Category: Global

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘White Lotus’ music: When talented creators strive to realize their visions, differences and chattering can erupt

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James Deaville, Professor of Music, Carleton University

    After the first two seasons of The White Lotus (set respectively in Hawaii and Sicily), the buzz in the media and on social media typically focused on the selection of the next site for the award-winning show.

    Not so much in 2025, after the close of Season 3’s Thailand-based episodes. Instead, the internet and social media have been alive with chatter over the announcement by Canadian Chilean composer Cristóbal Tapia de Veer that he was quitting the mega-hit franchise to the shock and disappointment of many of the show’s fans.

    Tapia de Veer revealed his intention in an interview with the New York Times published April 2, just four days before the season’s finale, which aired to a series-record viewership. His departure announcement, twinned with criticism of White Lotus writer, creator and showrunner Mike White, has highlighted issues with creative tensions behind such collaborative productions.

    ‘The White Lotus’ Season 3 opening theme song.

    Acclaimed music

    The Québec-trained composer’s 2022 and 2023 music-related White Lotus Emmy awards recognize his aural contributions to the highly awarded hit series. The music’s idiosyncratic mixture of a recognizable theme, bizarre vocalizations and site-based instrumentation has received a lot of popular attention and acclaim.




    Read more:
    HBO’s ‘The White Lotus’: Eerie music heightens drama of rich people’s bad behaviour and emotional dysfunction


    In contrast, some members of the public reacted with hostility toward this season’s theme music. This was partly because it did not use the identifiable thematic material that bound together the first seasons: a four-note theme that has been transliterated as “ooh-loo-loo-loos” and was the basis for the title theme music in the first two seasons.

    The Season 3 theme nevertheless sounds familiar due to Tapia de Veer’s ongoing quirky use of the voice. Novel ways of using it have been the foundations of all the Lotus themes, and in Season 3, it imitated monkey sounds.

    As White said in a statement about the show: “There’s this kind of conflict between wanting to be this spiritual creature that has an idealism and working towards something that’s some semblance of goodness, and then there’s this antic monkey side that keeps putting you in situations that are compromised.”

    ‘Ooh-loo-loos’ and creative differences

    Still, Tapia de Veer said he knew his novel Season 3 approach was a “kind of a risk,” to the extent that he produced an extended version with the traditional “ooh-loo-loo-loos” for insertion later in the show, but White rejected the idea.

    According to the composer, White wanted “more of a ‘chill, sexy vibe’” compared to Tapia de Veer’s more experimental tracks. On the Howard Stern Show, when asked what happened, White had a different perspective, saying: “I honestly don’t know what happened. Reading the interviews … I just don’t think he respected me.”

    The director said he didn’t think they had fought, and expressed dismay that Tapia de Veer brought criticisms and perceived differences to the media.

    To this, Tapia de Veer told the BBC he went public because White hadn’t handled the news “in a normal business manner,” and he said White’s comments on the Stern show demonstrated the director doesn’t fully appreciate the importance of the music on the show.

    On his YouTube channel, Tapia de Veer has uploaded another variant of the theme (“Enlightenment”) under the track title “Full Moon Party,” as well as a 45-minute loop of the 11-note theme.

    What unites the Season 3 tracks is the leaping, non-melodic theme, repeated over and over in changing synthesizer settings. The composer has said no soundtrack album for Season 3 will be forthcoming.




    Read more:
    HBO’s ‘The White Lotus’: Eerie music heightens drama of rich people’s bad behaviour and emotional dysfunction


    Scores gives unity through themes

    The positions of White and Tapia de Veer equally suggest a lack of effective communication, and as named or all but named by both parties, a lack of respect. Both are crucial elements behind the interpersonal relationships required in audiovisual production.

    In the traditional collaboration, the composer falls under the leadership of the director or showrunner, not least because the music is the final audiovisual element added to the mix.

    ‘The White Lotus’ music making, video from Cristóbal Tapia de Veer.

    By the time the film text reaches the composer, the visual track and dialogue have been locked — shooting is completed — yet it lacks the decisive contribution the score makes in defining characters, establishing moods and atmospheres, and giving unity to the whole through recurring themes.

    The composer may work at their own keyboard or digital audio workstation, yet customarily in collaboration with the project’s other creative forces, especially the director.

    Notorious score differences

    Differences between film directors or television producers and composers are not new, the most notorious being Stanley Kubrick’s rejection of Alex North’s score for 2001: A Space Odyssey. This was in favour of the music Kubrick had chosen to temporarily accompany the visual track.

    In another well-known instance, Alfred Hitchcock — under pressure from executives at Universal — replaced the Torn Curtain score (1966) by long-term collaborator Bernard Herrmann with more contemporary-sounding music by John Addison, which ended the decade-long association of composer and director.

    More recently, Gabriel Yared’s score for Troy (2004), directed by Wolfgang Petersen, was replaced with one by James Horner, because test audiences disapproved of Yared’s music.

    Composer withdrawls rare

    With The White Lotus, however, we have a composer walking away from a job in a very public way. A composer’s resignation is not without precedent, yet it remains considerably rarer than their firing. Major film scorer Dmitri Tiomkin withdrew from two early 1960s projects directed by Robert Aldrich, but because of other commitments rather than any disagreement.

    In contrast, Leonard Bernstein did threaten to walk away from West Side Story in 1949 over creative tensions with writer Arthur Laurents — still, this was communicated privately.

    Canadian composer Howard Shore withdrew from Peter Jackson’s King Kong (2005), but in this case, Shore said the parting was amicable and related to “differing creative aspirations.”

    Future seasons?

    The drama around White Lotus music is unique because both director and composer have talked with the press.

    If we look beyond the specifics of the music, however, we realize that this is not just about a (new) theme song and its use (or non-use) in the series. Rather, the “differences” cut to the heart of the often fraught working relationship between highly talented creators who strive to realize their visions.

    What does this mean for the music for Season 4 of The White Lotus? White has not suggested a successor, so commentators have fixated on the disagreements over Season 3 rather than speculating about a future sound. We will have to wait and listen.

    James Deaville does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘White Lotus’ music: When talented creators strive to realize their visions, differences and chattering can erupt – https://theconversation.com/white-lotus-music-when-talented-creators-strive-to-realize-their-visions-differences-and-chattering-can-erupt-254032

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Trump is prompting China to change its relationship with the world

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ming Gao, Research Scholar of East Asia Studies, Lund University

    China has spent much of the past two months shoring up friendships both near and far. Two rounds of ministerial meetings with regional rivals Japan and South Korea took place in Tokyo and Seoul at the end of March.

    And earlier in April the red carpet was rolled out for the Spanish prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, for his second visit to Beijing in less than seven months. This came shortly before the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, embarked on his first overseas trip of 2025 – a charm offensive to Vietnam, Malaysia and Cambodia.

    Central to these diplomatic moves is Donald Trump, whose return to the White House has clearly unsettled the boundaries between friend and foe.

    China, Japan and South Korea have historically approached one another with caution. This is a legacy of imperial aggression, unresolved territorial disputes and diverging security alignments with the US.

    But the unpredictability of the Trump administration, which has most recently been demonstrated by the imposition of sweeping trade tariffs, seems to be bringing the three countries closer together.

    At the ministerial meeting in Tokyo in March, their respective governments agreed to extend the tenure of the secretary-general and deputy secretaries of the Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat from two years to three. This still relatively unknown international organisation was established in 2011 in an effort to promote cooperation between the three countries.

    The decision, while seemingly a minor administrative adjustment, symbolises a growing mutual trust between these nations. China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, has explicitly acknowledged that the extension represents a full endorsement of the organisation’s role. And China has now called on Japan for a coordinated response to US tariffs.

    This renewed momentum in regional cooperation set the stage for Xi’s broader diplomatic offensive through south-east Asia, where China sought to reinforce strategic ties and assert its leadership.

    China rolled out an elaborate diplomatic programme for Xi’s stop in Vietnam. It aimed to reaffirm ideological ties of “comrades and brothers” and counter Hanoi’s recent deepening relations with Washington.

    Following talks with Xi, the general secretary of the Communist party of Vietnam, To Lam, said that his country has always regarded developing relations with China as “a strategic choice and top priority”.

    Malaysia, on the other hand, is one of the earliest supporters of Xi’s signature belt and road initiative. It officially joined the Brics group of emerging economies as a “partner country” in 2025 and currently holds the rotating chairmanship of the Asean group of south-east Asian states. This gives Malaysia a central role in coordinating China’s relations with the bloc.

    During Xi’s visit, the Malaysian prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim, made the alignment between the two countries clear. He stated that Malaysia “stands with China” in the face of US threats. Malaysia is one of China’s main trading partners.

    Cambodia is also considered one Beijing’s most loyal partners in south-east Asia. In May 2024, it even named a road in the capital, Phnom Penh, “Xi Jinping Avenue” to thank China for its contribution to Cambodia’s development.

    The authorities pulled out all the stops for Xi’s latest visit. Cambodia’s king, Norodom Sihamoni, personally greeted Xi at the airport in an unprecedented break from protocol. And the two countries elevated their ties to an “all-weather” partnership, a label signalling that their relationship is resilient to external shifts.

    Relations with Europe

    Sánchez’s April visit to Beijing, meanwhile, marked an important point in relations between China and the EU. Following the ramping up of US tariffs, Xi called for the EU and China to “jointly resist unilateral bullying”. This appears to have resonated in Madrid.

    The Spanish delegation carried a message that Washington’s tariff hikes were “neither fair nor just” and had harmed the EU economy. It also said that Europe must “strengthen unity and coordination to safeguard its own interests”.

    This message appears to be filtering through wider European circles, with some leaders signalling their interest in stabilising ties with Beijing. Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, for example, has engaged in “constructive” discussions with Chinese premier Li Qiang to address potential trade disruptions from US tariffs.

    Yet the EU faces an obvious dilemma: whether to engage China as an alternative economic partner or push back against a likely surge in redirected Chinese exports that would threaten European industries and deepen existing political tensions.

    Spain, for its part, has its own strategic calculations. Sánchez’s return to China highlights Madrid’s interest in positioning itself as the European leader in renewable energy, with Chinese investment expected to play a central role in this transition.

    This helps explain why, when asked about the EU’s tariff policy on China during a press briefing in September 2024, Sánchez remarked that “Europe needs to reconsider this decision”. Spain ultimately chose to abstain in the EU’s vote on imposing tariffs on the Chinese EV industry.

    China’s message to the world is clear. It is a stable partner and a defender of free trade. Whether China can persuade the world to trust its leadership amid deepening geopolitical uncertainty remains an open question.

    Ming Gao receives funding from the Swedish Research Council. This research was produced with support from the Swedish Research Council grant “Moved Apart” (nr. 2022-01864). Ming Gao is a member of Lund University Profile Area: Human Rights.

    ref. How Trump is prompting China to change its relationship with the world – https://theconversation.com/how-trump-is-prompting-china-to-change-its-relationship-with-the-world-253567

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The ‘cortisol belly’ myth: when diet culture is rebranded as ‘wellness’

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nadia Maalin, Lecturer in Psychology, Birmingham City University

    Prostock-studio/Shutterstock

    The latest viral wellness trends – “cortisol belly” and “cortisol face” – promise a calmer, leaner, more radiant you … if you can just lower your stress hormones. With attention-grabbing claims like “You don’t have a belly fat problem. You have a cortisol problem,” creators promote 30-day transformations that supposedly shrink waistlines and slim faces by targeting cortisol.

    These posts often feature hashtags like #cortisolreset, #hormonehealth, and #nervoussystemregulation, along with before-and-after photos claiming reduced bloating, flatter stomachs, and tighter jawlines. The secret? They suggest techniques like cold plunges, cutting caffeine, or taking trendy supplements. However, the truth is that cortisol can’t cause such dramatic physical changes that quickly. The real “secret” is likely a mix of marketing and exaggerated claims.

    Cortisol – often called the “stress hormone” – is produced by the adrenal glands in response to stress. This can include everything from daily frustrations (like traffic jams or looming deadlines) to major life changes (like illness or divorce), or persistent stressors such as financial strain.

    Cortisol plays a vital role in our fight-or-flight response – an evolutionary function designed to help us respond to threats. It mobilises energy, regulates blood pressure and blood sugar, reduces inflammation and helps control our sleep-wake cycle. Cortisol naturally peaks in the morning to help us wake up, then decreases throughout the day.

    While short bursts of cortisol are helpful, chronic (long-term or frequent recurring) stress can keep levels elevated over time – and that’s when it can start to cause health problems.

    Sustained cortisol elevation can affect appetite, sleep, cravings (especially for high-calorie comfort foods) and how fat is stored in the body. These factors can contribute to weight gain, particularly around the abdomen.

    Abdominal fat includes both subcutaneous fat (just beneath the skin) and visceral fat, which surrounds internal organs. While both may increase under chronic stress, visceral fat is more strongly linked to health risks such as cardiovascular disease and insulin resistance.

    Yes, reducing stress is good for your health – both mentally and physically. But framing stress management as a path to visible cosmetic changes – flatter stomachs, sharper cheekbones – reduces a complex health process to an aesthetic issue.

    And that’s exactly what many of these viral trends are doing.

    Old ideas in new packaging

    The appearance-related concerns supposedly “solved” by cortisol regulation – puffiness, belly fat, bloating – closely align with western beauty ideals: thin, toned bodies with flat stomachs and sculpted faces. These ideals are especially gendered, targeting women with the ever elusive hourglass figure: slim waist, fuller breasts and hips.

    Internalising these ideals has been consistently linked to body dissatisfaction, disordered eating and poorer psychological wellbeing.

    Influencers and wellness brands often co-opt the language of health to sell what are essentially beauty ideals – repackaged as “empowerment” and “self-care”. In this way, wellness culture subtly continues the legacy of diet culture, just with a more palatable aesthetic. Today’s message? Don’t count calories – regulate your hormones.

    Many of the quick-fix solutions being promoted – from adaptogenic teas (teas containing herbs, roots and other plant substances believed to help the body adapt to stress and restore balance) and cold plunges to “no-coffee-before-breakfast” rules – are based on limited or inconsistent scientific evidence. While these practices may help reduce stress for some people, their ability to visibly reshape your body in 30 days is unlikely.

    Claims that you can “spot-reduce” fat or lose fat in targeted areas (like the belly or face) are not supported by scientific consensus. That said, there are evidence-based ways to lower cortisol and support mental and physical wellbeing – such as mindfulness and meditation or emotion regulation strategies. These practices activate the parasympathetic nervous system (the “rest and digest” state), which slows the heart rate, reduces blood pressure and decreases cortisol. They can also help manage anxiety, sleep and inflammation.

    But again, these are not weight-loss hacks – and definitely not quick fixes for belly fat.




    Read more:
    No, you can’t blame all your health issues on ‘high cortisol’. Here’s how the hormone works


    The idea that stress alone can be responsible for face puffiness or belly fat oversimplifies complex physiological processes. Many factors, not just cortisol, influence how and where we store fat, including sex, genetics, hormones – such as insulin and oestrogen – diet and exercise, age, and individual differences in physiology.

    Managing stress is important. It supports immune function, sleep, mental clarity, and emotional regulation. But when stress regulation is marketed as a tool to transform your appearance, it risks reinforcing the same body ideals that diet culture thrives on – just under a shinier, more “mindful” label.

    Instead of focusing on what cortisol does to your waistline, we should be talking about what chronic stress does to your health, relationships and wellbeing. Instead of striving for a flatter stomach through wellness hacks, we might aim for a healthier, more balanced life – regardless of what we look like.

    Nadia Maalin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The ‘cortisol belly’ myth: when diet culture is rebranded as ‘wellness’ – https://theconversation.com/the-cortisol-belly-myth-when-diet-culture-is-rebranded-as-wellness-254362

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Language of peace: why talk of ‘making deals’ rather than ‘reaching agreements’ is not helpful

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By John Gledhill, Associate Professor of Global Governance, University of Oxford

    Upon returning to the US after his symbolically powerful meeting with Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, at St Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican, President Donald Trump told reporters: “I think [Zelensky] wants to make a deal.” He also called for the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, to “sit down and sign the [peace] deal” that is reportedly in the works.

    Such talk of “deals” has been common in recent months. Indeed, as international engagement with conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza has intensified, there has been a sharp spike, globally, in use of the term “peace deal”. At the same time, data from Google Trends suggests there has not been a similar increase in talk of “peace agreement[s]”.

    This is perhaps surprising as, up to now, language surrounding peace negotiations has focused on building agreements, not deals. A search of the PA-X Peace Agreements database at the University of Edinburgh identifies more than 800 separate peace accords since 1990 that include “agreement”“ in their title. A similar search for the term “deal” returns one record.

    Why, then, has there been a sudden change in the way we are talking about peace?

    It is hard to get past the idea that this recent linguistic turn reflects global adoption of more transactional language – of the sort Trump uses when approaching diplomacy as “the art of the deal”.

    On Ukraine, for example, Trump has made continued US engagement contingent on Kyiv striking a minerals deal with Washington, while also hoping that “Russia and Ukraine will make a deal” as a precursor to “mak[ing] a fortune” by doing “big business” with the US.

    The US president’s response to the intractable conflict in Gaza has also been built around the language of deals. This has included a vision of US support for reconstruction as a real estate transaction in which Gaza would be redeveloped into “the Riviera of the Middle East”. Trump also asserted that he could “make a deal” with Jordan and Egypt to take in displaced Palestinians, whose right of return to Gaza would not be guaranteed.

    But while Trump’s rhetoric has been influential, he does not bear sole responsibility for changing the way we talk about peace. Global leaders have also adopted transactional language. In March, the UK prime minister, Keir Starmer, called for a “coalition of the willing to defend a deal in Ukraine”, and the Nato secretary-general, Mark Rutte, repeatedly referred to the prospect of a “peace deal” when talking to the press after a meeting with Zelensky in Odesa earlier this month.

    So is this merely a semantic shift, or does it matter for peace in practice?

    If the words we use not only reflect our understanding of issues but also shape understandings, then replacing discussion of peace “agreements” with talk of peace “deals” matters a lot. It is arguably problematic in two ways.

    Settling on a solution

    First, the idea of a peace “deal” is built on a narrow view of conflict dynamics. It’s a view in which disputes over material interests drive war – and bargaining over those interests can bring an end to war.

    While material interests certainly matter, they are not the whole story. Questions of national self-identity, political discrimination, collective emotions and more can all underwrite the onset, persistence and eventual settlement of armed conflicts.

    Lasting agreement: the main players in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement gather 25 years later to celebrate the anniversary, April 2023.
    Simon Walker/No 10 Downing Street

    Failure to incorporate consideration of these factors into peace negotiations by focusing on deals alone risks alienating conflict parties for whom material interests are just one issue at stake. Such alienation can reduce the likelihood of those parties engaging meaningfully with peace talks, and thus the likelihood of a negotiated settlement emerging.

    Second, even if conflict parties are willing (or feel compelled) to sign up to transactional peace deals, then such arrangements may be fragile. After all, “deals” are about parties coming to arrangements that best meet their material interests at a particular point in time, given a prevailing distribution of power and resources. But if the interests, power or resources of one or more conflict parties later shifts, then those parties may choose to break the deal.

