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Category: Global

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Glastonbury is like for deaf people – one of the festival’s DeafZone coordinators explains

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dai O’Brien, Associate Professor, BSL and Deaf Studies, York St John University

    The sense of community is something Deaf people share with how hearing people experience festivals. Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock

    For the past few years at Glastonbury, sign language interpreters have gone viral on social media for enthusiastically signing songs beside the stage. But those clips tell us nothing about what the overall experience of the festival is like for deaf people. How do deaf people experience and enjoy live music, and how do they create their own alternative space which is not focused around sound?

    I am deaf and use British Sign Language (BSL) as my preferred language. As well as my academic job teaching BSL and Deaf studies at York St John University, I am also one of the coordinators of DeafZone. It’s a small charity which organises, among other things, the BSL interpreters of events like Glastonbury.

    But a key reason for setting up DeafZone was to instigate a space for cultural exchange. In the DeafZone, the more progressive, open-minded people who are attracted to Glastonbury’s tradition as a space of radical thought and alternative lifestyles may be open to learning more about deaf people, our languages and cultures.

    An absolutely key element of deaf people’s experience of festivals is the creation of alternative deaf spaces. Deaf people do not experience festivals in the same way as hearing people in more ways that the simple absence of sound.

    We create our own spaces which are visual and tactile. The interpretation of song lyrics into BSL is only a small, albeit very visible, part of this alternative festival space.

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    People often look at me strangely when I tell them that one of my best every festival experiences was in a portaloo. Understandable, I suppose, when you consider what usually happens in portaloos in festivals.

    However, this particular experience was focused on the way in which the plastic walls of the portaloo acted as a gigantic amplifier of the sound vibrations in the air. This made the inside of the loo an intensely tactile experience of music, with different frequencies vibrating through different parts of my body.

    A less smelly way of accessing this tactile experience of music is through plastic drinks holders or balloons. Balloons can be a risky option, however, as security sometimes confiscate them under the impression that they are full of nitrous oxide. This is frustrating, but can result in conversations which invite them into the lived deaf space we are inhabiting and give them an alternative way of appreciating music which does not rely on sound.

    Of course, deaf people often also simply position themselves directly in front of the sound stacks. But the key is that the experience of sound is again a physical, tactile one, subverting the idea that music must be enjoyed as an auditory experience.

    The values of the space created have some overlaps with those of the wider festival. Deaf spaces centre the use of signed languages. Their creators – including myself – firmly believe that deaf children should have access to signed languages from birth to stave off language deprivation.

    We also resist the medicalisation of deafness. These are beliefs which find common ground in the radical political roots of Glastonbury, in which ideas of equality and acceptance are core principles.

    This means that at its heart, the festival is a very welcoming space for deaf people, regardless of whether there is a shared language or not. There’s a shared respect for humanity that transcends language modality.

    This comes back to the fact that DeafZone is not just about organising interpreters for access to song lyrics. We give non-signing people a chance to engage with us in our space, to appreciate our values, and to learn about the mistreatment that deaf communities and cultures have suffered.

    Regardless of whether you’re deaf or hearing, the uniqueness of the Glastonbury festival provides opportunities to learn from each other and enjoy each other’s languages. If that includes room for dancing together to your favourite band, so much the better.

    Dai O’Brien is affiliated with DeafZone.

    – ref. What Glastonbury is like for deaf people – one of the festival’s DeafZone coordinators explains – https://theconversation.com/what-glastonbury-is-like-for-deaf-people-one-of-the-festivals-deafzone-coordinators-explains-258532

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How aid cuts may be affecting humanitarian workers

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucia Berdondini, Associate Professor in Psychology, University of East London

    Humanitarian work takes a profound emotional toll on workers. It places them at the frontline of global crises, at times witnessing the devastating impacts of war, famine, natural disasters, mass displacement and systemic injustice. Humanitarian workers have to cope with emotional exhaustion and burnout, with stress levels in some humanitarian settings comparable to those in combat zones.

    The emotional burden deepens when workers feel unable to live up to the very values that initially drew them to the sector. It can be emotionally painful for people to watch aid fail, or to carry out policies they believe are wrong.

    Psychologists refer to this distress as moral injury — a form of psychological, emotional and spiritual distress that arises when people perpetrate, witness or fail to prevent actions that violate their deeply held moral beliefs. Moral injury arises from guilt, shame, betrayal and anger. This is often directed at others and sometimes at oneself for participating in a harmful system.

    As governments cut foreign aid, this disillusionment is likely to worsen. In our 2023 study published in Displaced Voices, we interviewed aid workers across international organisations and charities working in Calais and Dunkirk.

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    Participants shared their experiences of working in environments where they feel they are no longer making a positive impact — or where they must conform to work within systems they perceive as failing those who need assistance. Recent aid cuts are likely to exacerbate these sentiments.

    In the UK, Keir Starmer announced aid would fall from 0.5% to 0.3% of gross national income by 2027 — the lowest level since 1999 — to fund increased defence spending.

    In the US, the Trump administration suspended over 90% of USAid contracts worth around US$60 billion (£44 billion) — halting support for HIV treatment, reproductive health and crisis response. These cuts represent significant structural blows to humanitarian infrastructure. From mass layoffs in Kenya to the sudden closure of programmes worldwide, the consequences have been immediate and demoralising.

    Funding cuts don’t just disrupt operations, they erode the mental and moral resilience of humanitarian workers. Without support for their wellbeing, the sector’s ethical and effective functioning is at risk. Yet research on humanitarian mental health, especially moral injury, remains limited.

    Aid worker distress

    Based on our experience researching the sector, we expect that recent aid cuts in the UK and US will deepen moral injuries among humanitarian workers.

    In an ongoing pilot study, we are examining how aid cuts impact the psychological wellbeing of humanitarian workers. We have analysed 15 publicly available sources (ten blogs and five podcasts) created by aid professionals between 2023 and 2025. While the findings are not yet published, our observation reveals clear patterns of distress linked to moral injury.

    We have also observed some evidence of moral injury stemming from the aid cuts. Some workers expressed moral fatigue – slow exhaustion caused by ethical strain, and a sense of futility and loss of meaning. One practitioner wrote in a blog: “I used to believe we were helping — now I feel like I’m sweeping water uphill.”

    Several blog posts and podcast episodes suggested a sense of complicity; the pain of being part of organisational silence or failure. Workers spoke of “being the face of a broken system” or “used to justify programmes we knew were failing.” As one put it: “Being a human is messy; serving humanity is messier.”

    Still others described the ethical vacuum left by aid cuts, where workers are expected to care without mandate or resources.

    Protesters in the US gather in opposition to the USAid cuts.
    Philip Yabut/Shutterstock

    Our findings so far reveal a troubling overlap between ethical strain and systemic failure in the humanitarian sector. As aid budgets shrink and resources dwindle, workers are overwhelmed, emotionally disoriented and psychologically vulnerable — often forced to choose between compromise and burnout.

    Some may leave the sector; others will stay, but with hardened hearts. We’ve seen this first-hand through our work on the UEL Mental Wellbeing Portal, where professionals share stories of programme closures, job loss, grief and a deep sense of powerlessness — echoing our pilot-study findings.

    A sustainable (and compassionate) aid system must urgently recognise and address the psychological toll of working in a system that workers feel no longer aligns with their humanitarian values. This crisis of moral injury is not inevitable. The sector needs investment not just in operations, but in the people who carry them out. That starts with understanding and acknowledging the emotional cost of aid cuts.

    Lucia Berdondini: I received funding from DifD in 2010, the British Council in 2011 and the Academy of Medical Sciences in 2020. I am an Associate Professor at the University of East London, where I lead the MSc in Humanitarian Intervention (Distance Learning) and the UEL Mental Wellbeing Portal for Humanitarian Workers. I also collaborate with NGOs and academic institutions in the humanitarian field. These affiliations are relevant to the subject of this article.

    Nomsa Sandra Wayland does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How aid cuts may be affecting humanitarian workers – https://theconversation.com/how-aid-cuts-may-be-affecting-humanitarian-workers-257482

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand hints at life of a Renaissance amputee

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Heidi Hausse, Associate Professor of History, Auburn University

    Technology is more than just mechanisms and design — it’s ultimately about people.
     Adriene Simon/College of Liberal Arts, Auburn University, CC BY-SA

    To think about an artificial limb is to think about a person. It’s an object of touch and motion made to be used, one that attaches to the body and interacts with its user’s world.

    Historical artifacts of prosthetic limbs are far removed from this lived context. Their users are gone. They are damaged – deteriorated by time and exposure to the elements. They are motionless, kept on display or in museum storage.

    Yet, such artifacts are rare direct sources into the lives of historical amputees. We focus on the tools amputees used in 16th- and 17th-century Europe. There are few records written from amputees’ perspectives at that time, and those that exist say little about what everyday life with a prosthesis was like.

    Engineering offers historians new tools to examine physical evidence. This is particularly important for the study of early modern mechanical hands, a new kind of prosthetic technology that appeared at the turn of the 16th century. Most of the artifacts are of unknown provenance. Many work only partially and some not at all. Their practical functions remain a mystery.

    But computer-aided design software can help scholars reconstruct the artifacts’ internal mechanisms. This, in turn, helps us understand how the objects once moved.

    Even more exciting, 3D printing lets scholars create physical models. Rather than imagining how a Renaissance prosthesis worked, scholars can physically test one. It’s a form of investigation that opens new possibilities for exploring the development of prosthetic technology and user experience through the centuries. It creates a trail of breadcrumbs that can bring us closer to the everyday experiences of premodern amputees.

    But what does this work, which brings together two very different fields, look like in action?

    What follows is a glimpse into our experience of collaboration on a team of historians and engineers, told through the story of one week. Working together, we shared a model of a 16th-century prosthesis with the public and learned a lesson about humans and technology in the process.

    A historian encounters a broken model

    THE HISTORIAN: On a cloudy day in late March, I walked into the University of Alabama Birmingham’s Center for Teaching and Learning holding a weatherproof case and brimming with excitement. Nestled within the case’s foam inserts was a functioning 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand.

    Fifteen minutes later, it broke.

    This 3D-printed model of a 16th-century hand prosthesis has working mechanisms.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    For two years, my team of historians and engineers at Auburn University had worked tirelessly to turn an idea – recreating the mechanisms of a 16th-century artifact from Germany – into reality. The original iron prosthesis, the Kassel Hand, is one of approximately 35 from Renaissance Europe known today.

    As an early modern historian who studies these artifacts, I work with a mechanical engineer, Chad Rose, to find new ways to explore them. The Kassel Hand is our case study. Our goal is to learn more about the life of the unknown person who used this artifact 500 years ago.

    Using 3D-printed models, we’ve run experiments to test what kinds of activities its user could have performed with it. We modeled in inexpensive polylactic acid – plastic – to make this fragile artifact accessible to anyone with a consumer-grade 3D printer. But before sharing our files with the public, we needed to see how the model fared when others handled it.

    An invitation to guest lecture on our experiments in Birmingham was our opportunity to do just that.

    We brought two models. The main release lever broke first in one and then the other. This lever has an interior triangular plate connected to a thin rod that juts out of the wrist like a trigger. After pressing the fingers into a locked position, pulling the trigger is the only way to free them. If it breaks, the fingers become stuck.

    The thin rod of the main release lever snapped in this model.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    I was baffled. During testing, the model had lifted a 20-pound simulation of a chest lid by its fingertips. Yet, the first time we shared it with a general audience, a mechanism that had never broken in testing simply snapped.

    Was it a printing error? Material defect? Design flaw?

    We consulted our Hand Whisperer: our lead student engineer whose feel for how the model works appears at times preternatural.

    An engineer becomes a hand whisperer

    THE ENGINEER: I was sitting at my desk in Auburn’s mechanical engineering 3D print lab when I heard the news.

    As a mechanical engineering graduate student concentrating on additive manufacturing, commonly known as 3D printing, I explore how to use this technology to reconstruct historical mechanisms. Over the two years I’ve worked on this project, I’ve come to know the Kassel Hand model well. As we fine-tuned designs, I’ve created and edited its computer-aided design files – the digital 3D constructions of the model – and printed and assembled its parts countless times.

    This view of the computer-aided design file of a strengthened version of the model, which includes ribs and fillets to reinforce the plastic material, highlights the main release lever in orange.
    Peden Jones, CC BY-SA

    Examining parts midassembly is a crucial checkpoint for our prototypes. This quality control catches, corrects and prevents any defects, such as misprinted or damaged parts. It’s crucial for creating consistent and repeatable experiments. A new model version or component change never leaves the lab without passing rigorous inspection. This process means there are ways this model has behaved over time that the rest of the team has never seen. But I have.

    So when I heard the release lever had broken in Birmingham, it was just another Thursday. While it had never snapped when we tested the model on people, I’d seen it break plenty of times while performing checks on components.

    Our model reconstructs the Kassel Hand’s original metal mechanisms in plastic.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    After all, the model is made from relatively weak polylactic acid. Perhaps the most difficult part of our work is making a plastic model as durable as possible while keeping it visually consistent with the 500-year-old original. The iron rod of the artifact’s lever can handle more force than our plastic version, at least five times the yield strength.

    I suspected the lever had snapped because people pulled the trigger too far back and too quickly. The challenge, then, was to prevent this. But redesigning the lever to be thicker or a different shape would make it less like the historical artifact.

    This raised the question: Why could I use the model without breaking the lever, but no one else could?

    The team makes a plan

    THE TEAM: A flurry of discussion led to growing consensus – the crux of the issue was not the model, it was the user.

    The original Kassel Hand’s wearer would have learned to use their prosthesis through practice. Likewise, our team had learned to use the model over time. Through the process of design and development, prototyping and printing, we were inadvertently practicing how to operate it.

    We needed to teach others to do the same. And this called for a two-pronged approach.

    Perspective on using the Kassel Hand, as a modern prosthetist.

    The engineers reexamined the opening through which the release trigger poked out of the model. They proposed shortening it to limit how far back users could pull it. When we checked how this change would affect the model’s accuracy, we found that a smaller opening was actually closer to the artifact’s dimensions. While the larger opening had been necessary for an earlier version of the release lever that needed to travel farther, now it only caused problems. The engineers got to work.

    The historians, meanwhile, created plans to document and share the various techniques to operating the model the team hadn’t realized it had honed. To teach someone at home how to operate their own copy, we filmed a short video explaining how to lock and release the fingers and troubleshoot when a finger sticks.

    Testing the plan

    Exactly one week after what we called “the Birmingham Break,” we shared the model with a general audience again. This time we visited a colleague’s history class at Auburn.

    We brought four copies. Each had an insert to shorten the opening around the trigger. First, we played our new instructional video on a projector. Then we turned the models over to the students to try.

    The team brought these four models with inserts to shorten the opening below the release trigger to test with a general audience of undergraduate and graduate students.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    The result? Not a single broken lever. We publicly launched the project on schedule.

    The process of introducing the Kassel Hand model to the public highlights that just as the 16th-century amputee who wore the artifact had to learn to use it, one must learn to use the 3D-printed model, too.

    It is a potent reminder that technology is not just a matter of mechanisms and design. It is fundamentally about people – and how people use it.

    Heidi Hausse received funding from the Herzog August Bibliothek; the Consortium for History of Science, Technology and Medicine; the American Council of Learned Societies; the Huntington Library; the Society of Fellows in the Humanities at Columbia University; and the Renaissance Society of America.

    Peden Jones received funding from Renaissance Society of America.

    – ref. 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand hints at life of a Renaissance amputee – https://theconversation.com/3d-printed-model-of-a-500-year-old-prosthetic-hand-hints-at-life-of-a-renaissance-amputee-256670

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand hints at life of a Renaissance amputee

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Heidi Hausse, Associate Professor of History, Auburn University

    Technology is more than just mechanisms and design — it’s ultimately about people.
     Adriene Simon/College of Liberal Arts, Auburn University, CC BY-SA

    To think about an artificial limb is to think about a person. It’s an object of touch and motion made to be used, one that attaches to the body and interacts with its user’s world.

    Historical artifacts of prosthetic limbs are far removed from this lived context. Their users are gone. They are damaged – deteriorated by time and exposure to the elements. They are motionless, kept on display or in museum storage.

    Yet, such artifacts are rare direct sources into the lives of historical amputees. We focus on the tools amputees used in 16th- and 17th-century Europe. There are few records written from amputees’ perspectives at that time, and those that exist say little about what everyday life with a prosthesis was like.

    Engineering offers historians new tools to examine physical evidence. This is particularly important for the study of early modern mechanical hands, a new kind of prosthetic technology that appeared at the turn of the 16th century. Most of the artifacts are of unknown provenance. Many work only partially and some not at all. Their practical functions remain a mystery.

    But computer-aided design software can help scholars reconstruct the artifacts’ internal mechanisms. This, in turn, helps us understand how the objects once moved.

    Even more exciting, 3D printing lets scholars create physical models. Rather than imagining how a Renaissance prosthesis worked, scholars can physically test one. It’s a form of investigation that opens new possibilities for exploring the development of prosthetic technology and user experience through the centuries. It creates a trail of breadcrumbs that can bring us closer to the everyday experiences of premodern amputees.

    But what does this work, which brings together two very different fields, look like in action?

    What follows is a glimpse into our experience of collaboration on a team of historians and engineers, told through the story of one week. Working together, we shared a model of a 16th-century prosthesis with the public and learned a lesson about humans and technology in the process.

    A historian encounters a broken model

    THE HISTORIAN: On a cloudy day in late March, I walked into the University of Alabama Birmingham’s Center for Teaching and Learning holding a weatherproof case and brimming with excitement. Nestled within the case’s foam inserts was a functioning 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand.

    Fifteen minutes later, it broke.

    This 3D-printed model of a 16th-century hand prosthesis has working mechanisms.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    For two years, my team of historians and engineers at Auburn University had worked tirelessly to turn an idea – recreating the mechanisms of a 16th-century artifact from Germany – into reality. The original iron prosthesis, the Kassel Hand, is one of approximately 35 from Renaissance Europe known today.

    As an early modern historian who studies these artifacts, I work with a mechanical engineer, Chad Rose, to find new ways to explore them. The Kassel Hand is our case study. Our goal is to learn more about the life of the unknown person who used this artifact 500 years ago.

    Using 3D-printed models, we’ve run experiments to test what kinds of activities its user could have performed with it. We modeled in inexpensive polylactic acid – plastic – to make this fragile artifact accessible to anyone with a consumer-grade 3D printer. But before sharing our files with the public, we needed to see how the model fared when others handled it.

    An invitation to guest lecture on our experiments in Birmingham was our opportunity to do just that.

    We brought two models. The main release lever broke first in one and then the other. This lever has an interior triangular plate connected to a thin rod that juts out of the wrist like a trigger. After pressing the fingers into a locked position, pulling the trigger is the only way to free them. If it breaks, the fingers become stuck.

