    For years Rep. Estes has been sounding the alarm and pushing back against the OECD’s global tax scheme. In January, Rep. Estes praised President Trump’s executive actions rejecting the OECD tax deal. On that same day, he also joined Ways and Means Chairman Jason Smith (R-Missouri) in introducing the Defending American Jobs and Investment Act. Earlier that month he published an op-ed in London’s Telegraph outlining U.S. opposition to the OECD deal. He previously published an op-ed with MP Priti Patel on the OECD Pillar Two tax scheme, led a letter to Treasury demanding accountability and traveled with Ways and Means colleague to Germany and France to discuss Pillar Two with European leaders. He also introduced legislation to impose reciprocal taxes on countries that use the OECD deal to impose unfair taxes on U.S. business and raid the U.S. tax base. Earlier, he penned an op-ed in The Hill outlining the concerns with the OECD deal and published a Bloomberg op-ed with Rep. Randy Feenstra (R-Iowa) highlighting how the OECD tax deal would harm the United States.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Jayapal, Carson, Schakowsky, Welch Reintroduce Bill to Restore UNRWA Funding

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal (7th District of Washington)

    WASHINGTON, DC — Representative Pramila Jayapal (WA-07) has re-introduced H.R. 2411, the UNRWA Funding Emergency Restoration Act, with Rep. André Carson (IN-07), Rep. Jan Schakowsky (IL-09), and Senator Peter Welch (VT). This bill will end the congressionally and administratively mandated pause on funding for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). 

    The United States has historically been one of the largest financial supporters of UNRWA, which serves nearly 6 million Palestinian refugees across the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon. In March of last year, the U.S. paused UNRWA funding after the Israeli government alleged that 12 agency employees had direct involvement in Hamas’ October 7 terrorist attack. 

    Following the United Nations’ investigation and proactive commitments made by UNRWA toward complete accountability and reform, all countries except the U.S. have resumed their UNRWA funding, including the European Union, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Finland, Germany, Japan, and Sweden.  

    Humanitarian aid and supplies have not entered the Gaza Strip since March 2, when the Israeli authorities imposed a siege. Reports show that supplies are depleting at alarming rates, which could cause deaths from malnutrition and starvation. Several bakeries have already shut down after running out of cooking gas, and the U.N. World Food Programme reports that its flour supplies can only support bread production for five more day. UNRWA has served as the primary humanitarian aid organization operating in Gaza, and without funding, hundreds of thousands of Gaza civilians are left vulnerable.

    “For decades, UNRWA has played a unique and integral role in supporting the welfare of Palestinian refugees,” said Congresswoman Jayapal. “The organization’s on-the-ground understanding is invaluable to ensuring that humanitarian aid makes it to the people who need it most — in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and critically in this moment, in Gaza. Permanently revoking funding for UNRWA will unquestionably lead to more devastation and loss of life in Gaza and throughout the Middle East. We must restore U.S. funding to UNRWA to ensure that those acting in good faith to save civilian lives have the necessary resources to continue their irreplaceable work.”

    “The scale of this devastating, man-made crisis in Gaza cannot be overstated,” said Congressman Carson. “Providing humanitarian aid to a starving nation – with funding Congress has appropriated year after year – should not be controversial. We need to end this blockade and restore full humanitarian funding to UNRWA. I urge my colleagues who care about basic human rights, the rights of pregnant women, and the wellbeing of innocent children to join our bill. It’s past time we restore funding and save lives.”

    “For decades, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has been a lifeline for Palestinians throughout the Middle East, providing food, clean water, health care, shelter, education, and livelihoods. UNRWA has provided essential support to those in Gaza throughout the Israel-Hamas war and dire humanitarian crisis. UNRWA and the United Nations have taken swift and decisive actions to address the concerns raised by the U.S. government when it paused funding last year and our allies have long ago resumed funding for UNRWA. The U.S. must follow suit and finally resume funding for this critical humanitarian agency,” said Congresswoman Schakowsky. “I am proud to co-lead the UNRWA Funding Emergency Restoration Act to restore funding to UNRWA and help Gazans get the humanitarian assistance they need at a time of unprecedented crisis.”

    “Since day one of this conflict, UNRWA has proven to be the backbone of the humanitarian response in Gaza. It is unacceptable that the funding pause has gone on this long—the civilian populations of Gaza and the West Bank are paying the price. As the humanitarian crisis in Gaza continues to intensify, support for humanitarian aid is more important than ever,” said Senator Welch. “Congress must pass this legislation to ensure UNRWA can safely deliver humanitarian assistance to starving women, children, and families desperate for food, medicine, and shelter.”

    Below is a list of all endorsing organizations:

    National Organizations: 99 Coalition, American Friends Service Committee, Amnesty International USA, Amnesty International USA, Carolina Peace Center , Historians for Peace and Democracy, Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC), Center for Constitutional Rights, Center for Constitutional Rights, Center for Gender & Refugee Studies, Center for International Policy Advocacy, Center for Jewish Nonviolence, Charity & Security Network, Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights (CHIRLA), CODEPINK, Congregation of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd, U.S. Provinces, Demand Progress, Doctors Against Genocide, DSA, End Wars Working Group of Progressive Democrats of America , Episcopal Peace Fellowship Palestine Israel Network, Friends Committee on National Legislation, Friends Committee on National Legislation , Friends of Sabeel North America (FOSNA), George Devendorf, Global Ministries of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) and United Church of Christ, Health Advocacy International, Hindus for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, IfNotNow Movement, International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), International Refugee Assistance Project, J Street, Jahalin Solidarity, Jahalin Solidarity, Jewish Voice for Peace Action, Justice4palestinians, MADRE, Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns, Medglobal , Middle East Democracy Center (MEDC), Migrant Roots Media, MoveOn, MPower Change Action Fund, Muslim Advocates, Muslims United PAC, National Advocacy Center of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd, National Council of Churches, New Jewish Narrative, No Dem Left Behind , Nonviolent Peaceforce, NRC USA, Partners for Progressive Israel, Pax Christi USA, Peace Action, Poligon Education Fund, Presbyterian Church, (USA), Office of Public Witness, Quincy Institute, ReThinking Foreign Policy, ReThinking Foreign Policy, RootsAction.org, Sisters of Mercy of the Americas – Justice Team, Terre des hommes Lausanne, The Borgen Project, The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP), United Methodists for Kairos Response (UMKR), UNRWA USA National Committee, USCPR Action, Win Without War, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, US Section (WILPF US), Yemen Relief and Reconstruction Foundation 

    State and Local Organizations:  Al Otro Lado, Atlanta Multifaith Coalition for Palestine (AMCP), Barry University, Brooklyn For Peace, Carolyn Eisenberg, Ceasefire Now NJ, Christian Jewish Allies for a just peace for Israel Palestine, Church Women United in New York State, Delawareans for Palestinian Human Rights, Florida Peace & Justice Alliance, FOSNA Pittsburgh , Greater Dayton Peace Coalition, Houston for Palestine Coalition, Indiana Center for Middle East Peace, Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, MARUF CT (Muslim Advocacy for Rights, Unity, and Fairness), Massachusetts Peace Action, Minnesota Peace Project, Muslim Justice League, Nebraskans for Peace Palestinian Rights Task Force, NorCal Sabeel, Oasis Legal Services, Peace Action Maine, Peace Action WI, Peace Action WI, Peace, Justice, Sustainability NOW!, Peace, Justice, Sustainability, NOW!, Progressive Democrats of America – Central New Mexico, Progressive Democrats of America- Central New Mexico, Sisterhood of Salaam Shalom DC-Metro Action Group, The Palestine Justice Network of the Presbyterian Church USA, Bay Area, UPTE Members for Palestine, Valley View Presbyterian Church, Voices for Justice in Palestine, YUSRA

    Issues: Foreign Affairs & National Security

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-Evening Report: Slammed by tariffs and defence demands, Japan and South Korea toe a cautious line with Trump

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sebastian Maslow, Associate Professor, International Relations, University of Tokyo

    Two months into US President Donald Trump’s second term, the liberal international order is on life support.