    Of course, peace “agreements” can also be broken, and often are. But the idea of negotiating peace agreements has, over time, been built on a more nuanced view that there can be diverse material and non-material issues at stake in a conflict. So, to produce a sustainable peace agreement, parties need to recognise the range of issues on the table, reach mutual understandings concerning those issues where possible, and agree to address any ongoing differences peacefully.

    Such an approach underwrote the Good Friday Agreement, which has contributed to a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. A transactional “Good Friday deal” may not have done the same.

    Third-party mediators from the international community can play key roles in facilitating negotiations. As such, involvement of the US and wider global community in supporting peace processes in Ukraine, Gaza and beyond should be welcomed.

    But the aim of external parties should be to organise and take part in negotiations that go beyond dividing material resources according to current distributions of power. A wider set of interests, issues and rights should be incorporated into the language and practice of peace negotiations so that comprehensive, just and sustainable peace agreements can be reached between parties and communities that have been divided by war.

    Changing the way we speak about peace may seem merely symbolic – but it’s actually critical. Reframing discourse away from “deals” towards “agreements” could help align the language and practices of peacemaking with the realities on the ground. This in turn could facilitate the negotiation of just – and sustainable – peace settlements in complex contexts such as Ukraine and Gaza.

    John Gledhill does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Language of peace: why talk of ‘making deals’ rather than ‘reaching agreements’ is not helpful – https://theconversation.com/language-of-peace-why-talk-of-making-deals-rather-than-reaching-agreements-is-not-helpful-255451

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five ways to make cities more resilient to climate change

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul O’Hare, Lecturer in Human Geography and Urban Development, Manchester Metropolitan University

    John_T/Shutterstock

    Climate breakdown poses immense threats to global economies, societies and ecosystems. Adapting to these impacts is urgent. But many cities and countries remain chronically unprepared in what the UN calls an “adaptation gap”.

    Building climate resilience is notoriously difficult. Economic barriers limit investment in infrastructure and technology. Social inequities undermine the capacity of vulnerable populations to adapt. And inconsistent policies impede coordinated efforts across sectors and at scale.

    My research looks at how cities can better cope with climate change. I have identified five ways to catalyse more effective – and ultimately more progressive – climate adaptation and resilience.

    1. Don’t just ‘bounce back’ after a crisis

    When wildfires, storms or floods hit, all too often governments prioritise rebuilding as rapidly as possible.

    Though understandable, resilience doesn’t just entail coping with the effects of climate change. Instead of “bouncing back” to a pre-shock status, those in charge of responding need to encourage “bouncing forward”, creating places that are at less risk in the first place.

    After the Christchurch earthquake in February 2011, the New Zealand authorities “built back better”, improving building codes and regulations and relocating vulnerable communities. Critics suggested reconstruction provided too much uncertainty and failed to acknowledge private property rights. But the rebuild did encourage better integration of planning policies and land use practices.




    Read more:
    ‘Build back better’ sounds great in theory, but does the government really know what it means in practice?


    Swales and sustainable urban drainage in Gorton climate resilient park, Manchester, UK.
    Paul O’Hare, CC BY-NC-ND

    2. Informed by risk

    It can be difficult to predict what the consequences of a crisis might be. Cities are complex, interconnected places. Transboundary risks – the consequences that ripple across a place – must be taken into account.

    The best climate adaptation plans recognise that vulnerability varies across places, contexts and over time. The most effective are holistic: tailored to specific locations and every aspect of society.

    Assessments must also consider both climatic and non-climatic features of risk. In 2015, in the UK, a flood affected one of Lancaster’s electrical substations, causing a city-wide power failure that took several days to rectify. In this instance, as with so many others, people had to deal not just with the direct impacts of flooding, but the ‘cascading’ or knock-on impacts of infrastructure damage.




    Read more:
    Giving rivers room to move: how rethinking flood management can benefit people and nature


    Many existing assessments have limited scope. But others do acknowledge how ageing infrastructures and pressures to develop land to accommodate ever intensifying urban populations exacerbate urban flood risk. Others too, such as the recently published Cambridge climate risk plan, detail how climate risk intersects with the range of services provided by local government.

    Systems thinking – an approach to problem-solving that views problems as part of wider, interconnected systems – can be applied to identify interdependencies with other drivers of change.

    Good risk assessments will, for example, take note of demographics, age profiles and the socio-economic circumstances of neighbourhoods, enabling targeted support for particularly vulnerable communities. This can help ensure communities and systems adapt to evolving challenges as climate change intensifies, and as society evolves over time.

    Complex though this might be, city leaders can access advice about improving risk assessments, including from the C40 network, a global coalition of 100 mayors committed to addressing climate change.

    3. Transformative action

    There is no such thing as a natural disaster. The effects of disasters including floods and earthquakes are influenced by pre-existing, often chronic, social and economic conditions such as poverty or poor housing.

    Progressive climate resilience looks beyond the immediacy of shocks, attending to the underlying root causes of vulnerability and inequality. This ensures that society is not only better prepared to withstand adverse events in the future, but thrives in the face of uncertainty.

    Progressive climate resilience therefore demands tailored responses depending on the population and place. In Bangladesh, for instance, communities are building floating gardens to grow crops during floods. These enhance food security and provide a sustainable livelihood option in flood-prone areas.

    Floating vegetable gardens in Bangladesh.
    Mostafijur Rahman Nasim/Shutterstock



    Read more:
    Climate change isn’t fair but Tony Juniper’s new book explains how a green transition could be ‘just’


    4. Collective approaches

    Effective climate resilience demands collective action. Sometimes referred to as a “whole of society” response, this entails collaboration and shared responsibility to address the multifaceted challenges posed by a changing climate.

    The most effective initiatives avoid self-protection, of people, buildings and cities alike, and consider both broader and longer-term risks. For instance, developments not at significant risk should still incorporate adaptation measures including rainwater harvesting or enhanced greening to lower a city’s climate risk profile and benefit local communities, neighbouring authorities and surrounding regions.

    So, progressive resilience is connected, comprehensive and inclusive. Solidarity is key, leveraging resources to address common challenges and fostering a sense of shared purpose and mutual support.

    Solar panels on the surface of a reservoir not only provide a source of renewable energy but also provide shade and therefore help conserve water.
    Tom Wang/Shutterstock

    5. Exploiting co-benefits

    The most effective resilience projects exploit co-benefits – what the UN calls “multiple resilience dividends” – to leverage additional benefits across sectors and policies, reducing vulnerability to shocks while addressing other social and environmental challenges.

    In northern Europe, for example, moorlands can be restored to retain water helping alleviate downstream flooding, but also to capture carbon and provide vital habitats for biodiversity.

    In south-East Asia solar panels installed on reservoirs generate renewable energy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, while providing shade to reduce evaporation and conserve water resources during droughts.

    In short, adaptation is obviously crucial for tackling climate change across the globe. But the real challenge is to deal with the impacts of climate change while simultaneously creating communities that are fairer, healthier, and better equipped to face any manner of future risks.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.


    Paul O’Hare receives funding from the UK’s Natural Environment Research Council (NERC). Award reference NE/V010174/1.

    ref. Five ways to make cities more resilient to climate change – https://theconversation.com/five-ways-to-make-cities-more-resilient-to-climate-change-252853

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Colon cancer rates are rising among young people – could changes to children’s gut bacteria explain why?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Justin Stebbing, Professor of Biomedical Sciences, Anglia Ruskin University

    Irina WS/Shutterstock

    Alarming trends show that colon – or bowel – cancer is increasing in younger people. If the rise continues, colorectal cancer is projected to become the leading cause of cancer-related deaths among young adults globally by 2030.

    Until recently, the reasons for this surge were largely unclear or unknown. Now research points to a surprising suspect: gut bacteria.

    A recent study reveals that exposure during childhood or adolescence to a toxin produced by certain strains of E coli, whose growth is encouraged by highly processed diets, may lay the groundwork for aggressive bowel cancers decades later. This discovery could help explain why people under 50 are at the heart of one of the fastest-growing cancer epidemics of our time.

    Colon cancer is currently the second biggest cause of cancer death, yet only one in three cases are diagnosed in the earliest stages. Often symptomless in its early forms, colon cancer typically begins as polyps and can take ten to 15 years to develop. This slow progression makes regular screening crucial, especially because many patients experience no early warning signs.

    For the new research, an international team analysed the complete DNA sequences of 981 colorectal cancer tumours from patients across 11 countries. They discovered striking geographic patterns in the mutations that lead to cancer.

    Two specific mutational signatures – SBS88 and ID18 – stood out for their association with colibactin, a DNA-damaging toxin produced by some E coli strains. These bacterial “fingerprints” were 3.3 times more common in patients diagnosed before age 40 than in those over 70. Significantly, these mutations appear early in tumour development, suggesting the damage may occur years – even decades – before cancer is diagnosed.




    Read more:
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    Gut microbiome

    Colibactin doesn’t cause random DNA damage. The study found it tends to target the APC gene, a vital tumour suppressor that normally controls cell growth.

    In colibactin-positive cancers, about 25% of APC mutations bore the toxin’s unique signature. This direct hit to the body’s internal “brake system” could explain why these cancers appear earlier in life.

    Molecular analysis indicated that colibactin-associated mutations often emerge within the first ten years of life. While this suggests the toxin may silently colonise children’s guts and initiate cancerous changes early, it’s important to note that this remains a theory; the study didn’t directly examine children or young adults.

    Still, the research maps out a microbial pattern of cancer risk. These gut bacteria are not the same as those that cause food poisoning – they often live within us and perform beneficial roles.

    But their composition can vary widely by region. Countries including Argentina, Brazil, and Russia – where colorectal cancer rates are climbing – showed higher levels of colibactin-related mutations.

    This may reflect regional differences in gut microbiomes influenced by diet (particularly ultraprocessed foods), antibiotic use and environmental factors. In contrast, Japan and South Korea, where rates are historically high but stable, showed different mutational patterns, suggesting other causes may dominate there.

    Perhaps the most provocative finding relates to when this bacterial damage occurs. Unlike lifestyle risks that build up over decades, colibactin seems to strike during a narrow window – when the microbiome is still forming in childhood or early adulthood.

    Potential triggers could include repeated antibiotic use that disrupts healthy gut bacteria, highly processed diets that favour E. coli growth and urban living that reduces exposure to diverse microbial environments.

    Not just genes and lifestyle

    These findings may also point to new prevention strategies. Screening programs could focus on younger adults carrying these high-risk bacterial strains, using stool tests to detect colibactin genes.

    Diets high in fibre and low in processed foods might promote a healthier gut microbiome, potentially suppressing harmful bacteria. The research also adds weight to calls for lowering colorectal cancer screening ages worldwide, since many early-onset cases go undetected under current guidelines.

    While this study is a major step forward, many questions remain. Why do some people carry colibactin-producing bacteria but never develop cancer? How do modern lifestyle factors amplify – or mitigate – these microbial risks? What we do know is that cancer results from the complex interplay between our genes and our environment – including the microscopic world within us.

    As researchers continue to connect the dots, one thing is clear: the colorectal cancer epidemic of the 21st century may have begun with silent microbial battles in our guts, decades before diagnosis. This emerging view of cancer not just as a genetic or lifestyle disease, but also as a microbial one – could fundamentally reshape how we think about prevention for future generations.

    Justin Stebbing does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Colon cancer rates are rising among young people – could changes to children’s gut bacteria explain why? – https://theconversation.com/colon-cancer-rates-are-rising-among-young-people-could-changes-to-childrens-gut-bacteria-explain-why-255176

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hospitals have huge environmental footprints – here’s how they can be more sustainable

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By James Scott Vandeventer, Senior Lecturer in Sustainability, Manchester Metropolitan University

    North Manchester General is a Victorian hospital that would benefit from a retrofit. James Scott Vandeventer, CC BY-NC-ND

    Hospital visits usually involve a medical emergency or appointment. The last thing on most patients’ minds will be how the building works. We expect the lights to be on, medical equipment to work, a comfortable room temperature, healthy food, an appropriate layout with efficient routes between departments and all the other features that make the healthcare system run smoothly.

    But many decisions about how hospitals will operate are made long before we enter the door – and have significant consequences for their environmental footprint.

    In England, the NHS contributes 4% of the country’s total carbon emissions, equating to 40% of all emissions from the public sector. In addition to carbon, NHS operations demand immense quantities of natural resources.

    This translates into significant environmental impact embodied in buildings – depending on how a hospital’s material form (think walls, floors, ceilings, windows, pipes, wires) is designed and built.

    Construction materials must be manufactured, transported to a building site and used by construction crews. Here, raw inputs come from mines, quarries or other extraction sites where environmental injustices are perpetuated on land and local communities.

    Then there are operational impacts, like electricity, water, medical equipment (PPE, hospital beds, syringes), medical gases and food. These essentials are also manufactured, require infrastructures (from the electricity grid to food systems) and are often constrained by previous building design decisions.

    Today, the UK’s NHS is facing major capacity pressures on healthcare services, with hospitals expected to handle significant increases in visits. And in January, the Labour government announced three waves of funding for new NHS hospital construction, with 16 hospitals greenlit as part of wave one.

    While investment in NHS hospitals is necessary, it brings more greenhouse gas emissions from the operational running of the building and its construction (that includes the extraction and manufacture of raw materials and is referred to as embodied carbon) and its raw materials. embodied and operational environmental impacts.

    Ensuring hospitals’ sustainability starts with their design. So, what would designing a more sustainable hospital really involve?

    For the past 18 months, I have been attending design meetings and interviewing the design team working on a wave one hospital, North Manchester General. It’s one of the major acute hospitals of Manchester University NHS Foundation Trust (MFT), whose forward-thinking leadership welcomed my research into hospital design.

    I have found that sustainability is predominantly integrated into the hospital design through adopting external technical specifications, like the NHS Net Zero Carbon Building Standard, and by aligning with local trust sustainability strategies. In this case MFT’s Green Plan.

    I’ve also seen how North Manchester General’s design must adapt to standardisations from the government’s New Hospital Programme. That’s a national initiative coordinating new hospital design and construction, including by working with suppliers.

    Adhering to existing statutory requirements related to sustainability – including building safety, social value, net zero carbon, and biodiversity net gain – also features in design considerations.

    While reducing carbon emissions remains a focus of North Manchester General’s designs, I’ve witnessed increasing interest in the broader environmental footprint – particularly water and waste. The bar for sustainability is being set high.

    But several key areas deserve further consideration in the design process – and the government’s national approach -– to minimise their overall emissions and translate sustainability ambition into action.

    For NHS hospitals, and sustainable cities generally, one of the most important decisions is whether to undertake renovation and retrofit of existing buildings as opposed to demolition and rebuild.

    Modernising existing buildings not only lowers the carbon emissions associated with materials and construction that come with starting anew, but also reduces impacts associated with construction – while inviting radical innovations like airflow retrofit and modular and mobile facilities.

    North Manchester General is a Victorian hospital, which, like historic homes and museums, has stood for well over a century. With the right care, maintenance and design, its older structures could be cost-effectively upgraded, while incorporating flexibility for future innovations into retrofit.

    Retaining parts of the existing estate – and only demolishing where absolutely necessary – respects the carbon footprint of the building structure already invested in hospitals and allows for sustainable adaptation rather than the significant environmental footprint of replacement.

    Designing 21st-century healthcare

    Looking ahead, a “fabric first” approach to new hospitals will prioritise the performance of the building’s envelope – walls, roofs, insulation, windows – before relying on technology to manage energy use. While high-efficiency models like Passivhaus (an approach to designing buildings that requires minimal-to-no energy for heating and cooling) often come with a slightly higher initial cost, they deliver long-term benefits in energy efficiency and cost savings.

    Beyond driving down operational impacts, investing in building fabrics could be coordinated by the New Hospital Programme to ensure localised suppliers can ethically source these materials. This could enhance buildings’ lifespan while improving UK healthcare and construction supply chains’ resilience.

    So many hospitals need retrofitting.
    richardjohnson/Shutterstock

    Sustainable hospital designs will change alongside the NHS’ model of healthcare. For example, smaller, more agile hospitals and community health services are becoming future priorities. While some major treatments (think open-heart surgeries) still require acute hospitals, future designs should think small and flexible, while learning from sustainable innovations that improve health outcomes and reduce environmental footprints.

    Take Alder Hey Children’s Hospital in Liverpool, where every ward has a kitchen and chef who cooks food to order, helping children recover faster and drastically reducing food waste. Capturing and systematising such learnings should be a priority for future hospitals.

    Will ever-larger hospitals become a thing of the past if preventative care, mobile surgical facilities and similar innovations become embedded in a future-fit, 21st-century NHS? Perhaps new hospitals’ target operating models need more flexible spaces, and lower overall floor areas, as healthcare shifts towards a community-oriented approach.

    Designing-out reliance on new materials and energy use through retrofit and fabric first approaches, while designing-in flexibility and best practices from contemporary hospitals, will help lower environmental footprints and place the NHS estate at the forefront of sustainable healthcare systems globally.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

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    James Scott Vandeventer received funding for this research from the British Academy and Leverhulme Trust (SRG-2223/230837), as part of the ‘Conceiving sustainable space’ project.

    ref. Hospitals have huge environmental footprints – here’s how they can be more sustainable – https://theconversation.com/hospitals-have-huge-environmental-footprints-heres-how-they-can-be-more-sustainable-253693

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: What excluded children think about their education in alternative provision – and why it matters

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Claire Kinsella, Trinity College Dublin

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Nearly 16,000 children in England learn in state-funded alternative provision (AP). These are educational settings for school-aged pupils who are unable to attend mainstream school. These pupils may have been excluded from their previous school, have a medical condition or find themselves without a school place.

    There are around 333 state-funded APs in England, with a growing array of unregistered providers. While APs offer core elements of the national curriculum, they typically provide additional elements such as work-based qualifications and recreational activities like sports and art, as well as therapeutic pursuits. Class sizes are usually much smaller than in mainstream school, and many APs have a higher presence of support staff.

    For all their efforts at innovation, AP settings are still heavily stigmatised. They face questions around quality, reports of abuse and concerns about how pupils do in life after they leave.

    Some parents are reluctant to send their children to AP, feeling disempowered by the process of exclusion and limited by the school options presented to them. While adult voices on AP are prominent in these debates, pupils’ own insights have received far less attention.

    We carried out research on the experiences of children in AP, working with young boys who remained on the margins of everyday life there, as well as young people who were more actively engaged in creative classroom activities.

    Many of the students we spoke to in AP were acutely aware of their stigmatised identity. One spoke of how boys from his previous school saw him “as a freak” and that they think alternative provision is “for the stupid kids”. Others questioned the level of intellectual challenge in AP, calling it “baby school” and finding the classroom work undemanding.

    What really stood out in our studies was the pivotal influence of peers. When young people had little trust in the professionals around them or had experienced bullying, their friendship networks became critical.

    During creative activities, we saw close collaboration between young people, with particularly high levels of “affiliative agency”: supportive talk that emphasises social bonds. This helped young people keep each other emotionally and intellectually engaged when faced with challenging activities.

    Rethinking alternative provision

    Under the previous Conservative government, efforts were underway to “rebrand” AP as part of the special education needs system. With a new government now in place, it remains to be seen what will come of these plans.

    On the surface this appears to be a constructive policy move, because it draws attention to AP and those pupils accessing these provisions. But the special educational needs system itself demands further reflection.