    The thin rod of the main release lever snapped in this model.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    I was baffled. During testing, the model had lifted a 20-pound simulation of a chest lid by its fingertips. Yet, the first time we shared it with a general audience, a mechanism that had never broken in testing simply snapped.

    Was it a printing error? Material defect? Design flaw?

    We consulted our Hand Whisperer: our lead student engineer whose feel for how the model works appears at times preternatural.

    An engineer becomes a hand whisperer

    THE ENGINEER: I was sitting at my desk in Auburn’s mechanical engineering 3D print lab when I heard the news.

    As a mechanical engineering graduate student concentrating on additive manufacturing, commonly known as 3D printing, I explore how to use this technology to reconstruct historical mechanisms. Over the two years I’ve worked on this project, I’ve come to know the Kassel Hand model well. As we fine-tuned designs, I’ve created and edited its computer-aided design files – the digital 3D constructions of the model – and printed and assembled its parts countless times.

    This view of the computer-aided design file of a strengthened version of the model, which includes ribs and fillets to reinforce the plastic material, highlights the main release lever in orange.
    Peden Jones, CC BY-SA

    Examining parts midassembly is a crucial checkpoint for our prototypes. This quality control catches, corrects and prevents any defects, such as misprinted or damaged parts. It’s crucial for creating consistent and repeatable experiments. A new model version or component change never leaves the lab without passing rigorous inspection. This process means there are ways this model has behaved over time that the rest of the team has never seen. But I have.

    So when I heard the release lever had broken in Birmingham, it was just another Thursday. While it had never snapped when we tested the model on people, I’d seen it break plenty of times while performing checks on components.

    Our model reconstructs the Kassel Hand’s original metal mechanisms in plastic.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    After all, the model is made from relatively weak polylactic acid. Perhaps the most difficult part of our work is making a plastic model as durable as possible while keeping it visually consistent with the 500-year-old original. The iron rod of the artifact’s lever can handle more force than our plastic version, at least five times the yield strength.

    I suspected the lever had snapped because people pulled the trigger too far back and too quickly. The challenge, then, was to prevent this. But redesigning the lever to be thicker or a different shape would make it less like the historical artifact.

    This raised the question: Why could I use the model without breaking the lever, but no one else could?

    The team makes a plan

    THE TEAM: A flurry of discussion led to growing consensus – the crux of the issue was not the model, it was the user.

    The original Kassel Hand’s wearer would have learned to use their prosthesis through practice. Likewise, our team had learned to use the model over time. Through the process of design and development, prototyping and printing, we were inadvertently practicing how to operate it.

    We needed to teach others to do the same. And this called for a two-pronged approach.

    Perspective on using the Kassel Hand, as a modern prosthetist.

    The engineers reexamined the opening through which the release trigger poked out of the model. They proposed shortening it to limit how far back users could pull it. When we checked how this change would affect the model’s accuracy, we found that a smaller opening was actually closer to the artifact’s dimensions. While the larger opening had been necessary for an earlier version of the release lever that needed to travel farther, now it only caused problems. The engineers got to work.

    The historians, meanwhile, created plans to document and share the various techniques to operating the model the team hadn’t realized it had honed. To teach someone at home how to operate their own copy, we filmed a short video explaining how to lock and release the fingers and troubleshoot when a finger sticks.

    Testing the plan

    Exactly one week after what we called “the Birmingham Break,” we shared the model with a general audience again. This time we visited a colleague’s history class at Auburn.

    We brought four copies. Each had an insert to shorten the opening around the trigger. First, we played our new instructional video on a projector. Then we turned the models over to the students to try.

    The team brought these four models with inserts to shorten the opening below the release trigger to test with a general audience of undergraduate and graduate students.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    The result? Not a single broken lever. We publicly launched the project on schedule.

    The process of introducing the Kassel Hand model to the public highlights that just as the 16th-century amputee who wore the artifact had to learn to use it, one must learn to use the 3D-printed model, too.

    It is a potent reminder that technology is not just a matter of mechanisms and design. It is fundamentally about people – and how people use it.

    Heidi Hausse received funding from the Herzog August Bibliothek; the Consortium for History of Science, Technology and Medicine; the American Council of Learned Societies; the Huntington Library; the Society of Fellows in the Humanities at Columbia University; and the Renaissance Society of America.

    Peden Jones received funding from Renaissance Society of America.

    – ref. 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand hints at life of a Renaissance amputee – https://theconversation.com/3d-printed-model-of-a-500-year-old-prosthetic-hand-hints-at-life-of-a-renaissance-amputee-256670

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: NHS to offer at-home cervical cancer screening – an expert explains what you need to know

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University

    Iryna Inshyna/Shutterstock

    Nearly one in three women and other people with a cervix in the UK don’t attend their cervical screening when invited. Yet this quick, routine test helps prevent up to 70% of cervical cancer deaths by detecting problems early — and if everyone took part, that figure could rise to over 80%.

    Since December 2019, England has adopted a more accurate screening method that tests first for high-risk human papillomavirus (HPV), the virus responsible for nearly all cervical cancers, rather than looking immediately for abnormal cervical cells. Recommended by the UK National Screening Committee, this approach allows for longer intervals between tests for those who receive a negative HPV result, typically every five years instead of every three.

    From July 1 2025, this updated screening schedule will apply to women aged 25 to 49 who test negative for high-risk HPV. Research shows that those who test negative are at very low risk of developing cervical cancer in the following decade.

    Since the announcement, some women have raised concerns online, often shaped by personal experience. One woman posted on Facebook:

    “I had a positive smear when I was younger. It had been negative three years earlier… Imagine if I’d had to wait two more years before finding out I was positive.”

    Others have echoed these fears, calling not only for shorter screening intervals but for earlier testing ages. With around 3,200 people diagnosed with cervical cancer in the UK each year, some wonder whether the change is rooted in science — or in cost-cutting.

    What is cervical screening?

    Cervical screening, previously called a smear test, is a simple, routine way to help prevent cervical cancer. It’s offered to women, some trans men and non-binary people with a cervix. The test checks the cervix (the opening to the womb) for early signs of change that could lead to cancer if left untreated.

    It’s not a test for cancer itself. Instead, it looks for HPV, a common virus that can cause abnormal cell changes. If high-risk HPV is found, the sample is then checked for abnormal cells, which can be treated before they develop into cancer. If no HPV is detected, the risk is extremely low.

    Why is the screening interval changing?

    Under the new system, those who test negative for high-risk HPV will be screened every five years, rather than every three. This brings younger people in line with those aged 50 to 64, who already follow a five-year schedule.

    Anyone who tests positive for HPV will continue to receive annual follow-ups.

    This shift is supported by strong scientific evidence. HPV screening is more accurate than the previous method, which only looked for abnormal cells. Studies show that people who test negative for high-risk HPV are at very low risk of cervical cancer for many years — making five-year intervals safe and effective.

    The HPV vaccine

    The introduction of the HPV vaccine in the UK has significantly reduced HPV infections, the leading cause of cervical cancer. Research shows the vaccine can prevent up to 90% of cases, and the latest version, introduced in 2021, provides even broader protection.

    Combined with screening, the vaccine has contributed to a 25% drop in cervical cancer rates since the early 1990s.

    Self-sampling kits

    Despite these advances, many people still miss their screening appointments due to embarrassment, discomfort, time constraints or cultural concerns. Starting in January 2026, NHS England will offer at-home cervical screening kits to women and others with a cervix who rarely or never attend routine screening.

    With more than five million women not currently up to date, the scheme aims to boost participation — especially among underscreened groups, including younger people, ethnic minorities, disabled people and LGBT+ people. Trials suggest self-sampling could raise uptake to 77% within three years, nearing the NHS target of 80%.

    The kits, sent in discreet packaging with pre-paid return postage, allow people aged 25 to 64 to take a simple vaginal swab at home. The sample is tested for HPV, and if high-risk strains are found, the patient is invited for further tests.

    Is the new schedule safe?

    For most people, yes. The longer interval means fewer appointments for those at low risk, without compromising early detection for those who need it. The test itself usually causes only mild discomfort or pressure, and light spotting can occur afterwards. If you’re concerned, your doctor or nurse can help.

    While some worry that five years is too long to wait, it’s important to remember that HPV testing is highly accurate – and annual follow-ups remain in place for those who need closer monitoring.

    Even if you’re not due for screening, it’s vital to know the signs of cervical cancer, including:

    • Unusual vaginal bleeding (after sex, between periods or after menopause)

    • Changes in vaginal discharge

    • Pain during sex

    • Pain in the lower back or pelvis

    If you experience any of these symptoms, don’t wait for your next screening – contact your GP straight away.

    Cervical screening saves lives. The shift to five-year intervals is backed by science and designed to keep people safe while reducing unnecessary appointments. If you’re invited, go – even if you feel fine. And if something doesn’t feel right, speak up.

    The aim is simple: catch problems early, prevent cancer, and protect lives.

    Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. NHS to offer at-home cervical cancer screening – an expert explains what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/nhs-to-offer-at-home-cervical-cancer-screening-an-expert-explains-what-you-need-to-know-259299

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: NHS to offer at-home cervical cancer screening – an expert explains what you need to know

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University

    Iryna Inshyna/Shutterstock

    Nearly one in three women and other people with a cervix in the UK don’t attend their cervical screening when invited. Yet this quick, routine test helps prevent up to 70% of cervical cancer deaths by detecting problems early — and if everyone took part, that figure could rise to over 80%.

    Since December 2019, England has adopted a more accurate screening method that tests first for high-risk human papillomavirus (HPV), the virus responsible for nearly all cervical cancers, rather than looking immediately for abnormal cervical cells. Recommended by the UK National Screening Committee, this approach allows for longer intervals between tests for those who receive a negative HPV result, typically every five years instead of every three.

    From July 1 2025, this updated screening schedule will apply to women aged 25 to 49 who test negative for high-risk HPV. Research shows that those who test negative are at very low risk of developing cervical cancer in the following decade.

    Since the announcement, some women have raised concerns online, often shaped by personal experience. One woman posted on Facebook:

    “I had a positive smear when I was younger. It had been negative three years earlier… Imagine if I’d had to wait two more years before finding out I was positive.”

    Others have echoed these fears, calling not only for shorter screening intervals but for earlier testing ages. With around 3,200 people diagnosed with cervical cancer in the UK each year, some wonder whether the change is rooted in science — or in cost-cutting.

    What is cervical screening?

    Cervical screening, previously called a smear test, is a simple, routine way to help prevent cervical cancer. It’s offered to women, some trans men and non-binary people with a cervix. The test checks the cervix (the opening to the womb) for early signs of change that could lead to cancer if left untreated.

    It’s not a test for cancer itself. Instead, it looks for HPV, a common virus that can cause abnormal cell changes. If high-risk HPV is found, the sample is then checked for abnormal cells, which can be treated before they develop into cancer. If no HPV is detected, the risk is extremely low.

    Why is the screening interval changing?

    Under the new system, those who test negative for high-risk HPV will be screened every five years, rather than every three. This brings younger people in line with those aged 50 to 64, who already follow a five-year schedule.

    Anyone who tests positive for HPV will continue to receive annual follow-ups.

    This shift is supported by strong scientific evidence. HPV screening is more accurate than the previous method, which only looked for abnormal cells. Studies show that people who test negative for high-risk HPV are at very low risk of cervical cancer for many years — making five-year intervals safe and effective.

    The HPV vaccine

    The introduction of the HPV vaccine in the UK has significantly reduced HPV infections, the leading cause of cervical cancer. Research shows the vaccine can prevent up to 90% of cases, and the latest version, introduced in 2021, provides even broader protection.

    Combined with screening, the vaccine has contributed to a 25% drop in cervical cancer rates since the early 1990s.

    Self-sampling kits

    Despite these advances, many people still miss their screening appointments due to embarrassment, discomfort, time constraints or cultural concerns. Starting in January 2026, NHS England will offer at-home cervical screening kits to women and others with a cervix who rarely or never attend routine screening.

    With more than five million women not currently up to date, the scheme aims to boost participation — especially among underscreened groups, including younger people, ethnic minorities, disabled people and LGBT+ people. Trials suggest self-sampling could raise uptake to 77% within three years, nearing the NHS target of 80%.

    The kits, sent in discreet packaging with pre-paid return postage, allow people aged 25 to 64 to take a simple vaginal swab at home. The sample is tested for HPV, and if high-risk strains are found, the patient is invited for further tests.

    Is the new schedule safe?

    For most people, yes. The longer interval means fewer appointments for those at low risk, without compromising early detection for those who need it. The test itself usually causes only mild discomfort or pressure, and light spotting can occur afterwards. If you’re concerned, your doctor or nurse can help.

    While some worry that five years is too long to wait, it’s important to remember that HPV testing is highly accurate – and annual follow-ups remain in place for those who need closer monitoring.

    Even if you’re not due for screening, it’s vital to know the signs of cervical cancer, including:

    • Unusual vaginal bleeding (after sex, between periods or after menopause)

    • Changes in vaginal discharge

    • Pain during sex

    • Pain in the lower back or pelvis

    If you experience any of these symptoms, don’t wait for your next screening – contact your GP straight away.

    Cervical screening saves lives. The shift to five-year intervals is backed by science and designed to keep people safe while reducing unnecessary appointments. If you’re invited, go – even if you feel fine. And if something doesn’t feel right, speak up.

    The aim is simple: catch problems early, prevent cancer, and protect lives.

    Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. NHS to offer at-home cervical cancer screening – an expert explains what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/nhs-to-offer-at-home-cervical-cancer-screening-an-expert-explains-what-you-need-to-know-259299

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mozambique after 50 years of independence: what’s there to celebrate?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Luca Bussotti, Professor at the PhD Course in Peace, Democracy, Social Movements and Human Development, Universidade Técnica de Moçambique (UDM)

    Mozambique’s government, led by the Frelimo party, has long been planning celebrations for 2025. It is 50 years since independence, won after an anti-colonial war against Portugal led by the same party.

    Something has gone wrong, however, especially in the past two years.

    Since the country’s popular rapper Azagaia died in March 2023 and peaceful processions in his memory escalated into violent clashes with the police, space has opened up for the establishment of a social movement of young people. This has since turned into a political movement, taking on the name “Povo no Poder” (“People in Power”). At its head is a brilliant politician, Venâncio Mondlane.

    Povo no Poder was also the name of Azagaia’s hit song, which had been the soundtrack to 2008 protests against rising energy costs.

    Azagaia’s POVO NO PODER.

    The demonstrations in March 2023 marked a turning point for Mozambique. It was as if all the energy and indignation about a highly corrupt and increasingly authoritarian country that Azagaia had expressed through his songs had been passed on to previously fearful young people. Now they dared to challenge the police and army in the open and without any weapons.

    In late 2024 Mozambicans took to the streets to protest against elections they claimed were rigged. Over 300 people were killed in demonstrations.

    Efforts have been made to redress this serious wound. In preparation for the 50 years of independence Frelimo has been recalling key places and symbols in the liberation war, harking back to a time when they represented justice.

    But attempts to evoke past glory and ideals are not resonating with ordinary Mozambicans. The mood in the country is subdued.

    As a specialist in the politics of lusophone Africa, in particular Mozambique, based on years of research, I find it difficult to envision a future of peace and prosperity for the next 50 years. There are divisive elements at play across the country. The post-election crisis has its roots in widespread discontent. Mozambicans are also rising against the cost of living crisis.

    Attempts to rekindle the flame

    The newly elected president, Daniel Chapo, opened the 50th anniversary celebrations on 7 April in Nangade, in Cabo Delgado province. This is one of the places where the armed struggle against the Portuguese began.

    National symbolism has focused on the torch of national unity, travelling the length and breadth of Mozambique to arrive in Maputo at the historic Machava Stadium on 25 June, Independence Day, for a concluding public ceremony.

    Not everyone has shared this attempt to patch up a country torn both politically and socio-economically.

    Too much has been lost in the intervening decades.

    In the initial period of independence Frelimo adopted socialist policies and attempted to promote free and universal social services, primarily healthcare and education. Back then, the ruling class, starting with the country’s first president, Samora Machel, didn’t enjoy any particular economic privileges.

    The reality today is quite different.

    Journalist and social activist Tomás Vieira Mário, one of the main critics of the current regime, has traced the stages of independent Mozambique’s history. He’s pointed out the contradiction between the initial thrust by many Mozambican common people towards the liberation movement and subsequent, authoritarian developments.

    He concluded in an article that all that remained to unite Mozambicans was the

    mere sharing of the same territorial space. And a lot of blood.

    He was referring to the long war against Renamo from 1976 to 1992 and again from 2013 to 2019, ethnic questions that have never been resolved, and finally the armed attacks in Cabo Delgado of jihadist and ethnic nature.

    For his part, renowned philosopher Severino Ngoenha has also underscored the importance of a justice system that is fair and inclusive, and not at the service of one political party.

    The new opposition is coming not from Renamo or Frelimo but from the streets. Popular protests have taken place this year even in areas once considered Frelimo strongholds. In Gaza province, southern Mozambique, for example, there have been outbreaks of violence, demonstrating that the bipolar system that emerged from the 1992 peace accord now seems incapable of responding to the new demands of Mozambican society.

    On the political level, efforts are being made to overcome the post-electoral crisis and its wounds through the establishment of an Inclusive Dialogue Commission. This is being chaired by jurist Edson Macuacua, who is a vice-minister in the Frelimo government.

    The commission is made up of representatives from all major parties as well as three members of civil society. The eventual aim is radical reform of the state.

    But there are serious doubts about the success of this ambitious project which I believe are legitimate. The big question, beyond any institutional and electoral reforms, is whether the Frelimo party-state will be able to change its political culture in the next elections, accepting any negative results and, therefore, the loss of power.

    Efforts are being made on all fronts to obstruct Mondlane from gaining a political foothold. Mondlane wants to start a new party called the Anamalala (meaning “It will end”, or “Stop!”).

    The name has been rejected by the Ministry of Justice because a Mozambican party cannot be named using a local language – in this case Emakhuwa.

    On the judicial level, several trials are underway against Mondlane and his closest associates, which could result in convictions for inciting protesters to destroy public infrastructure during the post-election demonstrations. If convicted, he would be declared ineligible to run in elections scheduled for 2029.

    Inequality and disparities

    Mozambique is among the six most unequal countries in the world and one of the poorest. According to World Bank data, 500,000 young people enter the labour market each year, with an average absorption capacity of about 25,000 in the formal sector, and 36% of young people unemployed in Maputo.

    Meanwhile, the number of very rich is growing. Mozambique ranks 16th among African countries in terms of the number of millionaires, with 18% growth over the past 10 years.

    This inequality puts national unity at risk.

    The economic disparities between the capital, Maputo, and the rest of the country are increasingly evident.

    Entire ethnic groups and territories are marginalised. Socio-economic and cultural divisions have been replicated in the case of discoveries of large natural resources in the north of the country. Large investments have been made in gas (Total and ENI-Exxon) and rubies in Cabo Delgado.