    Alliances and multilateral institutions are now seen by the United States as burdens. Europe and NATO are framed as bad business, “ripping off” the US. On his so-called “Liberation Day”, Trump also imposed 20% tariffs on all European Union imports.

    The Trump administration has been far less critical of the US’ alliances in the Indo-Pacific region. On a visit to Tokyo this week, US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth described Japan as America’s “indispensable partner” in deterring Chinese aggression.

    Yet, Japan and South Korea fared even worse than the EU with Trump’s new tariffs. Trump slapped Japan with 24% tariffs and South Korea 25%. (Both countries enjoy a trade surplus with the US.)

    So, how are the US’ two main allies in the Indo-Pacific dealing with the mercurial US leader? Will they follow Europe’s lead in reassessing their own security relationships with the US?

    Japan: a positive summit but concerns remain

    America’s post-war security strategy in Asia differs from Europe. While NATO was built on the premise of collective defence among its members, the US adopted a “hub-and-spokes” model in Asia, relying on bilateral alliances to contain the spread of communism.

    Japan and South Korea have long sheltered under the US nuclear umbrella and hosted major US military bases. Both are also highly sensitive to changes in the US’ Indo-Pacific policies.

    Japan, in particular, has a long history of careful alliance management with the US, epitomised by former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s courting of Trump.

    During Trump’s first term in office, Abe’s policy goals aligned closely with the US: transforming Japan’s security posture to make it a serious military and diplomatic power. Japan increased military spending, lifted arms export restrictions and deepened ties with India and Australia.

    Prime Minister Fumio Kishida continued to raise Japan’s security profile from 2021-24, again increasing military spending and taking a tough line on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. He emphasised “Europe today could be Asia tomorrow”.

    His successor, Shigeru Ishiba, had a successful summit with Trump in February, immediately after his inauguration. The joint statement reaffirmed US security guarantees to Japan, including over the Senkaku Islands, which are claimed by China.

    Japan also agreed to import American liquefied natural gas, and later committed to working with South Korea to develop a US$44 billion (A$70 billion) plan to export LNG from Alaska.

    However, these positive developments do not mean the relationship is on firm ground.

    In early March, Trump complained the US-Japan security agreement signed in 1960 was “one-sided” and a top administration official again called for Japan to increase its defence spending to 3% of gross domestic product (GDP) – a huge increase for a country facing serious demographic and fiscal pressures.

    Reports also emerged the US was considering cancelling a new joint headquarters in Japan aimed at deeper integration between US and Japanese forces.

    South Korea: extremely vulnerable on trade

    South Korea faces similar pressures. Ties between the two countries were strained during Trump’s first term over his demand South Korea increase the amount it pays to host US forces by
    nearly 400%. A 2021 agreement restored some stability, but left Seoul deeply worried about the future of the alliance.

    South Korea’s acting president, Choi Sang-mok, has expressed a desire to strengthen ties with the US, though Trump has reportedly been cool to his advances.

    With a US$66 billion (A$105 billion) trade surplus with the US, South Korea is considered the country most vulnerable to trade risk with the Trump administration, according to a Swiss research group.

    Trump’s past suggestions that both South Korea and Japan develop nuclear weapons or pay for US nuclear protection has also rattled some nerves. As confidence in the US alliance erodes, both countries are engaging in an urgent public debate about the possibility of acquiring nuclear weapons.

    Tensions moving forward

    Potential for conflict is on the horizon. For example, Tokyo and Washington are set to renegotiate the deal that dictates how much Japan pays to host US troops next year.

    Both allies pay huge sums to host US bases. South Korea will pay US$1.14 billion (A$1.8 billion) in 2026, and Japan pays US$1.72 billion (A$2.7 billion) annually.

    A trade war could also prompt a reassessment of the costs of US efforts to decouple from China, potentially leading to closer economic ties between Japan, South Korea and China. The three countries have agreed to accelerate talks on a trilateral free trade agreement, which had been on hold since 2019.

    Another challenge is semiconductors. Japan’s new semiconductor revitalisation strategy is prioritising domestic investment, raising questions about whether Trump will tolerate “friendshoring” if Japan diverts investments from the US.

    In 2024, Japan outspent the US in semiconductor subsidies (as a share of GDP), while Taiwan’s TSMC, the world’s largest contract chipmaker, expanded its production capacity in Japan.

    Seoul remains an important partner to Washington on semiconductors. Samsung and SK Hynix are both boosting their investments on new semiconductor plants in the US. However, there is now uncertainty over the subsidies promised to both companies to invest in America under the CHIPS Act.

    Ultimately, the strength of these alliances depends on whether the Trump administration views them as long-term bulwarks against China’s rise in the region, or merely vassals that can be extorted for financial gain.

    If the US is serious about countering China, its regional alliances are key. This would give Japan and South Korea some degree of leverage – or, in Trump terms, they’ll hold valuable cards. Whether they get to play them, however, depends on what Trump’s China policy turns out to be.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Slammed by tariffs and defence demands, Japan and South Korea toe a cautious line with Trump – https://theconversation.com/slammed-by-tariffs-and-defence-demands-japan-and-south-korea-toe-a-cautious-line-with-trump-244172

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA News: Fact Sheet: President Donald J. Trump Declares National Emergency to Increase our Competitive Edge, Protect our Sovereignty, and Strengthen our National and Economic Security

    Source: The White House

    PURSUING RECIPROCITY TO REBUILD THE ECONOMY AND RESTORE NATIONAL AND ECONOMIC SECURITY: Today, President Donald J. Trump declared that foreign trade and economic practices have created a national emergency, and his order imposes responsive tariffs to strengthen the international economic position of the United States and protect American workers.

    • Large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits have led to the hollowing out of our manufacturing base; resulted in a lack of incentive to increase advanced domestic manufacturing capacity; undermined critical supply chains; and rendered our defense-industrial base dependent on foreign adversaries.
    • President Trump is invoking his authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA) to address the national emergency posed by the large and persistent trade deficit that is driven by the absence of reciprocity in our trade relationships and other harmful policies like currency manipulation and exorbitant value-added taxes (VAT) perpetuated by other countries.
    • Using his IEEPA authority, President Trump will impose a 10% tariff on all countries.
      • This will take effect April 5, 2025 at 12:01 a.m. EDT.
    • President Trump will impose an individualized reciprocal higher tariff on the countries with which the United States has the largest trade deficits. All other countries will continue to be subject to the original 10% tariff baseline.
      • This will take effect April 9, 2025 at 12:01 a.m. EDT.
    • These tariffs will remain in effect until such a time as President Trump determines that the threat posed by the trade deficit and underlying nonreciprocal treatment is satisfied, resolved, or mitigated.
    • Today’s IEEPA Order also contains modification authority, allowing President Trump to increase the tariff if trading partners retaliate or decrease the tariffs if trading partners take significant steps to remedy non-reciprocal trade arrangements and align with the United States on economic and national security matters.
    • Some goods will not be subject to the Reciprocal Tariff. These include: (1) articles subject to 50 USC 1702(b); (2) steel/aluminum articles and autos/auto parts already subject to Section 232 tariffs; (3) copper, pharmaceuticals, semiconductors, and lumber articles; (4) all articles that may become subject to future Section 232 tariffs; (5) bullion; and (6) energy and other certain minerals that are not available in the United States.
    • For Canada and Mexico, the existing fentanyl/migration IEEPA orders remain in effect, and are unaffected by this order. This means USMCA compliant goods will continue to see a 0% tariff, non-USMCA compliant goods will see a 25% tariff, and non-USMCA compliant energy and potash will see a 10% tariff. In the event the existing fentanyl/migration IEEPA orders are terminated, USMCA compliant goods would continue to receive preferential treatment, while non-USMCA compliant goods would be subject to a 12% reciprocal tariff.