    Nevertheless, the existing policy framework for special educational needs points us in some useful directions. The latest Code of Practice emphasises that pupils’ voices should matter.

    In contexts where young people have limited control over how they are perceived and the decisions institutions make about them, educational practices that recognise and build on the existing reciprocity, trust and cooperation between young people can have a lot of value.

    Today, the general trend is towards an increased emphasis on relational practices in AP: approaches to education that focus on building connections. This includes initiatives such as anger management and nurture groups, as well as trauma-informed practice, which takes into account the impact past trauma can have on a person’s development and ability to build relationships.

    We have little doubt that a learner who is anxious or in a distressed state is likely to find it extremely difficult to concentrate in a maths or English lesson. These relational practices matter. But learning should also be a holistic and liberating experience for pupils.

    Pupils in AP care about their education.
    BearFotos/Shutterstock

    Our research has found that young people in AP question their education but want to be challenged. The cognitive dimensions of the learning experience should not be downplayed for those in AP.

    We are committee members of the Alternative Provision Research Network, a network of academics and people working in AP who are committed to social justice for children in alternative provision. This means rethinking AP in ways that incorporate children’s voices on their education and is also based on evidence.

    In emphasising the cognitive, we do not mean simply trying to improve the GCSE grades of children in AP. We mean consulting with the pupils themselves about what truly matters to them when it comes to learning. The signs are that pupils value a challenging curriculum.

    Claire Kinsella is affiliated with the Alternative Provision Research Network which a network committed to a social justice agenda for children in Alternative Provision. See: https://www.apresearchnetwork.com/

    Craig Johnston is affiliated with the Alternative Provision Research Network, which highlights issues of social justice for disadvantaged children and young people.

    ref. What excluded children think about their education in alternative provision – and why it matters – https://theconversation.com/what-excluded-children-think-about-their-education-in-alternative-provision-and-why-it-matters-252124

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: As Police Scotland bring in body-worn video, our research shows little is known about its effectiveness

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By William Webster, Professor and Director, Centre for Research into Information, Surveillance and Privacy, University of Stirling

    John Gomez/Shutterstock

    By autumn 2026, all frontline officers of the UK’s second largest police force will be expected to wear a camera while on duty, at a cost of over £13 million.

    Police Scotland is one of the last forces in the UK to employ this technology nationally. It has been a requirement for armed officers in Scotland since it hosted the UN climate conference, Cop26, in 2021. Devon and Cornwall Police ran the first body-worn trial in Plymouth some 20 years ago.

    The use of this technology was recommended by Lady Elish Angiolini (currently lord clerk register of Scotland) who led a 2020 independent review of complaints and misconduct in Scottish policing. The report argued that body-worn cameras have the potential to significantly reduce complaints against the police.

    In theory, being late to the party means Police Scotland is in a position of strength. They can adopt recognised best practice from other police forces in the UK, while steering clear of mistakes. But our review of the evidence reveals how little is really known about the effectiveness of this technology.

    Body-worn video promises to aid in evidence gathering, which can be used to support investigations and prosecutions. It is also seen to provide a level of personal protection for police officers, and increased transparency and accountability when it comes to police behaviour or misconduct.

    But there are still uncertainties about its actual impact on society. The evidence base is relatively mixed and ambiguous, with mostly small-scale studies and anecdotal evidence.

    Survey research shows there is significant public support for police using body-worn video, but this is mainly shaped by the technology’s perceived benefits.

    Does body-worn video work?

    Body-worn video is now commonplace in policing around the world. It is also seen to be critical equipment for security guards, traffic wardens and prison officers. It is even used by football referees, ticket inspectors, delivery drivers and healthcare and retail workers.

    While it is now commonplace, there is a notable lack of robust evidence about the consequences of its use. A lot rests on the assumptions about what the technology will do.

    There are no reliable measures capturing any reduction in violent incidents or levels of complaints about police behaviour.

    There are many uncertainties about body-worn video’s effectiveness.
    Loch Earn/Shutterstock

    An argument for the use of body-worn video is that it creates “objective” recorded accounts of interactions between police and citizens. In theory, the recordings can provide irrefutable proof about what happened, which in turn will enhance confidence in policing.

    The Scottish Police Authority notes that video recordings can streamline the process of resolving complaints against officers. It also can enhance the quality of evidence and “reduces the number of officers required to attend court” in investigations.

    However, the issue remains that officers may use their discretion to turn the cameras on or off. In 2023, a BBC investigation revealed more than 150 reports of camera misuse by officers in England and Wales. Forces need processes in place to prevent this and to hold officers accountable, or the digital account of an interaction will always be determined by the police.

    There is some evidence that body-worn video can exacerbate existing racial tensions. Research from North America suggests minority groups do not believe that police body-worn video will make the police more accountable or transparent, and that they instead reinforce existing power structures in society. This can fracture already strained relations with the police.

    Surveillance concerns

    There are technical, legal and ethical challenges emerging from the capture and processing of personal data.

    New body-worn video units, including those purchased by Police Scotland, also have the technical capability to integrate facial recognition software. If deployed, this would mean that the technology is no longer about a retrospective account of events, but a tool for live identity matching. This would significantly change the purpose and scope of the technology and how the police interact with citizens.

    Live facial recognition divides opinion and is seen to discriminate against women and minority ethnic groups. There are also concerns about its effectiveness.




    Read more:
    Banning face coverings, expanding facial recognition – how the UK government and police are eroding protest rights


    As we found in our research, police forces across the UK have different procedures for using this technology, and for holding officers accountable.

    A few UK forces have set up technology-specific oversight mechanisms, for example independent scrutiny panels that include members of the public. But these mechanisms are the exception, not the norm. In Scotland, scrutiny will take place via the Scottish Police Authority using existing arrangements.

    While we commend Police Scotland for the due caution they have exercised in delaying the national roll-out of this technology, our view is that technology-specific protocols and oversight mechanisms need to be in place at the earliest possible opportunity.

    Police need to be trained properly in the operation of cameras or they risk capturing inappropriate personal data and encroaching on citizens’ privacy expectations.

    William Webster has previously received funding from the Scottish Institute for Policing Research to undertake an evidence review into the police use of BWV.

    Diana Miranda received funding from SIPR (Scottish Institute for Policing Research), and ESRC (Economic and Social Research Council) to investigate emerging policing technologies, namely body-worn video.

    ref. As Police Scotland bring in body-worn video, our research shows little is known about its effectiveness – https://theconversation.com/as-police-scotland-bring-in-body-worn-video-our-research-shows-little-is-known-about-its-effectiveness-253388

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How a small vaccine drop could see measles becoming endemic again – new study

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anastasia A. Theodosiou, Infectious Diseases and Microbiology Academic Clinical Lecturer, University of Glasgow

    Family Stock/Shutterstock.com

    It takes just a spark to start a wildfire, and when it comes to measles, the embers are already glowing.

    A new modelling study published in Jama sounded the alarm: recent drops in childhood vaccination rates could reignite diseases that were nearly extinguished.

    The researchers used a simulation to predict the effect of falling vaccination coverage for measles, rubella, polio and diphtheria. Even at current coverage, measles alone could soon infect more than 850,000 people in the US every year, leading to over 2,500 deaths annually.

    The study also warned how quickly the situation could get worse. A further 10% drop in vaccination rates could lead to more than 11 million cases annually.

    Measles is particularly concerning because of how easily it spreads. It is one of the most contagious diseases known – a single person with measles can infect between 12 and 18 others, each of whom can infect 12 to 18 more, and so on. This is much higher than for diseases such as influenza and COVID, where one person, on average, infects one to four others.

    To stop measles from spreading from person to person, at least 95% of the population needs to be vaccinated. But coverage is falling short – not just in the US, but worldwide. In 2024, less than 84% of five-year-olds in England had received both doses of the measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) vaccine.

    This matters because measles is far from harmless. About one in five children with measles need hospital care, one in 20 develop pneumonia and one in 1,000 suffer encephalitis (a brain infection that can cause seizures and deafness).

    Up to three in every 1,000 children who catch measles will die.

    Although measles poses the greatest immediate threat because of how contagious it is, further drops in vaccination rates could see other serious infections return. Rubella can cause devastating birth defects, polio can lead to permanent paralysis, and diphtheria is fatal in up to 30% of unvaccinated children.

    Before vaccines, these diseases were endemic around the world – circulating constantly, not just in outbreaks. In regions where vaccine coverage has never reached the 95% target, including parts of Africa and south Asia, they remain endemic.

    But in countries where vaccines had all but eliminated them, falling coverage risks undoing decades of progress. And this isn’t just hypothetical – already this year, the US has reported nearly 900 measles cases, including three deaths.

    The MMR vaccine is extremely effective, protecting more than 97% of those who receive both doses. However, some people can’t have the vaccine, including pregnant women, babies and those with a weakened immune system or serious allergy to the vaccine ingredients.

    This is why herd immunity is so important: when over 95% of people in a community are vaccinated, the virus can’t circulate freely, so everyone is protected – including the most vulnerable.

    There are many reasons vaccination rates have fallen. COVID caused the biggest drop in global vaccination in 30 years, and many countries are still catching up. Conflict and natural disasters also contribute, with Yemen reporting over 10,000 measles cases in the past six months.

    Some people choose not to vaccinate their children or themselves. This may be due to vaccine fatigue, concerns about side-effects or underestimating the risks of infection. In this respect, vaccines are victims of their own success – it can be hard to imagine the consequences of infections that have largely disappeared thanks to vaccines.

    As with all medical treatments, vaccines have side-effects, but most are mild and resolve quickly, such as fever, rash and swollen glands.

    Persistent misinformation

    A major contributor to vaccine hesitancy is misinformation, particularly through social media.

    One of the most persistent myths is that the MMR vaccine is linked to autism – a claim based on falsified data in a discredited and retracted study from 1998. Since then, multiple studies have disproved this, including a meta-analysis (a study that combines data from several studies) of over 1.25 million children that found no link between the MMR vaccine and autism.

    Despite clear scientific evidence, these false claims linger, fanning the flames of doubt with real-world consequences. Indeed, the World Health Organization has listed vaccine hesitancy as one of the top ten threats to global health.

    No parent takes decisions about their child’s health lightly. It’s natural to want to weigh the risks and benefits. But when vaccination rates drop, it doesn’t just put unvaccinated children at risk. It threatens those who cannot be vaccinated – including all infants under a year old, who are too young for the MMR vaccine.

    Vaccination remains one of the most powerful tools we have to protect the health of all children. Diseases like measles don’t wait for conflicts to end or for trust to rebuild – they simply spread wherever they can.

    We came close to extinguishing measles and other vaccine-preventable diseases, but any drop in vaccine coverage is a match to kindling. As this new research shows, it doesn’t take much for the embers to flare into a wildfire beyond our control.

    Antonia Ho receives funding from MRC, UKRI, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, and Public Health Scotland.

    Chrissie Jones is affiliated with the Immunising Pregnant Women and Neonates (IMPRINT) network, funded by the MRC. She runs clinical trials of vaccines on behalf of the University of Southampton, but does not receive any personal funding for this.

    Anastasia A. Theodosiou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How a small vaccine drop could see measles becoming endemic again – new study – https://theconversation.com/how-a-small-vaccine-drop-could-see-measles-becoming-endemic-again-new-study-255327

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: A robot that you ride like a horse is being developed. It will stretch current limits of engineering

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Matías Mattamala, Postdoctoral Researcher, Oxford Robotics Institute, University of Oxford

    Kawasaki has recently revealed its computer-generated concept for the Corleo, a “robotic horse”. The video shows the automated equine galloping through valleys, crossing rivers, climbing mountains and jumping over crevasses.

    The Corleo promises a high-end robotic solution to provide a revolutionary mobility experience. Kawasaki’s current motorbikes are constrained to roads, paths and trails, but a machine with legs has no boundaries – it can reach places no other vehicles can go.

    But in the case of the Corleo, how feasible is it to achieve such a level of agility and balance, while safely carrying a human through natural environments? Let’s discuss what would be needed to achieve this.

    A robot is a complex machine with two main components: a body and an information processing unit. The body has a particular morphology that determines the robot’s function, and carries actuators (devices that convert energy into physical motion) and sensors to act in the world and understand it, respectively.

    Kawasaki’s Corleo robotic horse concept.

    The information processing unit is usually a computer, which implements algorithms to process data from the sensors, build representations of the world and determine the actions to be executed, subject to a specific task of interest.

    Simple robots, such as robotic vacuum cleaners satisfy these requirements. They have a suitable body for going under furniture and not getting stuck (their flat top is also useful to give your cats a ride).

    The actuators are the motors that spin the wheels and the vacuum system. It has impact sensors to detect collisions, and some even have cameras for understanding the environment. Owners can set a cleaning routine, and the vacuum’s computer will determine the best way to execute it.

    The Corleo is a quadruped robot, one of the most stable legged robot configurations. The four legs seem strong and capable of flexing forward and backward to run and jump.

    But they seem limited in movements known as abduction and adduction. If I push you on your right side, you will open your left leg – this is the abduction motion helping you keep balance.

    Adduction is the opposite motion – a movement towards the midline of the body. Perhaps this is just a limitation of the concept design but, either way, the Corleo needs this articulation to ensure a safe and smooth ride.

    Next comes actuators. Legged robots, in comparison to wheeled vehicles, need to continuously balance and support their own weight. They also provide a level of suspension that provides cushioning for the rider.

    They need to be strong enough to push the robot’s body forward. On top of that, the Corleo will also carry a person. While this is currently possible, such as with the the Barry robot or Unitree wheeled robots, the Corleo also aims to gallop and jump over gaps. This requires even more dynamic and stronger actuators than the previous examples.

    A manually driven car or motorcycle doesn’t need sensors or a processing unit, because the driver steers the car depending on what they see. But a robotic horse does need more sophisticated control systems to determine how to move the legs, otherwise we would need both hands and even our feet to drive it.

    Locomotion control has been an active area of legged robotics research since the 1940s. Researchers have shown that a legged machine can walk down a slope without motors or sensors (which is called “passive” locomotion).

    If only “proprioceptive” sensors – the types of sensors that tell your phone when to rotate the screen – are used to control balance, it’s called “blind” locomotion because it doesn’t rely on information from the external environment. When a robot also uses “exteroceptive” sensors to determine how to walk, which refers to sensors that pick up information about the environment, it’s called “perceptive” locomotion. This is what Corleo shows.

    From the pictures released, I could not spot any visible cameras or Lidars – laser range finders. They could be hidden, but it would be reassuring to know that the Corleo has a way to “see” what’s in front of it while walking.

    While it will be manually steered (so that it doesn’t need to navigate autonomously), its locomotion system needs sensor data to determine how to step on rocks, or detect if the terrain is slippery. Its sensors should also be reliable under different environmental conditions. This is already a huge challenge for autonomous cars.

    Challenges ahead

    The Corleo is a concept, it does not exist – yet. As a product, it promises to be a more capable version of a quad bike. This can open new opportunities for transportation in remote areas, tourism businesses, new hobbies (for those who can afford it), and even sports.

    But I’m more excited about the technological advances that the achievement of such a platform implies. Legged robots do not necessarily need to look like quadrupeds or humanoids.

    Self balancing exoskeletons, such as Wandercraft’s Personal exoskeleton or Human in Motion Robotics’ XoMotion, are legged robots that are revolutionising the lives of people with mobility impairments. The technological advances implied by the Corleo could have be of major benefit to the development of assistive devices for disabled users, enabling them to achieve independence.

    Current progress in legged robotics suggests that many features proposed by Kawasaki are feasible. But others pose challenges: Corleo will need the endurance to walk in the wild, run effective locomotion algorithms and also implement the safety standards required for a vehicle.

    These are all major hurdles for a reasonably sized robot. If you ask me today, I’d be unsure if this can be achieved as a whole. I hope they prove me wrong.

    Matias Mattamala is currently funded by an EPSRC C2C Grant at the University of Oxford in collaboration with ETH Zurich. He does not work for, consult, own shares in, or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond his academic appointment.

    ref. A robot that you ride like a horse is being developed. It will stretch current limits of engineering – https://theconversation.com/a-robot-that-you-ride-like-a-horse-is-being-developed-it-will-stretch-current-limits-of-engineering-254483

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Pope Francis began the process for Antoni Gaudí’s sainthood – an architect explains why

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Javi Buron Garcia, Associate Professor, School of Architecture & Product Design, University of Limerick

    Wiki Commons/Shutterstock/Canva

    In one of his final announcements before his death, Pope Francis granted Catalonian architect Antoni Gaudí the title of “venerable”, due to his dedication to the design and build of the Sagrada Família church in Barcelona. This recognition is the second of four steps towards sainthood, a process that started more than three decades ago by a secular association founded in Barcelona in 1992 and led by local architects. If this happens, Gaudí would be the first secular architect in history to be declared a saint.

    The Sagrada Família was originally devised by the religious book printer and seller José María Bocabella, who bought the site and founded an association to promote the construction. It was started in 1882, but in just one year the original architect Francisco de Paula del Villar y Lozano resigned due to creative differences with the association’s architectural adviser Joan Martorell.

    After declining the job himself, Martorell fervently recommended his protégée Antoni Gaudí who at that time was only 31 years old. He took over and redesigned it entirely, transforming Villar’s predictable neo-gothic design into what the American architectural historian Henry-Russell Hitchcock described as “the greatest ecclesiastical monument of the last hundred years”.


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    From the moment of his appointment, Gaudí worked obsessively on the project. In 1915, once he finished the crypt of the Church of Colònia Güell, his other lifelong project, he devoted himself entirely to the Sagrada Família. He suddenly died in 1926, when he was hit by a tram just a few blocks from the church.

    Gaudí was fully aware that he would never see the construction completed. Since its inception the construction was solely financed by donations, and its progress frequently slowed due to lack of funds.

    The Sagrada Família is the largest unfinished Catholic church in the world, and it has become a living piece of architectural history, showcasing design methodologies, materials and tools spanning the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries.

    Visionary techniques

    Though Gaudí was a gifted draftsman, he rarely drew detailed plans as his design methods. Instead, he relied on close working relationships with builders and crafts people. He preferred scaled models and developed all sort of unique techniques to develop and communicate his designs to others.

    Probably one of the most famous are his upside-down catenary curve models which he used to form-find the main structure of some of his buildings.

    In this process, he traced the outline plan of the Sagrada Família on a wooden board at a tenth of the scale and placed it on the ceiling. Then, he tied cords from the points of the plan where the columns were located. Later, he hung small sachets filled with lead to represent the weight that the arches would have to support. Finally, he carefully measured and photographed the resulting model from many angles and turned the photos upside down so the strings hanging in pure tension would represent stone and concrete arches in pure compression.

    The expertise required to construct these models was remarkable. In 1986, it was described in painstaking detail by professor of architecture Jos Tomlow at the Institute for Lightweight Structures under the supervision of the renowned architect and structural engineer Frei Otto.

    Tomlow and Otto analysed the hanging design model for Gaudí’s unfinished church of the Colònia Güell, which took him nearly ten years to complete. The research team made a scaled replica of the model which was instrumental for understanding Gaudí’s empirical design methods and bringing a renewed interest to his unfinished masterpiece.

    Completing the Sagrada Familia

    By the end of the 1980s, the construction of the Sagrada Familia was suffering an impasse. The architects continuing the work, now in their nineties, had completed much of the work started together with Gaudí. But they did not have further models or plans to guide their development, as many of the original models, drawings and photographs were destroyed during the 1936 Civil War.