    A new threat has arisen too: extremism. Islamist-motivated attacks have been occurring in Cabo Delgado since 2017. There was an attack recently on a military base in Macomia.

    Efforts to encourage unity are coming from many quarters: from the promotion of inclusive dialogue; from a civic consciousness that has grown since 2023-2024; and from the country’s economic potential.

    But social inequality remains. So do doubts about Frelimo’s willingness to make Mozambique a country where the winner governs without manipulating election results.

    Luca Bussotti does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mozambique after 50 years of independence: what’s there to celebrate? – https://theconversation.com/mozambique-after-50-years-of-independence-whats-there-to-celebrate-259528

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mozambique after 50 years of independence: what’s there to celebrate?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Luca Bussotti, Professor at the PhD Course in Peace, Democracy, Social Movements and Human Development, Universidade Técnica de Moçambique (UDM)

    Mozambique’s government, led by the Frelimo party, has long been planning celebrations for 2025. It is 50 years since independence, won after an anti-colonial war against Portugal led by the same party.

    Something has gone wrong, however, especially in the past two years.

    Since the country’s popular rapper Azagaia died in March 2023 and peaceful processions in his memory escalated into violent clashes with the police, space has opened up for the establishment of a social movement of young people. This has since turned into a political movement, taking on the name “Povo no Poder” (“People in Power”). At its head is a brilliant politician, Venâncio Mondlane.

    Povo no Poder was also the name of Azagaia’s hit song, which had been the soundtrack to 2008 protests against rising energy costs.

    Azagaia’s POVO NO PODER.

    The demonstrations in March 2023 marked a turning point for Mozambique. It was as if all the energy and indignation about a highly corrupt and increasingly authoritarian country that Azagaia had expressed through his songs had been passed on to previously fearful young people. Now they dared to challenge the police and army in the open and without any weapons.

    In late 2024 Mozambicans took to the streets to protest against elections they claimed were rigged. Over 300 people were killed in demonstrations.

    Efforts have been made to redress this serious wound. In preparation for the 50 years of independence Frelimo has been recalling key places and symbols in the liberation war, harking back to a time when they represented justice.

    But attempts to evoke past glory and ideals are not resonating with ordinary Mozambicans. The mood in the country is subdued.

    As a specialist in the politics of lusophone Africa, in particular Mozambique, based on years of research, I find it difficult to envision a future of peace and prosperity for the next 50 years. There are divisive elements at play across the country. The post-election crisis has its roots in widespread discontent. Mozambicans are also rising against the cost of living crisis.

    Attempts to rekindle the flame

    The newly elected president, Daniel Chapo, opened the 50th anniversary celebrations on 7 April in Nangade, in Cabo Delgado province. This is one of the places where the armed struggle against the Portuguese began.

    National symbolism has focused on the torch of national unity, travelling the length and breadth of Mozambique to arrive in Maputo at the historic Machava Stadium on 25 June, Independence Day, for a concluding public ceremony.

    Not everyone has shared this attempt to patch up a country torn both politically and socio-economically.

    Too much has been lost in the intervening decades.

    In the initial period of independence Frelimo adopted socialist policies and attempted to promote free and universal social services, primarily healthcare and education. Back then, the ruling class, starting with the country’s first president, Samora Machel, didn’t enjoy any particular economic privileges.

    The reality today is quite different.

    Journalist and social activist Tomás Vieira Mário, one of the main critics of the current regime, has traced the stages of independent Mozambique’s history. He’s pointed out the contradiction between the initial thrust by many Mozambican common people towards the liberation movement and subsequent, authoritarian developments.

    He concluded in an article that all that remained to unite Mozambicans was the

    mere sharing of the same territorial space. And a lot of blood.

    He was referring to the long war against Renamo from 1976 to 1992 and again from 2013 to 2019, ethnic questions that have never been resolved, and finally the armed attacks in Cabo Delgado of jihadist and ethnic nature.

    For his part, renowned philosopher Severino Ngoenha has also underscored the importance of a justice system that is fair and inclusive, and not at the service of one political party.

    The new opposition is coming not from Renamo or Frelimo but from the streets. Popular protests have taken place this year even in areas once considered Frelimo strongholds. In Gaza province, southern Mozambique, for example, there have been outbreaks of violence, demonstrating that the bipolar system that emerged from the 1992 peace accord now seems incapable of responding to the new demands of Mozambican society.

    On the political level, efforts are being made to overcome the post-electoral crisis and its wounds through the establishment of an Inclusive Dialogue Commission. This is being chaired by jurist Edson Macuacua, who is a vice-minister in the Frelimo government.

    The commission is made up of representatives from all major parties as well as three members of civil society. The eventual aim is radical reform of the state.

    But there are serious doubts about the success of this ambitious project which I believe are legitimate. The big question, beyond any institutional and electoral reforms, is whether the Frelimo party-state will be able to change its political culture in the next elections, accepting any negative results and, therefore, the loss of power.

    Efforts are being made on all fronts to obstruct Mondlane from gaining a political foothold. Mondlane wants to start a new party called the Anamalala (meaning “It will end”, or “Stop!”).

    The name has been rejected by the Ministry of Justice because a Mozambican party cannot be named using a local language – in this case Emakhuwa.

    On the judicial level, several trials are underway against Mondlane and his closest associates, which could result in convictions for inciting protesters to destroy public infrastructure during the post-election demonstrations. If convicted, he would be declared ineligible to run in elections scheduled for 2029.

    Inequality and disparities

    Mozambique is among the six most unequal countries in the world and one of the poorest. According to World Bank data, 500,000 young people enter the labour market each year, with an average absorption capacity of about 25,000 in the formal sector, and 36% of young people unemployed in Maputo.

    Meanwhile, the number of very rich is growing. Mozambique ranks 16th among African countries in terms of the number of millionaires, with 18% growth over the past 10 years.

    This inequality puts national unity at risk.

    The economic disparities between the capital, Maputo, and the rest of the country are increasingly evident.

    Entire ethnic groups and territories are marginalised. Socio-economic and cultural divisions have been replicated in the case of discoveries of large natural resources in the north of the country. Large investments have been made in gas (Total and ENI-Exxon) and rubies in Cabo Delgado.

    A new threat has arisen too: extremism. Islamist-motivated attacks have been occurring in Cabo Delgado since 2017. There was an attack recently on a military base in Macomia.

    Efforts to encourage unity are coming from many quarters: from the promotion of inclusive dialogue; from a civic consciousness that has grown since 2023-2024; and from the country’s economic potential.

    But social inequality remains. So do doubts about Frelimo’s willingness to make Mozambique a country where the winner governs without manipulating election results.

    Luca Bussotti does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mozambique after 50 years of independence: what’s there to celebrate? – https://theconversation.com/mozambique-after-50-years-of-independence-whats-there-to-celebrate-259528

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Ramzy Baroud: The fallout – winners and losers from the Israeli war on Iran

    COMMENTARY: By Ramzy Baroud, editor of The Palestinian Chronicle

    The conflict between Israel and Iran over the past 12 days has redefined the regional chessboard. Here is a look at their key takeaways:

    Israel:
    Pulled in the US: Israel successfully drew the United States into a direct military confrontation with Iran, setting a significant precedent for future direct (not just indirect) intervention.

    Boosted political capital: This move generated substantial political leverage, allowing Israel to frame US intervention as a major strategic success.

    Iran:
    Forged a new deterrence: Iran has firmly established a new equation of deterrence, emerging as a powerful regional force capable of directly challenging Israel, the US, and their Western allies.

    Demonstrated independence: Crucially, Iran achieved this without relying on its traditional regional allies, showcasing its self-reliance and strategic depth.

    Defeated regime change efforts: This confrontation effectively thwarted any perceived Israeli strategy aimed at regime change, solidifying the current Iranian government’s position.

    Achieved national unity: In the face of external pressure, Iran saw a notable surge in domestic unity, bridging the gap between reformers and conservatives in a new social and political contract.

    Asserted direct regional role: Iran has definitively cemented its status as a direct and undeniable player in the ongoing regional struggle against Israeli hegemony.

    Sent a global message: It delivered a strong message to non-Western global powers like China and Russia, proving itself a reliable regional force capable of challenging and reshaping the existing balance of power.

    Exposed regional dynamics: The events sharply exposed Arab and Muslim countries that openly or tacitly support the US-Israeli regional project of dominance, highlighting underlying regional alignments.

    Dr Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of The Last Earth: A Palestinian Story (Pluto Press, London). He has a PhD in Palestine Studies from the University of Exeter (2015) and was a Non-Resident Scholar at Orfalea Center for Global and International Studies, University of California Santa Barbara. This commentary is republished from his Facebook page.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Here’s why some people suffer from motion sickness – and which remedies actually work

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Christian Moro, Associate Professor of Science & Medicine, Bond University

    EyeEm Mobile GmbH/Getty

    Cars may be a modern phenomenon, but motion sickness is not. More than 2,000 years ago, the physician Hippocrates wrote “sailing on the sea proves that motion disorders the body”. In fact, the word nausea derives from the Greek naus, meaning ship.

    Whether you’re in a ship, car, plane, or riding a rollercoaster, motion sickness (also called travel sickness or seasickness) can make you retch, vomit, sweat and become pale, and feel nauseated, dizzy and tired.

    For some people, watching dizzying scenes in a television show or simply thinking about moving can make us feel woozy. Playing video games or using virtual reality headsets can also lead to motion sickness (in this case, called “cybersickness”).

    But why does it happen? And why doesn’t it affect everyone?

    What is motion sickness?

    Motion sickness can happen in response to real or perceived motion.

    We don’t understand the exact mechanisms underlying motion sickness, although there are various hypotheses.

    The most accepted theory is that our brains like to know what’s going on around us. If our body is moving, but our brain can’t work out why, this creates some internal confusion.

    Within our brains, the “vestibular system”, which includes sensory organs in your inner ear, helps maintain balance.
    It has trouble doing this when you’re constantly being moved around (for example, inside a car) and sends the signals throughout our body which make us feel woozy.

    Supporting this theory, people who have damage to some parts of their inner ear systems can become completely immune to motion sickness.

    Why does motion sickness affect some people and not others?

    Very rough movement will make almost anyone
    motion sick. But some people are much more susceptible.

    Women tend to experience motion sickness more than men. There is evidence that hormonal fluctuations – for example during pregnancy or some stages of the menstrual cycle – may increase susceptibility.

    Some other conditions, such as vertigo and migraines, also make people more likely to experience motion sickness.

    In children, motion sickness tends to peak between ages six and nine, tapering off in the teens. It is much rarer in the elderly.

    In a car, the driver is normally in charge of the motion, and so their brain can anticipate movements (such as turning), leading to less motion sickness than for passengers.

    Are some modes of transport worse?

    Motion sickness is typically triggered by slow, up-and-down and left-to-right movements (low-frequency lateral and vertical motion). The more pronounced the motion, the more likely we are to get sick.

    This is why you might feel fine during some stages of an air flight, but become nauseous during times when there is turbulence. It’s the same at sea, where the larger and more undulating the waves, the more chance there is passengers will feel sick.

    Recent reports have suggested electric vehicles make motion sickness worse.

    This may be because electric vehicles tend to launch from a standstill with a fast acceleration. Sudden movements like this can make some occupants more nauseous.

    The silence of an electric vehicle is also unusual. Most of us are used to hearing the engine running and feeling the vehicle’s rumble as it moves. The silence in an electric vehicle removes these prompts, and likely further confuses our brain, making motion sickness worse.

    Interestingly, when an electric vehicle is put into autonomous (self-driving) mode, the driver becomes just as susceptible to motion sickness as the passengers.

    What helps motion sickness?

    For some people it never goes away, and they remain susceptible to motion sickness for life.

    But there are ways to manage symptoms, for example, avoiding travelling in bad weather, looking out the window and focusing on stable points (such as the aeroplane wing during a flight) or a distant stationary object (such as the horizon). This reduces conflicting signals in your brain.

    It may also help to:

    Medicines can help. Your doctor or pharmacist can recommend a variety of over-the-counter medications, such as antihistamines, which may help alleviate symptoms.

    Some people find alternative treatments helpful, including ginger, anti-nausea wrist bands (sea-bands or pressure bands). However we still don’t have enough consistent scientific evidence to endorse these remedies.

    There are longer-term options such as prescription medications and skin patches. However, many have potential side effects, so you should discuss these with a health professional.

    Not all of these medications will be suitable for children. However, there are some options which may help alleviate serious cases, and these can be talked through with your family GP.

    Does it ever go away?

    Sometimes, repeated exposure to the activity (called habituation) can help reduce motion sickness. The ancient Romans and Greeks reported the more experienced a sailor became, the less prone they were to sea sickness.

    While inconvenient, motion sickness may also have some evolutionary advantages. It’s thought species prone to motion sickness (including humans, fish, dogs, cats, mice and horses) avoid dangerous patches of rough water or high windy branches.

    We’re safest when firmly on land and not moving at all. Perhaps motion sickness is simply one way that our body works to keep us out of harm’s way.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Here’s why some people suffer from motion sickness – and which remedies actually work – https://theconversation.com/heres-why-some-people-suffer-from-motion-sickness-and-which-remedies-actually-work-258065

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’: how ancient Romans used public baths to relax, work out and socialise

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Peter Edwell, Associate Professor in Ancient History, Macquarie University

    iLongLoveKing/Shutterstock

    Standing in the vast ruins of the Baths of Caracalla in Rome, hundreds of gulls circle above. Their haunting cries echo voices from 1,800 years ago. Today, the bare shell of what was one of Rome’s largest bath complexes mostly sits empty, occasionally playing host to opera performances.

    But what were the baths of ancient Rome actually like back then? And why were the Romans so into public bathing?

    Public baths everywhere

    While living in Rome for almost a year, I noticed the remains of ancient baths (thermae in Latin) everywhere.

    Virtually every emperor built them, and by the middle of the fourth century there were 952 public baths in the city.

    The largest were the baths built by the emperor Diocletian (284–305). Around 3,000 people a day could bathe at this 13-hectare complex.

    These baths, like most, contained a room (the caldarium) heated by air ducts in the walls and floors. The floors were so hot special sandals were worn.

    Another room leading from it was milder (the tepidarium), before bathers entered the frigidarium, which contained a cold pool. A 4,000-square-metre outdoor swimming pool was the central feature.

    Public baths also often featured gymnasiums, libraries, restaurants and exercise yards.

    Today, the baths of Caracalla mostly sit empty.
    Wirestock/Getty

    ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’

    The philosopher Seneca, also an advisor to the emperor Nero, lived above a bath complex around 50 CE.

    He described the sounds of people “panting in wheezy and high-pitched tones” as they lifted weights. Others plunged into swimming tanks with a loud splash. Shop-owners selling food yelled out the prices of their wares. Some sang loudly for their own pleasure in the bathroom.

    One 4th-century CE account describes how aristocrats sometimes arrived at the baths with 50 servants attending them.

    Sections of the baths were reserved for these guests, who brought their finest clothes and expensive jewellery.

    While emperors built large public bath complexes, there were many smaller private ones. Entry fees were low and sometimes free during festivals and political campaigns. This allowed all social classes to use the baths.

    Women and men bathed separately and used the baths at different times of the day. Some bath complexes had areas designated for women only. The physician Soranus of Ephesus, who wrote a treatise on gynaecology in the second century CE, recommended women go to the baths in preparation for labour.

    In a crowded and polluted city like Rome, the baths were a haven. Warm water, smells of perfumed ointments, massages and a spa-like environment were pleasures all could indulge in.

    A first-century CE inscription declared that

    baths, wine, and sex make life worth living.

    Baths and the grim reality of slavery

    Baths were places of great social importance, and nudity allowed bathers to show off their physical prowess.

    Archaeological evidence suggests even dentistry was performed at the baths.

    Behind these images of indulgence, however, lay the grim reality of slavery. Slaves did the dirtiest work in the baths.

    They cleaned out cinders, emptied toilets and saw to the clearing of drains.

    Slaves came to the baths with their owners, whom they rubbed down with oil and cleaned their skin with strygils (a type of scraper). They entered the baths through a separate entrance.

    Baths across the empire

    Baths were popular in every city and town across the Roman Empire. A famous example is Aquae Sulis – the modern town of Bath – in England (which was under Roman rule for hundreds of years). At Aquae Sulis, a natural hot spring fed the baths. The goddess Minerva was honoured at the complex.

    The remains of similar bath complexes have been found in North Africa, Spain and Germany.

    Extensive remains of a Roman bath at Baden Baden in Germany are among the most impressive.

    Similarly, at Toledo in Spain, a public Roman bath complex measuring almost an acre has been found.

    Baths were often built in military camps to provide soldiers with comforts during their service. Remains of military baths have been found all over the empire. Researchers have found and excavated the baths for the army camp at Hadrian’s wall, a wall built to help defend the Roman Empire’s northern frontier in what is now modern Britain.

    The baths at Chester contain hot rooms (caldaria), cold rooms (frigidaria) and also a sweat room (sudatoria), which is similar to a sauna.

    A long history

    The Romans weren’t the first to use public baths. Their Greek forebears had them too. But the Romans took public bathing to a empire-wide level. It became a marker of Roman culture wherever they went.

    Public bathing would continue in the empire’s Islamic period and became famously popular under the Ottomans, who ruled the empire between 1299 and 1922. Turkish hammams (baths) remain an important public institution to this day and they descend directly from the Romans. Istanbul still contains 60 functioning hammams.

    Roman baths were not only technically ingenious and architecturally impressive, they connected people socially from all walks of life. As the gulls circle over the baths of Caracalla in Rome, their haunting cries connect us to that very world.

    Peter Edwell receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’: how ancient Romans used public baths to relax, work out and socialise – https://theconversation.com/baths-wine-and-sex-make-life-worth-living-how-ancient-romans-used-public-baths-to-relax-work-out-and-socialise-257466

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canadian community foundations rally to support local news, calling it essential to democracy

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Magda Konieczna, Associate Professor of Journalism, Concordia University

    A couple of weeks ago, a neighbour mentioned our son’s school might be moving. I couldn’t find anything about this online.

    But I did find plenty of news from down south. While the erosion of democracy in the United States is something to pay attention to, some news outlets appear to be capitalizing on its sensational aspects.

    When Donald Trump and Elon Musk get into an online fistfight, local news can seem like the less glamorous cousin.

    But there’s really not much we can do about American democracy.

    A poster on a lamp post that says ‘Good News is Coming.’
    Jon Tyson/Unsplash, CC BY

    Still, U.S. media reports have contributed to news burnout. Many Canadians are tuning out from their regular news sources. Forty per cent of Canadians responding to a survey from the 2025 Reuters Digital News Report said they were sometimes or often avoiding the news, as compared to 28 per cent eight years earlier.

    Hearing about problems we can’t do much about is disempowering, according to a study on solutions journalism. Researchers found that readers who were treated as active civic participants rather than passive consumers felt more empowered.