     
    TAKING BACK OUR ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY: President Trump refuses to let the United States be taken advantage of and believes that tariffs are necessary to ensure fair trade, protect American workers, and reduce the trade deficit—this is an emergency.

    • He is the first President in modern history to stand strong for hardworking Americans by asking other countries to follow the golden rule on trade: Treat us like we treat you.
    • Pernicious economic policies and practices of our trading partners undermine our ability to produce essential goods for the public and the military, threatening national security.
    • U.S. companies, according to internal estimates, pay over $200 billion per year in value-added taxes (VAT) to foreign governments—a “double-whammy” on U.S. companies who pay the tax at the European border, while European companies don’t pay tax to the United States on the income from their exports to the U.S.
    • The annual cost to the U.S. economy of counterfeit goods, pirated software, and theft of trade secrets is between $225 billion and $600 billion. Counterfeit products not only pose a significant risk to U.S. competitiveness, but also threaten the security, health, and safety of Americans, with the global trade in counterfeit pharmaceuticals estimated at $4.4 billion and linked to the distribution of deadly fentanyl-laced drugs.
      • This imbalance has fueled a large and persistent trade deficit in both industrial and agricultural goods, led to offshoring of our manufacturing base, empowered non-market economies like China, and hurt America’s middle class and small towns. 
      • President Biden squandered the agricultural trade surplus inherited from President Trump’s first term, turning it into a projected all-time high deficit of $49 billion.
    • The current global trading order allows those using unfair trade practices to get ahead, while those playing by the rules get left behind.
    • In 2024, our trade deficit in goods exceeded $1.2 trillion—an unsustainable crisis ignored by prior leadership.
    • “Made in America” is not just a tagline—it’s an economic and national security priority of this Administration. The President’s reciprocal trade agenda means better-paying American jobs making beautiful American-made cars, appliances, and other goods.
    • These tariffs seek to address the injustices of global trade, re-shore manufacturing, and drive economic growth for the American people.
    • Reciprocal trade is America First trade because it increases our competitive edge, protects our sovereignty, and strengthens our national and economic security.
    • These tariffs adjust for the unfairness of ongoing international trade practices, balance our chronic goods trade deficit, provide an incentive for re-shoring production to the United States, and provide our foreign trading partners with an opportunity to rebalance their trade relationships with the United States.

     
    REPRIORITIZING U.S. MANUFACTURING: President Trump recognizes that increasing domestic manufacturing is critical to U.S. national security.

    • In 2023, U.S. manufacturing output as a share of global manufacturing output was 17.4%, down from 28.4% in 2001.
    • The decline in manufacturing output has reduced U.S. manufacturing capacity.
      • The need to maintain a resilient domestic manufacturing capacity is particularly acute in advanced sectors like autos, shipbuilding, pharmaceuticals, transport equipment, technology products, machine tools, and basic and fabricated metals, where loss of capacity could permanently weaken U.S. competitiveness.
    • U.S. stockpiles of military goods are too low to be compatible with U.S. national defense interests.
      • If the U.S. wishes to maintain an effective security umbrella to defend its citizens and homeland, as well as allies and partners, it needs to have a large upstream manufacturing and goods-producing ecosystem.
      • This includes developing new manufacturing technologies in critical sectors like bio-manufacturing, batteries, and microelectronics to support defense needs.
    • Increased reliance on foreign producers for goods has left the U.S. supply chain vulnerable to geopolitical disruption and supply shocks.
      • This vulnerability was exposed during the COVID-19 pandemic, and later with Houthi attacks on Middle East shipping.
    • From 1997 to 2024, the U.S. lost around 5 million manufacturing jobs and experienced one of the largest drops in manufacturing employment in history.

     
    ADDRESSING TRADE IMBALANCES: President Trump is working to level the playing field for American businesses and workers by confronting the unfair tariff disparities and non-tariff barriers imposed by other countries.

    • For generations, countries have taken advantage of the United States, tariffing us at higher rates. For example:
      • The United States imposes a 2.5% tariff on passenger vehicle imports (with internal combustion engines), while the European Union (10%) and India (70%) impose much higher duties on the same product. 
      • For networking switches and routers, the United States imposes a 0% tariff, but India (10-20%) levies higher rates.
      • Brazil (18%) and Indonesia (30%) impose a higher tariff on ethanol than does the United States (2.5%). 
      • For rice in the husk, the U.S. imposes a tariff of 2.7%, while India (80%), Malaysia (40%), and Turkey (31%) impose higher rates. 
      • Apples enter the United States duty-free, but not so in Turkey (60.3%) and India (50%).
    • The United States has one of the lowest simple average most-favored-nation (MFN) tariff rates in the world at 3.3%, while many of our key trading partners like Brazil (11.2%), China (7.5%), the European Union (5%), India (17%), and Vietnam (9.4%) have simple average MFN tariff rates that are significantly higher.
    • Similarly, non-tariff barriers—meant to limit the quantity of imports/exports and protect domestic industries—also deprive U.S. manufacturers of reciprocal access to markets around the world. For example:
      • China’s non-market policies and practices have given China global dominance in key manufacturing industries, decimating U.S. industry. Between 2001 and 2018, these practices contributed to the loss of 3.7 million U.S. jobs due to the growth of the U.S.-China trade deficit, displacing workers and undermining American competitiveness while threatening U.S. economic and national security by increasing our reliance on foreign-controlled supply chains for critical industries as well as everyday goods.
      • India imposes their own uniquely burdensome and/or duplicative testing and certification requirements in sectors such as chemicals, telecom products, and medical devices that make it difficult or costly for American companies to sell their products in India. If these barriers were removed, it is estimated that U.S. exports would increase by at least $5.3 billion annually.
      • Countries including China, Germany, Japan, and South Korea have pursued policies that suppress the domestic consumption power of their own citizens to artificially boost the competitiveness of their export products. Such policies include regressive tax systems, low or unenforced penalties for environmental degradation, and policies intended to suppress worker wages relative to productivity.
      • Certain countries, like Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, and Vietnam, restrict or prohibit the importation of remanufactured goods, restricting market access for U.S. exporters while also stifling efforts to promote sustainability by discouraging trade in like-new and resource-efficient products. If these barriers were removed, it is estimated that U.S. exports would increase by at least $18 billion annually.
      • The UK maintains non-science-based standards that severely restrict U.S. exports of safe, high-quality beef and poultry products.
      • Indonesia maintains local content requirements across a broad range of sectors, complex import licensing regimes, and, starting this year, will require natural resource firms to onshore all export revenue for transactions worth $250,000 or more.
      • Argentina has banned imports of U.S. live cattle since 2002 due to unsubstantiated concerns regarding bovine spongiform encephalopathy.  The United States has a $223 million trade deficit with Argentina in beef and beef products.
      • For decades, South Africa has imposed animal health restrictions that are not scientifically justified on U.S. pork products, permitting a very limited list of U.S. pork exports to enter South Africa. South Africa also heavily restricts U.S. poultry exports through high tariffs, anti-dumping duties, and unjustified animal health restrictions. These barriers have contributed to a 78% decline in U.S. poultry exports to South Africa, from $89 million in 2019 to $19 million 2024.
      • U.S. automakers face a variety of non-tariff barriers that impede access to the Japanese and Korean automotive markets, including non-acceptance of certain U.S. standards, duplicative testing and certification requirements, and transparency issues. Due to these non-reciprocal practices, the U.S. automotive industry loses out on an additional $13.5 billion in annual exports to Japan and access to a larger import market share in Korea—all while the U.S. trade deficit with Korea more than tripled from 2019 to 2024.
    • Monetary tariffs and non-monetary tariffs are two distinct types of trade barriers that governments use to regulate imports and exports. President Trump is countering both through reciprocal tariffs to protect American workers and industries from these unfair practices.