    Fortunately, a younger generation of architects were able to analyse the existing design vocabulary and extend it to fill out the gaps using groundbreaking parametric design tools. Using parametric design, instead of simply reproducing digitally Gaudí’s existing geometries, endless new variations could be automatically generated by changing predefined variables.

    The Sagrada Familia in 1905.
    Jaume Morera Art Museum

    During the 1990s, the same team introduced newer digital fabrication technologies such as 3D printing and robotic stone carving. These were instrumental to keep the construction of Gaudí’s impossible shapes under a reasonable budget and time-frame.

    After several decades of long delays, the temple has experienced a substantial increase in visitors, which has boosted the construction efforts. The latest plans have set the completion for 2033 when it will become the tallest church building in the world. Just seven years after the 100th anniversary of Gaudí’s death, and probably in perfect timing for his canonisation.

    Javi Buron Garcia does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Pope Francis began the process for Antoni Gaudí’s sainthood – an architect explains why – https://theconversation.com/pope-francis-began-the-process-for-antoni-gaudis-sainthood-an-architect-explains-why-255147

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Oskar Fischer: the forgotten pioneer of Alzheimer’s disease research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael Hornberger, Professor of Applied Dementia Research, University of East Anglia

    Davide Angelini/Shutterstock

    Ever heard of Fischer’s disease? No? Maybe that is not surprising, because it doesn’t exist. But it could have. In fact, the disease we now know as Alzheimer’s disease might just as easily have been called Fischer’s disease or Alzheimer-Fischer disease.

    Back in 1907, Dr Oskar Fischer published detailed research on what we now recognise as Alzheimer’s disease. Fischer described cases of older people who had cognitive symptoms in their lifetime and noted tiny plaque-like structures and fibrous tangles in their brains after their death.

    These changes were the same as those observed by Alzheimer’s at around the same time. But unlike Alzheimer’s brief two-page publication highlighting this new disease in one person, Fischer’s work, published in 1910, was a meticulous and wide-ranging study – spanning more than 100 pages – including several people he investigated. So why have we never heard of him?

    In my new book, Tangled Up: The Science and History of Alzheimer’s disease, I attempt to answer this question.

    A promising mind from Prague

    But before we get to why Fischer was forgotten, let’s look at who he was.

    Oskar Fischer was born in 1876 in a small town near Prague, part of the German-speaking minority in what is now the Czech Republic. After studying medicine in Strasbourg and Prague, he began working at the German University of Prague’s Department of Psychiatry.

    Fischer’s career flourished under the leadership of Professor Arnold Pick – another lesser-known scientific giant. Pick was the first to describe a different kind of dementia, now called frontotemporal dementia. It was in this forward-thinking academic environment that Fischer began his research into dementia.

    Fischer wasn’t working in isolation. At the time, other doctors had also noticed unusual plaques in the brains of people with dementia. Researchers like Paul Blocq and Georges Marinesco in Paris, Emil Redlich in Vienna and Koichi Miyake in Tokyo had all seen similar features.

    But Fischer, like Alzheimer, went a step further: he identified not only plaques but also twisted protein fibres — now known as tau tangles — that disrupt the brain’s function. This combination is still central to how we define Alzheimer’s disease today.

    Oskar Fischer, the forgotten great of Alzheimer’s research.
    Public Domain

    But if both men made this important discovery, why is only one name remembered?

    There are two theories as to why Fischer has been forgotten. One is that Fischer believed these brain changes were specific to a type of dementia called presbyophrenia, which was thought to affect people who showed unusual cheerfulness and confusion in old age.

    He may have limited his own findings by tying them to this narrow diagnosis. Indeed, in the 1920s it was realised that presbyophrenia was not a separate disease but simply how certain people with dementia presented – and the term was not used anymore.

    Another factor might be politics and influence. Alzheimer had a powerful supporter: Emil Kraepelin, one of the most influential psychiatrists of the time, who Alzheimer worked for. Kraepelin included Alzheimer’s work in his bestselling textbook and named the condition after him, helping to cement Alzheimer’s name in medical history.

    There’s no record showing whether Kraepelin knew of Fischer’s similar discoveries. If he did, he never acknowledged them in his textbook.

    Despite his scientific achievements, Fischer’s academic career stalled. In 1919, he was denied a permanent university position, despite his groundbreaking work. He opened a private practice in Prague and continued to teach, but without the recognition he deserved.

    A tragic end

    Then came the darkest chapter of his life. In 1941, during the Nazi occupation, Fischer was arrested by the Gestapo. He was imprisoned at Theresienstadt (now Terezín), a ghetto and transit camp for Jews and political prisoners. It’s unclear why he was targeted – perhaps for his Jewish ancestry or his earlier communist activism. He died there in 1942.

    Oskar Fischer’s story is a reminder that scientific discovery is rarely the work of one lone genius. It’s built on shared ideas, collaboration, and often forgotten contributors.

    It’s somewhat similar to Charles Darwin and Alfred Russell Wallace describing the theory of evolution at the same time but most only remember Darwin now. While Alois Alzheimer certainly made important observations, Fischer’s role in defining this devastating disease was just as significant.

    Maybe it’s time we remembered Oskar Fischer and gave him the credit he so rightly deserves.

    Michael Hornberger is the author of Tangled Up: The History and Science of Alzheimer’s Disease, published by Canbury Press.

    ref. Oskar Fischer: the forgotten pioneer of Alzheimer’s disease research – https://theconversation.com/oskar-fischer-the-forgotten-pioneer-of-alzheimers-disease-research-254815

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Travelling to my ancestral home in China unearthed tragedy tinged by the climate crisis – it inspired me to write Red Pockets

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alice Mah, Professor in Urban and Environmental Studies, University of Glasgow

    My book Red Pockets explores questions of inheritance: what we owe to ancestors and to future generations, and what we owe to the places that we inhabit.

    It was inspired by visiting my ancestral village in Guangdong in south China, after nearly a century of intergenerational separation due to migration, war and revolution. My grandfather wrote about his childhood stay in this rice village in his unpublished memoirs, and I had always wanted to see it.

    In spring 2018, I finally found the chance, during a research trip to study the impacts of petrochemical pollution in Guangdong.

    My trip coincided with the Qingming festival in April, when people return to their ancestral villages to sweep their relatives’ tombs, making offerings of food, incense and burnt paper money to sustain them in the afterlife.

    Remarkably, my ancestral village was still intact, among the rice fields and western-style brick buildings, largely as my grandfather had described it. In fact, there are many similar clan villages in Taishan country, which is known as the “home of overseas Chinese”, due to its history of overseas emigration during the western gold rushes of the late 19th century.


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    It was a moving yet unsettling experience, almost a comedy of errors, navigating different cultural expectations. One of the oldest villagers still remembered my family’s history, which turned out to have been troubled.

    My ancestors had suffered untimely deaths, their tombs were lost, and our ancestral house was expropriated during the Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s. To restore my family’s place in the village would be impossible: we would have to build a new house and give all the clan villagers gifts of money in lucky red pockets. Even then, nothing could repair the ruptures of the past century.

    Observing the Qingming tomb-sweeping rituals on the hills, I wondered: what were the consequences of failing to sweep the tombs every spring?

    When I got home to the UK, I carried stories of pollution and ancestral neglect with me. They stayed with me and began to take on new meanings as I continued my research on toxic pollution and environmental injustice. I learned that in Chinese folk religious beliefs, neglected ancestors become hungry ghosts, unleashing misfortune and environmental destruction.

    As the climate crisis intensified, I couldn’t shake the feeling that the hungry ghosts somehow embodied collective experiences of climate grief, illness and anxiety.

    My idea to write Red Pockets came together in the wake of disappointment over COP26 in Glasgow. As I thought about the “heavy debts that we owe” to past and future generations, two, seemingly separate ideas merged into one – the personal story of my “return” to my ancestral village, and the wider story of confronting the devastating consequences of the climate crisis. I wanted to write a book that would explore the possibility of healing alongside the impossibility of returning to lost worlds.

    The writing process involved wrestling not only with different ideas but with different parts of myself. The hungry ghosts were difficult to summon in a way that felt real.

    At first, I tried a more academic approach, researching Chinese folk religious beliefs about death and burial rituals, and extreme climate disasters unfolding around the world.

    But I soon realised that the metaphor felt too thin in the absence of my own voice, and that I had to talk about hungry ghosts from a personal perspective. Once they came out, they seemed to take on a life of their own.

    Hungry ghosts animate the connections between the material and spiritual, how environmental devastation shows up in body, mind, and Earth: “A divided self, a divided world, a failure to listen, a failure to honour … They want us to face up to our broken obligations.”

    As I moved towards more positive themes in the final chapters of the book, the weight slowly began to lift. I learned that there are ways of living with ghosts, recognising joy alongside despair, possibilities for interconnection despite disconnection, and compassionate actions to “defend our lands and ourselves”. I found what I was looking for: an offering.

    Alice Mah received funding from the Leverhulme Trust (Philip Leverhulme Prize) and the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (Grant Agreement No. 639583) for research on petrochemical pollution and environmental justice.

    ref. Travelling to my ancestral home in China unearthed tragedy tinged by the climate crisis – it inspired me to write Red Pockets – https://theconversation.com/travelling-to-my-ancestral-home-in-china-unearthed-tragedy-tinged-by-the-climate-crisis-it-inspired-me-to-write-red-pockets-253987

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s first 100 days: economic uncertainty spikes while the president’s approval ratings tank

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Steve Schifferes, Honorary Research Fellow, City Political Economy Research Centre, City St George’s, University of London

    When US president Donald Trump took office in January he inherited a strong economy, which was growing faster than those of many of its rivals. Nevertheless, he won the election in November on the back of strong voter dissatisfaction with the economy, especially the cost of living. This is the legacy of high inflation sparked first by COVID and then Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

    But Trump also won with his appeal to “left-behind” voters, especially working-class people in the US rust belt. This demographic has suffered a long-term decline in living standards as manufacturing jobs in traditional industries like car-making and steel have disappeared.

    Trump claimed during his campaign that high tariffs were the answer to most of America’s economic problems. He promised a revival in domestic manufacturing by blocking imports, while forcing foreign firms to shift production to the US. And there was also the promise of tax cuts paid for with the revenues raised from tariffs.

    But the erratic roll-out of his tariff policies have shattered business and consumer confidence. They have also tanked his poll ratings with respect to his management of the economy. And it is causing chaos to world trade and economic cooperation.



    How is Donald Trump’s presidency shaping up after 100 days? Here’s what the experts think. If you like what you see, sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter.


    The threat of higher prices for imported goods has made US consumers cautious. Businesses are facing the awesome task of rejigging global supply chains established over many decades, with no certainty over where they should invest.

    China was always the main target of Trump’s tariffs, but it is not clear who will win the battle. China has been preparing for this confrontation for years, shifting its exports to other countries and boosting domestic consumption.

    And blocking Chinese exports does not automatically mean that US industry will become more efficient and productive. This is especially true in the absence of any industrial policy and with massive cutbacks in federal support for business, including for research.

    Trouble ahead for Trump

    The dramatic swings in tariff policy are probably less a product of Trump’s deep strategic planning – “the art of the deal” – than a response to conflicting pressures from different factions of Trump’s supporters.

    What Trump probably did not anticipate was the negative reaction of financial markets to his April 2 announcement of massive global tariffs. The precipitous fall in the stock market (which arguably was overvalued already) has wiped US$4 trillion (£3 trillion) off the value of shares. This threatens the pensions of millions of US voters.

    Even more serious has been the reaction of the bond market. Trump’s plan for massive tax cuts for the rich, now being negotiated in Congress, could add nearly US$6 trillion to the already huge and growing stock of US government debt over the next decade. This strategy will only work if international bond holders are prepared to buy a lot more US Treasury bonds.

    But they are now fleeing that market, which is normally the bedrock of the international financial system. This has the effect of forcing up interest rates, both in the US and globally.

    The US president’s attack on the independence of the US central bank, the Federal Reserve, is further unsettling the markets. The Fed now has the unenviable task of trying both to stop a recession and prevent inflation getting out of hand.

    And the economic damage of Trump’s tariffs is having political consequences. The Democrats are now favoured to retake control of the House of Representatives in the 2026 mid-term elections.

    Targeting welfare may be a cut too far for many US voters.
    Christopher Penler/Shutterstock

    Trump’s popularity will suffer a further blow if Congress is forced to cut government spending even further to finance its tax cuts. One casualty could be Medicaid spending, which faces cuts of US$880 billion. Medicaid provides health insurance for 70 million people on low incomes or with disabilities. The cut has already been included in one version of the budget resolution.




    Read more:
    Trump thinks tariffs can bring back the glory days of US manufacturing. Here’s why he’s wrong


    Trump is now caught between his big business backers, who want to drastically reduce the role of the federal government but keep free trade, and his working-class supporters, who are hoping that his tariffs will restore manufacturing jobs.

    But this group would be deeply upset by cuts to major government programmes such as Medicare and social security, which many depend on for much of their income. These programmes make up a large portion of all government non-defence spending, and without major cuts it will be hard to find enough savings to fund tax reductions.

    With the International Monetary Fund now forecasting a 40% chance of recession in the US, the president’s economic ratings look unlikely to improve any time soon.

    Steve Schifferes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Trump’s first 100 days: economic uncertainty spikes while the president’s approval ratings tank – https://theconversation.com/trumps-first-100-days-economic-uncertainty-spikes-while-the-presidents-approval-ratings-tank-255449

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why whale urine is so important to life in the sea

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kirsten Freja Young, Senior Lecturer, Ecology, University of Exeter

    Humpback whales can carry large amounts of nutrients on their long migrations Earth theater/Shutterstock

    Even biologists only capture a glimpse of the lives of whales. There are still many species whose lives are largely a mystery, particularly the deep diving whales.

    But scientists are learning more about the role that whales play in marine ecosystems and the services that they provide. Recent research is showing that even whale urine is important for the planet.

    Previous work suggested that whale faeces was important to ecosystems.
    These giant mammals bring nutrients from the depths where they feed to shallow waters.

    This effect is called the “whale pump” and it can enhance the photosynthetic rate of plankton, which is the basis of the food web. Nutrients are not distributed evenly across the ocean and in some areas, phytoplankton populations are limited because there aren’t enough of specific elements, such as iron.

    Some whale species perform long migrations across the ocean. Humpback whales (Megaptera novaeangliae) perform the longest migration of any mammal at around 10,000 km, moving nutrients across ocean basins as they travel. To some extent the whale pump influences carbon cycling and storage too.

    Whales can also help cycle nutrients in the ocean when they disturb the seabed as they feed. Gray whales (Eschrichtius robustus), for example, are known to forage for invertebrates on the seafloor and stir up sediments which release nutrients, such as nitrogen, phosphorus and iron.

    Another key area of research describes the oasis ecosystems that whale carcasses provide to deep sea species, from hagfish (Eptatretus deani) and sleeper sharks (Somniosis pacificus) to crustacea, molluscs, nematodes and bacteria. The great whales have large bodies with high amounts of lipids in their bones. These lipids are food for lots of organisms and whale carcasses create mini ecosystems in the deep.

    But until now, another benefit that whales provided to ecosystems had not been quantified – that of urine.

    A recent study published in Nature Communications indicates that baleen whales’ urine could also have a crucial function in oceans. Some whale species can produce up to 950 liters of urine per day, and this means they can relocate nutrients to tropical grounds low in nutrients. Many baleen whales, such as humpback and gray whales, feed in polar and subpolar regions during summer, then migrate to equatorial breeding areas en masse into relatively small areas during the winter.

    During migration, the whales carry detritus like placenta, urine, faeces and if they die, carcasses. For example, the paper describes how gray whales tend to winter in several feeding grounds across the north Pacific ocean and aggregate in summer in a few small bays on the coast of California.

    The researchers describe how gray, humpback and right whales (Eubalaena glacialis) transport carbon and nitrogen to the tropics, in what they call the “great whale conveyor belt”. Globally, for these species, this process results in more than 46,000 tons of biomass (whales’ total mass and the nutrients they contain) and almost 4,000 tons of nitrogen per year, transferred to poor nutrient grounds.

    Gray whales transport nitrogen to the tropics.
    Andrea Izzotti/Shutterstock

    Most of this nitrogen transport comes from whale urine, which stimulates phytoplankton growth and photosynthesis. This increase in the rate of photosynthesis could lead to 18,180 tons of carbon being drawn down from the atmosphere. Other large baleen whales probably also contribute to this effect but there is less data on their distributions and ecology.

    Sadly, the study estimates that historical whaling has reduced whale related nutrient transportation to almost one third of its previous potential.

    Other animals that play a crucial role in nutrient flows have also been suffering from the effect of human-related activities. Seabirds and fish that migrate from the sea into freshwater bodies have a significant effect on phosphorus transfer from sea to land, which is also an important nutrient for photosynthesis.

    Bears, otters, eagles and other predators that eat fish which migrate up rivers from the sea, participate in the transport of ocean nutrients to land through their faeces. Moose are also important carriers of nutrients and are known to transfer large amounts from aquatic to land ecosystems as they feed on plants.

    Grazing hippopotamus also transfer nutrients in reverse from land to aquatic systems. But these large animals generally don’t match whales in quantity, or by geographical scale.

    Whales face many threats to their survival today, such as ship strikes, pollution, poorly managed fisheries and climate change. This recent study shows how important it is to protect whales and the ocean they live in.

    The contribution that these animals will make to solving our climate crisis through stimulating photosythesis is under debate and their ability to balance the global carbon budget in the face of human-related emissions may be negligible. However, the more we learn about these ocean giants, the more we understand the ways in which whales are vital to marine ecosystems.

    Kirsten Freja Young is a Senior Lecturer in Ecology at the University of Exeter and also works as an independent consultant to Greenpeace Research Laboratories.

    Marion Rossi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why whale urine is so important to life in the sea – https://theconversation.com/why-whale-urine-is-so-important-to-life-in-the-sea-254748

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Teachers in South African schools may be slow to report rape of girls: study shows why

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ayobami Precious Adekola, Postdoctoral Researcher, University of South Africa

    2A Images via Getty Images

    In South Africa, the age of consent for sex is 16 years old. Engaging in sexual activity with someone under the age of 16 is considered statutory rape, even if the minor consents as defined under the law that applies to adults.

    In December 2021, South Africa’s Department of Basic Education introduced a policy aimed at reducing the country’s high rates of teenage pregnancy and sexual exploitation. It requires educators to report cases where older sexual partners impregnate learners under 16 years of age.

    We are researchers in sexual and reproductive health who have been working on a decade-long community engagement project focused on improving HIV prevention and related challenges among learners. The project is in the Vhembe district of Limpopo province, South Africa, bordering Zimbabwe. Sexual health practices among young people here remain a pressing concern, due to high rates of unprotected sex, sexually transmitted infections, HIV and unplanned pregnancies.

    As part of the project, we conducted a study of the statutory rape reporting policy for schools. It showed a disconnect between the policy’s intent and implementation. We found that some rural teachers were unaware of the policy, were not sure what they were supposed to do, or faced cultural, social and systemic barriers that left them feeling powerless to act.

    The result is that the child protection law is failing the learners it was designed to safeguard.