    The news about my kid’s school is something that profoundly impacts my family. And I can do something about it, at least in theory. I can attend public meetings and organize my neighbours to take a stand, in hopes of affecting the outcome of the discussions.

    Local news can help me do that. It’s the very stuff that can help rebuild frayed community ties and mis- and disinformation. Without access to quality local news, malicious entities can more easily step into communities with misinformation designed to sway or mislead.

    Voter turnout is higher in places with more newspapers. Local journalists act as news brokers, ensuring the flow of information, which is essential to fulfilling the information needs of communities. We know that when less local news is present, communities become more polarized, and that polarization leads to increased sharing of misinformation.

    But local news is increasingly in trouble. Local news outlets are closing — 566 across Canada, to be precise, between 2008 and April 2025. That’s compared to the 283 that opened and remain in operation in that same period, according to the Local News Research Project.

    Rallying to support local news

    My recent report for The Canadian Philanthropy Partnership Research Network, “In Defense of the Local: How Community Foundations Across Canada are Supporting Local News” describes an increasingly popular way to support these local news outlets.

    Through case studies, I documented — along with my research assistant, Jessica Botelho-Urbanski, and supported by our research team at OCADU — the early signs of a growing movement of Canadian community foundations supporting local journalism.

    Community foundations across Canada are becoming ever more aware that many of the issues they care about, like building just and sustainable communities, are connected to the availability of local journalism.

    And some communities are starting to fund their local news outlets.

    For example, the Toronto Foundation made a rare, 10-year commitment to support The Local, a non-profit news outlet founded in 2019 that describes itself as “unabashedly Toronto, reporting from corners of the city that are too often ignored or misunderstood.”

    Screenshot of a story on ‘Moss Park’ from the digital news outlet The Local.
    The Local

    Sharon Avery, Toronto Foundation’s president and CEO, says the organization hadn’t spent much time prioritizing journalism because “the dots have not been connected …that a healthy local journalism equals a healthy community.” But she grew convinced of the essential links between local news and democracy, and realized local news is a powerful tool.

    The Winnipeg Foundation has been interested in local news for a while. Most recently, it funded the salary for one reporter, shared between Winnipeg’s The Free Press, a major local newspaper, and The Narwhal, an environmentally focused digital news startup that had been looking to expand its coverage in the Prairies.

    This kind of collaboration can improve the quality of work produced while also increasing the attention garnered by the resulting journalism in a way that is truly a win-win for all partners.

    How to support local journalism

    All of this is happening alongside government support, delivered through solutions like the Local Journalism Initiative, which funds journalists to report on under-covered topics, and the Canadian Journalism Labour Tax Credit, which covers a portion of salaries of eligible journalists.

    Our report also includes recommendations on how place-based foundations can turn these initiatives into a movement to support local journalism. Community foundations could start by getting to know their local news ecosystems. What news organizations exist? What audiences do they serve?

    They should also consider policies to direct some of their ad spending to local media, following the lead of the provincial government in Ontario, which has its four largest agencies allocate at least one-quarter of their annual advertising budgets to Ontario publishers.

    Perhaps the most powerful — and most challenging — of our recommendations includes working with other local players to set up a community news fund.

    This would enable funders to pay into a pool allocated to local news. This approach has generated millions for local news ecosystems in the U.S., Europe and South America.

    Community foundations have the power to promote journalistic collaboration, which can help to combat mis- and disinformation.

    To improve the quality of life and information for Canadians from coast to coast to coast, supporting local journalism is a must.

    The contribution of the research assistant on the report described here was funded by a SSHRC grant obtained by the Canadian philanthropy partnership research network (PhiLab). The work was also supported by the Cultural Policy Hub at OCADU.

    – ref. Canadian community foundations rally to support local news, calling it essential to democracy – https://theconversation.com/canadian-community-foundations-rally-to-support-local-news-calling-it-essential-to-democracy-257873

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Presidents of both parties have launched military action without Congress declaring war − Trump’s bombing of Iran is just the latest

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Sarah Burns, Associate Professor of Political Science, Rochester Institute of Technology

    President Donald Trump is seen on a monitor in the White House press briefing room on June 21, 2025, after the U.S. military strike on three sites in Iran. AP Photo/Alex Brandon

    In the wake of the U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities on June 22, 2025, many congressional Democrats and a few Republicans have objected to President Donald Trump’s failure to seek congressional approval before conducting military operations.

    They note that Article 1 of the U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war and say that section required Trump to seek prior authorization for military action.

    The Trump administration disagrees. “This is not a war against Iran,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio told Fox News host Maria Bartiromo, implying that the action did not require approval by Congress. That’s the same view held by most modern presidents and their lawyers in the Office of Legal Counsel: Article 2 of the Constitution allows the president to use the military in certain situations without prior approval from Congress.

    By this reading of the text, presidents, as commander in chief, claim the power to unilaterally order the military to initiate small-scale operations for a short duration. Members of Congress may object to that claim, but they have done little to limit presidents’ unilateralism. What little they have done has not been effective.

    As I’ve demonstrated in my research, even though the 1973 War Powers Resolution attempted to constrain presidential power after the disasters of the Vietnam War, it contains many loopholes that presidents have exploited to act unilaterally. For example, it allows presidents to engage in military operations without congressional approval for up to 90 days. And more recent congressional resolutions have broadened executive control even further.

    President Franklin D. Roosevelt signs the U.S. declaration of war against Japan on Dec. 8, 1941.
    U.S. National Archives

    A long tradition of executive authority

    Presidents can even overcome the loopholes in the War Powers Resolution if the operation lasts longer than 90 days. In 2011, a State Department lawyer argued that airstrikes in Libya could continue beyond the War Powers Resolution’s 90-day time limit because there were no ground troops involved. By that logic, any future president could carry out an indefinite bombing campaign with no congressional oversight.

    While every president has bristled at congressional restraints on their actions, presidents since Franklin D. Roosevelt have successfully circumvented them by citing vague concerns like “national security,” “regional security” or the need to “prevent a humanitarian disaster” when launching military operations. While members of Congress always take issue with these actions, they never hold presidents accountable by passing legislation restraining him.

    President Trump’s decision to bomb Iranian nuclear sites without consulting Congress falls in line with precedent from both Democratic and Republican leaders for decades.

    Much like his predecessors, Trump did not, and likely will not, provide Congress with more concrete information about the legality of his actions. Nor are congressional lawmakers effectively holding him accountable.

    The push-and-pull between Congress and the president over military operations dates back to the 1941 Pearl Harbor attack, which led Congress to declare war on Japan. Before then, Congress had prevented the U.S. from joining World War II by enforcing an arms embargo and refusing to help the Allies prior to the attack on Hawaii. But afterward, Congress began allowing the president to take more control over the military.

    During the Cold War, rather than returning to a balanced debate between the branches, Congress continued to relinquish those powers.

    Congress never authorized the war in Korea; Harry Truman used a U.N. Security Council resolution as legal justification. Congress’ vote explicitly opposing the invasion of Cambodia didn’t stop Richard Nixon from doing it anyway. Even after the Cold War, Bill Clinton regularly acted unilaterally to address humanitarian crises or the continued threat from leaders like Saddam Hussein. He sent the military to Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia and Kosovo, among other places.

    After 9/11, Congress quickly gave up more of its power. A week after those attacks, Congress passed a sweeping Authorization for Use of Military Force, giving the president permission to “use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.”

    In a follow-up 2002 authorization, Congress went even further, allowing the president to “use the Armed Forces … as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to defend national security … against the continuing threat posed by Iraq.” This approach provides few, if any, congressional checks on the control of military affairs exercised by the president.

    In the two decades since those authorizations, four presidents have used them to justify all manner of military action, from targeted killings of terrorists to the years long fight against the Islamic State group.

    Congress regularly discusses terminating those authorizations, but has yet to do so. If Congress did, the loopholes in the original War Powers Resolution would still exist.

    While President Biden claimed he supported the repeal of the authorizations, and supported more congressional oversight of military actions, Trump has made no such claims. Instead, he has claimed even more sweeping authority to act without any permission from Congress.

    As recently as 2024, Biden used the 2002 authorization as a legal rationale for the targeted killing of Iranian-backed militiamen in Iraq, a strike condemned by Iraqi leaders.

    Those actions may have ruffled congressional feathers, but they were in keeping with a long U.S. tradition of targeting members of terrorist groups and protecting members of the military serving in a conflict zone.

    Demonstrators outside the U.S. Capitol in January 2020 call on Congress to limit the president’s powers to use the military.
    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    Threats of war

    During his first presidential term in 2020, Trump ordered a lethal drone strike against a respected member of the Iranian government, Major General Qassim Soleimani, the head of Iran’s equivalent of the CIA, without consulting Congress or publicly providing proof of why the attack was necessary, even to this day.

    Tensions – and fears of war – spiked but then slowly faded when Iran responded with missile attacks on two U.S. bases in Iraq.

    Now, the U.S. attacks on Iranian nuclear sites have revived both fears of war and renewed questions about the president’s authority to unilaterally engage in military action. Presidents since the 1970s, however, have effectively managed to dodge definitive answers to those questions – demonstrating both the power inherent in their position and the unwillingness among members of the legislative branch to reclaim their coequal status.

    This article is an updated version of a story published on Jan. 24, 2024.

    Sarah Burns does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Presidents of both parties have launched military action without Congress declaring war − Trump’s bombing of Iran is just the latest – https://theconversation.com/presidents-of-both-parties-have-launched-military-action-without-congress-declaring-war-trumps-bombing-of-iran-is-just-the-latest-259636

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Gulf States want no winner in the conflict between Israel and Iran

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mira Al Hussein, Research Fellow at the Alwaleed Centre for the Study of Islam in the Contemporary World, University of Edinburgh

    When Israel assassinated a number of senior Iranian military officials and nuclear scientists on June 13, there was an initial euphoria among some ruling elites in the Gulf. They saw it as a sign of Iran’s diminishing regional threat.

    Relations between Gulf states and Iran have been fraught since 1979 when Iran’s former supreme leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, vowed to export the revolution that had brought him to power that same year. This set off decades of ideologically charged proxy conflicts, with Gulf states viewing Iran as the principal destabilising force in the Middle East.

    But the recent euphoria has given way to unease as the push by Israel – and now the US – for regime change in Tehran has become clear. Following US strikes against Iranian nuclear sites over the weekend, US president Donald Trump has floated the idea of overthrowing the government to “make Iran great again”.

    Retaliatory attacks by Iran on American forces at bases in Qatar and Iraq have now brought the conflict closer to home. The strikes have prompted Gulf states to close their airspaces, while Qatar has warned of its right to respond directly “in a manner equivalent with the nature and scale” of Iran’s attack. What effect the attacks will have on the involvement of Gulf countries in the conflict will soon become clear.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The Gulf states have long worked to keep Iran’s influence in check without attempting to topple its leadership. They have sought rapprochement, with Saudi Arabia and Iran reestablishing diplomatic ties in 2023 and reopening embassies in each other’s countries.

    Gulf leaders view the alternative to warmer relations – be it a chaotic regime change or a globally interconnected or expansionist Iran – as possibly even more destabilising for the Gulf region and its economic ambitions.

    Iran, for all its regional adventurism, is still regarded in the Gulf as an organic part of the Middle East. It is a civilisation with deep, ancient roots and an uninterrupted history of co-existence and cultural co-creation within the Islamic world.

    This stands in contrast to how Israel is perceived. Some Gulf states have established diplomatic relations with Israel since 2020, under the framework of the Abraham Accords. But there remains a wider perception – particularly among citizens of these countries – that Israel is an imposed colonial presence whose threat to regional stability is growing.

    Iran has hardly been a benign actor. Its government has played a destabilising role across the Arab world, from propping up the ruthless regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria to supporting armed groups in Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen. And now it has attacked the sovereign territory of two Gulf countries.

    It also continues to occupy three islands that are claimed by the United Arab Emirates: Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa. Iran’s interventions have left behind a trail of sectarianism, militarisation and humanitarian crises.

    Yet Gulf leaders separate the actions of the Iranian regime from the people of Iran. Repeated waves of protests within Iran, particularly the women-led uprisings of recent years, have reinforced the sense that ordinary Iranians are themselves victims of a repressive regime.

    There’s empathy within the Gulf for Iranian society, coupled with recognition of the historic and cultural ties that bind the region and its people. Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, described Iran as a “neighbour forever” in 2022, and with this neighbourliness comes a preference for stability over collapse.

    Gulf states would rather not see Iran plunge into chaos. This could unleash humanitarian crises and refugee flows that would be morally troubling and economically disastrous for the region.

    No decisive winner

    While there is no appetite within the Gulf for regime change in Tehran, views expressed in government-controlled media suggest there is interest in seeing a political transformation in Israel. It seems to me that the Gulf states would prefer neither Iran nor Israel to emerge as a decisive winner in this military confrontation. A prolonged war of attrition weakens both, reducing the threats they pose to Arab sovereignty and regional stability.

    Such a conflict could result in political change in Israel that sees the end of oppressive policies against Palestinians and curbs to regional aggression. This would ease the political cost of normalising relations with Israel. Current efforts to integrate Israel into the regional order place Gulf leaders in an awkward position, appearing to side with a state that routinely violates Arab rights.

    A regime change in Iran, particularly one that produces a nationalist, pro-western government, would present new complications for the Gulf. A more internationally connected and economically ambitious Iran could overshadow Gulf economies and revive old territorial disputes.

    A prolonged conflict would, of course, raise the prospect of the Strait of Hormuz emerging as a flashpoint. A closure, which Iran is reportedly discussing as a possibility, would disrupt one-fifth of the world’s oil supply and plunge global markets into turmoil.

    Neither side may actively seek this, but the risk of miscalculation is high. For Gulf economies, whose futures are tied to global energy markets and diversification projects, such an outcome would be catastrophic.

    However, at least for now, Gulf countries seem relatively calm about the prospects of a closure. They issued a series of statements on June 22, expressing concern over the US strikes on Iran and calling for restraint. But the tone of their statements was rather measured.

    The mood in the Middle East appears to be shifting. As one Emirati analyst, Mohammed Baharoon, recently warned: “Israel risks seeing itself as Thor, the mythical deity whose real status as a god is related to his hammer. This is dangerous for Israel’s future in the region and the world.”

    Baharoon added on social media: “Hammer-wielding Israel will have very limited space in a region that seeks economic partnerships over security alliances.” In other words, the region’s priorities are shifting, and Israel’s overreliance on military power is increasingly at odds with the future that the Gulf leaders are trying to shape.

    They wish to make the region an economic magnet for investment, not a cinematic backdrop for perpetual conflict.

    Mira Al Hussein is a non-resident fellow with DAWN MENA and Gulf International Forum.

    – ref. Gulf States want no winner in the conflict between Israel and Iran – https://theconversation.com/gulf-states-want-no-winner-in-the-conflict-between-israel-and-iran-259471

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Learning Refuge: How women-led community efforts help refugees resettle in Cyprus

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Suzan Ilcan, Professor of Sociology & University Research Chair, University of Waterloo

    A grassroots organization in Paphos, Cyprus, is bringing women together to address the needs of refugees in the city. (Shutterstock)

    Since 2015, the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) has seen a steady rise in migrant arrivals and asylum applications, primarily from people from Middle Eastern and African countries like Syria, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Cameroon.

    But many asylum-seekers face significant challenges. Refugees formally in the asylum system are often denied residency permits, which means they face persistent insecurity, poverty and isolation

    These conditions are compounded by restrictive and limited services for asylum-seekers. This deepens the precarity and exclusion refugees face within a political and economic system that treats them more like economic burdens than as human beings with rights who need help.

    In response to these institutional failures, citizens, volunteers and refugees themselves have begun to build grassroots networks of care and solidarity in the ROC and beyond to support refugee communities.

    In 2022 and 2023, we conducted interviews with women volunteers and refugees affiliated with The Learning Refuge, a civil society organization in the city of Paphos in southwest Cyprus that cultivates dialogue and collaboration among these two diverse groups.

    Women-led initiatives

    Many displaced people first arrive on the island of Cyprus through the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). However, the absence of a functioning asylum system or international legal protections leaves them in limbo.

    With no viable path to status in the TRNC, most cross the Green Line that bifurcates Cyprus into the ROC, where European Union asylum frameworks exist but remain limited in practice.

    Women-led community-building is often a response to the negative effects of inadequate state support and humanitarian aid for refugees. In Cyprus, this situation leaves many refugees without access to sufficient food, satisfactory health care, accommodation, employment, clothing and language training. In this current environment, refugees are increasingly experiencing insecure and fragile situations, especially women.

    In Cyprus, ss in many other countries, a variety of community-building efforts are important responses to limited or restricted state support and humanitarian aid for refugees.

    Women-led efforts offer opportunities to deliver educational activities and establish networks, and to help improve the welfare and social protection of refugee women, however imperfectly.

    These and other similar efforts highlight how women refugees and volunteers can mobilize to foster dialogue and collaboration.

    The Learning Refuge

    Founded in 2015, The Learning Refuge began as community meetings in a city park. The organization then used space from a nearby music venue to conduct support activities, and later, established itself in a dedicated building.

    Organizations like The Learning Refuge emerged to address the limited state support and humanitarian assistance services available to refugees.

    The Learning Refuge cultivates dialogue and collaboration among a diverse group of community volunteers.
    (Suzan Ilcan)

    As Syrian families began arriving in Paphos in 2015, local mothers started working with Syrian children, assisting them with homework, providing skills-training opportunities and language classes.

    The Learning Refuge cultivates dialogue and collaboration among a diverse group of community volunteers, including schoolteachers, artists, musicians, local residents, refugees and other migrants.

    With the aid of 20 volunteers, the loosely organized groups provide women refugees with material support and resources to enhance collective activities, including art and music projects, while also engaging in educational and friendship activities.

    While modest in scale, the organization has formed partnerships with local and international organizations, including Caritas Cyprus, UNHCR-Cyprus and the Cyprus Refugee Council to extend its outreach to various refugee groups.

    The organization has also launched creative initiatives aimed at cultivating additional inclusive civic spaces. One such effort, “Moms and Babies Day,” was developed in response to the rising number of single mothers from Africa arriving on the island. These women often face poverty and isolation, and struggle with language barriers.

    These efforts highlight how grassroots responses — especially those led by women — can offer partial but vital educational and emotional support to refugees struggling to find their footing in a new country.

    Negotiated belonging

    Through participation in The Learning Refuge, refugee women in Paphos engage in a dynamic process of negotiated belonging, navigating challenges like language barriers, gendered isolation, domestic violence and poverty while contributing to broader community-building efforts.

    For example, Maryam, a Syrian woman and mother of three, told us how The Learning Refuge helped her children establish friendships and learn Greek. She also highlighted that it helped her form close ties with volunteers and other Syrian women living in Cyprus, and find paid work in the city.