     
    THE GOLDEN RULE FOR OUR GOLDEN AGE: Today’s action simply asks other countries to treat us like we treat them. It’s the Golden Rule for Our Golden Age.

    • Access to the American market is a privilege, not a right.
    • The United States will no longer put itself last on matters of international trade in exchange for empty promises.
    • Reciprocal tariffs are a big part of why Americans voted for President Trump—it was a cornerstone of his campaign from the start.
      • Everyone knew he’d push for them once he got back in office; it’s exactly what he promised, and it’s a key reason he won the election.
    • These tariffs are central to President Trump’s plan to reverse the economic damage left by President Biden and put America on a path to a new golden age.
      • This builds on his broader economic agenda of energy competitiveness, tax cuts, no tax on tips, no tax on Social Security benefits, and deregulation to boost American prosperity.

     
    TARIFFS WORK: Studies have repeatedly shown that tariffs can be an effective tool for reducing or eliminating threats that impair U.S. national security and achieving economic and strategic objectives.

    • A 2024 study on the effects of President Trump’s tariffs in his first term found that they “strengthened the U.S. economy” and “led to significant reshoring” in industries like manufacturing and steel production.
    • A 2023 report by the U.S. International Trade Commission that analyzed the effects of Section 232 and 301 tariffs on more than $300 billion of U.S. imports found that the tariffs reduced imports from China and effectively stimulated more U.S. production of the tariffed goods, with very minor effects on prices.
    • According to the Economic Policy Institute, the tariffs implemented by President Trump during his first term “clearly show[ed] no correlation with inflation” and only had a temporary effect on overall price levels.
    • An analysis from the Atlantic Council found that “tariffs would create new incentives for US consumers to buy US-made products.”
    • Former Biden Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen affirmed last year that tariffs do not raise prices: “I don’t believe that American consumers will see any meaningful increase in the prices that they face.”
    • A 2024 economic analysis found that a global tariff of 10% would grow the economy by $728 billion, create 2.8 million jobs, and increase real household incomes by 5.7%.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA News: Regulating Imports with a Reciprocal Tariff to Rectify Trade Practices that Contribute to Large and Persistent Annual United States Goods Trade Deficits

    Source: The White House

    class=”has-text-align-left”>By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.)(IEEPA), the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.)(NEA), section 604 of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended (19 U.S.C. 2483), and section 301 of title 3, United States Code, 

    I, DONALD J. TRUMP, President of the United States of America, find that underlying conditions, including a lack of reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationships, disparate tariff rates and non-tariff barriers, and U.S. trading partners’ economic policies that suppress domestic wages and consumption, as indicated by large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits, constitute an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and economy of the United States.  That threat has its source in whole or substantial part outside the United States in the domestic economic policies of key trading partners and structural imbalances in the global trading system.  I hereby declare a national emergency with respect to this threat.

    On January 20, 2025, I signed the America First Trade Policy Presidential Memorandum directing my Administration to investigate the causes of our country’s large and persistent annual trade deficits in goods, including the economic and national security implications and risks resulting from such deficits, and to undertake a review of, and identify, any unfair trade practices by other countries.  On February 13, 2025, I signed a Presidential Memorandum entitled “Reciprocal Trade and Tariffs,” that directed further review of our trading partners’ non-reciprocal trading practices, and noted the relationship between non-reciprocal practices and the trade deficit.  On April 1, 2025, I received the final results of those investigations, and I am taking action today based on those results.  

    Large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits have led to the hollowing out of our manufacturing base; inhibited our ability to scale advanced domestic manufacturing capacity; undermined critical supply chains; and rendered our defense-industrial base dependent on foreign adversaries.  Large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits are caused in substantial part by a lack of reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationships.  This situation is evidenced by disparate tariff rates and non-tariff barriers that make it harder for U.S. manufacturers to sell their products in foreign markets.  It is also evidenced by the economic policies of key U.S. trading partners insofar as they suppress domestic wages and consumption, and thereby demand for U.S. exports, while artificially increasing the competitiveness of their goods in global markets.  These conditions have given rise to the national emergency that this order is intended to abate and resolve.

    For decades starting in 1934, U.S. trade policy has been organized around the principle of reciprocity.  The Congress directed the President to secure reduced reciprocal tariff rates from key trading partners first through bilateral trade agreements and later under the auspices of the global trading system.  Between 1934 and 1945, the executive branch negotiated and signed 32 bilateral reciprocal trade agreements designed to lower tariff rates on a reciprocal basis.  After 1947 through 1994, participating countries engaged in eight rounds of negotiation, which resulted in the General Agreements on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and seven subsequent tariff reduction rounds. 

    However, despite a commitment to the principle of reciprocity, the trading relationship between the United States and its trading partners has become highly unbalanced, particularly in recent years.  The post-war international economic system was based upon three incorrect assumptions:  first, that if the United States led the world in liberalizing tariff and non-tariff barriers the rest of the world would follow; second, that such liberalization would ultimately result in more economic convergence and increased domestic consumption among U.S. trading partners converging towards the share in the United States; and third, that as a result, the United States would not accrue large and persistent goods trade deficits. 

    This framework set in motion events, agreements, and commitments that did not result in reciprocity or generally increase domestic consumption in foreign economies relative to domestic consumption in the United States.  Those events, in turn, created large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits as a feature of the global trading system. 

    Put simply, while World Trade Organization (WTO) Members agreed to bind their tariff rates on a most-favored-nation (MFN) basis, and thereby provide their best tariff rates to all WTO Members, they did not agree to bind their tariff rates at similarly low levels or to apply tariff rates on a reciprocal basis.  Consequently, according to the WTO, the United States has among the lowest simple average MFN tariff rates in the world at 3.3 percent, while many of our key trading partners like Brazil (11.2 percent), China (7.5 percent), the European Union (EU) (5 percent), India (17 percent), and Vietnam (9.4 percent) have simple average MFN tariff rates that are significantly higher.  

    Moreover, these average MFN tariff rates conceal much larger discrepancies across economies in tariff rates applied to particular products.  For example, the United States imposes a 2.5 percent tariff on passenger vehicle imports (with internal combustion engines), while the European Union (10 percent), India (70 percent), and China (15 percent) impose much higher duties on the same product.  For network switches and routers, the United States imposes a 0 percent tariff, but for similar products, India (10 percent) levies a higher rate.  Brazil (18 percent) and Indonesia (30 percent) impose a higher tariff on ethanol than does the United States (2.5 percent).  For rice in the husk, the U.S. MFN tariff is 2.7 percent (ad valorem equivalent), while India (80 percent), Malaysia (40 percent), and Turkey (an average of 31 percent) impose higher rates.  Apples enter the United States duty-free, but not so in Turkey (60.3 percent) and India (50 percent).