    Because teachers are often some of the first adults to become aware of statutory rape cases, it’s crucial to equip them to deal with disclosures appropriately, navigate reporting protocols confidently, and engage support systems effectively and help prevent future sexual abuse of learners.

    Lack of awareness of policy

    Our research was conducted at eight public primary and high schools in the Soutpansberg North school circuit of Limpopo. All the schools are in rural, under-resourced and poor communities. There is a high number of HIV infections and unplanned teenage pregnancies in the schools where the study was conducted. The true incidence rate of rape is different because it’s not always reported.

    We engaged 19 educators (16 of them female) through group discussions.

    Teachers expressed confusion and frustration over the lack of formal communication and training on the statutory rape reporting policy. Some were unaware that such a policy existed. One admitted:

    Honestly, I wasn’t even aware that we had a policy on statutory rape. It’s not something we’ve ever discussed in our school.

    Another teacher said:

    I know there’s a policy, but I’m unsure where to find it or exactly what it says. As educators, we need to be informed about policies, but it feels like no one communicates them effectively to us.

    Cultural and socioeconomic barriers

    Beyond a lack of awareness, the discussions suggested that socio-cultural norms hinder the implementation of the statutory rape policy in rural areas.

    The study highlighted that intergenerational relationships are normalised in some rural communities. In these cases, families may depend financially on the older male partner, making them reluctant to report such relationships as criminal offences.




    Read more:
    Rape culture in South African schools: where it comes from and how to change it


    In some cases, families tacitly support relationships between young girls and older men in exchange for financial support, making such arrangements difficult to challenge.

    A participant shared:

    It’s difficult because some parents tolerate these relationships as normal and support their kids to sleep with older men, who in turn provide for the family.

    Teachers encounter immense social pressure when faced with statutory rape cases. In tight-knit rural communities, reporting a case could mean accusing a neighbour, relative, or local authority figure. This creates a moral dilemma for educators who want to protect learners but fear community backlash.

    As one participant put it:

    If I report it, they might turn against us.

    These socio-cultural dynamics create a culture of silence that protects perpetrators rather than victims.

    What’s missing

    The study also found that a lack of training on statutory rape policies is a barrier to effective implementation. Teachers reported feeling unprepared to handle the legal and emotional complexities of reporting statutory rape cases.

    There’s been no training at all. We hear about the policy, but they don’t teach us how to implement it or what steps to take if something happens.

    Another teacher added:

    There is no formal memo from the circuit office and from our school governing body meetings; it was never introduced as an agenda item.

    The absence of confidential reporting mechanisms further complicates the situation. Teachers fear that reporting cases could lead to retaliation from the community or even threats to their safety. The lack of a standardised anonymous reporting system leaves teachers feeling vulnerable and unsupported.

    Teachers indicated that fear of community backlash led them to prioritise managing learner pregnancies over investigating potential rape cases. Some said it was the parents’ responsibility to report rape.




    Read more:
    South Africa’s stance on teenage pregnancy needs a radical review: what it would look like


    Proposed solutions

    We recommend a few ways to improve reporting of statutory rape:

    Mandatory training for educators: The education department should ensure that all teachers understand their legal obligations and know how to navigate reporting procedures.

    Confidential reporting systems: Establishing secure and anonymous reporting channels.

    Community awareness campaigns: Programmes to help shift harmful cultural norms and make it easier to report statutory rape. Campaigns should emphasise the importance of protecting minors and the legal consequences of statutory rape.

    Interdisciplinary support networks: Schools should collaborate with social workers, legal professionals, and mental health experts to provide educators with the support and resources needed to handle statutory rape cases.

    Bridging the gap between South Africa’s statutory rape policy and what actually happens in rural areas is a social justice imperative that affects the most vulnerable members of society.

    Azwihangwisi Helen Mavhandu-Mudzusi receives funding from the South African Medical Research Council for this study.

    Ayobami Precious Adekola does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Teachers in South African schools may be slow to report rape of girls: study shows why – https://theconversation.com/teachers-in-south-african-schools-may-be-slow-to-report-rape-of-girls-study-shows-why-253992

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Who do Africans trust most? Surveys show it’s not the state (more likely the army)

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Koffi Améssou Adaba, Enseignant et chercheur en sociologie politique, Université de Lomé

    A recent Afrobarometer study has shown declining trust in
    public institutions over the past decade among African citizens. Study findings call into question the credibility and legitimacy of state institutions like the presidency, parliament and security forces, including the police. The study also shows that many Africans still believe in traditional and religious figures, raising concerns about the effectiveness of governments. It also highlights the disconnect between state officials and the public. The Conversation Africa asked Koffi Améssou Adaba, a political sociologist and one of the authors of the Afrobarometer study, to unpack this loss of trust and its implications.

    What are the main findings of the study?

    The study, conducted by Afrobarometer in 39 countries, reveals a general decline in trust in public institutions in Africa over the past decade.

    The study assessed trust levels in 11 types of institutions and leaders. These are religious leaders, the president, opposition parties, ruling parties, the military, parliament, local councils, national electoral commissions, the police, courts, and traditional leaders.

    Conducted through face-to-face interviews in the language chosen by the respondent, Afrobarometer surveys enable national results to be obtained with margins of error of +/-2 to +/-3 percentage points at a 95% confidence level. This analysis of 39 countries is based on 53,444 interviews.

    Surveys have been conducted since 1999. Since 2012, we have observed that trust in most institutions has decreased. Only three institutions still have majority support as reflected by the percentage of respondents who said they trusted those entities. These are religious leaders (66%), the army (61%), and traditional leaders (56%). In contrast, political institutions aren’t earning much public trust. The presidency, parliament, police and courts all have trust levels below 50%.

    This trend differs across regions. East and west Africa report higher levels of trust than central, southern and north Africa.

    At the national level, Tanzania, Niger and Burkina Faso have the highest trust levels. In contrast, Gabon, Eswatini and São Tomé and Príncipe are among the most distrustful countries.

    Since 2011, trust in parliament has dropped by 19 percentage points. The ruling party’s trust level has fallen by 16 points, followed by the presidency (-12) and the courts (-10). Despite the overall decline, some countries – like Tanzania, Togo and Mali – are seeing increased trust in certain institutions.

    What do these trends tell us?

    Institutional trust is vital for political stability and effective governance, regardless of whether a regime is democratic or authoritarian. Even authoritarian governments seek some level of popular support to strengthen their power. When citizens perceive institutions as responsible, transparent and effective, they are more likely to trust and support them. This trust leads people to expect good results when dealing with the state.

    The perception of efficiency, transparency and integrity is fundamental to building this trust. The observed decline in trust could undermine the legitimacy of governments and might hinder development, particularly in developing countries.

    Informal institutions (religious and traditional leaders) and the army enjoy stronger support than official institutions. Trust in religious leaders varies widely – from 34% in Tunisia to at least nine out of ten citizens in countries like Tanzania (94%), Senegal (92%), Nigeria (90%) and Ethiopia (90%).

    This pattern raises important questions about the role of these informal institutions in governance.

    Are there any red flags that need to be addressed?

    Major public institutions like the presidency, parliament, justice system and police should inspire confidence. They are expected to inspire trust because of their direct interactions with citizens. However, the low confidence in these institutions raises doubts about their effectiveness and strengthens the influence of informal institutions.

    The study also highlights a surprising trend: despite widespread rejection of coups d’état, many Africans continue to trust the military. This trust may help explain the acceptance of recent military-led transitions in several countries.

    One reason for this trust could be limited interaction with the military. Unlike the police, who are more present in daily life, the army is less exposed to criticism and tensions. As a result, it enjoys a more favourable image than other institutions.

    How can confidence in institutions be restored?

    Here are some steps to consider:

    • Strengthen transparency and fairness: Improve the performance of institutions and fight corruption to restore public confidence.

    • Engage informal institutions: Include religious and traditional leaders in governance processes, such as mediation and transitional justice efforts.

    • Pursue institutional reforms: Define the role of traditional leaders in public affairs to prevent political interference and enhance their contributions to governance.

    • Improve public services: Citizens’ perceptions are shaped by their direct interactions with institutions. For example, fair and effective policing can boost public trust.

    Citizens trust institutions based on their ability to deliver results. To address the erosion of trust, leaders must promote inclusive governance.

    Trust is fundamental to good governance and democracy. Strengthening it should be a top priority for African governments.

    Koffi Améssou Adaba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Who do Africans trust most? Surveys show it’s not the state (more likely the army) – https://theconversation.com/who-do-africans-trust-most-surveys-show-its-not-the-state-more-likely-the-army-252902

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Winning hearts and power: how Mali’s military regime gained popular support

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Morten Bøås, Research Professor, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs

    Mali’s interim president, Colonel d’Armée Assimi Goïta, who came to power in a coup on 18 August 2020, enjoys remarkably strong public support. Survey data from pan-African research network Afrobarometer and the Mali-Métre survey, run by Germany’s Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung since 2012, indicate high levels of satisfaction with junta rule. In the 2024 Mali-Métre, nine out of ten respondents considered the country to be moving in the right direction.

    Yet economic conditions are worsening for Malians. In a recent analysis the World Bank pointed out that the junta was finding it difficult to deliver services amid sluggish growth, high inflation and extreme poverty.

    That Malians still seem to be very satisfied with their leader needs some explanation.

    In a recent paper, we draw on our extensive fieldwork experience in Mali. We argue that Goïta has crafted a new social contract based on a strongman narrative, portraying himself as Mali’s defender. The regime has used dissatisfaction with international interventions to frame Goïta as an “exceptional man” in “exceptional times”, in ways that resonate with Malian myths and traditions.

    We show how the regime’s new social contract is based not on public services but on the idea of Goïta as Mali’s defender and liberator. In this way, the regime has established a social bond with the population that places dignity above all.

    A new social bond

    In 2012, Mali experienced a severe crisis triggered by a separatist rebellion in the northern regions of the country. Jihadist insurgent groups took over the rebellion, leading to a military coup. International interventions followed. The regional grouping Ecowas, the UN and France made efforts to restore security, stability and peace.

    But the deployment of 5,000 French troops and 15,000 UN peacekeepers failed to prevent a deterioration in security.

    At the same time, Mali’s democratic institutions failed to restore territorial control and address corruption and poverty, despite regular elections being held.

    Mass protests calling for the resignation of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta paved the way for the 2020 military takeover.

    These failures offered the junta a rich repertoire to draw on for its own legitimacy. With Goïta came a new narrative, not about liberal state-building and development, but about restoring Malian sovereignty and dignity.

    These ideas are conveyed through speeches at forums like the UN general assembly and public addresses shared through the media, along with an organised network of online influencers.

    Public debates about fighting the forces of neocolonialism and reclaiming sovereignty predate the junta. The regime has harnessed these sentiments. It contrasts decades of indignity, weakness, and dependence on France with a glorified vision of Mali’s ancient past.

    Popular protest movements such as Yerewolo Debout sur le Remparts have long done the same.

    Now, so the narrative goes, Goïta has emerged as a hero capable of leading his people towards a new age in which Mali is treated with respect.

    This framing has rekindled the legacy of Thomas Sankara, the late military leader of Burkina Faso (1983–1987). Often dubbed Africa’s Che Guevara, Sankara was a charismatic revolutionary known for his passionate speeches, bold stance against corruption, and efforts to challenge former colonial powers. He was assassinated in a coup in 1987, but his legacy continues to inspire young Africans.

    Regime figures, particularly foreign minister Abdoulaye Diop, often refer to legends and historical narratives as part of this myth-making:

    According to recent survey data from the Mali-Mètre, 70% of Malians identified combating insecurity as their highest priority. This indicates how many Malians feel they face a threat similar to the one that existed when the Malinke people pleaded with Sunjata to be their saviour.

    Thus, in an environment of chaos, war, confusion and despair, a hunter-warrior hero is needed. This agent can not only save society, but re-set it in an orderly and just manner, bringing dignity to his people if they undergo the necessary sacrifices.

    This story requires a villain. Finding culprits in Mali was not difficult. All it required was harnessing of social frustrations already directed against France and other external forces failing to combat insurgents and restore security.

    A unifying enemy

    As shown by Afrobarometer and Mali-Mètre, many Malians, as poor and destitute as they may be, take comfort from the regime’s confrontations with and – as it is presented to them – victories over such formidable adversaries as France and the UN.

    With nearly 60% of its population under the age of 25, Mali is one of the youngest countries in the world. The Malian case shows a youthful African population that is desperate for social change and willing to endure hardship to reach their promised land.

    The current political landscape in Mali, and in neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger where conditions are similar, is an invitation to reconsider local agency. Citizens actively and rationally respond to their political contexts. Writing off people as ignorant or stupid will not advance understanding of the new political terrain.

    Our journal article is part of a forthcoming special issue in the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding.

    Morten Bøås receives funding for the research that this article is based on from the Research Council of Norway – grant number 325236

    Viljar Haavik receives funding from the Research Council of Norway: Grant Number 325236.

    ref. Winning hearts and power: how Mali’s military regime gained popular support – https://theconversation.com/winning-hearts-and-power-how-malis-military-regime-gained-popular-support-254518

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: What have the Democrats achieved in Trump’s first 100 days?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Richard Hargy, Visiting Research Fellow in International Studies, Queen’s University Belfast

    The Democratic response to the first 100 days of Donald Trump’s second term has been sluggish. It has made many Congressional Democrats, and party members, anxious about what the party can do to push back against the president’s fast-moving agenda.

    “None of this feels like you’re fighting for us … The words are great, but I’m really not seeing any action,” said an exasperated constituent at a town hall event held in March by Colorado Democratic Senator Michael Bennet.

    According to reports, much of the anger in the room was aimed at the Democrats lacklustre fightback against Trump, and specifically a decision by some Democratic senators to support a Republican government funding bill in order to avert a federal government shutdown.

    Democrat Senate leader Chuck Schumer’s decision to support this bill attracted criticism from within the party. Opponents argued that rejecting the bill and forcing a government shutdown would have required Trump and Republicans to rethink their strategy and negotiate a more palatable deal with Democrats. Schumer, however, argued that it was a far worse option to allow “Trump to take even much more power via a government shutdown”.

    Former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi offered a sharp critique of Schumer’s approach, saying “America has experienced a Trump shutdown before — but this damaging legislation only makes matters worse. Democrats must not buy into this false choice. We must fight back for a better way”.

    Some within the party viewed this as a missed opportunity by Democrats to portray themselves as an active opposition to Trump’s agenda, especially as Republicans currently control both parts of Congress – the US House of Representatives and the Senate.

    To progress to a vote on a bill in the Senate requires 60 votes. With 52 yes votes on their government-funding bill, Republicans needed eight Democrats to switch sides. Schumer could have sunk the bill and shut down the federal government. But, as Time magazine’s Philip Elliott said, while Democrats had this option, they “lacked the bandwidth to sell it as the other guys’ fault, or put forth a unified plan on how to reopen the government on better terms”.

    Nevertheless, the outcry within Democrat circles was fierce. Prominent progressive Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York said that “there is a deep sense of outrage and betrayal”. The fallout exposed wider divisions within the party, as well as friction between Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries.

    Polling data released in March showed Democrats with a favourability score of 29%, the party’s lowest point since 1992. This came as some of the Democrats’ major financial backers were publicly critical of the party’s ineffective and lethargic opposition and withheld financial backing.

    Democrat Chuck Schumer voted with the Republicans.

    Effective Democratic opposition will require sustained work, which connects with and mobilises voters. Darrell M. West, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, said that previous victories “demonstrated that long-term success involves many steps, from … political alliance-building to candidate recruitment, fundraising, registration drives, and get-out-the-vote efforts”.

    Some Democrats in Congress are trying to hold the Trump administration accountable. Congressman James Raskin of Maryland and California Senator Adam Schiff have convened “shadow hearings” to highlight what they allege to be dubious decisions. Other Democrats have signed onto several court briefs that have challenged some of Trump’s executive orders.



    How is Donald Trump’s presidency shaping up after 100 days? Here’s what the experts think. If you like what you see, sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter.

    Other notable Democrats are mounting a fightback by trying to rally their supporters. Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont have held a series of rallies that saw huge crowds of over 200,000 people turn out in mainly Republican-supporting states to hear their anti-Trump message. Sanders declared that the “future of the Democratic Party is not going to rest with the kind of leadership that we’ve had”.

    Arguably the defining moment from this turbulent three-month period of Trump’s second term was the president’s “Liberation Day” announcement on April 2, when he imposed sweeping new tariffs on many major trading partners across the world.

    The economic turmoil that followed presented Democrats with a political opportunity. Yet their immediate response was restrained and lacklustre.

    As the economic shock waves from Trump’s tariff blitz reverberated, Jonathan Chait, staff writer at the Atlantic, asked why was Trump facing sharper political attacks from his allies than he is from the putative opposition.

    Weeks of market mayhem have given Democrats an opening to challenge Republican dominance in Washington ahead of next year’s midterm elections. A recent Morning Consult poll showed Democrats, for the first time in four-years, enjoying a three percentage point advantage (46% to 43%) over Republicans on economic competency.

    Democrats will have greater leverage if Trump’s tariff policies lead to inflation, and prices rising or even a recession.

    There’s just over 18 months until the next set of national elections in the US. In that time Democrats face the challenge of reconnecting with voters.

    Leah Greenberg, co-founder of the progressive grassroots organisation, Indivisible, gave an ominous judgement of the party’s current predicament, stating there have been “a lot of episodes over the last few months that have really soured people on whether the Democratic Party has … a clear assessment of the danger it’s facing right now”.

    This warning aside, three elections held at the beginning of April gave Democrats cause for some optimism. In a contest for a Wisconsin Supreme Court seat, the Trump-backed candidate, who was supported financially by the president’s ally Elon Musk, lost by a significant margin in a state that Trump won last November.

    In two congressional races in Florida, while the Republicans held both seats, results were far closer than those seen two years ago, signalling some disapproval of Republican policy.

    Elaine Kamarck, a Brookings fellow, believes that the large demonstrations that have sprung up around the country over the past months have started to alter the mood within the Democratic party, and that’s something they can build on.

    Richard Hargy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What have the Democrats achieved in Trump’s first 100 days? – https://theconversation.com/what-have-the-democrats-achieved-in-trumps-first-100-days-255139

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: From withheld cancer drugs to postcode lotteries in treatment: why people in police custody are missing vital medications

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gethin Rees, Senior Lecturer in Sociology, Newcastle University

    NottmCity/Shutterstock

    When someone is taken into police custody, they don’t lose their basic rights, including access to healthcare. But new research suggests that, for many people detained by police in England, getting the care they need can be anything but straightforward.

    Our research investigated healthcare provision inside police custody suites and uncovered a troubling reality: people held in custody often face long delays in receiving vital treatments. In some cases, they’re denied their medication altogether – even when they have serious health conditions.

    This isn’t just a bureaucratic hiccup. These delays and denials can pose real risks to people’s health and wellbeing, especially for those already living with chronic conditions or acute mental health issues.

    Healthcare inside police custody isn’t always provided by the NHS. Instead, police forces across England commission providers through a competitive tender process. These providers then employ healthcare professionals who are responsible for treating detainees and responding to emergencies.

    But our research found that the system doesn’t always work as it should. In many cases, the healthcare professionals are not based full-time at custody suites. Instead, one professional may be expected to cover several sites, often dozens of miles apart. It’s not unusual for a healthcare professional to be responsible for multiple suites spread over 50 miles or more.

    That means when someone in custody needs medical attention – say, for prescribed medication – the healthcare professional may not be there. And even if they are, they’re likely to be balancing demands from several locations and having to try to prioritise those people that need attention most urgently. This triage process, while necessary under current conditions, can result in significant and dangerous delays.

    Delays, denials and disbelief

    Delays are often compounded by another issue: distrust.

    Our data – including interviews with healthcare staff, police officers and people with lived experience – showed that many custody staff are deeply sceptical about detainees’ claims regarding their medication. There’s a strong concern that detainees might be seeking drugs or exaggerating their needs, which leads to staff adopting a highly cautious approach.

    In practice, this means that detainees are often made to wait at least six hours before receiving any medication – because they need to wait until they can be sure that any drugs taken before arrest will have metabolised. This practice is aimed at reducing the risk of overdose, but has been criticised by experts, including the Faculty of Forensic and Legal Medicine, a charity founded by the Royal College of Physicians. It also paints every detainee as dishonest by default.

    Across interviews and custody logs, research found repeated examples of vulnerable people missing doses of medication – whether for mental health, diabetes, or pain management.
    Andrii Spy_k/Shutterstock

    Even when people bring their own prescribed medicine, officers and staff may refuse to administer it unless it’s in its original box with the full pharmacy label – a condition that many can’t meet, especially if they were arrested suddenly.

    One person we interviewed described being detained while undergoing treatment for cancer. Despite explaining his situation, he was left without his medication.

    I can live with not having food for a couple of hours, but you can’t live with not having your medication when you’re due it … They had to take me to hospital to make sure I was all right.

    His experience was not an outlier. Across interviews and custody logs, we saw repeated examples of vulnerable people missing doses of medication – whether for mental health, diabetes, or pain management – because the system either didn’t believe them or wasn’t equipped to help them in time.

    Closing the care gap

    Based on our findings, we made a series of recommendations to improve healthcare in police custody. Two are critical to ensure that detainees receive timely access to essential medications.

    First, every custody suite should have a dedicated healthcare professional embedded on site. This would significantly reduce delays in treatment, ensuring that detainees are promptly assessed and cared for by qualified clinicians.

    Second, standardise the list of available medications across all providers police custody healthcare. A universal list of approved treatments would ensure consistency and fairness, no matter where someone is detained.

    These recommendations have already been echoed by the Independent Custody Visitors Association and the Faculty of Forensic and Legal Medicine. Implementing them could make a real difference to people’s safety and dignity during custody.

    Police custody is often a place of crisis. It receives some of society’s most vulnerable people – those experiencing mental illness, substance use issues, homelessness, or poverty.

    These are people who already face barriers to healthcare in daily life. Detention shouldn’t become another one.

    Timely, appropriate, and compassionate care isn’t just something that is nice to have. It’s a human right. And right now, in too many custody suites, that right is being denied.

    Gethin Rees receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.

    ref. From withheld cancer drugs to postcode lotteries in treatment: why people in police custody are missing vital medications – https://theconversation.com/from-withheld-cancer-drugs-to-postcode-lotteries-in-treatment-why-people-in-police-custody-are-missing-vital-medications-255054

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Italy’s Meloni is positioning herself as bridge between EU and Trump – but will it work?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Julia Khrebtan-Hörhager, Associate Professor of Critical Cultural & International Studies, Colorado State University

    Italy Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni looks to thread a divide. Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

    Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni recently became the first European leader to visit the United States after President Donald Trump announced a new tariff regime on trading partners, including a 20% levy on imports from the European Union.

    While those tariffs are currently on hold, the ongoing threat of them being enacted provided a telling backdrop for Meloni’s mid-April 2025 visit.

    Controversial and often perceived by critics as calculating, Meloni has walked a tightrope between European Union solidarity and embracing far-right causes since becoming Italy’s prime minister in 2022. She was the only European leader to attend Trump’s inauguration in January 2025 and counts tech titan Elon Musk among her allies.

    In many ways, Meloni reflects Europe’s own identity crisis: a regional power with global ambition. Italy, after all, was a founding pillar of the European Union, hosting the signing of the Treaties of Rome in 1957 establishing the European common market. Yet, for decades, Italy has often stood just outside the core of EU influence, overshadowed by the Franco-German partnership.

    Still, when the moment is right, Italy knows how to wield its leverage, especially as a bridge between clashing camps in Brussels.

    In Washington, Meloni made her pitch to Trump: a tighter ideological alliance over shared disdain for “woke” politics, diversity, equity and inclusion agendas, and lax immigration. She offered a sweetener – more Italian investment in the U.S. as a sop to the transatlantic trade dispute. But she also reiterated her and the EU’s support for Ukraine, a direct contrast to Trump’s skepticism to continued U.S. support in Ukraine’s conflict with Russia.

    In so doing, Meloni has cast herself as someone who can serve both Brussels and Washington without burning bridges on either side. The gamble? That balancing act could backfire. Trump’s demands over trade and increased defense spending by NATO countries force Meloni to choose between appeasing Washington or staying in line with EU norms. Her overtures to Trump risk alienating key European allies who are wary of his disruptive politics.

    In trying to play both sides, she could end up isolated from both – undermining Italy’s credibility and influence on the world stage.

    Italy was a founder member of the European Union, but it is often a third wheel behind Germany and France.
    Simona Granati/Corbis/Corbis via Getty Images

    Meloni as a bridge

    The story of modern Italy has been one of playing off sides.

    During the Cold War, Italy walked a fine line between NATO commitments and accommodating a powerful domestic Communist Party.

    Italy was regularly governed by a series of often fraught center-right coalitions that were forced to navigate fractious politics and quid pro quo political violence between the far right and far left. The center-right Christian Democrats that dominated this period married conservatism at home with a strong pro-European outlook.

    In the first decades after the Cold War ended, Italy continued to carve out its own lane – pushing for leniency on issues like immigration and fiscal rules. The period saw Italy oscillate between pro-European integration and bouts of euroscepticism, with successive governments frequently challenging Brussels over budgetary constraints or border management.

    Meloni’s own rise is deeply rooted in the post-2015 tensions, when Italy – overwhelmed by the Mediterranean migrant crisis – felt abandoned by its European partners. Her party’s hard-line stance on immigration capitalized on public frustration. While she now presents herself as firmly pro-EU, it’s a version of Europe that aligns with her own vision: more secure borders, stronger national sovereignty and less technocratic interference.

    Ironically, as the bloc itself drifts rightward on migration, Meloni’s positions no longer seem so fringe – perhaps allowing her to embrace the EU pragmatically, even as she critiques it ideologically. Meloni’s own background and rise reflect this ambiguity and duality. Emerging from a political movement with fascist roots, she now presents herself as a passionate Europeanist and pacifist while maintaining right-wing positions on immigration and cultural issues.

    Meloni has governed in that fashion: cultivating ties with conservative heavyweights like Trump and right-wing European leaders, pushing back against Brussels on contentious policy issues, but also remaining firmly committed to the European project when it suits her. Especially when the economy is at stake.

    Meloni as pragmatic European

    Meloni’s strongly nationalist rhetoric and right-wing cultural views might appear at odds with the EU’s purpose, but her approach to the continent is highly pragmatic.

    While she regularly critiques EU bureaucracy at home, her government remains the largest recipient of EU recovery funds, securing €191.5 billion (US$218 billion) from the EU’s post-COVID recovery plan program. That critical cash infusion for an aging country with persistently sluggish growth comes with a commitment to enact a series of stringent fiscal reforms and austerity measures by 2026. In addition, Italy continues to benefit from long-standing cohesion and structural funds, particularly the economically struggling south,.

    Meanwhile, Meloni’s support for Ukraine helps her stand apart from pro-Russia voices in her coalition and strengthens Italy’s standing with NATO and the EU. It’s another strategic move that boosts her credibility both at home and abroad. Far from being a fringe player, Italy under Meloni is central to the EU’s narrative of unity, solidarity and survival.

    A spaghetti Western alliance?

    While Meloni reconciles her nationalist views vis-a-vis the supranationalist EU, she has also prioritized selling her idea of Italy on a bilateral basis.

    That has largely focused on a shrewd charm offensive in the U.S., particularly since the return of Trump, whose right-wing administration provides any easy fit for Meloni. She has attempted to play both Trump and Musk to Italy’s advantage, leveraging Rome’s geopolitical position to secure economic agreements and ease tensions wrought by Trump tariffs, which Meloni called “wrong.”

    Trump has been quick to praise her stance against “anti-woke” politics, while Meloni promises to help resolve trade issues and boost U.S. gas imports, all while keeping Italy at the forefront of negotiations. With Musk, she has attempted to position Italy as a key partner in tech and energy, navigating the global game with both finesse and ambition.

    Italy runs a substantial trade surplus with the U.S. and underspends on NATO defense – two things that typically trigger Trump’s criticism. Yet with Meloni, Trump has been full of admiration: “She’s taken Europe by storm,” he said in April, agreeing during their last meeting to meet again in Rome in the near future.

    Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, left, has expressed solidarity with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
    Thierry Monasse/Getty Images

    Meloni’s diplomatic ambitions extend beyond the U.S., including making moves in the Middle East, particularly with Saudi Arabia. By promoting Italy as a gateway to Europe, she is securing key investments in energy and infrastructure, while boosting Italian exports and increasing her diplomatic leverage. The fact that many in Europe, and indeed Italy, eye such overtures toward Saudi money with distaste, appears neither here nor there. After all, in Italy there has long been an attitude among leaders that “money does not smell” – or “pecunia non olet” as the locals say – a phrase that by legend was uttered by Emperor Vespasian while slapping a tax on public urinals.

    Will all roads lead to Rome?

    While Meloni’s approach of casting Italy as a bridge between the U.S. and Europe may yield some short-term diplomatic gains, it’s nonetheless a delicate path fraught with risk. Cozying up to Washington under Trump, whose policies – especially on trade – have engendered widespread outrage in Europe, risks ruffling feathers in Brussels. Indeed, while Trump praised Meloni’s leadership, and both sides talked trade with no urgency on tariffs, Europe watched warily.

    Trying to navigate between Trump’s protectionist leanings and the EU’s collective trade stance could leave Meloni unable to satisfy either side. Should Trump push for concessions – like shrinking Italy’s trade surplus with the U.S. or increasing defense spending – Meloni may find herself at odds with EU standards and alienating European partners. But leaning too far into EU alignment – and the bloc’s commitment to Ukraine – risks souring her ties with Trump’s camp, potentially weakening her influence across the Atlantic.

    In trying to please both Washington and Brussels, Meloni could end up with enemies on both fronts – and very few wins to show for it.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Italy’s Meloni is positioning herself as bridge between EU and Trump – but will it work? – https://theconversation.com/italys-meloni-is-positioning-herself-as-bridge-between-eu-and-trump-but-will-it-work-254955

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Oshikatsu, the fandom phenomenon Japan hopes can boost its flagging economy

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Fabio Gygi, Senior Lecturer in Anthropology, SOAS, University of London

    Posters in Tokyo’s enormous Shinjuku railway station are normally used for advertising commodities like cosmetics and food, as well as new films. But occasionally you may happen across a poster with a birthday message and a picture of a young man, often from a boy band and typically with impeccable looks.

    These posters are created by specialised advertising companies and are paid for by adoring fans. They are part of a phenomenon called oshikatsu, a term coined in recent years that is made from the Japanese words for “push” and “activity”.

    Oshikatsu refers to the efforts fans engage in to support their favourite oshi, which can mean an entertainer, an anime or manga character, or a group they admire and want to “push”.

    A considerable part of this support is economic in nature. Fans attend events and concerts, or buy merchandise such as CDs, posters and other collectables. Other forms of oshikatsu are meant to spread the fame of their idol by sharing content about their oshi, engaging in social media campaigns, and writing fan fiction or drawing fan art.

    A birthday message for Kogun, a South Korean singer trying to make it in Japan, in 2022.
    Fabio Gygi, CC BY-NC-ND

    Oshikatsu developed out of the desire of fans to have a closer link to their idols. The combination of oshi and katsu first appeared on social media networks in 2016 and became widespread as a hashtag on Twitter in 2018. In 2021, oshikatsu was nominated as a candidate for Japan’s word of the year, a sign that its use had become mainstream.

    Now, it has appeared on the radar of corporate Japan. The reason for this is a burst of inflation in recent years, caused by pandemic supply chain disruption and geopolitical shocks, that has caused Japanese consumers to reduce their spending.

    However, with wages set to rise again for the third time in three years, the government is cautiously optimistic that economic growth can be rekindled through consumer-driven spending. Entertainment and media companies are looking to oshikatsu as a potential driver of this, although it is unclear whether the upcoming pay hikes will be sufficient.

    A widespread phenomenon

    Contrary to popular perception, oshikatsu is no longer the purview solely of subcultures or young people. It has made inroads with older age groups in Japan as well.

    According to a 2024 survey by Japanese marketing research company Harumeku, 46% of women aged in their 50s have an oshi that they support financially. Older generations tend to have more money to spend, especially after their own children have finished education.

    Oshikatsu also signifies an interesting reversal in terms of gender. While husbands in the traditional Japanese household are still expected to be breadwinners, in oshikatsu it is more often women who financially support young men.

    How much fans spend on their oshi depends. According to a recent survey by Japanese marketing company CDG and Oshicoco, an advertising agency specialising in oshikatsu, the average amount fans spend on activities related to their oshis is 250,000 yen (about £1,300) annually.

    This contributes an estimated 3.5 trillion yen (£18.8 billion) to the Japanese economy each year, and accounts for 2.1% of Japan’s total annual retail sales.

    Oshikatsu will drive up consumer spending. But I doubt it will have the impact on the Japanese economy that the authorities are hoping for. For the younger fans, the danger is that government approval will kill any kind of cool clout, making oshikatsu less appealing to these people in the long run.

    And if you support an oshi who has not yet made it, you may have a stronger sense that your support matters. Hence some of the spending will go directly to individuals, rather than to established corporate superstars. But it’s also possible that struggling young oshis may spend more of this money than established celebrities.

    Japan hopes that fandom can help revitalise its economy.
    amri48 / Shutterstock

    The international press is focusing either on the economic side of oshikatsu, or on the quirkiness of “obsessive” fans who get second jobs to support their oshi and mothers spending large sums on a man half their age. But what such coverage misses is the slow yet profound societal transformation that oshikatsu is a sign of.

    Research from 2022 on people engaging in oshikatsu makes clear that “fan activities” address a deep wish for connection, validation and belonging. While this could be satisfied by friendship or an intimate partnership, an increasing number of Japanese young adults feel that such relationships are “bothersome”.

    Young men are leading in this category, especially those who do not work as white-collar corporate workers with relatively stable jobs, the so-called salarymen. Many who work part time or in blue-collar jobs are finding it difficult to imagine a future in which they have families.

    The tertiary sector is thus changing to accommodate an increasing number of services that turn intangible things such as friendship, companionship and escapist romance fantasies into paid-for services.

    From non-sexual cuddling to renting a friend for the day or going on a date with a cross-dressing escort, temporary respite from loneliness can be sought on a per-hour basis. As a result, human connection itself is becoming something that can be consumed for a fee.

    On the other hand, sharing oshikatsu activities can create new friendships. Fans coming together to worship their idols collectively is a powerful way of creating new communities. It remains to be seen how these shifts in the way people relate to each other will shape the future of Japan’s economy and society.

    Fabio Gygi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Oshikatsu, the fandom phenomenon Japan hopes can boost its flagging economy – https://theconversation.com/oshikatsu-the-fandom-phenomenon-japan-hopes-can-boost-its-flagging-economy-253853

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: 50 years later, Vietnam’s environment still bears the scars of war – and signals a dark future for Gaza and Ukraine

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Pamela McElwee, Professor of Human Ecology, Rutgers University

    During the Vietnam War, the U.S. bombed and defoliated vast areas of forest and protective mangroves. AP Photo

    When the Vietnam War finally ended on April 30, 1975, it left behind a landscape scarred with environmental damage. Vast stretches of coastal mangroves, once housing rich stocks of fish and birds, lay in ruins. Forests that had boasted hundreds of species were reduced to dried-out fragments, overgrown with invasive grasses.

    The term “ecocide” had been coined in the late 1960s to describe the U.S. military’s use of herbicides like Agent Orange and incendiary weapons like napalm to battle guerrilla forces that used jungles and marshes for cover.

    Fifty years later, Vietnam’s degraded ecosystems and dioxin-contaminated soils and waters still reflect the long-term ecological consequences of the war. Efforts to restore these damaged landscapes and even to assess the long-term harm have been limited.

    As an environmental scientist and anthropologist who has worked in Vietnam since the 1990s, I find the neglect and slow recovery efforts deeply troubling. Although the war spurred new international treaties aimed at protecting the environment during wartime, these efforts failed to compel post-war restoration for Vietnam. Current conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East show these laws and treaties still aren’t effective.

    Agent Orange and daisy cutters

    The U.S. first sent ground troops to Vietnam in March 1965 to support South Vietnam against revolutionary forces and North Vietnamese troops, but the war had been going on for years before then. To fight an elusive enemy operating clandestinely at night and from hideouts deep in swamps and jungles, the U.S. military turned to environmental modification technologies.

    The most well-known of these was Operation Ranch Hand, which sprayed at least 19 million gallons (75 million liters) of herbicides over approximately 6.4 million acres (2.6 million hectares), of South Vietnam. The chemicals fell on forests, and also on rivers, rice paddies and villages, exposing civilians and troops. More than half of that spraying involved the dioxin-contaminated defoliant Agent Orange.

    A U.S. Air Force C-123 flies low along a South Vietnamese highway spraying defoliants on dense jungle growth beside the road to eliminate ambush sites during the Vietnam War.
    AP Photo/Department of Defense

    Herbicides were used to strip the leaf cover from forests, increase visibility along transportation routes and destroy crops suspected of supplying guerrilla forces.

    As news of the damage from these tactics made it back to the U.S., scientists raised concerns about the campaign’s environmental impacts to President Lyndon Johnson, calling for a review of whether the U.S. was intentionally using chemical weapons. American military leaders’ position was that herbicides did not constitute chemical weapons under the Geneva Protocol, which the U.S. had yet to ratify.

    Scientific organizations also initiated studies within Vietnam during the war, finding widespread destruction of mangroves, economic losses of rubber and timber plantations, and harm to lakes and waterways.

    A photo at the War Remnants Museum in Ho Chi Minh City, historically known as Saigon, shows the damage at Cần Giờ mangrove forest. The mangrove forest was destroyed by herbicides, bombs and plows.
    Gary Todd/Flickr

    In 1969, evidence linked a chemical in Agent Orange, 2,4,5-T, to birth defects and stillbirths in mice because it contained TCDD, a particularly harmful dioxin. That led to a ban on domestic use and suspension of Agent Orange use by the military in April 1970, with the last mission flown in early 1971.

    Incendiary weapons and the clearing of forests also ravaged rich ecosystems in Vietnam.

    The U.S. Forest Service tested large-scale incineration of jungles by igniting barrels of fuel oil dropped from planes. Particularly feared by civilians was the use of napalm bombs, with more than 400,000 tons of the thickened petroleum used during the war. After these infernos, invasive grasses often took over in hardened, infertile soils.

    Fires from napalm and other incendiary weapons cleared stretches of forest, in some cases scorching the soil so badly that nothing would regrow.
    AP Photo

    “Rome Plows,” massive bulldozers with an armor-fortified cutting blade, could clear 1,000 acres a day. Enormous concussive bombs, known as “daisy cutters”, flattened forests and set off shock waves killing everything within a 3,000-foot (900-meter) radius, down to earthworms in the soil.

    The U.S. also engaged in weather modification through Project Popeye, a secret program from 1967 to 1972 that seeded clouds with silver iodide to prolong the monsoon season in an attempt to cut the flow of fighters and supplies coming down the Ho Chi Minh Trail from North Vietnam. Congress eventually passed a bipartisan resolution in 1973 urging an international treaty to prohibit the use of weather modification as a weapon of war. That treaty came into effect in 1978.

    The U.S. military contended that all these tactics were operationally successful as a trade of trees for American lives.

    Despite Congress’ concerns, there was little scrutiny of the environmental impacts of U.S. military operations and technologies. Research sites were hard to access, and there was no regular environmental monitoring.

    Recovery efforts have been slow

    After the fall of Saigon to North Vietnamese troops on April 30, 1975, the U.S. imposed a trade and economic embargo on all of Vietnam, leaving the country both war-damaged and cash-strapped.

    Vietnamese scientists told me they cobbled together small-scale studies. One found a dramatic drop in bird and mammal diversity in forests. In the A Lưới valley of central Vietnam, 80% of forests subjected to herbicides had not recovered by the early 1980s. Biologists found only 24 bird and five mammal species in those areas, far below normal in unsprayed forests.

    Only a handful of ecosystem restoration projects were attempted, hampered by shoestring budgets. The most notable began in 1978, when foresters began hand-replanting mangroves at the mouth of the Saigon River in Cần Giờ forest, an area that had been completely denuded.

    Mangroves have been replanted in the Cần Giờ Biosphere Reserve near Ho Chi Minh City, but their restoration took decades.
    Tho Nau/Flickr, CC BY

    In inland areas, widespread tree-planting programs in the late 1980s and 1990s finally took root, but they focused on planting exotic trees like acacia, which did not restore the original diversity of the natural forests.

    Chemical cleanup is still underway

    For years, the U.S. also denied responsibility for Agent Orange cleanup, despite the recognition of dioxin-associated illnesses among U.S. veterans and testing that revealed continuing dioxin exposure among potentially tens of thousands of Vietnamese.

    The first remediation agreement between the two countries only occurred in 2006, after persistent advocacy by veterans, scientists and nongovernmental organizations led Congress to appropriate US$3 million for the remediation of the Da Nang airport.

    That project, completed in 2018, treated 150,000 cubic meters of dioxin-laden soil at an eventual cost of over $115 million, paid mostly by the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID. The cleanup required lakes to be drained and contaminated soil, which had seeped more than 9 feet (3 meters) deeper than expected, to be piled and heated to break down the dioxin molecules.

    Large amounts of Agent Orange had been stored at the Da Nang airport during the war and contaminated the soil with dioxin. The cleanup project, including heating contaminated soil to high temperatures, was completed in 2018.
    Richard Nyberg/USAID

    Another major hot spot is the heavily contaminated Biên Hoà airbase, where local residents continue to ingest high levels of dioxin through fish, chicken and ducks.

    Agent Orange barrels were stored at the base, which leaked large amounts of the toxin into soil and water, where it continues to accumulate in animal tissue as it moves up the food chain. Remediation began in 2019; however, further work is at risk with the Trump administration’s near elimination of USAID, leaving it unclear if there will be any American experts in Vietnam in charge of administering this complex project.

    Laws to prevent future ‘ecocide’ are complicated

    While Agent Orange’s health effects have understandably drawn scrutiny, its long-term ecological consequences have not been well studied.

    Current-day scientists have far more options than those 50 years ago, including satellite imagery, which is being used in Ukraine to identify fires, flooding and pollution. However, these tools cannot replace on-the-ground monitoring, which often is restricted or dangerous during wartime.

    The legal situation is similarly complex.

    In 1977, the Geneva Conventions governing conduct during wartime were revised to prohibit “widespread, long term, and severe damage to the natural environment.” A 1980 protocol restricted incendiary weapons. Yet oil fires set by Iraq during the Gulf War in 1991, and recent environmental damage in the Gaza Strip, Ukraine and Syria indicate the limits of relying on treaties when there are no strong mechanisms to ensure compliance.

    Remediation work to remove dioxin contamination was just getting started at the former Biên Hoà Air Base in Vietnam when USAID’s staff was dismantled in 2025.
    USAID Vietnam, CC BY-NC

    An international campaign currently underway calls for an amendment to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to add ecocide as a fifth prosecutable crime alongside genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and aggression.

    Some countries have adopted their own ecocide laws. Vietnam was the first to legally state in its penal code that “Ecocide, destroying the natural environment, whether committed in time of peace or war, constitutes a crime against humanity.” Yet the law has resulted in no prosecutions, despite several large pollution cases.

    Both Russia and Ukraine also have ecocide laws, but these have not prevented harm or held anyone accountable for damage during the ongoing conflict.

    Lessons for the future

    The Vietnam War is a reminder that failure to address ecological consequences, both during war and after, will have long-term effects. What remains in short supply is the political will to ensure that these impacts are neither ignored nor repeated.

    Pamela McElwee receives funding from the Carnegie Corporation, National Science Foundation, and National Endowment for the Humanities.

    ref. 50 years later, Vietnam’s environment still bears the scars of war – and signals a dark future for Gaza and Ukraine – https://theconversation.com/50-years-later-vietnams-environment-still-bears-the-scars-of-war-and-signals-a-dark-future-for-gaza-and-ukraine-254971

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Pierre Poilievre’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ election strategy held little appeal to women

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant, Professor, Political Studies; Director, Canadian Opinion Research Archive, Queen’s University, Ontario

    Pierre Poilievre stands between two workers — no women in sight — in a photo promoting the Conservative Party of Canada’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ campaign policies on the party’s website. (The Conservative Party of Canada website)

    Women represent more than 50 per cent of the Canadian population, and there is no easy path to power without their votes.

    The Conservative Party’s gender gap in support has grown in each election since 2011, when Stephen Harper closed it, paving the way to a majority government after two back-to-back minorities.

    In 2025, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre’s strategy doesn’t appear poised to achieve the same success in terms of closing the gender gap. In fact, his rhetoric and platform both seem aimed at men, particularly younger and working-class demographics.

    Like Donald Trump and other leaders of the populist right, Poilievre’s and the Conservative Party of Canada’s rise in the polls since 2023 has been in part due to strengthening their appeal to working-class voters, particularly men.

    Poilievre has spent much of his time as CPC leader courting blue-collar workers and shifting the party’s agenda to include pro-worker policies. The culmination of this is its “More Boots, Less Suits” plan, a package of promises to boost training and apprenticeship grants, improve access to EI, harmonize health and safety policies and provide tax write-offs for trades people’s travel and subsistence costs for out of town work.

    Male-dominated sectors

    These may be good proposals, but these policies — and the rhetoric in which they were couched during the election campaign — don’t seem to offer much opportunity for the party to close the sizeable gender gap in voter intention.

    The rhetoric is heavily masculine, including the “More Boots, Less Suits” tagline. The policies in the plan appeal to workers in sectors that are heavily male-dominated.

    Women are estimated to represent about five per cent or less of the skilled trades workers that the CPC’s 2025 platform is designed to woo.

    The role of class in how people vote

    Drawing on my forthcoming chapter “Gender, Class and Voting Behaviour” in The Working Class and Politics in Canada (UBC Press), we can examine a simple question: does class affect men and women differently as they decide how to vote?

    The CPC has considerable support among working-class voters, particularly predominantly non-unionized men, but far less support among working-class women, as my chapter shows based on analyses of the 2019 Canadian Election Study.

    This gender difference arises, in part, because there are many more working-class men, according to occupational definitions, than there are working-class women, as noted above in terms of skilled trades.

    Poilievre has made strong sector- and occupation-based appeals in this campaign, invoking the idea of blue-collar versus white-collar workers and campaigning on pro-trades policies.

    There is a second issue beyond the gender-based occupational segregation in blue-collar jobs. Even among working-class voters, the appeal of the Conservative Party is significantly greater among men compared to women.

    The graph below shows the predicted probabilities of a Conservative vote in 2019 for men and women voters grouped by working-class versus non-working class on a scale of zero to one (with control variables for other factors that influence CPC vote such as income, region and partisanship).

    A gender gap is visible in both working-class and non-working class groups, but is largest in the working-class group, with working-class men heavily supporting the Conservatives.

    What about this election?

    We can assess these numbers as probabilities that can help us think through how voters might cast their ballots today.

    What’s the probability they’ll vote Conservative? Based on the statistical analyses of 37,000 respondents to the Canadian Election Study in 2019, this chart tells us that for working-class men, more than one in two might be expected to vote CPC in 2025, which represents a majority preference.

    In contrast, only one in four non-working-class women would. This makes for a big vote gap — a chasm even — as working-class men form the backbone of the party’s voter base.

    Men and women have distinct pathways to supporting Conservatives. But key parts of the Conservative strategy in 2025 limited the party’s potential to appeal to women, even working-class women. “More Boots, Less Suits” offers little to women specifically, or provides them with an opportunity to see themselves reflected in the policy. The broader CPC platform mentions women only four times.

    One mention of women appears in a promise to end intimate partner violence and consider aggravating factors for violence against vulnerable women.
    The other three are in single policy promising to repeal a federal regulation on the rights of gender-diverse federal offenders.




    Read more:
    Pierre Poilievre’s proposals on intimate partner violence will do little to stop it


    There is a widening gender divide in Canadian electoral politics. The Conservative Party’s appeal to working-class men is clear, consistent and electorally meaningful. But this success comes at the cost of deepening the party’s gender gap, and this gap is not merely symbolic, but structural.

    With women comprising more than half of the electorate, the Conservative Party of Canada’s current trajectory risks locking the party into a limited base. The “More Boots, Less Suits” plan may have mobilized one key demographic, but it did so while alienating another the party couldn’t afford to ignore.

    Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council

    ref. Pierre Poilievre’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ election strategy held little appeal to women – https://theconversation.com/pierre-poilievres-more-boots-less-suits-election-strategy-held-little-appeal-to-women-255078

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump administration’s attempt to nix the labor rights of thousands of federal workers on ‘national security’ grounds furthers the GOP’s long-held anti-union agenda

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Bob Bussel, Professor Emeritus of History and Labor Education, University of Oregon

    Airline passengers wait at a Transportation Security Administration checkpoint before boarding to flights in Denver in 2022. Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images

    As the Trump administration seeks to shrink the federal workforce, slash nonmilitary spending and curb opposition to its policies, it is taking steps beyond the firing and furloughing of thousands of government workers.

    The government is also trying to strip hundreds of thousands of federal employees of their right to bargain collectively and have a voice in their conditions of employment.

    Citing “national security” concerns, President Donald Trump issued an executive order on March 27, 2025, that canceled collective bargaining agreements at more than 30 federal agencies, commissions and programs, including the Department of Veterans Affairs, the Environmental Protection Agency, the National Science Foundation and the Food and Drug Administration. A judge temporarily blocked the order’s enforcement on April 25.

    Over three decades of researching American unions, I’ve never witnessed such a sweeping assault on collective bargaining rights, which give workers represented by unions the ability to negotiate with employers about the terms of their employment.

    But advocates of strong labor rights should have known what might be in store given the labor policies recommended by the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025. That document, which Trump disavowed on the campaign trail in 2024 but has embraced in practice during his second term, questions whether public-sector unions should exist at all.

    Keeping Americans ‘safe’

    The Trump administration’s broad attack on federal workers’ rights arrived less than three weeks after an earlier, similar action by Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem.

    On March 7, Noem announced that the government was scrapping collective bargaining rights for all Transportation Security Administration workers, eliminating a 2024 agreement. She cited what she called an “irreconcilable conflict” between union representation for those 47,000 federal workers and national security.

    Only a “flexible, at-will” workforce can possess the “organizational agility” needed to “safeguard our transportation systems and keep Americans safe,” she said. Employers may fire “at-will” workers at their discretion with few limitations.

    Noem’s claim that unions and national security aren’t compatible strikes me as disingenuous.

    Unionized workforces have displayed in recent history both patriotism and dedication in their efforts to keep Americans safe. Unionized firefighters, police officers and other first responders rushed to the World Trade Center attempting to rescue those trapped inside on 9/11, for example.

    Similarly, many unionized public-sector workers risked their health during the toxic cleanup that followed the terrorist attacks.

    It is also worth noting that veterans comprise approximately 30% of the federal workforce. Their history of military service attests, I would argue, to their clear record of demonstrating loyalty and patriotism.

    To my eye, the argument that federal workers belonging to unions compromises national security appears to be more rooted in ideology than evidence.

    Demonstrators rally in support of federal workers outside the Department of Health and Human Services on Feb. 14, 2025, in Washington.
    AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein

    TSA as a case study

    The TSA emerged as part of President George W. Bush’s administration’s response to the 9/11 attacks in 2001; it designated newly hired airport security officers as federal employees.

    At the time, Bush insisted that TSA security officers should not belong to a union. He invoked national security concerns, arguing that union representation would undercut the “culture of urgency” needed to wage the “war on terrorism.”

    TSA employees finally gained collective bargaining rights during the Obama administration when they joined the American Federation of Government Employees in 2011.

    But after joining a union, TSA workers were still paid less than most federal employees. And they still couldn’t appeal disciplinary cases outside of TSA’s authority to the external board used by other federal employees that they viewed as more impartial.

    However, in recent years, TSA workers have obtained wage increases and stronger rights of appeal, along with other advances contained in a 2024
    collective bargaining agreement that the American Federation of Government Employees described as “groundbreaking.” These gains included uniform allowances, greater input on safety concerns and a pledge to examine expanded child care options.

    Now, the union has sued Noem, another Trump administration official and the TSA itself to block the administration’s rollback of these workers’ rights and protect their 2024 contract.

    JFK empowered federal workers

    Federal employees had historically organized unions to advocate and lobby for their interests.

    However, these unions lacked the formal ability to negotiate with the federal government in a collective bargaining process where, as labor scholar Robert Repas has explained, “decisions are made jointly, rather than unilaterally,” or ultimately at managerial discretion.

    Their members did not gain collective bargaining rights until 1962 when President John F. Kennedy issued an executive order making that possible. Kennedy’s action reflected the view that government employees should not be denied basic union rights enjoyed by their private sector counterparts.

    Acknowledging concerns that union rights might limit the ability to exercise centralized command and control, Kennedy’s directive exempted the FBI, CIA and other agencies charged with national security functions from collective bargaining.

    Federal employees covered by the 1962 executive order were also barred from striking. They could not negotiate over wages and benefits; power to make these decisions remained in the hands of Congress.

    In 1978, Congress passed the Civil Service Reform Act, which expanded the right of federal employees to collectively bargain for better working conditions, which its authors said were “in the public interest.” This law created an authority to oversee federal labor relations and established an appeals board to adjudicate worker grievances.

    Although federal employees did not enjoy as many rights as most union members in the private sector, they did gain a stronger voice in determining their working conditions and accessing grievance procedures to address workplace issues and concerns.

    Reagan and the air traffic controllers union

    Three years later, however, President Ronald Reagan fired over 11,000 air traffic controllers who had gone on strike, even though they lacked the right to do so. The Federal Labor Relations Authority subsequently decertified their union, the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization – known as PATCO.

    The strike’s failure seriously diminished the economic and political leverage of all U.S. unions for years. Membership in private-sector unions has declined sharply, while public-sector union membership remained relatively stable at about 1 in 3 workers. Overall, just under 10% of U.S. workers belonged to a union in 2024.

    Besides seriously diminishing the labor movement’s power and influence, the PATCO strike also had important political consequences. In his book about this labor dispute, historian Joseph McCartin wrote that crushing the PATCO strike led the Republican Party “in the direction of an unambiguous antiunionism” and a heightened antipathy toward unions in the public sector.

    Members of PATCO, the air traffic controllers union, hold hands and raise their arms during a strike in 1981.
    Bettmann/Getty Images

    Long-term goal

    The White House’s attack on federal unions represents an attempt to fulfill a longtime ambition of conservative activists.

    Executive orders, which can be rescinded by any president, lack the power of laws.

    But Sens. Mike Lee of Utah and Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee, both Republicans, introduced a bill in March that would enshrine Trump’s executive order in law. If that bill were to become law, it would “end federal labor unions and immediately terminate their collective bargaining agreements,” Lee and Blackburn have said.

    Meanwhile, eight House Republicans have asked the president to reverse course on collective bargaining rights, as have all House Democrats. A bipartisan group of senators has made a similar request.

    As the courts make their determinations and political opposition gathers, the American public has, I believe, an important question to answer. Is the spirit of the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 – that “labor organizations and collective bargaining in the civil service are in the public interest” – worth upholding?

    This question warrants careful consideration and scrutiny. How the courts, Congress and the public respond will have enormous consequences for federal workers and the future of the union movement and the state of American democracy.

    Bob Bussel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Trump administration’s attempt to nix the labor rights of thousands of federal workers on ‘national security’ grounds furthers the GOP’s long-held anti-union agenda – https://theconversation.com/trump-administrations-attempt-to-nix-the-labor-rights-of-thousands-of-federal-workers-on-national-security-grounds-furthers-the-gops-long-held-anti-union-agenda-252347

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Bureaucrats get a bad rap, but they deserve more credit − a sociologist of work explains why

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michel Anteby, Professor of Management and Organizations & Sociology at Questrom School of Business & College of Arts and Sciences, Boston University

    It’s telling that U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration wants to fire bureaucrats. In its view, bureaucrats stand for everything that’s wrong with the United States: overregulation, inefficiency and even the nation’s deficit, since they draw salaries from taxpayers.

    But bureaucrats have historically stood for something else entirely. As the sociologist Max Weber argued in his 1921 classic “Economy and Society,” bureaucrats represent a set of critical ideals: upholding expert knowledge, promoting equal treatment and serving others. While they may not live up to those ideals everywhere and every day, the description does ring largely true in democratic societies.

    I know this firsthand, because as a sociologist of work I’ve studied federal, state and local bureaucrats for more than two decades. I’ve watched them oversee the handling of human remains, screen travelers for security threats as well as promote primary and secondary education. And over and over again, I’ve seen bureaucrats stand for Weber’s ideals while conducting their often-hidden work.

    Bureaucrats as experts and equalizers

    Weber defined bureaucrats as people who work within systems governed by rules and procedures aimed at rational action. He emphasized bureaucrats’ reliance on expert training, noting: “The choice is only that between ‘bureaucratisation’ and ‘dilettantism.’” The choice between a bureaucrat and a dilettante to run an army − in his days, like in ours − seems like an obvious one. Weber saw that bureaucrats’ strength lies in their mastery of specialized knowledge.

    I couldn’t agree more. When I studied the procurement of whole body donations for medical research, for example, the state bureaucrats I spoke with were among the most knowledgeable professionals I encountered. Whether directors of anatomical services or chief medical examiners, they knew precisely how to properly secure, handle and transfer human cadavers so physicians could get trained. I felt greatly reassured that they were overseeing the donated bodies of loved ones.

    Weber also described bureaucrats as people who don’t make decisions based on favors. In other forms of rule, he noted, “the ruler is free to grant or withhold clemency” based on “personal preference,” but in bureaucracies, decisions are reached impersonally. By “impersonal,” Weber meant “without hatred or passion” and without “love and enthusiasm.” Put otherwise, the bureaucrats fulfill their work without regard to the person: “Everyone is treated with formal equality.”

    The federal Transportation Security Administration officers who perform their duties to ensure that we all travel safely epitomize this ideal. While interviewing and observing them, I felt grateful to see them not speculate about loving or hating anyone but treating all travelers as potential threats. The standard operating procedures they followed often proved tedious, but they were applied across the board. Doing any favors here would create immense security risks, as the recent Netflix action film “Carry-On” − about an officer blackmailed into allowing a terrorist to board a plane − illustrates.

    Advancing the public’s interests

    Finally, Weber highlighted bureaucrats’ commitment to serving the public. He stressed their tendency to act “in the interests of the welfare of those subjects over whom they rule.” Bureaucrats’ expertise and adherence to impersonal rules are meant to advance the common interest: for young and old, rural and urban dwellers alike, and many more.

    The state Department of Elementary and Secondary Education staff that I partnered with for years at the Massachusetts Commission on LGBTQ Youth exemplified this ethic. They always impressed me by the huge sense of responsibility they felt toward all state residents. Even when local resources varied, they worked to ensure that all young people in the state − regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity − could thrive. Based on my personal experience, while they didn’t always get everything right, they were consistently committed to serving others.

    Today, bureaucrats are often framed by the administration and its supporters as the root of all problems. Yet if Weber’s insights and my observations are any guide, bureaucrats are also the safeguards that stand between the public and dilettantism, favoritism and selfishness. The overwhelming majority of bureaucrats whom I have studied and worked with deeply care about upholding expertise, treating everyone equally and ensuring the welfare of all.

    Yes, bureaucrats can slow things down and seem inefficient or costly at times. Sure, they can also be co-opted by totalitarian regimes and end up complicit in unimaginable tragedies. But with the right accountability mechanisms, democratic control and sufficient resources for them to perform their tasks, bureaucrats typically uphold critical ideals.

    In an era of growing hostility, it’s key to remember what bureaucrats have long stood for − and, let’s hope, still do.

    Michel Anteby was during a decade a member of the Massachusetts Commission on LGBTQ Youth and a former Vice-Chair, and then Chair of the Commission.

    ref. Bureaucrats get a bad rap, but they deserve more credit − a sociologist of work explains why – https://theconversation.com/bureaucrats-get-a-bad-rap-but-they-deserve-more-credit-a-sociologist-of-work-explains-why-253317

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Detroit’s lack of affordable housing pushes families to the edge – and children sometime pay the price

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Meghan Wilson, Assistant Professor of American Politics and Public Policy, Michigan State University

    Some of Detroit’s unhoused population take refuge in abandoned buildings, cars and parks. Adam J. Dewey/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

    As outside temperatures dropped to the low- to mid-teens Fahrenheit on Feb. 10, 2025, two children died of carbon monoxide toxicity in a family van parked in a Detroit casino parking garage.

    We are political scientists who study urban and housing public policies, and in the months since this tragedy, we took a deep look at the trends in homelessness and housing policies that foreshadowed the events of that night.

    More kids are experiencing homelessness

    One important trend is that the number of homeless children in the city reached a record high in 2024. This is true even though the overall numbers of people experiencing homelessness in the city is declining overall.

    According to the Point-in-Time count, 455 children were experiencing homelessness in Detroit on Jan. 31, 2024, up from 312 the year before. The count captures data for one night each year.

    Most of these children were unhoused but considered sheltered because they had a place to sleep in an emergency shelter or transitional housing, or were able to temporarily stay with family or friends.

    Nineteen of the kids were unsheltered – meaning they were sleeping in places not designed for human habitation, like cars, parks or abandoned buildings.

    A different set of data comes from the Detroit Public Schools. The district looked at the entire 2022-2023 school year and found that roughly 1 in 19 students were unhoused at some point during that nine-month period — more than double the number in the 2019-2020 school year.

    A lack of temporary solutions

    The lack of adequate funding and staffing in the city’s shelter system means unhoused people often struggle to access temporary shelter beds.

    That includes kids. Even though the city prioritizes giving beds to the most vulnerable, the number of unsheltered children of school age has nearly tripled in three years, rising from an estimated 48 in the school year beginning in September 2019 to 142 in the school year beginning in September 2022. These figures align with the rise in unsheltered children recorded in the one-night Point-in-Time count, which increased from four in 2016 to 19 in 2024.

    The end of COVID-era funding that prevented many evictions is likely to increase the need for shelter and put additional strain on Detroit’s response to the crisis.

    Gaps in a vital system

    Children who experience housing insecurity are often caught in the middle of bureaucracy and failed regulation.

    The mother of the children who died in February had reached out to the city in November 2024 when they were staying with a family member. The mother noted that she wanted to keep all five of her children together.

    According to a report issued by the city, the Detroit Housing Authority did not follow up with her. Her situation was not considered an emergency at the time of contact since she was sheltered with family.

    At the time of the call, the family was a Category 2: immediate risk of homelessness – in other words, not the highest priority under the emergency shelter grants guideline. If the city had deemed the situation an emergency, protocol would be to dispatch immediate support for the family.

    The mother moved her family to the van after the request for help failed to provide a solution.

    The Detroit mayor’s office admitted that the family fell through the cracks and promised to expand available shelter beds and require homeless outreach employees to visit any unhoused families that call for help.

    “We have to make sure that we do everything possible to make sure that this doesn’t happen again,” Deputy Mayor Melia Howard told local media.

    More than 8 in 10 placed on wait list

    According to records from the Coordinated Assessment Model Detroit, the system responsible for connecting individuals to shelters, 82% of calls do not result in immediate help but rather being placed on a shelter waitlist. Similar to instances across the country, the wait time is long.

    Families in Detroit face an average wait of 130 days, while unaccompanied youth typically wait around 50 days.

    The long wait for shelter has contributed to the rise in people living on the streets or in their vehicles. The number of unsheltered individuals — including both adults and children — doubled from 151 in 2015 to 305 in 2024. This trend of increasing unsheltered homelessness contrasts with the overall decline in the total number of homeless people in the city, which is down from a peak of 2,597 in 2015.

    Children need safety and security to thrive.

    Their access to stable housing depends on their parents and what the adults in their life are able to provide. As rents increase in the city, some children are left vulnerable.

    Stricter regulations

    Over the past decade, Detroit, like many other U.S. cities, has experienced rising housing costs while wages fail to keep up, particularly for long-term residents.

    Since 2021, the number of rentals in the city has increased by 51%.

    Rents are also up. Since 2017, the average rent in Detroit has increased 55% for single-family homes and 43% for multifamily homes.

    While inflation and increased maintenance costs contribute to this rise, stricter rental regulations like the heightened enforcement of housing codes, expanded tenant protections and higher compliance cost for landlords have played an important role.

    Some landlords pass the expense of these regulations on to tenants, making housing less affordable. Others leave their properties vacant, pushing up prices by lessening the supply.

    The current average fair market rent for a two-bedroom apartment in Detroit is $1,314 per month. For the typical household in the city, this basic shelter cost, not including utilities, makes up 41% of the household income.

    For the lowest-income households, any unexpected expense can disrupt a delicate financial balance and lead to eviction and homelessness. Children in these situations often face major instability, moving between shelters – or, as in the case of the children who died in February, sleeping in cars.

    This kind of displacement disrupts education, strains mental health and increases exposure to danger.

    Detroit’s stricter housing regulations may have improved conditions for some renters, but a report by Outlier Media shows that only 8% of landlords are in compliance, leaving legacy residents in subpar rentals at higher prices.

    And these new rules have victims who are too often ignored until tragedy strikes.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Detroit’s lack of affordable housing pushes families to the edge – and children sometime pay the price – https://theconversation.com/detroits-lack-of-affordable-housing-pushes-families-to-the-edge-and-children-sometime-pay-the-price-251591

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Pope Francis filled the College of Cardinals with a diverse group of men – and they’ll be picking his successor

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Joanne M. Pierce, Professor Emerita of Religious Studies, College of the Holy Cross

    The Catholic Church’s 115 cardinal-electors take part in a mass in St. Peter’s Basilica on March 12, 2013, ahead of entering the conclave for a papal election. Michael Kappeler/picture alliance via Getty Images

    Following the death of 88-year-old Pope Francis on Easter Monday, several cardinals who were already in Rome, or who traveled only short distances to arrive, held the first of several meetings – general congregations – to discuss preparations for the papal funeral and the election to follow.

    The College of Cardinals – which will elect the next pope – has 252 members, but only 135 can vote. Only those younger than 80 as of the day of a pope’s death may cast a ballot. Theoretically, church law allows the College of Cardinals to elect any Catholic man in the world to become the next pope – but in reality, as has been the case for more than 600 years, one of those cardinal-electors will almost certainly be Francis’ successor.

    As a specialist on medieval Catholicism and worship, I have studied how the role of cardinals has developed over time and how it has changed in the 20th and 21st centuries.

    How role of cardinals evolved

    During the early centuries of Christianity, three classes of ordained minsters came about to lead and serve Christian communities: bishops, priests and deacons.

    Bishops supervised local church communities and presided at liturgical ceremonies in the main churches – cathedrals. Priests advised the bishops and led individual communities – parishes. Deacons tended to the needs of the poor, widows and orphans and took care of community finances. They also had a special role during some worship services and often acted as the bishop’s secretaries.

    Over time, seven of these deacons in key Roman churches served as special advisers to the bishop of Rome, the pope. They came to be called cardinals, from Latin “cardo” – meaning hinge – and “cardinalis” meaning key or principal. Later popes would choose priests and bishops to be cardinals as well.

    Electing the pope

    In the earlier centuries, popes would be elected by the clergy and people of the city of Rome. As time went on, these elections could be manipulated by local civic leaders, wealthy families and political leaders outside of Rome and Italy.

    It was not until the 11th century that Pope Nicholas II formulated a process for selecting a new pope: election by an assembly of cardinals. However, it was not always possible for all the cardinals – known as the College of Cardinals – to come together, due to age, illness or distance. Those who had to travel long distances might arrive too late to vote.

    In order to avoid continued outside interference, Pope Gregory X in the 13th century adopted a new procedure: the conclave. Cardinals would remain in a locked location – from the Latin cum clave, “with a key” – in isolation from outside influences until the election concluded.

    The rules governing the conclave changed slightly over the years. The leader of the College of Cardinals is called the dean of the college. Over the centuries, his duties have come to include organizing the conclave, assisted by other Vatican officials. The size of the college has also varied over time but has steadily increased despite efforts to limit its size.

    Starting in the 19th century, popes began expanding the size and geography of the college. Once dominated by European and especially Italian cardinals, popes began to choose new cardinals from different areas of the globe. For example, the first cardinals born in North America were named: John McClosky, archbishop of New York, was named cardinal in 1875; James Gibbons, archbishop of Baltimore in 1886, and Elzéar-Alexandre Taschereau, archbishop of Quebec, also in 1886.

    The College of Cardinals receives final instructions from the Grand Marshal before adjourning to the Sistine Chapel to begin voting for a new pope in 1922.
    Bettmann via Getty Images

    The expansion of the college gathered momentum in the mid-20th century. The first native-born bishops from Asia were named at this time – for example, from China in 1946, Japan and the Philippines in 1960, and Sri Lanka in 1965. The first native-born cardinals of both Mexico and Uruguay were named in 1958, and the first native-born African of modern times, from Tanzania, was named in 1960. Popes continued this trend through the later 20th and early 21st centuries.

    Different visions

    By the time of his death, Francis had named a large number of new, non-European cardinals, especially from the Global South, where Catholicism is expanding. Currently, out of a total of 252 cardinals, 138 are non-European. Importantly, out of a total 135 cardinals eligible to vote, 82 are not from Europe, which makes a record number of non-Europeans eligible to vote.

    In addition, at this conclave, 80% of the cardinal-electors have been named by Francis: that is 108 cardinals out of 135. This is an overwhelming number, representing a wide variety of Catholic communities from several different cultures. A new pope must be elected with a two-thirds majority of the votes: a total of 90 votes. If no candidate receives 90 votes, balloting continues as scheduled.

    As I see it, there are several issues likely to arise and influence the vote for the upcoming election. Some of the cardinal-electors may want to choose a cardinal with more progressive views. But other cardinals, even if chosen by Francis, still might prefer to choose a more conservative candidate, to moderate what they see as the progressive agenda of the past 12 years. Their appointment by Francis doesn’t mean that they automatically agree with all of his ideas.

    In addition, specific issues facing the church will also shape opinions. Perhaps the most important include dealing with the scandal of clergy sexual abuse cases; the role of women in the church; and the treatment of immigrants and other instances of economic and social injustice.

    Catholics around the world will be praying for the Holy Spirit to guide the hearts and minds of the cardinals as they fill out their ballots. Many will hope for a pope as inspiring as his predecessor, one who can face the challenging problems of an increasingly complex world.

    Joanne M. Pierce does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Pope Francis filled the College of Cardinals with a diverse group of men – and they’ll be picking his successor – https://theconversation.com/pope-francis-filled-the-college-of-cardinals-with-a-diverse-group-of-men-and-theyll-be-picking-his-successor-254976

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Granular systems, such as sandpiles or rockslides, are all around you − new research will help scientists describe how they work

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jacqueline Reber, Associate Professor of Earth, Atmosphere, and Climate, Iowa State University

    Sand is one type of granular system – hundreds of grains act collectively. Nenov/Moment via Getty Images

    Did you eat cereal this morning? Or have you walked on a gravel path? Maybe you had a headache and had to take a pill? If you answered any of these questions with a yes, you interacted with a granular system today.

    Scientists classify any collection of small, hard particles – such as puffed rice, sand grains or pills – as a granular system.

    Even though everyone has interacted with these kinds of systems, describing the physics of how the particles collectively act when they are close together is surprisingly hard.

    Granular systems sometimes move like a fluid. Think of an hourglass where sand, a very typical granular material, flows from one half of the glass to the other. But if you’ve run on a beach, you know that sand can also act like a solid. You can move over it without sinking through the sand.

    As a geologist, I’m interested in understanding when a granular system flows and when it has strength and behaves like a solid. This line of research is very important for many agricultural and industrial applications, such as moving corn kernels or pills in a pipeline or shoot.

    Understanding when a granular system might flow is also essential for geologic hazard assessments. For example, geologists would like to know whether the various boulders making up the slope of a mountain are stable or whether they will move as a rockslide.

    Transferring forces between grains

    To understand the behavior of a granular system, scientists can zoom in and look at the interactions between individual grains. When two particles are in contact with each other, they can transfer forces between each other.

    Imagine this scenario: You have three tennis balls – the grains in this experiment. You place the tennis balls in a row and squeeze the three balls between your hand and a wall, so that your hand presses against the first ball. The last ball is in contact with a wall, but the middle ball is free floating and touches only the other two balls.

    Tennis balls can act as grains in this simple granular system experiment. When you push against the tennis ball on the end, you exert a force, which acts upon the other two balls and eventually the wall.
    Jeremy Randolph-Flagg

    By pushing against the first ball, you have successfully transferred the force from your hand through the row of three tennis balls onto the wall, even though you’ve touched only the first ball.

    Now imagine you have many grains, like in a pile of sand, and all the sand grains are in contact with some neighboring grains. Grains that touch transfer forces between each other. How the forces are distributed in this granular system dictates whether the system is stable and unmoving or if it will move – such as a rockslide or the sand in an hourglass.

    On the left are photoelastic discs used for two-dimensional experiments (9 mm diameter), and on the right are photoelastic grains used for three-dimensional experiments (14 mm diameter).
    Nathan Coon

    Tracking forces in the lab

    This is where my research team comes in. Together with my students, I study how grains interact with each other in the laboratory.

    In our experiments, we can visualize the forces between individual grains in a granular system. While all granular systems have these forces present, we cannot see their distribution because force is invisible in most grains, such as sand or pills. We can see the forces only in some transparent materials.

    To make the forces visible, we made grains using a material that is transparent and has a special property called photoelasticity. When photoelastic materials are illuminated and experience force, they split light into two rays that travel at different speeds.

    This property forms bright, colorful bands in the otherwise transparent material that make the force visible. The brightness of the grains depends on how much force a grain is experiencing, so we can see how the forces are distributed in the granular system. The particles themselves do not emit light, but they change how fast light rays travel through them when they experience force – which makes them appear brighter.

    On side A is a three-dimensional photoelastic grain without force applied, while on side B is the same grain once force is applied. In this case, we just squish the grain from the top and bottom. The brighter green bands start at the top and bottom of the grain where the force is applied and are the result of the photoelastic property.
    Jacqueline Reber

    Scientists before us have used photoelasticity to visualize force in granular materials. These previous experiments, however, have examined only a single layer of grains. We developed a method to see the forces in not just a single layer of grains but throughout a whole heap.

    Observing the forces on the outside of the heap of grains is pretty easy, but seeing how the forces are distributed in the middle of the pile is a lot harder. To see into the middle of the granular system and to illuminate grains there, we used a laser light sheet.

    To generate a laser light sheet, we manipulated a laser beam so that the light spread out into a very narrow sheet.

    With this light sheet, we illuminated one slice throughout the granular system. On this illuminated slice, we could see which grains were transferring forces, similarly to the previous two-dimensional experiments, without having to worry about the third dimension.

    We then collected information from many slices across different parts of the grain heap. We used the information from the individual slices to reconstruct the three-dimensional granular system.

    This technique is similar to how doctors reconstruct three-dimensional shapes of the brain and other organs from the two-dimensional images obtained by a medical CT scanner.

    In 3D photoelastic experiments, the cart system shown at the top left is used to obtain regularly spaced laser light slices of the experiments, with the middle being sliced. The bottom left shows a schematic on how multiple slices can recreate a 3D object. The right shows three consecutive photos that are 0.7 cm apart – roughly one grain’s radius. The bright green crosshatch pattern shows how the forces are distributed between the individual grains.
    Nathan Coon

    In our current experiments, we’ve been using only a small number of grains – 107. This way we can keep track of every individual grain and test whether this method works to see the force distribution in three dimensions. These 107 grains fill a cube-shaped box that is about 4 inches (10 centimeters) wide, tall and deep.

    So far, the experimental method is working well, and we’ve been able to see how the force is distributed between the 107 grains. Next, we plan to expand the experimental setup to include more grains and explore how the force changes when we agitate the granular system – for example, by bumping it.

    This new experimental approach opens the door for many more experiments that will help us to better understand granular systems. These systems are all around you, and while they seem so simple, researchers still don’t truly understand how they behave.

    Jacqueline Reber receives funding from the Iowa State University College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Frontier Science Fund.

    ref. Granular systems, such as sandpiles or rockslides, are all around you − new research will help scientists describe how they work – https://theconversation.com/granular-systems-such-as-sandpiles-or-rockslides-are-all-around-you-new-research-will-help-scientists-describe-how-they-work-251689

    MIL OSI – Global Reports