    The volunteers and women refugees participating in The Learning Refuge’s activities emphasized not only their capacity to develop new forms of belonging and solidarity; they also help reshape communal knowledge and generate supportive spaces for women from various backgrounds.

    Our research shows that women-led community-building is an effective, though short-term, response to insufficient state support and humanitarian aid systems that leave many refugees in precarious situations.

    In varying degrees, these efforts offer women and their families spaces to learn and cultivate new relationships, and foster collective projects and better visions of resettlement and refuge.

    Suzan Ilcan receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Council of Canada.

    Seçil Daǧtaș receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    – ref. The Learning Refuge: How women-led community efforts help refugees resettle in Cyprus – https://theconversation.com/the-learning-refuge-how-women-led-community-efforts-help-refugees-resettle-in-cyprus-252682

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Alberta youth have the right to school library books that reflect their lives, including sexuality

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jamie Anderson, PhD Candidate, Werklund School of Education, University of Calgary

    Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has expressed fondness for Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, most recently wagering a a friendly public bet on the NHL hockey playoffs. In 2023, she said she wanted Albertans to enjoy some of the same freedoms available to citizens in certain American states, including Florida.

    Her government’s latest proposal aims to take more than a page from DeSantis’s playbook, setting its sights on how Florida has targeted school library books, effectively purging and banning many.

    Alberta Education Minister Demetrios Nicolaides recently announced the province will move ahead to develop provincial standards “to ensure the age-appropriateness of materials available to students in school libraries.” This followed a public engagement survey related to what he said were concerns about “sexually explicit” books in Edmonton and Calgary schools.

    The province says the survey results show “strong support” for a school library policy, even while the majority of respondents don’t want the government setting standards for school library books.

    This marks the Alberta government’s latest effort to restrict the rights of 2SLGBTQIA+ children and youth.

    New proposed school library standards

    Like Florida’s statute on K-12 instructional materials, Alberta’s proposal centres on age-appropriateness and increasing parental choice in learning materials.

    Despite claiming a need for new standards, Nicolaides has acknowledged there are already mechanisms in place in Alberta’s school jurisdictions for parents to challenge materials. Many school boards already have policies governing school library materials.

    Additionally, librarians are trained professionals who follow established practices around organizing materials that reflect developmental appropriateness.

    Florida school book purges

    Florida’s statute, framed by DeSantis as empowering parents to object to obscene material, has targeted 2,700 books. More than 700 were removed from libraries in 2023-24.



    Read more:
    Ron DeSantis shows how ‘ugly freedoms’ are being used to fuel authoritarianism

    Confusion and a climate of fear caused by the bill has led Florida teachers and librarians to self-censor. Florida’s Department of Education urged districts to “err on the side of caution” to avoid potential felony charges.

    Such fear and surveillance lead to unnecessary restrictions on students’ rights.

    Targeting 2SLGBTQIA+ books

    Nicolaides has emphasized that developing the new standards in Alberta is not a question of “banning certain books,” and has acknowledged he does not have that authority.

    However, as PEN Canada notes, the implications of the proposed policies raise alarm bells, with the government’s actions “paving the way to a new era of government-sponsored book banning.” Singling out books has the same effect as a ban, according to the CEO of the St. Albert Public Library.

    By labelling four books as inappropriate — three of which include 2SLGBTQIA+ authors and themes — Nicolaides suggests these books don’t belong in K-12 schools. One of the books, the graphic novel Flamer, has won several awards, including the Lambda Literary Award for LGBTQ Young Adult Literature in 2021.

    PEN America interview with Mike Curato, author of ‘Flamer.’

    The education minister refuted the idea that singling out the books is anti-queer or anti-trans, and did so in an inflammatory manner, characterizing concern as being about protecting children from seeing porn, child molestation and other sexual content.

    Nicolaides also said the proposed policy is focused on sexual content, so themes and depictions of graphic violence are “probably not” an issue.

    Rolling back trans, queer rights

    Alberta has already rolled back the rights of trans and non-binary children and youth to use different pronouns, access gender-affirming care and participate in sports.

    Queer and trans identities are also absent from all subjects in the K-12 program of studies, including recently updated K-6 curriculum. New sexual health resource guidelines prohibit the use of learning materials that primarily and explicitly address sexual orientation or gender identity unless they have been vetted and approved by Alberta Education (except for use in religion classes).

    Survey amplifies moral panic

    Through specific communication tactics, the minister’s public engagement works to exacerbate moral panics about sexuality as a threat to childhood innocence. This influences broader messages about 2SLGBTQIA+ inclusion.

    The government-created survey shared illustrations and text excerpts on their own, without context or consideration of their narrative purpose in each book. Although the excerpts flagged by the minister make up between 0.1 to two per cent of the total page count in each book, the books as a whole are labelled “extremely graphic.”

    In a media appearance, Nicolaides stated the books in question were available to “elementary-aged” students. This is misleading because K-9 schools include junior high students.

    In a social media post, the minister’s press secretary said “these problematic books were found in and around books like Goldilocks,” suggesting targeted books are alongside children’s storybooks. But the image he shared showed Flamer near the graphic novel Goldilocks: Wanted Dead or Alive, aimed at middle-grade readers aged nine to 12 years old.

    Survey respondents

    The survey reported 77,395 responses by demographics, including parents, teachers, school administrators, librarians and other interested Albertans.

    Forty-nine per cent of parents of school-aged children were not at all or not very supportive of the creation of government guidelines, compared to 44 per cent of the same demographic who were somewhat or very supportive (eight per cent were unsure). Across each other demographic, most respondents expressed that they didn’t support the creation of new government standards. But the ministry plans to move ahead anyway.

    Socially conservative lobby

    The Investigative Journalism Foundation reports two conservative activist groups have taken credit for giving the Alberta government names of books believed to be inappropriate.

    Parental rights groups and far-right activists have long asserted that 2SLGBTQIA+ inclusion in schools “indoctrinates” and sexualizes children.

    We’re concerned the Alberta government may be reinforcing this message to manufacture a greater public consensus in support of wider policies against 2SLGBTQIA+ rights.

    Since at least 2023, United Conservative Party (UCP) members have embraced socially conservative “parental rights” rhetoric and supported motions for purging school libraries and mandating parent approval of changes to kids’ names and pronouns.

    Traditionalist ‘parental rights’

    Far-right activist groups like Take Back Alberta have shaped the UCP government’s policies alongside special interest groups like Action4Canada and Parents for Choice in Education.

    A common thread among such groups is parental authority over one’s own children framed in traditionalist or hetero-normative terms. Significant mobilizing has happened against the inclusion of sexual orientations and gender identities in school curricula, trans-inclusive health care, drag shows, conversion therapy bans and more.



    Read more:
    Pride, pages and performance: Why drag story time matters more than ever

    Queer and trans identities are viewed as a social contagion threatening to change anyone exposed to them, and efforts for inclusion are labelled “gender ideology.”

    These misconceptions, combined with political and religious biases, frame queerness and transness as “adult topics” that will confuse or harm children. However, research confirms ignoring these topics is of far greater concern when children may already experience discrimination about their gender expression by the age of five.

    Earlier learning about diverse forms of gender expression and relationships can reduce victimization, and prevent young children from becoming perpetrators of, or bystanders to, anti-2SLGBTQIA+ harassment and violence.



    Read more:
    ‘Parental rights’ lobby puts trans and queer kids at risk

    The United Nations recognizes that governments need to resist political pressure “based on child protection arguments to block access to information on [2SLGBTQIA+] issues, or to provide negatively biased information.”

    Access to self-selected literature is important for all students, and can be a lifeline for 2SLGBTQIA+ students who don’t see themselves in the curriculum.

    If Alberta Education will not prepare students for the world they live in — where we queer and trans people exist, flourish and are loved — then students should be able to seek out stories that reflect that world. It’s a matter of protecting their freedom of expression.

    Jamie Anderson has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the University of Calgary.

    Tonya D. Callaghan receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Killam Trusts.

    Caitlin Campbell and Nicole Richard do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Alberta youth have the right to school library books that reflect their lives, including sexuality – https://theconversation.com/alberta-youth-have-the-right-to-school-library-books-that-reflect-their-lives-including-sexuality-258265

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: At June’s Nato summit, just keeping Donald Trump in the room will be seen as a victory

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham

    Gints Ivuskans/Shutterstock

    When Nato leaders meet for their annual summit in The Hague on Wednesday June 25, all eyes will be on Donald Trump. Not only is the 47th president of the United States less committed to the alliance than any of his predecessors in Nato’s 76-year history. But he has also just joined Israel’s war with Iran and seems to have given up his efforts to end the war in Ukraine.

    Leaders of Nato’s 32 member states should therefore have had a packed agenda. Although there are several meetings and a dinner planned for June 24, the actual summit – which has tended usually to stretch out over several days – has been reduced to a single session and a single agenda item. All of this has been done to accommodate the US president.

    A single session reduces the risk of Trump walking away from the summit early, as he did at the G7 leaders meeting in Kananaskis, Canada, on June 16.

    The single item remaining on the agenda is Nato members’ new commitment to increase defence spending to 5% of GDP by 2035. This is meant to placate Trump who demanded such an increase even before his inauguration in January 2025.

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    Trump has frequently complained, and not without justification, that European members of the alliance invested too little in their defence and were over-reliant on the US. A draft summit declaration confirming the new spending target has now been approved after Spain secured an opt-out.

    Even accounting for Trump’s notorious unpredictability, this should ensure that Nato will survive the Hague summit intact. What is less clear is whether Nato’s members can rise to the unprecedented challenges that the alliance is facing.

    These challenges look different from each of the member states’ 32 capitals. But, for 31 of them, the continued survival of the alliance as an effective security provider is an existential question. Put simply, they need the US, while the US doesn’t necessarily need to be part of the alliance.

    The capability deficit that Canada and European member states have compared to the US was thrown into stark relief by Washington’s airstrikes against Iran over the weekend. This is not simply a question of increasing manpower and to equip troops to fight. European states also lack most of the so-called critical enablers, the military hardware and technology required to prevail in a potential war with Russia.

    This includes, among other things, intelligence capabilities, heavy-lift aircraft to quickly move troops and equipment and command and control structures that have traditionally been provided by US forces. These will take significant time and resources to replace.

    For now, Russia is tied down in Ukraine, which will buy time. And the 5%-commitment – even if not all member states will get there quickly or at all – is likely to go some way towards to mobilise the necessary resources for beefing up Europe’s defences. But time and resources are not limitless. And is not yet clear what the American commitment to Europe will be in the future and when and how it will be reduced.

    A new type of war

    Nor is it completely obvious what kind of war Europe should prepare for. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine is both a very traditional war of attrition and a very modern technological showdown.

    A future confrontation with the Kremlin is initially likely to take the form of a “grey-zone” conflict, a state of affairs between war and peace in which acts of aggression happen but are difficult to attribute unambiguously and to respond to proportionately.

    This has arguably already started with Russian attacks on critical infrastructure. And as the example of Ukraine illustrates, grey-zone conflicts have the potential to escalate to conventional war.

    In February 2022, Russia saw an opportunity to pull Ukraine back into its zone of influence by brute force after and launched a full-scale invasion, hoping to capture Kyiv in a matter of a few days. This turned out to be a gross misjudgement on the Kremlin’s part. And three years on from that, if frequent Russian threats are to be believed, the possibility of a nuclear escalation can no longer be ruled out either.

    Key members of the alliance are unequivocal in their assessment of Russia as an existential threat to Europe. This much has been made clear in both the UK’s strategic defence review and the recent strategy paper for the German armed forces.

    Nato secretary-general Mark Rutte, the former prime minister of The Netherlands, gives a press conference before the Nato summit.

    Yet, this is not a view unanimously shared. Trump’s pro-Putin leanings date back to their now infamous meeting in Helsinki when he sided with the Russian president against his own intelligence services.

    In Europe, long-term Putin supporters Victor OrbanOrbán and Robert Fico, the prime ministers of EU and Nato members Hungary and Slovakia, have just announced that they will not support additional EU sanctions against Russia.

    Hungary and Slovakia are hardly defence heavyweights, but they wield outsized institutional power. Their ability to veto decisions can disrupt nascent European efforts both within the EU and Nato to rise to dual challenge of an increasingly existential threat to Europe from Russia and American retrenchment from its 80-year commitment to securing Europe against just that threat.

    What will, and more importantly what will not, happen at the Nato summit in The Hague will probably be looked back on as another chapter in the remaking of the international order and the European security architecture. A Nato agreement on increased defence spending should be enough to give the organisation another lease of life. But the implicit inability to agree on what is the main threat the alliance needs to defend itself against is likely to put a short expiration date on that.



    Read more:
    US joins Israel in attack on Iran and ushers in a new era of impunity

    Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

    – ref. At June’s Nato summit, just keeping Donald Trump in the room will be seen as a victory – https://theconversation.com/at-junes-nato-summit-just-keeping-donald-trump-in-the-room-will-be-seen-as-a-victory-259585

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mounjaro becomes available on the NHS: what to know and what to do if you’re not eligible

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dan Baumgardt, Senior Lecturer, School of Physiology, Pharmacology and Neuroscience, University of Bristol

    bigshot01/Shutterstock

    Obesity remains one of the most pressing, and preventable, health challenges of our time. The UK is one of a number of countries undoubtedly struggling with it.

    It affects nearly every organ system in the body, contributing to cardiovascular conditions like coronary heart disease; musculoskeletal issues such as osteoarthritis and gout; and even the development of certain cancers, including of the breast, uterus and colon. Its impact on mental health is also significant.

    A few years ago, injectable weight-loss drugs entered clinical use and quickly captured public attention for their ability to promote rapid fat loss. Ozempic is available on the NHS, but only for managing type 2 diabetes. Wegovy is authorised for weight loss and cardiovascular risk reduction and is also available on the NHS, though access is currently limited to specialist weight management services.

    Now, a new option has emerged: Mounjaro, which is approved for both type 2 diabetes and weight loss. This dual-purpose drug is now available on the NHS, offering another potential tool in the fight against obesity.

    Demand is expected to be high. However, access will be limited at first, with strict eligibility criteria for NHS prescriptions.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    What is Mounjaro?

    Mounjaro (tirzepatide) is a once weekly injectable medication designed to help control blood-sugar levels. It works by boosting the secretion and effects of insulin, improving glycaemic control in people with Type 2 diabetes. It also slows gastric emptying — the process by which food leaves the stomach — and enhances feelings of fullness by acting on the brain. This combined effect reduces appetite and helps support weight loss.

    Compared to similar medications like Ozempic and Wegovy (both brand names for semaglutide), clinical trials found Mounjaro more effective, with some participants losing up to 20% of their body weight over a 72-week period.



    Read more:
    The best exercises to do while taking weight loss drugs

    Who is eligible for Mounjaro on the NHS?

    The NHS has introduced specific criteria to prioritise patients most in need.

    First, patients need a BMI of 40 or more (classified as morbid obesity). People from certain ethnic backgrounds, such as South Asian communities, may be eligible at a lower BMI due to higher clinical risk of health conditions.

    Second, at least four obesity-related health conditions must be diagnosed, including type 2 diabetes, hypertension (high blood pressure), dyslipidaemia (abnormal cholesterol or triglyceride levels), cardiovascular disease and obstructive sleep apnoea. (Some of these conditions often occur together; for example, high blood pressure and cholesterol.)

    Patients are encouraged to check their BMI and confirm their diagnoses before contacting a GP. This helps ensure appointments are used effectively and discussions remain focused.

    While the current criteria are strict, there is optimism that eligibility will broaden in the coming years to include people with lower BMIs and fewer co-morbidities.

    Not eligible? Don’t despair

    The NHS continues to offer a comprehensive weight-loss programme, tiered according to BMI and previous attempts at weight loss. Don’t underestimate the value of group-based programmes or community referrals – when a healthcare professional refers a patient to a community-based health service for further care or support – many of which can be accessed via your GP.

    These services, such as the NHS digital weight management programme, support both individuals and families and can be highly effective for sustainable fat loss.

    GPs may also refer patients to online courses and structured exercise programmes. Lifestyle interventions, including increased physical activity and healthier eating, remain cornerstones of obesity treatment and are critical for long-term success, even when medications are used.



    Read more:
    From diet to drugs: what really works for long-term weight loss

    Higher tier interventions may be considered if lifestyle changes fail or if the patient has significant co-morbidities. This is where medications like Mounjaro, or private prescriptions, may become relevant – albeit that the cost of the latter may be a limiting factor for some.

    Other treatments include Orlistat, a medication that reduces fat absorption in the gut. This can be effective for some but often causes unpleasant side effects, such as oily stools and gastrointestinal upset

    Gastric banding or surgery may also result in significant, sustained weight loss, but they come with risks, can lead to surgical complications, and recovery can be demanding

    It’s also important to recognise that drugs like Mounjaro aren’t suitable for everyone. They can cause side effects significant enough for people to stop using them, and in some cases, they may not work at all.

    In this new era of faster, medication-assisted weight loss, we must remember that long-term change is about more than quick fixes. Sustainable success comes from consistent effort, willingness to change and methods that are both practical and lasting.

    Medications can help, sometimes dramatically, but they’re not the only answer. A return to basics, with tailored support and realistic goals, remains as relevant as ever.

    So whether you qualify for Mounjaro, are trying lifestyle changes, or are exploring other options, remember this: the journey to better health is personal, gradual and worth it.

    Dan Baumgardt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mounjaro becomes available on the NHS: what to know and what to do if you’re not eligible – https://theconversation.com/mounjaro-becomes-available-on-the-nhs-what-to-know-and-what-to-do-if-youre-not-eligible-259582

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Assisted dying: 56 MPs switched their vote between rounds – here’s how religion affected their choices

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Jeffery, Senior Lecturer in British Politics, University of Liverpool

    MPs voted to legalise assisted dying in England and Wales on June 20 after the third reading of the terminally ill adults (end of life) bill. The bill has been heavily contentious, both in terms of ethics and the technical aspects of the parliamentary process, with many feeling the legislation was rushed.

    This was the final vote in the House of Commons on the bill, which now moves to the House of Lords before becoming legislation.

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    The bill passed with 314 votes to 291 – a majority of 23. This was a smaller margin of victory than the previous occasion MPs voted on the legislation in October 2024, when a majority of 55 supported its passage. The question, therefore, is: “who switched?”

    Excluding the speaker, the SNP MPs, who typically do not vote on issues specific to England and Wales, Sinn Fein MPs, who cannot vote because they do not take their seats, and the new Reform MP for Runcorn and Helsby, Sarah Pochin, who replaced former Labour MP Mike Amesbury between the second and third reading of this bill, we are left with 632 MPs to study.