    Similarly, non-tariff barriers also deprive U.S. manufacturers of reciprocal access to markets around the world.  The 2025 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers (NTE) details a great number of non-tariff barriers to U.S. exports around the world on a trading-partner by trading-partner basis.  These barriers include import barriers and licensing restrictions; customs barriers and shortcomings in trade facilitation; technical barriers to trade (e.g., unnecessarily trade restrictive standards, conformity assessment procedures, or technical regulations); sanitary and phytosanitary measures that unnecessarily restrict trade without furthering safety objectives; inadequate patent, copyright, trade secret, and trademark regimes and inadequate enforcement of intellectual property rights; discriminatory licensing requirements or regulatory standards; barriers to cross-border data flows and discriminatory practices affecting trade in digital products; investment barriers; subsidies; anticompetitive practices; discrimination in favor of domestic state-owned enterprises, and failures by governments in protecting labor and environment standards; bribery; and corruption.

    Moreover, non-tariff barriers include the domestic economic policies and practices of our trading partners, including currency practices and value-added taxes, and their associated market distortions, that suppress domestic consumption and boost exports to the United States.  This lack of reciprocity is apparent in the fact that the share of consumption to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the United States is about 68 percent, but it is much lower in others like Ireland (27 percent), Singapore (31 percent), China (39 percent), South Korea (49 percent), and Germany (50 percent).

    At the same time, efforts by the United States to address these imbalances have stalled.  Trading partners have repeatedly blocked multilateral and plurilateral solutions, including in the context of new rounds of tariff negotiations and efforts to discipline non-tariff barriers.  At the same time, with the U.S. economy disproportionately open to imports, U.S. trading partners have had few incentives to provide reciprocal treatment to U.S. exports in the context of bilateral trade negotiations.

    These structural asymmetries have driven the large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficit.  Even for countries with which the United States may enjoy an occasional bilateral trade surplus, the accumulation of tariff and non-tariff barriers on U.S. exports may make that surplus smaller than it would have been without such barriers.  Permitting these asymmetries to continue is not sustainable in today’s economic and geopolitical environment because of the effect they have on U.S. domestic production.  A nation’s ability to produce domestically is the bedrock of its national and economic security.

    Both my first Administration in 2017, and the Biden Administration in 2022, recognized that increasing domestic manufacturing is critical to U.S. national security.  According to 2023 United Nations data, U.S. manufacturing output as a share of global manufacturing output was 17.4 percent, down from a peak in 2001 of 28.4 percent. 

    Over time, the persistent decline in U.S. manufacturing output has reduced U.S. manufacturing capacity.  The need to maintain robust and resilient domestic manufacturing capacity is particularly acute in certain advanced industrial sectors like automobiles, shipbuilding, pharmaceuticals, technology products, machine tools, and basic and fabricated metals, because once competitors gain sufficient global market share in these sectors, U.S. production could be permanently weakened.  It is also critical to scale manufacturing capacity in the defense-industrial sector so that we can manufacture the defense materiel and equipment necessary to protect American interests at home and abroad.  

    In fact, because the United States has supplied so much military equipment to other countries, U.S. stockpiles of military goods are too low to be compatible with U.S. national defense interests.  Furthermore, U.S. defense companies must develop new, advanced manufacturing technologies across a range of critical sectors including bio-manufacturing, batteries, and microelectronics.  If the United States wishes to maintain an effective security umbrella to defend its citizens and homeland, as well as for its allies and partners, it needs to have a large upstream manufacturing and goods-producing ecosystem to manufacture these products without undue reliance on imports for key inputs. 

    Increased reliance on foreign producers for goods also has compromised U.S. economic security by rendering U.S. supply chains vulnerable to geopolitical disruption and supply shocks.  In recent years, the vulnerability of the U.S. economy in this respect was exposed both during the COVID-19 pandemic, when Americans had difficulty accessing essential products, as well as when the Houthi rebels later began attacking cargo ships in the Middle East. 

    The decline of U.S. manufacturing capacity threatens the U.S. economy in other ways, including through the loss of manufacturing jobs.  From 1997 to 2024, the United States lost around 5 million manufacturing jobs and experienced one of the largest drops in manufacturing employment in history.  Furthermore, many manufacturing job losses were concentrated in specific geographical areas.  In these areas, the loss of manufacturing jobs contributed to the decline in rates of family formation and to the rise of other social trends, like the abuse of opioids, that have imposed profound costs on the U.S. economy.

    The future of American competitiveness depends on reversing these trends.  Today, manufacturing represents just 11 percent of U.S. gross domestic product, yet it accounts for 35 percent of American productivity growth and 60 percent of our exports.  Importantly, U.S. manufacturing is the main engine of innovation in the United States, responsible for 55 percent of all patents and 70 percent of all research and development (R&D) spending.  The fact that R&D expenditures by U.S. multinational enterprises in China grew at an average rate of 13.6 percent a year between 2003 and 2017, while their R&D expenditures in the United States grew by an average of just 5 percent per year during the same time period, is evidence of the strong link between manufacturing and innovation.  Furthermore, every manufacturing job spurs 7 to 12 new jobs in other related industries, helping to build and sustain our economy.

    Just as a nation that does not produce manufactured products cannot maintain the industrial base it needs for national security, neither can a nation long survive if it cannot produce its own food.  Presidential Policy Directive 21 of February 12, 2013 (Critical Infrastructure Security and Resilience), designates food and agriculture as a “critical infrastructure sector” because it is one of the sectors considered “so vital to the United States that [its] incapacity or destruction . . . would have a debilitating impact on security, national economic security, national public health or safety, or any combination of those matters.”  Furthermore, when I left office, the United States had a trade surplus in agricultural products, but today, that surplus has vanished.  Eviscerated by a slew of new non-tariff barriers imposed by our trading partners, it has been replaced by a projected $49 billion annual agricultural trade deficit. For these reasons, I hereby declare and order:

    Section 1.  National Emergency.  As President of the United States, my highest duty is ensuring the national and economic security of the country and its citizens.  

    I have declared a national emergency arising from conditions reflected in large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits, which have grown by over 40 percent in the past 5 years alone, reaching $1.2 trillion in 2024.  This trade deficit reflects asymmetries in trade relationships that have contributed to the atrophy of domestic production capacity, especially that of the U.S. manufacturing and defense-industrial base.  These asymmetries also impact U.S. producers’ ability to export and, consequentially, their incentive to produce. 
    Specifically, such asymmetry includes not only non-reciprocal differences in tariff rates among foreign trading partners, but also extensive use of non-tariff barriers by foreign trading partners, which reduce the competitiveness of U.S. exports while artificially enhancing the competitiveness of their own goods.  These non-tariff barriers include technical barriers to trade; non-scientific sanitary and phytosanitary rules; inadequate intellectual property protections; suppressed domestic consumption (e.g., wage suppression); weak labor, environmental, and other regulatory standards and protections; and corruption.  These non-tariff barriers give rise to significant imbalances even when the United States and a trading partner have comparable tariff rates. 

    The cumulative effect of these imbalances has been the transfer of resources from domestic producers to foreign firms, reducing opportunities for domestic manufacturers to expand and, in turn, leading to lost manufacturing jobs, diminished manufacturing capacity, and an atrophied industrial base, including in the defense-industrial sector.  At the same time, foreign firms are better positioned to scale production, reinvest in innovation, and compete in the global economy, to the detriment of U.S. economic and national security.  
    The absence of sufficient domestic manufacturing capacity in certain critical and advanced industrial sectors — another outcome of the large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits — also compromises U.S. economic and national security by rendering the U.S. economy less resilient to supply chain disruption.  Finally, the large, persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits, and the concomitant loss of industrial capacity, have compromised military readiness; this vulnerability can only be redressed through swift corrective action to rebalance the flow of imports into the United States.  Such impact upon military readiness and our national security posture is especially acute with the recent rise in armed conflicts abroad.  I call upon the public and private sector to make the efforts necessary to strengthen the international economic position of the United States.  

    Sec. 2.  Reciprocal Tariff Policy.  It is the policy of the United States to rebalance global trade flows by imposing an additional ad valorem duty on all imports from all trading partners except as otherwise provided herein.  The additional ad valorem duty on all imports from all trading partners shall start at 10 percent and shortly thereafter, the additional ad valorem duty shall increase for trading partners enumerated in Annex I to this order at the rates set forth in Annex I to this order.  These additional ad valorem duties shall apply until such time as I determine that the underlying conditions described above are satisfied, resolved, or mitigated.   

    Sec. 3.  Implementation.  (a)  Except as otherwise provided in this order, all articles imported into the customs territory of the United States shall be, consistent with law, subject to an additional ad valorem rate of duty of 10 percent.  Such rates of duty shall apply with respect to goods entered for consumption, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 5, 2025, except that goods loaded onto a vessel at the port of loading and in transit on the final mode of transit before 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 5, 2025, and entered for consumption or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 5, 2025, shall not be subject to such additional duty.  

    Furthermore, except as otherwise provided in this order, at 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, all articles from trading partners enumerated in Annex I to this order imported into the customs territory of the United States shall be, consistent with law, subject to the country-specific ad valorem rates of duty specified in Annex I to this order.  Such rates of duty shall apply with respect to goods entered for consumption, or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption, on or after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, except that goods loaded onto a vessel at the port of loading and in transit on the final mode of transit before 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, and entered for consumption or withdrawn from warehouse for consumption after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, shall not be subject to these country-specific ad valorem rates of duty set forth in Annex I to this order.  These country-specific ad valorem rates of duty shall apply to all articles imported pursuant to the terms of all existing U.S. trade agreements, except as provided below. 

    (b)  The following goods as set forth in Annex II to this order, consistent with law, shall not be subject to the ad valorem rates of duty under this order:  (i) all articles that are encompassed by 50 U.S.C. 1702(b); (ii) all articles and derivatives of steel and aluminum subject to the duties imposed pursuant to section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 and proclaimed in Proclamation 9704 of March 8, 2018 (Adjusting Imports of Aluminum Into the United States), as amended, Proclamation 9705 of March 8, 2018 (Adjusting Imports of Steel Into the United States), as amended, and Proclamation 9980 of January 24, 2020 (Adjusting Imports of Derivative Aluminum Articles and Derivative Steel Articles Into the United States), as amended, Proclamation 10895 of February 10, 2025 (Adjusting Imports of Aluminum Into the United States), and Proclamation 10896 of February 10, 2025 (Adjusting Imports of Steel into the United States); (iii) all automobiles and automotive parts subject to the additional duties imposed pursuant to section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, as amended, and proclaimed in Proclamation 10908 of March 26, 2025 (Adjusting Imports of Automobiles and Automobile Parts Into the United States); (iv) other products enumerated in Annex II to this order, including copper, pharmaceuticals, semiconductors, lumber articles, certain critical minerals, and energy and energy products; (v) all articles from a trading partner subject to the rates set forth in Column 2 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States (HTSUS); and (vi) all articles that may become subject to duties pursuant to future actions under section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962.

    (c)  The rates of duty established by this order are in addition to any other duties, fees, taxes, exactions, or charges applicable to such imported articles, except as provided in subsections (d) and (e) of this section below. 

    (d)  With respect to articles from Canada, I have imposed additional duties on certain goods to address a national emergency resulting from the flow of illicit drugs across our northern border pursuant to Executive Order 14193 of February 1, 2025 (Imposing Duties To Address the Flow of Illicit Drugs Across Our Northern Border), as amended by Executive Order 14197 of February 3, 2025 (Progress on the Situation at Our Northern Border), and Executive Order 14231 of March 2, 2025 (Amendment to Duties To Address the Flow of Illicit Drugs Across Our Northern Border).  With respect to articles from Mexico, I have imposed additional duties on certain goods to address a national emergency resulting from the flow of illicit drugs and illegal migration across our southern border pursuant to Executive Order 14194 of February 1, 2025 (Imposing Duties To Address the Situation at Our Southern Border), as amended by Executive Order 14198 of February 3, 2025 (Progress on the Situation at Our Southern Border), and Executive Order 14227 of March 2, 2025 (Amendment to Duties To Address the Situation at Our Southern Border).  As a result of these border emergency tariff actions, all goods of Canada or Mexico under the terms of general note 11 to the HTSUS, including any treatment set forth in subchapter XXIII of chapter 98 and subchapter XXII of chapter 99 of the HTSUS, as related to the Agreement between the United States of America, United Mexican States, and Canada (USMCA), continue to be eligible to enter the U.S. market under these preferential terms.  However, all goods of Canada or Mexico that do not qualify as originating under USMCA are presently subject to additional ad valorem duties of 25 percent, with energy or energy resources and potash imported from Canada and not qualifying as originating under USMCA presently subject to the lower additional ad valorem duty of 10 percent.  

    (e)  Any ad valorem rate of duty on articles imported from Canada or Mexico under the terms of this order shall not apply in addition to the ad valorem rate of duty specified by the existing orders described in subsection (d) of this section.  If such orders identified in subsection (d) of this section are terminated or suspended, all items of Canada and Mexico that qualify as originating under USMCA shall not be subject to an additional ad valorem rate of duty, while articles not qualifying as originating under USMCA shall be subject to an ad valorem rate of duty of 12 percent.  However, these ad valorem rates of duty on articles imported from Canada and Mexico shall not apply to energy or energy resources, to potash, or to an article eligible for duty-free treatment under USMCA that is a part or component of an article substantially finished in the United States. 

    (f)  More generally, the ad valorem rates of duty set forth in this order shall apply only to the non-U.S. content of a subject article, provided at least 20 percent of the value of the subject article is U.S. originating.  For the purposes of this subsection, “U.S. content” refers to the value of an article attributable to the components produced entirely, or substantially transformed in, the United States.  U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), to the extent permitted by law, is authorized to require the collection of such information and documentation regarding an imported article, including with the entry filing, as is necessary to enable CBP to ascertain and verify the value of the U.S. content of the article, as well as to ascertain and verify whether an article is substantially finished in the United States. 

    (g)  Subject articles, except those eligible for admission under “domestic status” as defined in 19 CFR 146.43, which are subject to the duty specified in section 2 of this order and are admitted into a foreign trade zone on or after 12:01 a.m. eastern daylight time on April 9, 2025, must be admitted as “privileged foreign status” as defined in 19 CFR 146.41. 

    (h)  Duty-free de minimis treatment under 19 U.S.C. 1321(a)(2)(A)-(B) shall remain available for the articles described in subsection (a) of this section.  Duty-free de minimis treatment under 19 U.S.C. 1321(a)(2)(C) shall remain available for the articles described in subsection (a) of this section until notification by the Secretary of Commerce to the President that adequate systems are in place to fully and expeditiously process and collect duty revenue applicable pursuant to this subsection for articles otherwise eligible for de minimis treatment.  After such notification, duty-free de minimis treatment under 19 U.S.C. 1321(a)(2)(C) shall not be available for the articles described in subsection (a) of this section.  

    (i)  The Executive Order of April 2, 2025 (Further Amendment to Duties Addressing the Synthetic Opioid Supply Chain in the People’s Republic of China as Applied to Low-Value Imports), regarding low-value imports from China is not affected by this order, and all duties and fees with respect to covered articles shall be collected as required and detailed therein.

    (j)  To reduce the risk of transshipment and evasion, all ad valorem rates of duty imposed by this order or any successor orders with respect to articles of China shall apply equally to articles of both the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macau Special Administrative Region.

    (k)  In order to establish the duty rates described in this order, the HTSUS is modified as set forth in the Annexes to this order.  These modifications shall enter into effect on the dates set forth in the Annexes to this order.

    (l)  Unless specifically noted herein, any prior Presidential Proclamation, Executive Order, or other Presidential directive or guidance related to trade with foreign trading partners that is inconsistent with the direction in this order is hereby terminated, suspended, or modified to the extent necessary to give full effect to this order.

    Sec. 4.  Modification Authority.  (a)  The Secretary of Commerce and the United States Trade Representative, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, the Senior Counselor for Trade and Manufacturing, and the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, shall recommend to me additional action, if necessary, if this action is not effective in resolving the emergency conditions described above, including the increase in the overall trade deficit or the recent expansion of non-reciprocal trade arrangements by U.S. trading partners in a manner that threatens the economic and national security interests of the United States. 

    (b)  Should any trading partner retaliate against the United States in response to this action through import duties on U.S. exports or other measures, I may further modify the HTSUS to increase or expand in scope the duties imposed under this order to ensure the efficacy of this action. 

    (c)  Should any trading partner take significant steps to remedy non-reciprocal trade arrangements and align sufficiently with the United States on economic and national security matters, I may further modify the HTSUS to decrease or limit in scope the duties imposed under this order.

    (d)  Should U.S. manufacturing capacity and output continue to worsen, I may further modify the HTSUS to increase duties under this order.

    Sec. 5.  Implementation Authority.  The Secretary of Commerce and the United States Trade Representative, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, the Senior Counselor for Trade and Manufacturing, the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, and the Chair of the International Trade Commission are hereby authorized to employ all powers granted to the President by IEEPA as may be necessary to implement this order.  Each executive department and agency shall take all appropriate measures within its authority to implement this order.

    Sec. 6.  Reporting Requirements.  The United States Trade Representative, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Commerce, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, the Senior Counselor for Trade and Manufacturing, and the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, is hereby authorized to submit recurring and final reports to the Congress on the national emergency declared in this order, consistent with section 401(c) of the NEA (50 U.S.C. 1641(c)) and section 204(c) of IEEPA (50 U.S.C. 1703(c)).

    Sec. 7.  General Provisions.  (a)  Nothing in this order shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:

    (i)   the authority granted by law to an executive department, agency, or the head thereof; or

    (ii)  the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.

    (b)  This order shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.

    (c)  This order is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

    DONALD J. TRUMP

    THE WHITE HOUSE,
        April 2, 2025.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Nations: World is ‘failing’ people with disabilities: UN deputy chief

    Source: United Nations 2

    2 April 2025 Human Rights

    The “world is failing” people living with disabilities, UN deputy chief Amina Mohammed has told a major summit which aims to galvanize global efforts to ensure they are fully integrated into all parts of society.

    Although persons with disabilities represent a sizeable 16 per cent of the world’s population, they still experience a range of health inequities, including premature deaths, poorer health outcomes, and higher disease risk when compared to the general population.

    Addressing the Global Disability Summit in Berlin in a video message on Monday, Ms. Mohammed said that providing opportunities to people with disabilities “is a matter of dignity, of humanity, of human rights,” adding that it is a test not only of “our common values,” but also “plain common sense.”

    Conflict zones

    The Deputy Secretary-General highlighted the vulnerability of people living in conflict areas such as Gaza, Ukraine and Sudan, noting that Gaza now has the highest number of child amputees in modern history.

    “Too often, persons with disabilities also face inaccessible evacuation routes, shelters, and services – an assault on their human rights and dignity,” she said.

    UN research shows that they are often among the first casualties in conflict.

    The UN deputy chief focused on a young Palestinian woman called Mai, working for the United Nations in Gaza, who “did not let her muscular dystrophy or her wheelchair confine her dreams.”

    Mai, a top student, became a software developer for the UN, “bringing skill and determination to all she did,” but in November 2023, Ms. Mohammed said, “she was killed along with her family,” adding that her story still weighs heavily on our hearts.”

    Internationally protected rights

    The rights of people living with disabilities are protected by a treaty adopted in 2006 at the United Nations.

    The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is recognized as the first comprehensive human rights treaty of the 21st century which “clarifies and qualifies how all categories of rights apply to persons with disabilities and identifies areas where adaptations have to be made for persons with disabilities to effectively exercise their rights.”

    In the wake of the Convention, nearly 90 per cent of developing countries have laws or policies protecting education for persons with disabilities, yet only about one-third of those countries have accessible schools.

    Half of all people with disabilities in the same countries face inaccessible transportation.

    “Behind these figures are people,” said Ms Mohammed.

    © WHO

    The ongoing war in Gaza has displaced more than 1.9 million people, many who seek shelter in makeshift tents.

    “Children shut out of classrooms. Adults who cannot get to work. Families denied essential services. This must change. And we must all be part of it.”

    The Global Disability Summit 2025 is taking place in Berlin from 2-3 April and is expected to bring some 4,000 people together. It has been organized by the governments of Jordan and Germany in collaboration with the International Disability Alliance.  

    One significant outcome is expected to be the “Amman-Berlin Declaration on Global Disability Inclusion.”

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Chinese barges and Taiwan Strait drills are about global power projection − not just a potential invasion

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Colin Flint, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Utah State University

    A Mulberry Harbour for the 21st century. Image from video posted on Weibo via Chinese state media.

    Is China intent on a D-Day style invasion of Taiwan?

    Certainly that has been the tone of some of the reporting following the emergence of photos and videos depicting massive new Chinese barges designed for land-to-sea military operations. The fact that China launched a two-day military drill in the Taiwan Strait on April 1, 2025, has only intensified such fears.

    To me, the curious thing regarding these musings about a potential war involving China, which has one of the world’s most advanced militaries, is that it is supported by reference to technology first used some 80 years ago – specifically, the Mulberry Harbours, floating piers that allowed Allies to deploy land vehicles onto the beaches at Normandy on June 6, 1944.

    As an expert on the history and geopolitics of the Mulberry Harbours, I believe using the World War II example obscures far more than it clarifies with regard to the geopolitical situation today. Indeed, while the new Chinese ships may be operationally similar to their historical forebears, the strategic situation in China and Taiwan is far different.

    Disquiet on the Pacific front?

    The possibility of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan, an island the Chinese Communist Party sees as part of its territory, is perhaps the most pressing security issue for countries in the Asia-Pacific region.

    Beijing has increasingly ratcheted up the aggressive rhetoric toward the government in Taipei during the premiership of President Xi Jinping. While one reading of Xi is that his rhetoric is in part a strategic move to burnish Chinese power globally, labeling Taiwan as a renegade or breakaway province is, for many, a clear indication of an intention to invade and bring the island within the geography of Chinese sovereignty.

    From the U.S. perspective, the Trump administration gave early signals that it saw China as the main threat to its national security, though Washington’s commitments to the defense of Taiwan remain uncertain, much like the president’s ultimate policy views toward Beijing.