    Characteristic Overall (N = 632) Yes (N = 313) No (N = 292) Abstain (N = 27)
    Female 260 (100%) 136 (52%) 110 (42%) 14 (5.4%)
    Ethnic MP 90 (100%) 26 (29%) 59 (66%) 5 (5.6%)
    LGBT 70 (100%) 50 (71%) 19 (27%) 1 (1.4%)
    Elected As
    Labour 410 (100%) 229 (56%) 165 (40%) 16 (3.9%)
    Conservative 121 (100%) 20 (17%) 94 (78%) 7 (5.8%)
    Liberal Democrat 72 (100%) 55 (76%) 14 (19%) 3 (4.2%)
    Independent 6 (100%) 0 (0%) 6 (100%) 0 (0%)
    Democratic Unionist Party 5 (100%) 0 (0%) 5 (100%) 0 (0%)
    Reform UK 5 (100%) 1 (20%) 4 (80%) 0 (0%)
    Green Party 4 (100%) 4 (100%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)
    Plaid Cymru 4 (100%) 3 (75%) 1 (25%) 0 (0%)
    Social Democratic & Labour Party 2 (100%) 1 (50%) 0 (0%) 1 (50%)
    Alliance 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%)
    Traditional Unionist Voice 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%)
    Ulster Unionist Party 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%)
    MP Religious
    Not Religious 228 (100%) 173 (76%) 48 (21%) 7 (3.1%)
    Religious 404 (100%) 140 (35%) 244 (60%) 20 (5.0%)
    MP Religion
    None 228 (100%) 173 (76%) 48 (21%) 7 (3.1%)
    Christian 313 (100%) 117 (37%) 181 (58%) 15 (4.8%)
    Catholic 34 (100%) 7 (21%) 27 (79%) 0 (0%)
    Muslim 25 (100%) 2 (8.0%) 22 (88%) 1 (4.0%)
    Jewish 13 (100%) 7 (54%) 4 (31%) 2 (15%)
    Sikh 12 (100%) 6 (50%) 4 (33%) 2 (17%)
    Hindu 6 (100%) 1 (17%) 5 (83%) 0 (0%)
    Buddhist 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%)

    In total, 56 MPs changed position between the second and third reading. The no vote was stickier than the yes vote. Of those who voted no for the second reading, 97% did so in the third reading, and just one MP went from the no to the yes camp (Jack Abbott, the Labour MP for Ipswich).

    On the other hand, 14 MPs went from yes to no, and a further 15 went from yes to abstaining. Of the MPs who abstained for the second reading, ten later voted yes and ten voted no. This was not, however, enough for the bill to be blocked.

    How religion affected the vote

    It was [already clear](https://theconversation.com/assisted-dying-bill-religious-mps-were-more-likely-to-oppose-law-change-in-first-round-of-voting-256503](https://theconversation.com/assisted-dying-bill-religious-mps-were-more-likely-to-oppose-law-change-in-first-round-of-voting-256503) that support and opposition to the bill was linked to not only political party but religious outlook. And there is some evidence that religion played a role in motivating switchers.

    Apart from Labour, which broke 56% to 40% in favour of assisted dying, most other parties leant heavily in one direction or the other. This mirrors the divide along religion, where non-religious MPs were more likely to back the bill (76% to 21%) compared to religious MPs, who were half as likely to support it (35% to 60%).

    Religious Liberal Democrat and Labour MPs were more likely to support assisted suicide than religious MPs as a whole, whereas non-religious Conservatives were less likely to support it than non-religious MPs a whole.

    If we compare religious MPs to non-religious MPs, the former were more likely to switch to no (45% of religious MPs who switched did so to no, compared to 38% of non-religious MPs) than yes (18% against 25%). In both groups, 38% abstained in the third round.

    This pattern continues across parties too – all the Conservative MPs who changed position were religious (although more than 90% of the Conservative Party are religious, so we shouldn’t read too much into this).

    Among Labour MPs, who obviously make up the bulk of any parliamentary vote, there was a striking similarity in switching between religious and non-religious MPs. Of the switchers, 29% of Labour’s religious and non-religious MPs switched to yes, whilst 38% of religious and 36% of non-religious MPs switched to no.

    The effects of religion also play out within parties. Of the 11 MPs who switched to yes, seven were Labour Christian MPs, and the other four were non-religious Labour MPs.

    Two MPs elected under Reform’s banner – Lee Anderson and the now-independent Rupert Lowe – switched from yes to no, the former being non-religious and the latter a Christian. No Liberal Democrat MP switched to a yes vote, but the four who switched to no were religious – the one non-religious switcher abstained.

    Overall, it is clear that while religion is still important in structuring how MPs voted on assisted suicide, the role of party cannot be ignored – even in a free vote like on assisted dying.

    David Jeffery does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Assisted dying: 56 MPs switched their vote between rounds – here’s how religion affected their choices – https://theconversation.com/assisted-dying-56-mps-switched-their-vote-between-rounds-heres-how-religion-affected-their-choices-259589

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How might the US-Iran conflict escalate? Expert Q&A

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Scott Lucas, Professor of International Politics, Clinton Institute, University College Dublin

    On Sunday June 22, Donald Trump announced that several of Iran’s most important nuclear facilities had been “completely obliterated” and that the country’s nuclear weapons programme had been crippled. Iran denied this and vowed to retaliate. The Iranian parliament has already given approval to closing the strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway through which 20% of the world’s oil transits en route to customers all over the world.

    Initially the US government insisted that the objective was simply to halt Iran’s nuclear programme. But the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has said several times that he wanted to topple Iran’s theocratic regime. And the day after the US bombing raids, Donald Trump also began to talk of regime change in Iran.

    We asked Middle East expert Scott Lucas how the situation might develop.

    How might this now escalate?

    Iran’s leadership has no good military options, just as it has had limited capabilities in the nine days since Israel launched its missile strikes and targeted assassinations across the country. In theory, it could target US forces, with up to 40,000 in the region within range of missiles and drones. Iran-backed militias in Iraq could also attack US personnel on bases in the country.

    But the Biden administration showed that it would hit these back hard. When the militias in Iraq and the Assad regime’s Syria killed troops and a contractor, Washington pummelled the groups with airstrikes. Iran’s Quds Force, responsible for operations outside the Islamic Republic, told the militias to stop.

    Iran could target the US fleet in the Persian Gulf. It has also threatened to close the vital strait of Hormuz. But given that 20% of the world’s oil goes through the waterway, those operations would incur the wrath not only of Washington but of other countries. The Gulf states, whose support Tehran desperately wants and needs, would be angered.

    Iran’s allies in Yemen, the Houthi rebels, could renew their attacks on Red Sea shipping. They could fire drones and missiles, reprising their assault on Saudi oil facilities between 2019 and 2022. But the political and military cost of that retaliation would be high.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    Iranian hybrid attacks, through cyber-warfare and assassination plots, are also a possibility. But the US and other states have clamped down on those activities in recent years with toughened surveillance, enforcement and sanctions on Iran, making their achievement of results more difficult.

    So while Iran continues to launch a dwindling stock of missiles at Israel, I think that its strategy beyond that is political. Play the victim and try to encourage other states, including the Gulf countries and the Europeans, to distance themselves from the Trump administration.

    What does this tell us about the relationship between Trump and Netanyahu?

    Benjamin Netanyahu has played Trump to ensure the success of Israel’s war. It’s as simple as that. As recently as February 4, Trump came close to humiliating the Israeli prime minister when he visited Washington to ask for the administration’s support for strikes on Iran. As Netanyahu sat uncomfortably in the White House press briefing, Trump declared that the US was going to open negotiations with Iran over Tehran’s nuclear programme.

    Netanyahu told the Trump administration in mid-May that it was intending to go ahead with strikes on Iran, even without US approval. There was some manoeuvring over the next three weeks, as the US and Iran went through five sets of talks. But on June 8, Trump met his national security advisors at Camp David in Maryland, where the CIA director John Ratcliffe and chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, General Dan Caine, briefed him on the threat from Iran.

    The next day Netanyahu told Trump over the phone that Israel was going ahead with its attacks, which it launched four days later. The US duly cancelled the sixth set of peace talks in Oman. Now Trump, with the Orwellian cry of “NOW IS THE TIME FOR PEACE!”, has blown up those negotiations for the foreseeable future.



    Read more:
    Why are the US and Israel not on the same page over how to deal with Iran? Expert Q&A

    Where are Russia and China in all this?

    Both countries are watching closely and calculating their response. On May 22, Beijing condemned “a reckless escalation and a flagrant violation of international law”. But its response will largely be rhetorical, avoiding any military or even political entanglement. If the US deepens its involvement in Iran’s war, including with any further strikes, China will step up the rhetoric while seeking advantage from the instability. It will play the responsible power, pursuing peace and progress, in contrast to a destructive and unreliable Trump administration. That would be a certain diplomatic win for Beijing.

    Russia is in a trickier position because of its 40-month full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which has no end in sight. Iran has been an essential part of the military campaign, providing thousands of drones for Moscow’s daily attacks on military and civilian sites. As recently as April, the two countries signed a comprehensive strategic partnership agreement, pledging closer cooperation in trade, defence, energy, and regional infrastructure projects. Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araqchi has flown to Moscow for “serious consultations” with Russian “friends”, including Vladimir Putin.

    But Russia’s scope for intervention could be limited. Just before the US attacks the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, said he might mediate between Israel and Iran. Trump immediately slapped him down. And the Kremlin will not want to commit military resources to what might be a prolonged conflict, since it is already stretched – maybe overstretched – in Ukraine both on the battlefield and on the economic front.

    What will the Arab world be thinking?

    Perhaps the most important reaction to the strikes is coming from the Gulf states, in particularly Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar. Only a few weeks ago Trump was in the Gulf signing deals on trade and arms. But Gulf leaders are rattled by what might be an expanding, destructive conflict with the prospect of a power vacuum in Tehran.

    For months, they have manoeuvred against that instability in discussions with the Islamic Republic as well as with Washington. With its open-ended war in Gaza, Israel has already shattered the economic and political prospects of “normalisation” (establishing diplomatic relations and trade partnerships). Now the Gulf states are worried how far Israel and Iran will carry out their confrontation across the Middle East.

    There had been hints that they might come off the fence between flattering Trump and pushing back against Washington, and this now appears to have happened – to an extent anyway. Without naming the US, Saudi Arabia “condemned and denounced” the violation of Iran’s sovereignty. Qatar said the US strikes would have “catastrophic repercussions”. The UAE warned all parties to avoid those “serious” repercussions, and Oman went farther by criticising the breaking of international law.

    Trump ignored his own intelligence. So who is helping him game out this situation?

    That’s a great question with no clear answer. It is clear that it’s not the director of National Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, reportedly out of favour because she dared to publicise the assessment of US intelligence agencies that Iran is not pursuing a nuclear weapon. But with other cabinet members all proclaiming that this was Donald Trump’s “brilliant” plan, it is hard to see who led in pushing him away from negotiations and into the strikes.

    The defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, is little more than a hyperactive cheerleader. Secretary of State Marco Rubio is balancing between promoting the strikes and urging Iran to return to negotiations. The US vice-president, J.D. Vance, was central last week in efforts to persuade Republican legislators to back the strikes, amid the split in the Trumpist bloc over attacks.

    In the end, much of the impetus for this comes from Israel. Netanyahu has been careful to lavish praise on the US president for his “bold decision”, which he said would “change history”. With encouragement from a roll call of his Republican party admirers, Trump appears to have eagerly taken this up as his “victory”, claiming to have achieved “peace through strength”.

    Scott Lucas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How might the US-Iran conflict escalate? Expert Q&A – https://theconversation.com/how-might-the-us-iran-conflict-escalate-expert-qanda-259514

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Here’s why the public needs to challenge the ‘good AI’ myth pushed by tech companies

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, Professor in Global Thought and Comparative Philosophies, Director of Centre for AI Futures, SOAS, University of London

    While there’s been much negative discussion about AI, including on the possibility that it will take over the world, the public is also being bombarded with positive messages about the technology, and what it can do.

    This “good AI” myth is a key tool used by tech companies to promote their products. Yet there’s evidence that consumers are wary of the presence of AI in some products. This means that positive promotion of AI may be putting unwanted pressure on people to accept the use of AI in their lives.

    AI is becoming so ubiquitous that people may be losing their ability to say no to using it. It’s in smartphones, smart TVs, smart speakers like Alexa and virtual assistants like Siri. We’re constantly told that our privacy will be protected. But with the personal nature of the data that AI has access to in these devices, can we afford to trust such assurances?

    Some politicians also propagate the “good AI” promise with immense conviction, mirroring the messages coming from tech companies.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    My current research is partly explained in a new book called the The Myth of Good AI. This research shows that the data feeding our AI systems is biased, as it often over-represents privileged sections of the population and mainstream attitudes.

    This means that any AI products that don’t include data from marginalised people, or minorities, might discriminate against them. This explains why AI systems continue to be riddled with racism, ageism and various forms of gender discrimination, for instance.

    The speed with which this technology is impinging on our everyday life, makes it very hard to properly assess the consequences. And an approach to AI that is more critical of how it works does not make for good marketing for the tech companies.

    Power structures

    Positive ideas about AI and its abilities are currently dominating all aspects of AI innovation. This is partly determined by state interests and by the profit margins of the tech companies.

    These are tied into the power structures held up by tech multi-billionaires, and, in some places, their influence on governments. The relationship between Donald Trump and Elon Musk, despite its recent souring, is a vivid manifestation of this.

    And so, the public is at the receiving end of a distinctly hierarchical top-down system, from the big tech companies and their governmental enablers to users. In this way, we are made to consume, with little to no influence over how the technology is used. This positive AI ideology is therefore primarily about money and power.

    As it stands, there is no global movement with a unifying manifesto that would bring together societies to leverage AI for the benefit of communities of people, or to safeguard our right to privacy. This “right to be left alone”, codified in the US constitution and international human rights law, is a central pillar of my argument. It is also something that is almost entirely absent from the assurances about AI made by the big tech companies.

    Yet, some of the risks of the technology are already evident. A database compiling cases in which lawyers around the world used AI, identified 157 cases in which false AI-generated information – so called hallucinations – skewed legal rulings.

    Some forms of AI can also be manipulated to blackmail and extort, or create blueprints for murder and terrorism.

    Tech companies need to programme the algorithms with data that represents everyone, not just the privileged, in order to reduce discrimination. In this way, the public are not forced to give into the consensus that AI will solve many of our problems, without proper supervision by society. This distinction between the ability to think creatively, ethically and intuitively may be the most fundamental faultline between human and machine.

    It’s up to ordinary people to question the good AI myth. A critical approach to AI should contribute to the creation of more socially relevant and responsible technology, a technology that is already trialled in torture scenarios, as the book discusses, too.

    The point at which AI systems would outdo us in every task is expected to be a decade or so away. In the meantime there needs to be resistance to this attack on our right to privacy, and more awareness of just how AI works.

    Arshin Adib-Moghaddam does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Here’s why the public needs to challenge the ‘good AI’ myth pushed by tech companies – https://theconversation.com/heres-why-the-public-needs-to-challenge-the-good-ai-myth-pushed-by-tech-companies-259200

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: AI is consuming more power than the grid can handle — nuclear might be the answer

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Goran Calic, Associate Profesor of Strategy and Entrepreneurship Leadership Chair, McMaster University

    New partnerships are forming between tech companies and power operators — ones that could reshape decades of misconceptions about nuclear energy.

    Last year, Meta (Facebook’s parent company) put out a call for nuclear proposals, Google agreed to buy new nuclear reactors from Kairos Power, Amazon partnered with Energy Northwest and Dominion Energy to develop nuclear energy and Microsoft committed to a 20-year deal to restart Unit 1 of the Three Mile Island nuclear plant.

    At the centre of these partnerships is artificial intelligence’s voracious appetite for electricity. One Google search uses about as much electricity as turning on a household light for 17 seconds. Asking a Generative AI model like ChatGPT a single question is equivalent to leaving that light on for 20 minutes.



    Read more:
    AI is bad for the environment, and the problem is bigger than energy consumption

    Having GenAI generate an image can draw about 6,250 times more electricity, roughly the energy of fully charging a smartphone, or enough to keep the same light bulb on for 87 consecutive days.

    The hundreds of millions of people now using AI have effectively added the equivalent of millions of new homes to the power grid. And demand is only growing. The challenge for tech companies is that few sources of electricity are well-suited to AI.

    The grid wasn’t ready for AI

    AI requires vast amounts of computational power running around the clock, often housed in energy-intensive data centres.

    Renewable energy sources such as solar and wind provide intermittent energy, meaning they don’t guarantee the constant power supply these data centres require. These centres must be online 24/7, even when the sun isn’t shining and the wind isn’t blowing.

    Fossil fuels can run continuously, but they carry their own risks. They have significant environmental impacts. Fuel prices can be unpredictable, as exemplified by the gas price spikes due to the war in Ukraine, and the long-term availability of fossil fuels is uncertain.

    Major tech companies like Google, Amazon and Microsoft say they are committed to eliminating CO2 emissions, making fossil fuels a poor long-term fit for them.

    This has pushed nuclear energy back into the conversation. Nuclear energy is a good fit because it provides electricity around the clock, maximizing the use of expensive data centres. It’s also clean, allowing tech companies to meet their low CO2 commitments. Lastly, nuclear energy has very low fuel costs, which allows tech companies to plan their costs far into the future.

    However, nuclear energy has its own set of problems that have historically been hard to solve — problems that tech companies may now be uniquely positioned to overcome.

    Is nuclear energy making a comeback?

    Nuclear power has long been considered too costly and too slow to build. The estimated cost of a 1.1 gigawatt nuclear power facility is about US$7.77 billion, but can run higher. The recently completed Vogtle Units 3 and 4 in the state of Georgia, for example, cost US$36.8 billion combined.

    Historically, nuclear energy projects have been hard to justify because of their high upfront costs. Like solar and wind power, nuclear energy has relatively low operating costs once a plant is up and running. The key difference is scale: unlike solar panels, which can be installed on individual rooftops, the kind of nuclear reactors tech companies require can’t be built small.

    Yet this cost is now more palatable when compared to the expense of AI data centres, which are both more costly and entirely useless without electricity. The first phase of OpenAI and SoftBank’s Stargate AI project will cost US$100 billion and could be entirely powered by a single nuclear plant.

    Nuclear power plants also take a long time to build. A 1.1 gigawatt reactor takes, on average, 7.5 years in the U.S. and 6.3 years globally. Projects with such long timelines require confidence in long-term electricity demand, something traditional utilities struggle to predict.

    To solve the problem of long-range forecasting, tech companies are incentivizing power providers by guaranteeing they’ll purchase electricity far into the future.

    These companies are also literally and financially moving closer to nuclear power, either by acquiring nuclear energy companies or locating their data centres next to nuclear power plants.

    Destigmatizing nuclear energy

    One of the biggest challenges facing nuclear energy is the perception that it’s dangerous and dirty. Per gigawatt-hour of electricity, nuclear produces only six tonnes of CO2. In comparison, coal produces 970, natural gas 720 and hydropower 24. Nuclear even has lower emissions than wind and solar, which produce 11 and 53 tonnes of CO2, respectively.

    Nuclear energy is also among the safest energy sources. Per gigawatt-hour, it causes 820 times fewer deaths than coal, 43 times fewer than hydropower and roughly the same as wind and solar.

    Still, nuclear energy remains stigmatized, largely because of persistent misconceptions and outdated beliefs about nuclear waste and disasters. For instance, while many public concerns remain about nuclear waste, existing storage solutions have been used safely for decades and are supported by a strong track record and scientific consensus.

    Similarly, while the Fukushima disaster in Japan displaced thousands of people and was extremely costly (total costs of the disaster are expected at about US$188 billion), not a single person died of radiation exposure after the accident, a United Nations Scientific Committee of 80 international experts found.



    Read more:
    With nuclear power on the rise, reducing conspiracies and increasing public education is key

    For decades, there was little effort to correct public perceptions about nuclear fears because it wasn’t seen as necessary or profitable. Coal, gas and renewables were sufficient to meet the demand required of them. But that’s now changing.

    With AI’s energy needs soaring, Big Tech has classified nuclear energy as green and the World Bank has agreed to lift its longstanding ban on financing nuclear projects.

    Big Tech’s billion-dollar bet on nuclear

    The world has long lived with two nuclear dilemmas. The first is that, despite being one the safest and cleanest form of energy, nuclear was perceived as one the most dangerous and dirtiest.

    The second is that upgrading the power grid requires large-scale investments, yet money had been funnelled into small, distributed sources like solar and wind, or dirty ones like coal and natural gas.

    Now tech companies are making hundred-billion-dollar strategic bets that they can solve both nuclear dilemmas. They are betting that nuclear can offer the kind of steady, clean power their AI ambitions require.

    This could be an unexpected positive consequence of AI: the revitalization of one of the safest and cleanest energy sources available to humankind.

    Michael Tadrous, an undergraduate student and research assistant at the DeGroote School of Business at McMaster University, co-authored this article.

    Goran Calic does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. AI is consuming more power than the grid can handle — nuclear might be the answer – https://theconversation.com/ai-is-consuming-more-power-than-the-grid-can-handle-nuclear-might-be-the-answer-258677

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Which African countries are flourishing? Scientists have a new way of measuring well-being

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Victor Counted, Associate Professor of Psychology, Regent University

    What does it mean to live a good life? Psychologists and social scientists have been focusing on a new idea called flourishing – a sense of well-being that goes beyond just happiness or success. It’s about your whole life being good, including how you interact with other people and your community. So then, how do Africans fare when it comes to flourishing?

    Victor Counted is a psychological scientist whose research across 40 African countries offers a data-rich rethinking of flourishing on the continent. His findings challenge the dominant narrative that Africa is “lagging behind” in development by showing a more nuanced picture of what it means to live a good life. We asked him more.

    What is flourishing?

    Flourishing is more than economic growth or individual happiness. It’s a multidimensional state of being that reflects how people feel about their lives and how well their lives are actually going. So it also measures people’s values within their community.

    The idea of well-being often carries a Eurocentric emphasis on the individual – personal satisfaction, autonomy, achievement. Flourishing accounts for how whole a person is in relation to their environment.

    It includes the social, spiritual and ecological contexts in which one lives. So, it’s not just about how one feels, but how one lives – fully, meaningfully and in a satisfying relationship with the world around us.

    What’s the Global Flourishing Study?

    The Global Flourishing Study tries to measure global patterns of human flourishing. It’s an ongoing five-year longitudinal study in over 200,000 participants across 22 countries.

    I was one of the team of global scholars brought together to examine the trends on what it means to live well across cultures and life circumstances.



    Read more:
    What makes people flourish? A new survey of more than 200,000 people across 22 countries looks for global patterns and local differences

    The study identifies six key dimensions of flourishing:

    • Happiness and life satisfaction
    • Mental and physical health
    • Meaning and purpose
    • Character and virtue
    • Close social relationships
    • Financial and material stability

    Participants rate how they’re doing in each of these areas on a scale from 0 to 10. Further questions capture experiences related to trust, loneliness, hope, resilience, and other related well-being variables.


    CC BY-ND

    Of the 22 nations, five were African: Nigeria, Kenya, South Africa, Tanzania and Egypt.

    While these countries didn’t top the global rankings (Indonesia and Mexico did), Nigeria, Kenya and Egypt all reported relatively high flourishing scores, especially when well-being was considered apart from financial status.

    Nigeria, for example, ranked 5th globally in flourishing scores that excluded financial indicators – ahead of many wealthier nations. Nigerians indicated strengths in social relationships, character and virtues (like forgiveness or helping others). But potential areas of growth included financial well-being, housing, ethnic discrimination and education.

    Overall, this suggests that while material resources matter, they’re not the only thing that determines well-being. Kenya ranked 7th, Egypt 10th, Tanzania 11th and South Africa 13th. Each showed unique strengths in areas like meaning, social connection or mental health.

    You did a separate study on flourishing in Africa. What did you find?

    In a 2024 study we analysed data from the Gallup World Poll (2020–2022) to explore 38 indicators of well-being across 40 African countries.

    This study offered a more detailed and culture-sensitive picture of how Africans experience and prioritise flourishing. The dimensions explored were derived from both local and universal sources, allowing for regionally relevant insights.

    We found that African populations often score high in meaning, character and social relationships – despite economic hardship. This offers an important corrective to western assumptions about well-being.

    Some of our key findings were:

    ● There is significant diversity between and within African countries. Mauritius consistently ranked highest in life evaluations (overall satisfaction with their lives), while countries like Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe scored lowest.

    ● East African countries such as Rwanda and Ethiopia showed strong performance in social well-being indicators (like feeling respected or learning new things daily) even when economic indicators were low.

    ● Countries in West Africa, such as Senegal and Ghana, scored high in emotional well-being, with many people reporting positive daily emotions like enjoyment and laughter.

    ● Southern African nations, despite challenges like income inequality, displayed resilience through strong community ties and cultural practices rooted in the philosophy of ubuntu.

    The results reinforced that flourishing in Africa cannot only be reduced to gross domestic product (GDP) per capita (a measure of the average economic output per person in a country) – nor to western norms of success.

    What can African countries focus on to flourish?

    In my view, the path to greater flourishing lies in embracing local knowledge and investing in culturally relevant development priorities. Instead of following western pathways – centred on individual advancement – Africa can model alternative flourishing pathways that reflect what matters most to African people.

    1. Prioritise local knowledge systems

    African ideas about a connected society – like ubuntu (southern Africa), ujamaa (east Africa), teranga or wazobia (west Africa), and al-musawat wal tarahum (north Africa) teach people to care for each other and live in peace. These values help people live meaningful lives and can inform leadership and legislation.

    2. Redefine development metrics

    Western development models focus on individual achievement, economic output and material consumption. GDP per capita fails to capture the everyday realities and aspirations of African communities. We should also measure things like how happy people are, how hopeful they feel about the future, how strong and resilient their communities are, and how clean, safe and dignifying their living environments are.

    This is not a new idea – for years development scholars have called for a shift away from narrow economic indicators toward a focus on human dignity, agency, and the real opportunities people have to pursue the lives they value. What’s new is the growing availability of data and the momentum to take these alternative metrics seriously in shaping national policies and priorities.

    3. Invest in education for character development

    Quality education is essential to unlocking the continent’s potential to flourish. But Africa needs more than just academic skills and workforce readiness – it needs a strategy for intentional development of values and habits that shape how a person thinks, feels, and acts with integrity.

    Part of the problem lies in how the humanities – fields like history, literature, philosophy, and religious studies – are often undervalued or underfunded in education systems. But it is precisely these disciplines that nurture moral imagination, critical reflection, and civic responsibility. We need educational models that form not just workers, but whole persons – people who can think ethically, act responsibly, and lead with character in their communities.



    Read more:
    What makes a person seem wise? Global study finds that cultures do differ – but not as much as you’d think

    What does Africa offer the world in terms of flourishing?

    Africa is not waiting to be saved. Across the continent, people are building communities of care, cultivating joy amid hardship, and passing on values of unity, faith, and compassion. This is what development looks like when rooted in human dignity.

    Africa flourishing goals offer an alternative vision for development – one that starts with what Africa already has, not what it lacks. These are locally emic aspirations for well-being. They are shaped by Africa’s indigenous knowledge systems, cultural values, and religious/spiritual traditions. Pursuing these goals means prioritising wholeness over wealth, community over consumption, and resilience over rescue.

    The continent has so much to offer the world: wisdom, strong community values, and ways of staying resilient and living fully even in hard times. But many of these local insights are missing in the global science of well-being.

    Victor Counted consults for Africa Flourishing Initiative

    – ref. Which African countries are flourishing? Scientists have a new way of measuring well-being – https://theconversation.com/which-african-countries-are-flourishing-scientists-have-a-new-way-of-measuring-well-being-257458

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Iran is considering closing the strait of Hormuz – why this would be a major escalation

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Basil Germond, Professor of International Security, Department of Politics, Philosophy and Religion, Lancaster University

    Faced with the prospect of continuing Israeli airstrikes and further American involvement, Iran’s parliament has reportedly approved plans to close the strait of Hormuz.

    This is potentially a very dangerous moment. The strait of Hormuz is an important shipping lane through which 20% of the world’s oil transits – about 20 million barrels each day.

    The waterway connects the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. Iran can either disrupt maritime traffic or attempt to “close” the strait altogether. These are distinctly different approaches with different risks and outcomes.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The first option is to try and disrupt maritime traffic like Yemen’s Houthi rebels have been doing in the Red Sea since winter 2024. This can be done by attacking passing ships with rockets and drones.

    There are already reports that Iran has started to jam GPS signals in the strait, which has the potential to severely interfere with passing ships, according to US-based maritime analyst Windward.

    Disruption of this kind is likely to deter shipping companies from using this route for fear of casualties and loss of cargo. Shipping companies that want to avoid the Red Sea can always use alternative shipping lanes, such as the Cape of Good Hope route. As inconvenient as that is, there is no such option in the case of the Gulf.

    As we’ve seen with Houthis’ attacks, such disruptions have impacts on oil price, but also ripple effects on stock markets and inflation. Although the US and its western allies can absorb these economic effects – certainly for a while – disrupting the strait would still demonstrate that Tehran has some leverage.

    The credibility factor

    The second option – “closing” the strait would involve interdicting all maritime traffic. This is akin to a blockade. And for it to work, as we have seen in the Black Sea with Russia’s failed attempt at blockading Ukraine, a blockade must be credible enough to deter all traffic.

    Iran has a number of ways to block the strait. It could deploy mines in the waters around the choke point and sink vessels to create obstacles. Iran would also likely use its navy, including submarines, to engage those attempting to break the blockade; use electronic and cyber attacks to disrupt navigation; and threaten civilian traffic and regional ports and oil infrastructure with drones and rockets.

    It’s worth noting that Iran still has plenty of short-range rockets. Israel claims to have destroyed much of its longer range ballistic-missile capability, but it is understood that the country still has a stockpile of short-range missiles that could be effective in targeting ships and infrastructure in the Gulf as well as US bases in the region.

    Recent events have shown up Iran as a bit of a paper tiger. It has made bold claims about its plan to retaliate and the military strength it has to do so. Yet with almost no air power capabilities (apart from drones and missiles) and limited naval power – and with its proxies either defeated or on the back foot – Iran is no longer in a position to project power in the region.

    Iran’s response to the current Israeli attacks have not managed to inflict any major damage or achieve any strategic or political objectives. It’s hard to see a change on the battlefield as things stand.

    Vital waterway: 20% of the world’s oil transts through the Strait of Hormuz.
    w:en:Kleptosquirrel/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    For this reason, Tehran’s best option is to target the strait of Hormuz, which has the potential to cause a significant spike in oil prices, leading to a major disruption of the global economy.

    Short of being able to rival the US or Israel on the battlefield, Iran might decide to use asymmetrical means of disruption (in particular missile and drone attacks on civilian shipping) to affect the global economy. Closing or disrupting the strait would be an effective way of doing that.

    A blockade, even a partial one, would offer Tehran some options on the diplomatic scene. For instance, it has been reported that the US asked China to convince Iran not to close the strait. This demonstrates that Tehran can use the threat of a blockade to its advantage on the diplomatic front. But for this to work, the blockade needs to be effective and thus sustained.

    What would be the effect of a blocking the Strait?

    Disrupting traffic in the strait could drag Gulf states – Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and Qatar – into the conflict, since their interests will be directly affected. It’s important to consider how they might respond and whether this will drive them closer to the US – and even Israel, as was already happening with the Abraham Accords and the tentative, but shaky, rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Israel.



    Read more:
    US joins Israel in attack on Iran and ushers in a new era of impunity

    These are all things Iran would have factored into its calculations a year ago when Israel was targeting its proxies, including Hezollah, Hamas and the various Shia militias it funds in Iraq and elsewhere. But now, given that it has suffered an enormous military setback, which has hurt the regime’s prestige and credibility – including, importantly, at home – Tehran is more likely to downplay these risks. I would expect it to proceed with its blockade plans.

    Even if China voices concerns, like it did regarding the Houthis’ attacks, this is unlikely to change the decision. The regime is cornered. If the leaders believe they could be toppled, they are likely to consider the risks worth taking, particularly if they feel it could give them diplomatic leverage.

    The US has enough naval and air power to disrupt such a blockade. It can preemptively destroy Iran’s mine-laying forces. It can also target missile launch sites inland and respond to threats as and when they arise.

    This is likely to prevent Iran from completely closing the strait. But it won’t prevent the Islamic republic from disrupting maritime trade enough to have serious effects on the world economy. This might well be one of the last cards the regime has to play, both on the battlefield and in the diplomatic arena.

    Basil Germond does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Iran is considering closing the strait of Hormuz – why this would be a major escalation – https://theconversation.com/iran-is-considering-closing-the-strait-of-hormuz-why-this-would-be-a-major-escalation-259562

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: NZ Greens call on state to condemn US over ‘dangerous’ attack on Iran

    Asia Pacific Report

    New Zealand’s opposition Green Party has called on the government to condemn the United States for its illegal bombing of Iran and inflaming tensions across the Middle East.

    “The actions of the United States pose a fundamental threat to world peace,” said Green Party co-leader Marama Davidson in a statement.

    “The rest of the world — including New Zealand– must take a stand and make it clear that this dangerous escalation is unacceptable.

    “We are calling on the New Zealand government to condemn the United States for its attack on Iran. This attack is a blatant breach of international law and yet another unjustified assault on the Middle East from the US.”

    Davidson said the country had seen this with the US war on Iraq in 2003, and it was happening again with Sunday’s attack on Iran.

    “We are at risk of a violent history repeating itself,” she said.

    “[Prime Minister] Christopher Luxon needs to condemn this escalation from the US and rule out any participation in this conflict, or any of the elements of the AUKUS pact.

    Independent foreign policy
    “New Zealand must maintain its independent foreign policy position and keep its distance from countries that are actively fanning the flames of war.”

    Davidson said New Zealand had a long and proud history of standing up for human rights on the world stage.

    “When we stand strong and with other countries in calling for peace, we can make a difference. We cannot afford to be a bystander to the atrocities unfolding in front of our eyes.”

    It was time for the New Zealand government to step up.

    “It has failed to sanction Israel for its illegal and violent occupation of Palestine, and we risk burning all international credibility by failing to speak out against what the United States has just done.”

    Meanwhile, Prime Minister Luxon said New Zealand wanted to see a peaceful stable and secure Middle East, but more military action was not the answer, reports RNZ News.

    The UN Security Council met in emergency session today to discuss the US attack on the three key nuclear facilities.

    UN Secretary-General António Guterres said the US bombing marked a “perilous turn” in a region already reeling.

    Iran called on the 15-member body to condemn what it called a “blatant and unlawful act of aggression”.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: NZ Greens call on state to condemn US over ‘dangerous’ attack on Iran

    Asia Pacific Report

    New Zealand’s opposition Green Party has called on the government to condemn the United States for its illegal bombing of Iran and inflaming tensions across the Middle East.

    “The actions of the United States pose a fundamental threat to world peace,” said Green Party co-leader Marama Davidson in a statement.

    “The rest of the world — including New Zealand– must take a stand and make it clear that this dangerous escalation is unacceptable.

    “We are calling on the New Zealand government to condemn the United States for its attack on Iran. This attack is a blatant breach of international law and yet another unjustified assault on the Middle East from the US.”

    Davidson said the country had seen this with the US war on Iraq in 2003, and it was happening again with Sunday’s attack on Iran.

    “We are at risk of a violent history repeating itself,” she said.

    “[Prime Minister] Christopher Luxon needs to condemn this escalation from the US and rule out any participation in this conflict, or any of the elements of the AUKUS pact.

    Independent foreign policy
    “New Zealand must maintain its independent foreign policy position and keep its distance from countries that are actively fanning the flames of war.”

    Davidson said New Zealand had a long and proud history of standing up for human rights on the world stage.

    “When we stand strong and with other countries in calling for peace, we can make a difference. We cannot afford to be a bystander to the atrocities unfolding in front of our eyes.”

    It was time for the New Zealand government to step up.

    “It has failed to sanction Israel for its illegal and violent occupation of Palestine, and we risk burning all international credibility by failing to speak out against what the United States has just done.”

    Meanwhile, Prime Minister Luxon said New Zealand wanted to see a peaceful stable and secure Middle East, but more military action was not the answer, reports RNZ News.

    The UN Security Council met in emergency session today to discuss the US attack on the three key nuclear facilities.

    UN Secretary-General António Guterres said the US bombing marked a “perilous turn” in a region already reeling.

    Iran called on the 15-member body to condemn what it called a “blatant and unlawful act of aggression”.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Embarrassed? Why this feeling might actually be good for you

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Laura Elin Pigott, Senior Lecturer in Neurosciences and Neurorehabilitation, Course Leader in the College of Health and Life Sciences, London South Bank University

    Embarrassment is generated by a network of different brain regions working together. Kues/ Shutterstock

    Picture this: it’s your first day at a new job. You’re about to introduce yourself to a large group of people you’ll be working with – and promptly fall flat on your face. Not exactly the entrance you had in mind.

    We’ve all cringed at moments like these — whether they happen to us or to others. That instant, full-body wince, and the shared, silent relief that it didn’t happen to you.

    Embarrassment is a universal, visceral and oddly contagious emotion. It’s what psychologists call a self-conscious emotion. This means it hinges on our awareness of ourselves through others’ eyes.

    Unlike shame or guilt, embarrassment isn’t usually moral — it’s about looking awkward or inept. Context matters too. We feel more embarrassed in front of people whose opinions we value or who hold power.

    Yet while embarrassment may feel uncomfortable, it actually has surprising social and psychological benefits.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Empathy and social connection

    Evolutionary psychologists believe embarrassment developed as a social corrective – a way to acknowledge mistakes, signal remorse and reduce conflict within groups.
    This instinct probably helped our ancestors stay in the group, which was critical for survival. People who showed embarrassment were seen as more trustworthy and cooperative.