    Aside from the geopolitics, any China decision to invade Taiwan would mean attempting an extremely challenging military operation that is, historically speaking, a risky proposition. Seaborne invasions have often led to high casualties or even outright failure.

    The Gallipoli landings on the coast of Turkey during World War I, for example, led to the withdrawal of mainly Australian and New Zealand forces after high casualties and barely any territorial gains. In World War II, island-hopping by U.S. forces to push back Japan’s advance achieved strategic goals – but at a high human cost.

    The difficulty posed by sea-to-land invasion is not just the battles on Day 1, it is the logistical challenge of continuing to funnel troops and materiel to sustain a push out from the beachhead. That’s where the barges come into play.

    About those WWII barges …

    British Prime Minister Winston Churchill was skeptical of opening a front against Nazi Germany by a landing on the French coast – a position that frustrated the United States. The main concern of Churchill and his generals was the logistical puzzle. They reasoned that Germany would either retain control of French ports or sabotage them, and that tanks, guns, food, soldiers and other necessities were not going to be brought up from reserve via ports.

    The Mulberry Harbours fixed that problem by creating a set of floating piers that would rise up and down with the tide by being fixed to sophisticated anchors. Ships could moor to these piers and unload needed material. The piers were protected by an inner ring of concrete caissons, dragged across the channel and sunk into position, and an outer breakwater of scuttled ships. The Mulberry Harbours were a combination of cutting-edge pier technology and improvisation.

    Construction of a Mulberry Harbour, and the unloading of supplies for the Allies at Colleville, France, in 1944.
    Three Lions/Getty Images

    The images of Chinese invasion barges today show that the technology has advanced, but the principle of an operational need for logistical support of a beachhead breakout is the same.

    Yet the geography of any invasion is very different. In World War II, the Mulberry Harbours were part of an invasion from an island to conquer a continent. But a Chinese invasion of Taiwan would be the inverse – from a continent to an island.

    Great power politics, Chinese characteristics

    The use of Mulberry Harbours, as innovative as it was, was only a moment in a longer geopolitical process.

    The D-Day invasion was the culmination of the transfer of U.S. military might across the Atlantic through Operation Bolero. Simply, the United Kingdom became a giant warehouse – mainly for U.S. soldiers and equipment.

    The Mulberry Harbours made the crossing of the English Channel possible for these men and weapons. It was the last step in the projection of U.S. power across the Atlantic Ocean and on to the European continent. I describe this as a process of a seapower moving from its near or coastal waters to far waters in another part of the globe.

    The calculation for China is very different. Certainly, barges would help an invasion across the Taiwan Strait. But China sees Taiwan as part of its near waters, and it wants to secure those waters from global competition.

    Beijing views the U.S. as having established a military presence just off its coastline from World War II to the present day, making the western Pacific another set of U.S. far waters across the globe accompanying its European presence. From its perspective, China is surrounded by a U.S. military based in Okinawa, Guam and the Philippines. This chain of bases could restrict China’s ambition through blockade, and controlling Taiwan would help China create a gap in this chain.

    Of course, China does not just have an eye on its near waters. It has also created a far water presence of its own in its building of an ocean-going military navy, established a military base in Djibouti, and through its Belt and Road Initiative become an economic and political presence across the Indian, Pacific, Arctic and Atlantic oceans.

    Chinese invasion barges could be deployed quite early in China’s process of moving from near to far waters. The Mulberry Harbours, conversely, were deployed once the U.S. had already secured its Caribbean, Atlantic and Pacific near waters.

    Part of a process

    Technical matters and historical comparisons with the Mulberry Harbours are an interesting way to look at the new Chinese invasion barges and consider the operational scale of geopolitics. But as with the World War II case, China-Taiwan tensions are simply a modern example of a local theater – this time, the Taiwanese Strait – being part of a greater global process of power projection. The comparisons to Mulberry Harbours, therefore, are not with the technology itself but its role in a mechanism of historical geopolitical change.

    The reemergence of the technology of invasion barges may be a sign that a new conflict is on the horizon. If that were the case, the irony is that China would be using Mulberry Harbour-type technology to secure its position in the western Pacific at the same time the Trump administration is questioning the strategic value of the U.S. presence in Europe – a presence established through World War II and, at least in part, the use of the Mulberry Harbours.

    Colin Flint does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Chinese barges and Taiwan Strait drills are about global power projection − not just a potential invasion – https://theconversation.com/chinese-barges-and-taiwan-strait-drills-are-about-global-power-projection-not-just-a-potential-invasion-253408

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    April 3, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: NSDC, under the aegis of MSDE, has certified 22,455 candidates in the past three years for international mobility

    Source: Government of India

    Posted On: 02 APR 2025 5:57PM by PIB Delhi

    The Union Government has been working towards establishing institutional mechanisms to foster the global mobility of Indian workers as well as students, academicians, researches, business persons etc. The Government has been proactively furthering the mobility for Indian workforce through diverse MoUs/agreements such as, Migration and Mobility Partnerships, Labour mobility and Labour Welfare Agreements, Skill Development and Vocational Education and Training with destination countries, which establish a robust framework for legal migration.

    These agreements/MoUs seek to enhance global employment opportunities for Indian workers while protecting their labour rights, preventing irregular migration and supporting skill development.

    National Skill Development Corporation (NSDC), under the aegis of MSDE, has trained a total of 23,254 candidates and certified 22,455 in the past 3 years (2022-23, 2023-24, and 2024-25) for international mobility.

    Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship (MSDE) has MoUs or Memoranda of Cooperation (MoCs) with seven countries, namely, Australia, Denmark, Japan, Germany, Qatar, Singapore and UAE, for cooperation in skill development and Vocational Education and Training. Focused on increased opportunities for Indian workforce, both domestic and global, these agreements facilitate technical exchanges, collaborative training programs, qualification recognition, and the sharing of best practices.

    Further, with the efforts of MSDE, the New Delhi Leaders Declaration accepted by the leaders of G20 made a commitment towards developing an international reference classification of occupations by skills and qualification requirements to facilitate cross-country comparability and mutual recognition of skills and qualifications. The International Labour Organization (ILO) will be the agency undertaking this study.

    It is the constant endeavour of MSDE to engage with different countries and facilitate gainful employment opportunities to the youth of the country. Accordingly, NSDC, under the aegis of MSDE, has undertaken a study of following 16 countries to understand their skill requirements:

    Australia, Bahrain, Canada, Germany, Japan, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Malaysia, Oman, Qatar, Romania, Singapore, Sweden, United States of America, United Arab Emirates, and United Kingdom.

    Additionally, in line with the Budget announcement for the fiscal year 2023-24, MSDE has proposed establishment of 30 Skill India International Centres (SIICs) across various states. The SIICs are envisioned as centralized hubs for individuals seeking employment abroad. The overarching goal of SIICs is to establish a ‘Trusted Workforce Supply Chain’ ensuring fair and transparent skilled mobility from India. Currently, two SIICs have been established, one in Varanasi and another at SDI, Bhubaneswar and further 05 centres have been approved by Project Steering Committee (PSC).

    This information was given by Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, Shri Jayant Chaudhary, in a written reply in Rajya Sabha on April 02, 2025.

    ****

    Manish Gautam/Divyanshu Kumar

    (Release ID: 2117907) Visitor Counter : 86

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

    April 3, 2025
←Previous Page
1 … 68 69 70 71 72 … 125
Next Page→
NewzIntel.com

NewzIntel.com

MIL Open Source Intelligence

  • Blog
  • About
  • FAQs
  • Authors
  • Events
  • Shop
  • Patterns
  • Themes

Twenty Twenty-Five

Designed with WordPress