    In this way, embarrassment can invite empathy and forgiveness, strengthening relationships. It signals that we care what others think, promoting approachability and emotional closeness. So, while it’s uncomfortable in the moment, embarrassment probably evolved to keep communities cohesive.

    Embarrassment is also contagious. Most of us have cringed on someone else’s behalf. This shows how deeply tuned our social brains are. We empathise with others’ awkwardness, often rushing to reassure them. This empathy helps preserve harmony and can also help us build connection with others.

    Embarrassment signals remorse and can invite empathy from others.
    fizkes/Shutterstock

    Trust and virtue

    Visible signs of embarrassment – such as blushing or stumbling over words – are often seen as signs of honesty and generosity. One study found that people who show embarrassment are judged to be more trustworthy and sociable.

    Blushing may have evolved on purpose to be a visible, honest signal of humility that others instinctively trust. Experiments even show we’re more likely to forgive someone who looks embarrassed than someone who acts indifferent.

    Learning social norms

    Forgetting you’re not on mute in a Zoom meeting, sending a message to the wrong group chat or realising your shirt’s inside out after an important meeting. These moments may be minor, but our brains still process them as social threats – albeit small ones.

    In this way, embarrassment helps us adhere to social norms and expectations – many of which are unwritten and only discovered once we’ve flubbed them by mistake. Embarrassment acts as an internal guide, helping us remember social missteps and encouraging us to conform to shared expectations – not out of shame, but because it feels right. It also nudges us whenever we stray near the edges of what’s socially comfortable, helping us course-correct swiftly.

    The way we react to an embarrassing situation is also important in helping us learn from our experiences. Many of us laugh nervously when embarrassed. This effectively reframes the incident from threatening to harmlessly amusing in our minds.

    Humility and authenticity

    Embarrassment keeps egos in check, signals emotional intelligence and makes us more relatable. In a curated world, an awkward moment can humanise us and build credibility.

    However, while moderate embarrassment is healthy and constructive, excessive fear of it can become harmful – crossing into social anxiety.

    Your brain on embarrassment

    Embarrassment isn’t generated by a single “embarrassment centre” in the brain. Rather, it’s generated by a network of different brain regions working together.

    The medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) is a region in the front of the brain that’s active during self-reflection and when thinking about how others perceive us. It’s also involved in storing social memories – which is why an embarrassing memory, even from years ago, can still make you cringe when it pops into your head.

    The anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) is the reason you blush, your heart pounds and you feel sweaty when you’re deeply embarrassed. The ACC activates your “fight or flight” reaction. When the ACC fires up, it also helps us adjust our behaviour – aiding in impulse control and helping us learn from the mistake so we don’t do it again.

    The amygdala is the brain’s emotional alarm bell. When we get embarrassed, the amygdala registers the emotional intensity of the situation – especially the fear of being seen negatively.

    People with social anxiety show an imbalance between the mPFC and amygdala. Their mPFC is underactive (so they’re less able to rationalise others’ perspectives), while their amygdala is overactive (causing excessive fear signals). This combination makes it hard for them to accurately gauge social situations, often interpreting them as more threatening and embarrassing than they really are.

    Finally, the insula, a region located deep in the brain, helps us tune into our emotions and bodily states. This creates that gut-level discomfort we feel during embarrassing moments. All these regions work in concert during an embarrassing moment.

    Embarrassment is uncomfortable, yes – but it’s also a reminder that we care about others and want to belong. It’s part of what makes us human. So the next time you experience an embarrassing moment, try to laugh it off and remember that the moment is helping us to learn and connect.

    Laura Elin Pigott does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Embarrassed? Why this feeling might actually be good for you – https://theconversation.com/embarrassed-why-this-feeling-might-actually-be-good-for-you-259094

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why social media injury recovery videos could do more harm than help

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Craig Gwynne, Senior Lecturer in Podiatry, Cardiff Metropolitan University

    Studio Romantic/Shutterstock

    When Kim Kardashian glided into the launch party of her NYC SKIMS boutique on a knee scooter, a mobility aid for people with lower leg injuries – stiletto on one foot, designer cast on the other – she wasn’t just managing an injury. She was creating content.

    And she’s far from alone.

    In 2024, rapper Kid Cudi turned his own broken foot into a viral storyline, posting updates of himself on crutches and in a surgical boot after a mishap at the Coachella festival in California. These high profile injuries don’t just invite sympathy; they generate style points, followers and millions of views.

    But as injury recovery morphs into online entertainment, it raises an important question: is this trend helping people heal or encouraging risky behaviour that can delay recovery?

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    Open any social media feed and you’ll likely stumble across videos of people hobbling through supermarkets, dancing on crutches, or sweating through workouts in a medical boot. Hashtags like #BrokenFootClub and #InjuryRecovery have spawned thriving online communities where users share advice, frustrations and recovery milestones. For many, rehab has become a public performance, complete with triumphant comeback narratives.

    And it’s not just celebrities. All sorts of people are turning their injuries, from hiking sprains to post-surgery recoveries, into digital diaries. Some offer helpful tips or emotional support, while others focus on fast-tracked progress, sometimes glossing over the slower, necessary steps that true healing demands.

    A broken foot used to mean rest. Now it can mean millions of views.

    Watching others navigate recovery can be deeply reassuring. Seeing someone joke about wobbling to the bathroom or demonstrate how to climb stairs with crutches can ease the loneliness that often comes with injury.

    And some creators are genuinely getting it right. Increasing numbers of healthcare professionals, from orthopaedic surgeons to physiotherapists and podiatrists, now use social media platforms such as TikTok and Instagram to share safe exercises, realistic timelines and expert tips on navigating recovery. For people who struggle to access in-person care, this clinically sound content can be a lifeline.

    But not all content is created equal – and some can do more harm than good.

    When rest gets rebranded

    But on social media, rest isn’t always part of the narrative. The most viewed recovery videos often aren’t posted by healthcare professionals but by influencers eager to showcase rapid progress. Some discard crutches too soon, hop unaided, or attempt high-impact exercises while their bodies are still vulnerable – all for the sake of engagement.

    What’s often missing is the unglamorous reality: swelling, setbacks, rest and the slow, sometimes frustrating, pace of real healing. Bones, tendons and ligaments aren’t impressed by likes or follower counts. Healing requires time and carefully structured loading: a gradual, deliberate increase in weight bearing and movement to rebuild strength without risking re-injury.

    Ignoring this process can lead to delayed healing, chronic pain, re-injury, or even long term joint and muscle complications that can affect the knees, hips, or back.

    And this isn’t just speculation. A 2025 study examining TikTok content on acute knee injuries found that most videos were produced by non-experts and often contained incomplete or inaccurate information. Researchers warned that this misinformation may not only distort patient expectations but also lead to decisions that hinder proper recovery. Similar trends were found in anterior cruciate ligament knee injury videos, where dangerous, non-evidence based practices were widely promoted to millions of viewers.

    Healthcare professionals are now seeing the ripple effects firsthand. Many physiotherapists and podiatrists report a growing number of patients arriving with unrealistic expectations shaped by social media, rather than medical advice. Some patients feel frustrated when their recovery doesn’t match the rapid progress they see online. Others attempt risky exercises before their bodies are ready, setting themselves back.

    A 2025 study examining TikTok content on acute knee injuries found that most videos were produced by non-experts and often contained incomplete or inaccurate information. Researchers warned that this misinformation may not only distort patient expectations but also lead to decisions that hinder proper recovery.

    The World Health Organization has also flagged the dangers of online health misinformation. When social media shortcuts replace professional care, patients risk not only slower recovery but potentially more complex medical problems, while clinicians are left managing the aftermath.

    Recovery isn’t a race

    While supportive online communities can be a valuable source of comfort, the pressure to “bounce back” quickly can be dangerous. Viral videos and celebrity recoveries can create a toxic sense of comparison, tempting people to rush their own healing process.

    Research shows that the psychological drive to return to activity, particularly among younger adults, can reduce rehab compliance and sharply increase the risk of re-injury. True recovery isn’t governed by trending hashtags; it follows a personal, biologically determined timeline that requires patience, rest, and carefully structured rehabilitation.

    Seeing stars like Kim Kardashian with a designer cast might make injury look fashionable. But for most people, a broken foot is not glamorous; it’s weeks of awkward movement, discomfort, adaptation and quiet, steady healing.

    Mobility content can inspire, motivate, and connect – but it’s not a road map for your own recovery. If you’re injured, approach online content with curiosity, not comparison. Learn from others, but listen to your body. Healing is personal. Your recovery won’t be dictated by views, likes, or viral trends – it will unfold on your body’s own timetable.

    Craig Gwynne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why social media injury recovery videos could do more harm than help – https://theconversation.com/why-social-media-injury-recovery-videos-could-do-more-harm-than-help-258533

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Where did the wonder go – and can AI help us find it?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucy Gill-Simmen, Vice Dean for Education & Student Experience, Royal Holloway University of London

    French philosopher René Descartes crowned human reason in 1637 as the foundation of existence: Cogito, ergo sum – I think, therefore I am. For centuries, our capacity to doubt, question and think has been both our compass and our identity. But what does that mean in an age where machines can “think”, generate ideas, write novels, compose symphonies and, increasingly, make decisions?

    Artificial intelligence (AI) has brought a new kind of certainty, one that is quick, data-driven and at times frighteningly precise, at times alarmingly wrong. From Google’s Gemini to OpenAI’s ChatGPT, we live in a world where answers can arrive before the question is even finished. AI has the potential to change not just how we work, but how we think. As our digital tools become more capable, we may well be justified in asking: where did the wonder go?

    We have become increasingly accustomed to optimisation. From using apps to schedule our days to improving how companies hire staff through AI-powered recruitment tools, technology has delivered on its promise of speed and efficiency.

    This article is part of our State of the Arts series. These articles tackle the challenges of the arts and heritage industry – and celebrate the wins, too.

    In education, students increasingly use AI to summarise readings and generate essay outlines; in healthcare, diagnostic models match human doctors in detecting disease.

    But in our pursuit of optimisation, we may have left something essential behind. In her book The Power of Wonder (2023), author Monica Parker describes wonder as a journey, a destination, a verb and a noun, a process and an outcome.

    Lamenting how “modern life is conditioning wonder-proneness out of us”, the author suggests we have “traded wonder for the pale facsimile of electronic novelty-seeking”. And there’s the paradox: AI gives us knowledge at scale, but may rob us of the humility and openness that spark genuine curiosity.

    AI as the antidote?

    But what if AI isn’t the killer of wonder, but its catalyst? The same technologies that predict our shopping habits or generate marketing content can also create surreal art, compose jazz music and tell stories in different ways.

    Tools like DALL·E, Udio.ai, and Runway don’t just mimic human creativity, they expand our creative capacity by translating abstract ideas into visual or audio outputs instantly. They don’t just mimic creativity, they open it up to anyone, enabling new forms of self-expression and speculative thinking.

    The same power that enables AI to open imaginative possibilities can also blur the line between fact and fiction, which is especially risky in education where critical thinking and truth-seeking are paramount. That’s why it’s essential that we teach students not just to use these tools, but to question them. Teaching people to wonder isn’t about uncritical amazement – it’s about cultivating curiosity alongside discernment.

    Educators experimenting with AI in the classroom are starting to see this potential, as my recent work in the area has shown. Rather than using AI merely to automate learning, we are using it to provoke questions and to promote creativity.

    When students ask ChatGPT to write a poem in the voice of Virginia Woolf about climate change, they learn how to combine literary style with contemporary issues. They explore how AI mimics voice and meaning, then reflect on what works and what doesn’t.

    When they use AI tools to build brand storytelling campaigns, they practise turning ideas into images, sounds and messages and learn how to shape stories that connect with audiences. Students are not just using AI, they’re learning to think critically and creatively with it.

    This aligns with Brazilian philosopher Paulo Friere’s “banking” concept of education, where rather than depositing facts, educators are required to spark critical reflection. AI, when used creatively, can act as a dialogue partner, one that reflects back our assumptions, challenges our ideas and invites deeper inquiry.

    The research is mixed, and much depends on how AI is used. Left unchecked, tools like ChatGPT can encourage shortcut thinking. When used purposely as a dialogue partner, prompting reflection, testing ideas and supporting creative inquiry, studies show it can foster deeper engagement and critical thinking. The challenge is designing learning experiences that make the most of this potential.

    A new kind of curiosity

    Wonder isn’t driven by novelty alone, it’s about questioning the familiar. Philosopher Martha Nussbaum describes wonder as “taking us out of ourselves and toward the other”. In this way, AI’s outputs have the potential to jolt people out of cognitive ruts and into new realms of thought, causing them to experience wonder.

    It could be argued that AI becomes both mirror and muse. It holds up a reflection of our culture, biases and blind spots while nudging us toward the imaginative unknown at the same time. Much like the ancient role of the fool in King Lear’s court, it disrupts and delights, offering insights precisely because it doesn’t think like humans do.

    This repositions AI not as a rival to human intelligence, but as a co-creator of wonder, a thought partner in the truest sense.

    Descartes saw doubt as the path to certainty. Today, however, we crave certainty and often avoid doubt. In a world overwhelmed by information and polarisation, there is comfort in clean answers and predictive models. But perhaps what we need most is the courage to ask questions, to really wonder about things.

    The German poet Rainer Maria Rilke once advised: “Be patient toward all that is unsolved in your heart and try to love the questions themselves.”

    AI can generate perspectives, juxtapositions and “what if” scenarios that challenge students’ habitual ways of thinking. The point isn’t to replace critical thinking, but to spark it in new directions. When artists co-create with algorithms, what new aesthetics emerge that we’ve yet to imagine?

    And when policymakers engage with AI trained on other perspectives from around the world, how might their understanding and decisions be transformed? As AI reshapes how we access, interpret and generate knowledge, this encourages rethinking not just what we learn, but why and how we value knowledge at all.

    Educational philosophers such as John Dewey and Maxine Greene championed education that cultivates imagination, wonder and critical consciousness. Greene spoke of “wide-awakeness”, a state of being in the world.

    Deployed thoughtfully, AI can be a tool for wide-awakeness. In practical terms, it means designing learning experiences where AI prompts curiosity, not shortcuts; where it’s used to question assumptions, explore alternatives, and deepen understanding.

    When used in this way, I believe it can help students tell better stories, explore alternate futures and think across disciplines. This demands not only ethical design and critical digital literacy, bit also an openness to the unknown. It also demands that we, as humans, reclaim our appetite for awe.

    In the end, the most human thing about AI might be the questions it forces us to ask. Not “What’s the answer?” but “What if …?” and in that space, somewhere in between certainty and curiosity, wonder returns. The machines we built to do our thinking for us might just help us rediscover it.

    Lucy Gill-Simmen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Where did the wonder go – and can AI help us find it? – https://theconversation.com/where-did-the-wonder-go-and-can-ai-help-us-find-it-258490

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Society needs a systems update to cope with climate crisis – my new film explains why

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By James Dyke, Associate Professor in Earth System Science, University of Exeter

    The climate and ecological crisis is one of the greatest challenges humanity has ever faced. If the world fails to address it, and over the rest of this century we continue to burn fossil fuels and pump even more carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, we’ll face catastrophe. On this much, almost all governments agree (with some notable exceptions such as the US).

    Even the world’s largest oil and gas companies now acknowledge that their products are behind the alarming increase in global temperatures and that we will have to transition to alternative fuels. Eventually.

    In some oil and gas firms’ net zero policies you will often see the word “eventually” or its equivalent used. Yes, they accept that the age of fossil fuels will be over, but they don’t give any end date. In fact, with continued expansion of new oil and gas fields they appear to give every indication of continuing to be fossil fuel companies for the foreseeable future.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Will such firms actually phase out coal, oil and gas at the rate required to avoid dangerous climate change? How quickly does that now have to happen? Immediately.

    At current rates of emissions, the window to have a 50:50 chance of limiting warming to 1.5°C will close in as little as six years. Given that global emissions are not stabilising but in fact going up, we are in the process of overshooting 1.5°C and heading deep into dangerous climate change territory.

    Does that mean it’s game over, that the climate catastrophes we fear will come to pass? Thinking about these sorts of systemic risks form the basis of much of my current research. This includes some pretty alarming analysis on how societies can react to challenges such as climate change in ways that can make the situation much worse.

    But herein lies a potentially powerful source of hope for the future because what we do as individuals and members of communities and countries will make all the difference. That’s what was on my mind when I started working on a new climate change documentary with filmmaker Paul Maple.

    Radical reductions

    Our new film System Update: Rebooting Our Future argues that, while we may have run out of time to avoid dangerous climate change, we are now only beginning to see how we can not just avoid further environmental damage but make a much better world for all of humanity. To do that, we must go beyond the incremental and timid policies of today. We need to be radical and dig into the drivers of climate change.

    Take economic growth, for example. You will not find a political party in power in any industrialised nation that does not have continued economic growth as one of its core objectives. Economic performance is often the main way politicians are judged. That’s why threats of a recession lead news reports.

    In System Update, I ask what is this economic growth for, if it continues to drive expanded energy and material consumption and drive us further towards climate and ecological collapse?

    If our economic and political systems cannot deliver radical emissions reductions in a sustainable and fair way, then they need to be rebooted. Rather than policies being orientated towards maximising economic growth, we can instead question how the current goods and services an economy produces are used.

    How can local communities be empowered to make themselves more resilient to climate change while reducing their emissions? Where can citizen assemblies strengthen our democracies and help foster the wider support for ambitious climate action? These assemblies work by recruiting a representative cross section of society who hear from a range of climate experts, and then work together to provide policy recommendations.

    I put such questions to an amazing group of activists, academics and policymakers. We quickly discovered from economic anthropologist Jason Hickel that there is no end of new thinking about economics.

    Lawyer and key architect of the Paris agreement Farhana Yamin recounted the epic battle that she and others have been waging with politicians to get them to understand and act on some of the fundamental truths of climate change. Researcher and strategist Laurie Laybourn spoke of the need for leaders to understand how this gathering storm of climate change demands new mindsets.

    Climate change adaptation expert Kathryn Brown made the case for a rapid increase in efforts to protect communities from environmental change, while climate historian Alice Bell put today’s debates into the wider context. Climate campaigner Max Wakefield and climate justice activist Dylan Hamilton connected the big picture elements of the climate crisis to both everyday actions like what you buy and how to you travel, to deeper engagement with politics.

    It’s easy to feel overwhelmed about the scale of climate change. There is a constant stream of bad news about rising temperatures and extreme weather. What I hope System Update shows is that there is no end of ideas for how such an outcome could be averted, and how you could put them into practice.

    We will win. The age of fossil fuels is ending. The question now is, how fast do you want to make that happen?

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    James Dyke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Society needs a systems update to cope with climate crisis – my new film explains why – https://theconversation.com/society-needs-a-systems-update-to-cope-with-climate-crisis-my-new-film-explains-why-257503

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –