Category: India

MIL-OSI United Nations: UN chief ‘deeply saddened’ as Air India crash claims lives of over 200 on board

Source: United Nations 2-b

The plane – a Boeing 787-8 Dreamliner – crashed into a medical college about a mile from the city’s main airport reportedly killing five students and injuring around 50 who have been hospitalised.

The full extent of deaths and injuries on the ground has yet to be established but one British-Indian passenger on the plane miraculously survived the crash, reportedly telling journalists that there had been a loud noise around 30 seconds after take-off.

Heartfelt condolences

In a statement issued by his Spokesperson, Secretary-General António Guterres extended his heartfelt condolences to the families of the victims and to the people and Government of India, and to other countries who have lost citizens during the disaster.

He wished a swift and full recovery to all those injured as a result of the tragedy.

According to news reports, there were 169 Indian nationals, 53 Britons, seven from Portugal and one Canadian on the flight.

Officials at the crash site reported that the jet had continued to skid after crash-landing, dragging along the ground before bursting into flames. Hundreds of police and emergency workers remain at the scene, combing through the wreckage for survivors.

President of the UN General Assembly Philémon Yang said in a social media post that his thoughts were with all the victims and those impacted by the disaster, adding, “may they find strength and solace during this difficult time.”

MIL OSI United Nations News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI United Nations: The battle to quiet the sea: Can the shipping industry turn down the volume?

Source: United Nations 4

As global trade surges, so does the underwater noise generated by commercial shipping. From the Arctic to the Great Barrier Reef, scientists have documented how this constant mechanical hum can disorient whales, disrupt migration routes, and drown out the acoustic cues that many marine species rely on to survive.

As the issue intensifies, the United Nations agency responsible for regulating international shipping is now focused on reducing underwater noise.

Arsenio Dominguez, Secretary-General of the International Maritime Organization (IMO).

Arsenio Dominguez, Secretary-General of the UN International Maritime Organization (IMO), has recognized underwater-radiated noise as a critical but emerging concern. “We know the negative impact that shipping has at the bottom of the ocean, even though we’re also the main users,” he told UN News in Nice during the third UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3), in the French Riviera city. “That’s why we’re taking this very seriously.”

New guidelines

More than 80 per cent of global goods are transported by sea. Propellers, hull vibrations, and engines generate low-frequency sounds that travel vast distances underwater. Unlike oil spills or visible trash, noise pollution leaves no trace – but its impact is no less acute.

To address the issue, the IMO has issued new guidelines for the reduction of ship noise and launched a comprehensive Underwater Radiated Noise (URN) Action Plan.

A three-year “experience building phase,” during which countries are invited to share lessons and help develop best practices about the new guidelines, is currently underway.

“We now have an action plan to develop mandatory mechanisms learning from this,” Mr. Dominguez.

These voluntary guidelines – first adopted in 2014 and updated in 2023 – offer a range of technical recommendations for shipbuilders and operators, including hull design, propeller optimization, and operational measures like speed reduction.

According to the IMO, these changes can significantly reduce noise, especially in “Particularly Sensitive Sea Areas” such as the Galápagos Islands, in Ecuador, and the Tubbataha Reefs, in the Philippines, where marine ecosystems and Indigenous communities are particularly vulnerable.

New technologies and pilot initiatives

Scientists have documented how the constant mechanical hum of ships can disorient whales, disrupt migration routes, and drown out the acoustic cues that many marine species rely on to survive.

The issue of shipborne noise pollution is also gaining traction at UNOC3, as part of its broader discussions on ocean health, marine biodiversity, and the regulation of industrial impacts on the sea. The UN maritime agency is using the gathering to raise the profile of its recently updated guidelines.

Mr. Dominguez pointed to the importance of new technologies in reducing underwater noise: “By enhancing the biofouling and the cleaning of the hulls of the vessels and introducing new technologies, including propellers, we can actually start reducing the negative effects of underwater radiated noise on board the ships.”

He added: “Another measure that is effective is speed optimization. By reducing the speeds of the ship, we also reduce underwater radiated noise.”

Together with the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and the Global Environment Facility (GEF), the IMO has launched an initiative called the GloNoise Partnership, which aims at reducing the acoustic footprint of shipping across pilot countries including Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, India, South Africa, and Trinidad and Tobago.

The IMO is on board

“We need to do everything within our power to protect [the ocean],” Mr. Dominguez said. “It’s not just the food that we sometimes have on our plates, but it’s the goods that are transported by sea. And without them, I don’t think the civilizations would actually be able to continue.”

The stakes, he warned, go beyond biodiversity.

“This will have a positive impact in relation to the marine conservations in the ocean… Once we gather all this information, we will be able to enhance the quality of shipping when it comes to its efficiency and reduction of underwater radiating noise.”

As scientists continue to sound the alarm, Mr. Dominguez said the IMO must move faster: “The big message that I will have from everyone participating in [UNOC3] is let’s focus on tangible results. We’ve made the statements in the past. We have made commitments. It’s time to start acting on those commitments and see what has been done and what else needs to be done.”

“We are not against this,” he concluded. “We are on board.”

MIL OSI United Nations News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI United Nations: Global push to end plastic pollution gains ground in Nice

Source: United Nations 4

Away from the cameras and fanfare of the Third UN Ocean Conference under way in the coastal French city, they voiced a shared determination to finalize this year a global treaty that could, for the first time, regulate plastics across their entire life cycle.

“There is renewed commitment to conclude the treaty in August,” Jyoti Mathur-Filipp, who attended the meeting and is leading the treaty negotiations, told UN News. “This is too urgent an issue to be left for the future.”

Hosted by Inger Andersen, the head of the UN Environment Programme (UNEP), the informal gathering marked a quiet but significant diplomatic moment – a sign that after two years of deliberations, political momentum may finally be catching up with scientific alarm.

With one round of talks remaining – scheduled from August 5 to 14 in Geneva – negotiators are now under pressure to deliver the first legally binding treaty aimed at tackling plastic pollution across production, consumption, and waste.

A crisis accelerating in plain sight

Plastic waste has infiltrated nearly every ecosystem on Earth including the human body, increasingly in the form of microplastics. Without urgent action, the amount of plastic entering the ocean each year could reach 37 million metric tons by 2040, according to UN estimates.

“We are choking with plastic,” Ms. Mathur-Filipp said. “If we do not do something to tackle plastic pollution, we will not have a single ecosystem left, whether it’s terrestrial or marine.”

The economic toll is no less staggering. Between 2016 and 2040, the projected cost of plastic-related damage could reach $281 trillion. “It is costing the economy a lot,” said the Indian native. “In tourism, in beach clean-up, in lack of fish for fishing folk, coastal damage, wetlands damage.”

UN News/Fabrice Robinet

Jyoti Mathur-Filipp, Executive Secretary of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) on Plastic Pollution.

The final stretch in Geneva

The treaty process was launched in 2022, at the request of the UN Environment Assembly, the world’s highest decision-making body on environmental issues, held every two years in Nairobi Kenya. Since then, the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) has convened five times in less than two years – an unusually rapid timeline by UN standards.

“We have had five sessions very rapidly from December of 2022 to December of 2024,” said Ms. Mathur-Filipp, who serves as the INC’s Executive Secretary. She hopes the upcoming session this August in Geneva will mark the treaty’s conclusion.

A key breakthrough came six months ago at the last round of talks in Busan, South Korea, where delegates produced a 22-page “Chair’s text,” outlining the draft treaty’s basic structure.

“It has 32 or 33 articles in it, with names of articles, so countries can now start seeing what this treaty will look like,” she explained. “They have started speaking with article numbers for negotiation… and this is why my hope is that there would be a conclusion.”

A treaty with teeth – and flexibility

While the draft treaty is still under negotiation, it includes measures that would target the entire life cycle of plastic – from upstream production to downstream waste. It reflects both mandatory and voluntary provisions, in line with the original UN mandate.

The current draft also includes the institutional architecture of a typical multilateral treaty: the ratification process, governance rules, and proposed implementation bodies.

“It has an objective. It has a preamble,” said Ms. Mathur-Filipp. “It looks like a treaty.”

If all goes according to plan, the final text will be submitted to a diplomatic conference – later this year or in early 2026 – where governments can formally adopt it and begin the ratification process.

Unequal burdens, global stakes

Although plastic pollution is a global issue, some countries – especially small island developing states – bear a disproportionate burden.

“It is a fact that small island developing states are not the ones that are using plastic as much as what’s flowing onto their shores and therefore, they become responsible for beach clean-up, which is not their doing,” Mathur-Filipp said. “They are unfairly impacted.”

An estimated 18 to 20 per cent of global plastic waste ends up in the ocean.

One diplomat’s mission

Before leading the INC, Ms. Mathur-Filipp worked at the UN Convention on Biological Diversity, where she helped shape the landmark Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, the 2022 agreement to protect 30 per cent of the planet’s land and ocean by 2030. The challenge of managing a fast-moving, high-stakes negotiation is familiar terrain.

“I wasn’t tired enough there, so now I’m doing this,” she said.

As the Mediterranean UNOC3 host city plays its part in building momentum, all eyes will, in the weeks ahead, turn to Geneva. The outcome in August could determine whether the world takes a decisive step toward curbing the plastic crisis – or allows it to deepen, unchecked.

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MIL OSI United Nations News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI United Nations: From summits to street art to schools: Here’s how we’re marking World Environment Day

Source: United Nations MIL OSI b

Around the world, civil society groups and UN teams are hosting webinars, forums, summits and other diverse celebrations. It’s a collective effort that’s drawing together different wings of the UN from Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to UN Peacekeeping.

Worldwide events

On Tuesday, Qatar launched a national biodiversity database, concluding a three-year UNEP-led project.

In the Indian capital New Delhi, UNEP hosted the Tide Turners Plastic Challenge National Youth Summit on Tuesday to empower young people to take action to end plastic pollution.

As host, Jeju held a commemoration ceremony and the Future Generation Forum on Thursday.

Mexico launched its 2025–2030 National Beach and Coastal Clean-Up and Conservation Campaign in Puerto Progreso, Yucatán, with volunteer brigades and a formal ceremony.

In Geneva, UNEP and the Orchestre des Nations are presenting a one-hour concert, Our Home, blending music, images and spoken word to highlight ecological emergencies.

Brussels is screening the documentary Ocean with legendary environmental campaigner and broadcaster Sir David Attenborough, in honour of World Environment Day, World Oceans Day and the UN Ocean Conference.

In the United States, Street Art for Mankind unveiled a 245-foot mural for World Environment Day as part of the UN Decade on Ecosystem Restoration, calling for better protection for vulnerable communities.

UNESCO initiative

In a statement released Thursday, UNESCO reported that over 80,000 schools across 87 countries are following the recommendations in the Green school quality standard released in May 2024.

The initiative promotes green learning environments through governance, facilities and operations, teaching, and community engagement. This includes setting up “green governance committees” and training teachers in sustainable management practices.

[embedded content]

Peacekeeping and the environment

In a video released Wednesday, UN Under-Secretary-General for Operational Support Atul Khare and Environment Section Chief Joanna Harvey outlined how UN Peacekeeping is reducing its environmental footprint.

Efforts over the past decade include bringing renewable energy to missions, requiring newer, more efficient generators, supporting local energy providers, and investing in sustainable infrastructure.

“We want to leave behind a legacy… [of] projects that are created by us which are finally beneficial to the local communities,” said Mr. Khare.

MIL OSI United Nations News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI United Nations: ‘One Earth, One Health’: Yoga Day provides respite in a tumultuous world

Source: United Nations MIL OSI

This powerful message of International Yoga Day, observed annually on 21 June, reverberated through UN Headquarters in New York on Friday as hundreds gathered to embrace the ancient, holistic practice.

A familiar tradition now each year, the North Lawn once again transformed into an open-air yoga studio overlooking the East River. Following a stretch of rainy, gray days, the sky had finally cleared, making it a bright, warm day.

And yoga enthusiasts, including diplomats, UN officials and staff, took full advantage of it, rolling out their mats – flexing bodies and minds.

Peter Rogina, founder of Project Peace Lights, was delighted to return to the headquarters and fondly recalled the 2019 event, which was moved indoors to the General Assembly Hall due to rain.

“I love the opportunity to practice with such a large group of people, the energy is just amplified…And I also have my son with me, so to introduce him to this experience, I am also very excited.”

UN News/Pooja Yadav

Lama Aria Drolma is a Buddhist teacher and meditation expert.

A Buddhist monastic Lama Aria Drolma comes to the UN every year to participate in the event. Her path has taken her from the world of corporate modeling to a more reflective place of inner peace and meditation.

“When I was a young child growing up in India, I used to practice yoga. It touches not only the body but also the soul. It’s very meditative as well. I find yoga to be one of the healthiest things we all can do to take care of our health.”

‘One family’

The emphasis on personal wellness also highlighted the benefits of yoga going beyond individuals to encompass the health of the entire planet.

Organized by the Permanent Mission of India to the UN in collaboration with the UN Secretariat, the theme of this year’s event was, Yoga for One Earth, One Health.

India’s Permanent Representative Ambassador P. Harish noted how it underscores a vital truth: personal well-being and planetary health are deeply interconnected.

“In caring for ourselves, we begin to care for Earth, reflecting the enduring Indian ethos of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, or the whole world is one family.”

“The 11^th edition of the Yoga Day offers us an opportunity to reflect on how yoga has grown into a global force for well-being, touching people across age-groups, geographies and walks of life,” he added.

Echoing that, Didi Ananda Radhika Acharya from Ananda Marga Women’s Welfare Center pointed out that more than just an exercise, yoga is a way to discover the sense of oneness with yourself, the world and nature.

“On the outside, we are our bodies, within that lies our mind. Deep further inside, there is something that is always witnessing us, observing us. That is our soul. Through Yoga, we can reach that inner space. When we delve into the depths of our mind through yoga, we realize how deeply connected we all are.”

A symbol of hope

Participants on the lawn ranged from experienced practitioners to curious first timers, engaged in basic yoga asanas (poses), breathing techniques and stretching exercises.

Permanent Mission of India to the UN

Marking International Day of Yoga at UN Headquarters in New York City. (20 June 2025)

The key highlight of the programme was a guided meditation session by the renowned physician and a leading figure on integrative well-being, Dr. Deepak Chopra.

Marta Shedletsky from Sivananda Yoga Vedanta Center in New York attended the session seeking a sense of community, trust – and hope. The venue held a special meaning for her.

“What’s going on in the world these days, with all the turmoil and all the wars that are going on, this place feels like a symbol of hope for a better future and the possibility of peace.”

MIL OSI United Nations News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI United Nations: Asia is warming twice as fast as the rest of the world

Source: United Nations MIL OSI

While there are records which exist to be broken – Olympic ones, for example -these monthly temperature extremes are not medal worthy. And yet, China was not the only Asian country to set a flurry of new highs in 2024.

The continent is warming twice as fast as the global average, according to a report released Monday by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO). This rate of warming – which shows no signs of stopping – is leading to devastating consequences for lives and livelihoods across the region, and no country is exempt from the consequences.

“Extreme weather is already exacting an unacceptably high toll,” said WMO Secretary-General Celeste Saulo on Monday.

Large landmass, warmer temperatures

The WMO report said that Asia is warming twice as fast as global averages because of its large landmass, explaining that temperatures over land increase more quickly than those over sea.

“Variations in surface temperature have a large impact on natural systems and on human beings,” the report said.

The oceans around Asia are also experiencing temperature increases with surface temperatures in the Indian and Pacific Oceans reaching record levels in 2024.

Moreover, prolonged heat waves, both on land and sea, wreaked havoc across the region, leading to melting glaciers and rising sea levels.

Too much and too little water

Some countries and communities in Asia were ravaged by record rainfall. Northern Kerala in India, for example, experienced a fatal landslide which killed over 350 people.

Record rainfall coupled with snow melt in Kazakhstan, which is home to thousands of glaciers, led to the worst flooding in 70 years.

Others were ravaged by the exact opposite problem – not enough rainfall. A summer long drought in China, for example, affected over 4.76 million people and damaged hundreds of thousands of hectares of crops.

WMO emphasized in the report that the only way to adapt to these increasingly polar weather patterns is to install more comprehensive early warning systems which are coupled with capacity building measures that enable communities to be more resilient.

Nepal: A case study in preparedness

The WMO report lauded the success that Nepal has had in installing early warning systems which monitor flooding risks, among other things, even as it said that more comprehensive action was necessary.

Between 26 and 28 September 2024, Nepal experienced extreme rainfall which created landslides and flooding across large swaths of the country. 246 people were killed, 178 injured and over 200 missing in the wake of the climate emergency.

While the impact of the crisis was extreme, early flood warning systems enabled communities to prepare for evacuation in addition to crisis responders to reach the worst hit regions quickly.

“This is the first time in 65 years that the flooding was this bad. We had zero casualties thanks to preparedness and rescue measures, but the damage was extensive,” said Ramesh karki, Mayor of Barahakshetra, an affected municipality in Eastern Nepal.

Moreover, comprehensive national protocols on emergency funding ensured that funding for humanitarian and rebuilding needs was quickly dispersed throughout the country.

WMO said that they are working with the Nepalese government and other partners to continue improving upon these systems.

“The work of National Meteorological and Hydrological Services and their partners is more important than ever to save lives and livelihoods,” Ms. Saulo said.

MIL OSI United Nations News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI United Nations: United States, Ukraine among new members elected to UN Economic and Social Council

Source: United Nations MIL OSI

Croatia, Russia and Ukraine secured seats from the Eastern European regional group, which had three available seats. Russia was elected in a run-off against Belarus, as both nations failed to secure the required two-thirds majority in the first round of voting. North Macedonia, the fifth candidate from the group, did not meet the two-thirds threshold and did not advance.

Germany and the United States were also elected in a by-election to replace Liechtenstein and Italy, which relinquished their seats. Their terms will run through 2026 and 2027, respectively.

Other countries elected to ECOSOC – for three year terms – include Australia, Burundi, Chad, China, Ecuador, Finland, India, Lebanon, Mozambique, Norway, Peru, Sierra Leone, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Türkiye, and Turkmenistan.

The terms of all new members will begin on 1 January 2026.

Vote tally

ECOSOC membership is allocated based on equitable geographical representation across five regional groups: African States, Asia-Pacific States, Eastern European States, Latin American and Caribbean States, and Western European and other States.

A total of 189 Member States participated in the first round of balloting, and 187 in the runoff. A two-thirds majority of valid votes cast was required for election; abstentions and invalid ballots were not counted in the total.

A – African States (four seats) required majority 126
Mozambique: 186
Sierra Leone: 186
Burundi: 184
Chad: 183

B – Asia-Pacific States (four seats) required majority 125
Lebanon: 183
Turkmenistan: 183
India: 181
China: 180

C – Eastern European States (three seats)
First round – required majority 123
Croatia: 146
Ukraine: 130
Russia: 108
Belarus: 96
North Macedonia: 59

Second round runoff – required majority 108
Russia: 115
Belarus: 46

D – Latin American and Caribbean States (three seats) required majority 125
Ecuador: 182
Peru: 182
Saint Kitts and Nevis: 180

E – Western European and other States (four seats) required majority 120
Türkiye: 174
Finland: 173
Australia: 172
Norway: 169
Andorra: 1

By-elections (two seats, independent elections) required majority 114
Germany: 171
United States: 170
Andorra: 1

The Economic and Social Council

ECOSOC is one of the six main organs of the United Nations and consists of 54 Member States elected for overlapping three-year terms. It plays a central role in advancing the international development agenda and fostering international cooperation across economic, social, and environmental spheres.

The General Assembly, comprising all 193 UN Member States, elects ECOSOC members annually by secret ballot.

MIL OSI United Nations News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI China: Global strategists, decision-makers address key security, development issues at Beijing peace forum

Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

Ex-President of the European Council Herman van Rompuy speaks at the 13th World Peace Forum in Beijing, capital of China, July 3, 2025. More than 1,200 guests from 86 countries and regions have gathered in Beijing to exchange views on maintaining global peace and addressing conflicts at the ongoing 13th World Peace Forum. (Xinhua)

The 13th World Peace Forum in Beijing, which ended on Friday, saw experts, strategists and statespersons from across the globe exchanging views in the Chinese capital, with their focus on solving some of the most pressing issues threatening world peace.

Themed “advancing global peace and prosperity: shared responsibility, benefit and achievement,” the forum, which ran from July 2 to 4, was hosted by Tsinghua University and the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs.

ADDRESSING PAN-SECURITIZATION

Pan-securitization was the focus of discussion in one plenary of the forum, where participants shared views on how certain countries continuously expand the boundaries of “security.” From the perspective of Cui Tiankai, Chinese ambassador to the United States from 2013 to 2021, the key promoters of pan-securitization are also prominent disruptors of global security.

The reason why these countries now feel insecure is that many other countries are no longer tolerating their unilateral, hegemonic behavior, said Cui.

The solution, he stated, is to act based on the vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, where no country is excluded or targeted. “It is not only necessary to address some security issues at the superficial level, but also to pay attention to the deep-seated factors and root causes of security problems,” he added.

Former Singaporean Foreign Minister George Yeo Yong-Boon, meanwhile, highlighted the role of morality in resolving the pan-securitization conundrum.

“If we don’t have peace in our heart, then no matter how clever our diplomats are, we cannot achieve world peace,” he said, adding that it is important to develop a new sense of what is moral. He also noted that in this regard, the Chinese proposal of building a human community with shared future is a moral necessity.

GREATER EMPHASIS ON MULTILATERALISM

Throughout the forum, a recurring view in the speeches and dialogues of all participants was that global peace and security should not be only in the hands of major powers. Middle powers, as well as countries of the Global South, should also have a say in this matter.

Global South countries share a common experience of colonialism and imperialism oppression, and have mutual goals such as poverty alleviation, reduction of inequality and greater participation in international affairs, said Shivshankar Menon, who served as the national security advisor to the prime minister of India from 2012 to 2014.

In the meantime, due to expansion of the geopolitical space, the current lack of order in the world has given Global South countries the room to try to achieve their goals, said Menon. This means the fragmented security order in various regions is both a challenge and an opportunity for the Global South.

Expressing a similar view, former Republic of Korea (ROK) Foreign Minister Kim Sung-hwan spoke of the role of middle powers in moderating major power disputes. He noted that middle powers do not seek hegemony, and have certain strengths and sincere desires to encourage everyone to cooperate and solve problems.

Taking the case of northeast Asia as an example, Kim said cooperation between Japan, the ROK and China is of great significance. He expressed belief that enhancement of this trilateral cooperation endeavor can reduce the risk of confrontation between China and the United States.

POSITIVE OUTLOOK ON CHINA-EU RELATIONS

With a summit marking the 50th anniversary of diplomatic ties between China and the European Union (EU) drawing near, some participants at the 13th World Peace Forum also held positive views on the development of China-EU relations.

Former President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy, who called for more dialogues between countries, governments and peoples in his address to the forum, expressed optimism regarding an upcoming China-EU summit.

Earlier, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi confirmed the summit as one of the important events China will hold to mark the 50th anniversary of the establishment of China-EU diplomatic relations.

“Hopefully, dialogue can bring about a return to realism, and a move away from ideological or nationalist models,” Van Rompuy said in the speech.

His opinions on China-EU relations was echoed by Shi Mingde, former Chinese ambassador to Germany. When speaking at a panel discussion focusing on China-Europe ties, Shi reiterated that China-Europe relations should not be affected by a third country.

“The upcoming China-EU summit will be a valuable opportunity where both sides can reflect on the achievements we made over the past 50 years, and take a closer look at the problems at hand,” said Shi. “Chinese and European leaders have not met for quite some time, so the fact that the summit will be held is in and of itself a success.”

MIL OSI China News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI China: Global strategists, decision-makers address key security, development issues at Beijing peace forum

Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

Ex-President of the European Council Herman van Rompuy speaks at the 13th World Peace Forum in Beijing, capital of China, July 3, 2025. More than 1,200 guests from 86 countries and regions have gathered in Beijing to exchange views on maintaining global peace and addressing conflicts at the ongoing 13th World Peace Forum. (Xinhua)

The 13th World Peace Forum in Beijing, which ended on Friday, saw experts, strategists and statespersons from across the globe exchanging views in the Chinese capital, with their focus on solving some of the most pressing issues threatening world peace.

Themed “advancing global peace and prosperity: shared responsibility, benefit and achievement,” the forum, which ran from July 2 to 4, was hosted by Tsinghua University and the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs.

ADDRESSING PAN-SECURITIZATION

Pan-securitization was the focus of discussion in one plenary of the forum, where participants shared views on how certain countries continuously expand the boundaries of “security.” From the perspective of Cui Tiankai, Chinese ambassador to the United States from 2013 to 2021, the key promoters of pan-securitization are also prominent disruptors of global security.

The reason why these countries now feel insecure is that many other countries are no longer tolerating their unilateral, hegemonic behavior, said Cui.

The solution, he stated, is to act based on the vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, where no country is excluded or targeted. “It is not only necessary to address some security issues at the superficial level, but also to pay attention to the deep-seated factors and root causes of security problems,” he added.

Former Singaporean Foreign Minister George Yeo Yong-Boon, meanwhile, highlighted the role of morality in resolving the pan-securitization conundrum.

“If we don’t have peace in our heart, then no matter how clever our diplomats are, we cannot achieve world peace,” he said, adding that it is important to develop a new sense of what is moral. He also noted that in this regard, the Chinese proposal of building a human community with shared future is a moral necessity.

GREATER EMPHASIS ON MULTILATERALISM

Throughout the forum, a recurring view in the speeches and dialogues of all participants was that global peace and security should not be only in the hands of major powers. Middle powers, as well as countries of the Global South, should also have a say in this matter.

Global South countries share a common experience of colonialism and imperialism oppression, and have mutual goals such as poverty alleviation, reduction of inequality and greater participation in international affairs, said Shivshankar Menon, who served as the national security advisor to the prime minister of India from 2012 to 2014.

In the meantime, due to expansion of the geopolitical space, the current lack of order in the world has given Global South countries the room to try to achieve their goals, said Menon. This means the fragmented security order in various regions is both a challenge and an opportunity for the Global South.

Expressing a similar view, former Republic of Korea (ROK) Foreign Minister Kim Sung-hwan spoke of the role of middle powers in moderating major power disputes. He noted that middle powers do not seek hegemony, and have certain strengths and sincere desires to encourage everyone to cooperate and solve problems.

Taking the case of northeast Asia as an example, Kim said cooperation between Japan, the ROK and China is of great significance. He expressed belief that enhancement of this trilateral cooperation endeavor can reduce the risk of confrontation between China and the United States.

POSITIVE OUTLOOK ON CHINA-EU RELATIONS

With a summit marking the 50th anniversary of diplomatic ties between China and the European Union (EU) drawing near, some participants at the 13th World Peace Forum also held positive views on the development of China-EU relations.

Former President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy, who called for more dialogues between countries, governments and peoples in his address to the forum, expressed optimism regarding an upcoming China-EU summit.

Earlier, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi confirmed the summit as one of the important events China will hold to mark the 50th anniversary of the establishment of China-EU diplomatic relations.

“Hopefully, dialogue can bring about a return to realism, and a move away from ideological or nationalist models,” Van Rompuy said in the speech.

His opinions on China-EU relations was echoed by Shi Mingde, former Chinese ambassador to Germany. When speaking at a panel discussion focusing on China-Europe ties, Shi reiterated that China-Europe relations should not be affected by a third country.

“The upcoming China-EU summit will be a valuable opportunity where both sides can reflect on the achievements we made over the past 50 years, and take a closer look at the problems at hand,” said Shi. “Chinese and European leaders have not met for quite some time, so the fact that the summit will be held is in and of itself a success.”

MIL OSI China News –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: Indonesia’s BRICS agenda: 2 reasons Prabowo’s foreign policy contrasts with Jokowi’s

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Aswin Ariyanto Azis, Head of department of Politics, Government, and International Relations of Universitas Brawijaya, Universitas Brawijaya

Ilustrasi-ilustrasi bendera negara anggota BRICS dan mitra. justit/Shutterstock

Indonesia’s decision to pursue membership in BRICS – an emerging economy bloc comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa – signals that President Prabowo Subianto is steering foreign policy in a direction contrasting with his predecessors.

During Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s two-term administration, then-former Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi led efforts to integrate Indonesia’s economy with Western institutions by working to secure membership with the OECD.

Since BRICS is an alternative to Western-dominated organisations, many observers scrutinised and questioned Indonesia’s nonalignment commitment. However, Foreign Minister Sugiono argued that BRICS aligns with Indonesia’s ‘free and active’ foreign policy, allowing Indonesia to collaborate widely without aligning too closely with any single bloc.

For Sugiono, joining BRICS means paving the way to advance the new government’s goals of food security, energy independence, poverty alleviation, and human capital development. The bloc offers access to funding, technology, and trade opportunities to tackle key challenges in those sectors. BRICS, with its emphasis on fairness and cooperation, supports Indonesia’s vision for a more inclusive and sustainable future.

The shift from Retno’s OECD focus to Sugiono’s BRICS approach reflects at least two visions. First, Indonesia seeks to reassess its strategic position as the leading economy in Southeast Asia. Second, the country seeks to switch from its nonalignment stance to multi-alignment. The later will help navigate partnerships with both developed and emerging economies, balancing traditional alliances with new opportunities.

Joining BRICS can amplify Indonesia’s influence in its already strong ties with each of the member countries and unlock opportunities beyond one-on-one partnerships.

Fear of missing out

Indonesia’s pivot to BRICS reflects both its relationship with major powers, such as China and the US, and regional pressures.

Neighbouring countries Malaysia and Thailand have recently expressed interest in BRICS, creating a sense of competition within Southeast Asia. Both countries joining the bloc could erode Indonesia’s leadership and influence in the region, especially in affecting global affairs.

Through ASEAN, Indonesia has sought to act as a regional stabiliser and mediator amid rising polarisation between the West and China.

As its de facto leader, Indonesia has historically championed initiatives like the South China Sea Code of Conduct and Myanmar’s peace process. Its G20 presidency further underscored its role as a mediator between global powers.

This ‘fear of missing out’ has spurred Indonesia’s interest in BRICS.

Joining BRICS ahead of its regional peers ensures that Indonesia maintains its leadership position in ASEAN. For Prabowo’s administration, BRICS offers a platform to advance Indonesia’s interests in maritime security, economic growth, and global governance. It is a strategic move beyond an economic decision to amplify its voice on global issues and prevent fellow Southeast Asian countries from overtaking it in shaping the bloc’s agenda.

Bold (but not one) direction

Indonesia’s BRICS membership announcement highlights the new administration’s foreign policy ambitions, centred on two key shifts: adopting a multi-alignment strategy and strengthening its ‘good neighbour’ policy.

Prabowo envisions engaging with all nations, fostering friendly relations while opposing oppression. This approach resonates with Indonesia’s historical commitment to sovereignty and equality in international relations.

Indonesia has traditionally adhered to a nonalignment principle. This virtue has aided the country navigating major power blocs without binding itself to any single alliance. However, the current geopolitical climate – marked by intensifying tensions between global powers, regional conflicts, and intricate challenges – demands a more flexible and strategic approach.

By joining BRICS, Indonesia avoids taking sides and instead diversifies its partnerships to maximise benefits. This multi-aligned approach enables active participation in BRICS discussions on multilateral reform.

Prabowo’s ‘good neighbour policy’ further underscores the importance of maintaining positive relations with all countries. It empowers developing nations and advocates for a more equitable global order and economic system. This strategy also facilitates Indonesia’s resilience by fostering partnerships in food and energy security, poverty alleviation, and human capital development.

Such collaborations reduce reliance on Western financial systems and enhance Indonesia’s autonomy. Ultimately, these strategic directions position Indonesia as a sovereign and dynamic player capable of balancing global relationships while advancing its own priorities.

What about the OECD?

This move does not mean the OECD is off the table for Indonesia. Instead, Prabowo’s approach reflects a dual-track strategy that values both alliances for their respective benefits.

The OECD remains a long-term objective to enhance Indonesia’s economic governance and regulatory standards. It serves the goal of providing the country with stable relationships within the Western economic framework. Meanwhile, BRICS offers an immediate avenue for Indonesia to deepen ties with equivalent economies and actively shape policies that impact the Global South.

Sugiono’s statement in Kazan emphasised Indonesia’s commitment to engaging in other forums, including the G20 and OECD discussions. It highlighted the country’s flexibility in international alliances.

This dual-track strategy reinforces Indonesia’s role as a bridge between developed and developing nations, maximising the benefits of both alliances without sacrificing its autonomy.

What’s next for Indonesia?

Indonesia’s decision to join BRICS marks a significant evolution in its foreign policy. By participating in BRICS, Indonesia positions itself as a critical player in global discussions on economic reform and development, asserting its voice within a multi-polar world order.

Indonesia is charting a path that balances traditional alliances with emerging opportunities, reinforcing its role as a dynamic, independent player on the world stage.

Aswin Ariyanto Azis tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. Indonesia’s BRICS agenda: 2 reasons Prabowo’s foreign policy contrasts with Jokowi’s – https://theconversation.com/indonesias-brics-agenda-2-reasons-prabowos-foreign-policy-contrasts-with-jokowis-242920

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: Acehnese women sidelined from decision-making despite past tragedy and conflict

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Norma Susanti RM, Peneliti di Tsunami and Disaster Mitigation Research Center (TDMRC) dan Pusat Riset Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya (PRISB) Universitas Syiah Kuala, Universitas Syiah Kuala

20 years have passed since the Aceh tsunami, leaving deep scars on Indonesia, especially for those directly affected. Aceh was also recovering from a three-decade armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement and the national government

Throughout December 2024, The Conversation Indonesia, in collaboration with academics, is publishing a special edition honouring the 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh. We hope this series of articles preserves our collective memory while inspiring reflection on the journey of recovery and peace in the land of ‘Serambi Makkah.’

The devastating 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami remains etched in the memories of many,especially in Aceh, where the disaster claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. Among the casualties, women were disproportionately affected by a four-to-one ratio.

Twenty years later, the struggle to guarantee women’s rights continues to face significant hurdles. Despite the historical records of women’s leadership in shaping the region and the impacts bore by women in the tragedy, their involvement in modern Aceh’s development remains minimal.

Disaster recovery: Shifting paradigms

Aceh has a remarkable history of female leadership, with figures such as Cut Nyak Dhien, Cut Nyak Meutia, Laksamana Keumalahayati, Pocut Baren, and Tengku Fakinah playing pivotal roles in defending the region against Dutch colonial forces.

Even further back in history, Aceh witnessed the reign of formidable female rulers such as Sultanah Tajul Alam Safiatuddin (1641–1675) and Nurul Alam Naqiatuddin (1675–1678), among others, who led the Aceh Darussalam Kingdom—an influential Islamic power in Southeast Asia.

Fast-forward to modern history, the prolonged armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government (1976-2005) also highlighted the crucial role of women. When many men fled for safety, grassroots women stood firm, shouldering dual domestic and public responsibilities. They negotiated with military forces to ensure village safety, advocated for the release of detained family members, and secured food for their communities despite immense challenges.

This narrative — documented in personal accounts,research, and reports — reveals the depth of women’s contributions to their communities amidst adversity.

Unfortunately, the resilience of Acehnese women remains unacknowledged post-tsunami and conflict. Initiatives to involve women in development are concentrated in the capital, Banda Aceh, while their representation in politics is liminal.

A dedicated space for women: The MUSRENA initiative

In Banda Aceh, the government has taken significant steps to promote women’s participation in development planning. One notable initiative is the establishment of MUSRENA, a special women’s forum designed to gather and integrate women’s proposals into local development plans. Funded by regional budgets and village allocations, these forums provide a platform for women to articulate their needs and experiences.

The outcomes from MUSRENA dialogues are compiled in stages, from the village to the municipal level, ensuring they become part of the major decisions agreed upon in each level’s planning forum.

The MUSRENA initiative owes much to the leadership of Illiza Sa’aduddin Djamal, who served as Banda Aceh’s deputy mayor between 2007 and 2014. Under her guidance, the forum was institutionalised through regulations, ensuring its sustainability.

However, this innovative model has yet to be widely adopted by other regions. To maximises its output, MUSRENA needs capacity-building activities accessible to women from diverse backgrounds and serves as a strategy to increase the number of women leaders.

Women in politics: Gaps in representation

The representation of women in Aceh’s political and governance structures remains limited. Between 2014 and 2019, only 12 women served in Aceh’s 81-member legislative council, but this number further dropped to eight in the 2024 election — far below the minimum representation threshold of 30%. This underscores the persistent challenges faced by women in gaining political footholds.

The lack of representation is also evident in Aceh Provincial Government. Women occupy just only 5 out of 62 senior roles and 49 out of 283 mid-level roles, highlighting the stark disparity between men and women in leadership.

Independent commissions in Aceh, which should ideally foster inclusive leadership, have also failed to create a supportive environment for women leaders. The absence of women in key strategic positions reflects a broader trend across Aceh, extending down to the village (Gampong) level. Women’s participation remains minimal in village governance despite a 2008 Qanun — regional regulations specific to Aceh — that mandates equality in community leadership and cultural preservation.

Ensuring gender equality in development

Reconstruction after the tsunami demanded a transformative approach to disaster management. A 2007 Law promoting a shift from emergency-focused responses to a more integrated strategy of mitigation, response, and post-disaster recovery has been slow to materialised.

Emergency responses continue to overshadow other phases, and preparedness efforts remain limited and poorly integrated across sectors. Recovery programs often fail to adhere to the “build back better and safer” disaster risk reduction principles.

Gender-responsive disaster management is essential to prepare all segments of society, including women and vulnerable groups, for future crises. The limited role of women in Aceh’s post-tsunami recovery and development processes, especially in contrast with how deeply affected they are by the tragedy, highlights the need for more inclusive approaches.

This requires systemic planning, policy formulation, budget allocation, and implementation. Monitoring and evaluation must emphasise measurable outcomes, guided by frameworks like Regulation No. 13/2014 on Gender Mainstreaming in Disaster Management. Indicators of success should include women’s access to resources, active participation, control over decisions, and equitable benefits.

Women’s experiences and contributions should form the foundation of disaster mitigation strategies. Thus, it is crucial to empower women financially, ensure access to education, improve mental and reproductive health, and enhance political and managerial skills.

Aceh’s history and the lessons from the tsunami and conflict should serve as reminders of the importance of inclusive development. Two decades on, the region must fully embrace gender equality as a cornerstone of its progress. Women’s meaningful participation and leadership are not just a nod to history but a necessary path to a more resilient and equitable future.

Norma Susanti RM tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. Acehnese women sidelined from decision-making despite past tragedy and conflict – https://theconversation.com/acehnese-women-sidelined-from-decision-making-despite-past-tragedy-and-conflict-245947

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: Aceh Tsunami: Monuments help to remember disasters – and forget them

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Muzayin Nazaruddin, Dosen Program Studi Ilmu Komunikasi, Universitas Islam Indonesia (UII) Yogyakarta

20 years have passed since the Aceh tsunami, leaving deep scars on Indonesia, especially for those directly affected. Aceh was also recovering from a three-decade armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement and the national government

Throughout December 2024, The Conversation Indonesia, in collaboration with academics, is publishing a special edition honouring the 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh. We hope this series of articles preserves our collective memory while inspiring reflection on the journey of recovery and peace in the land of ‘Serambi Makkah.’

In the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, the Acehnese interpreted the disaster in various ways.

Initially, the tsunami was interpreted as a punishment or warning from God. Over time, a collective interpretation of the disaster emerged: “The tsunami as a test from God”.

This later narrative was compelling enough to accelerate the post-tsunami recovery process. People in Aceh moved past the tsunami trauma by believing their deceased family members were martyrs who deserved a place in heaven, while those who survived were given the opportunity by Allah to live better lives.

The process of forming this narrative is called memory canonisation. It occurs when the government and ruling elites impose a specific interpretation or narrative of a disaster, including what to remember and how to remember it.

Memory canonisation is evident in the creation of disaster monuments and commemoration events, including in Aceh. Unfortunately, many survivors feel detached from the monuments because they do not evoke personal memories of the tsunami.

Memory canonisation through monuments

Constructing permanent memorials after a disaster is a common trend in a modern society. Many tsunami monuments exist in Aceh, and some have even become tourist destinations.

Tsunami monuments can be divided into two categories based on the construction.

First, monuments built from tsunami debris that are deliberately maintained, modified, or enhanced with certain elements. Examples include the stranded electric-generator ship (the PLTD Apung), the ship on the top of a house in Lampulo, and the tsunami debris at the Rahmatullah Mosque in Lampuuk.

Second, monuments intentionally designed and constructed as new buildings after the tsunami, such as the Aceh Tsunami Museum and the Tsunami Poles erected in over 50 locations across Banda Aceh and Aceh Besar.

The establishment of disaster memorials is always political. Disaster monuments represent how governments and elites promote specific interpretations as dominant. This is achieved through specific architectural designs or curated narratives in the monument.

However, the memory canonisation process is never final. Once established, each disaster monument becomes a place to form, strengthen, modify, alter, and revise the interpretation of the disaster.

How monuments affect Acehnese memory – or not

In a post-disaster situation, the affected community faces ‘push and pull’ between remembering and forgetting the disaster. They must let go of trauma to move forward while preserving disaster memories to honour victims and enhance future preparedness.

The memory of the disaster resides in the back of their mind, but not constantly remembered in everyday life. It will move to the surface as an active memory only when triggered by certain factors, such as a place, object, or event. This memory closely relates to how the survivors give meaning to the disaster.

In everyday life, survivors interact with disaster monuments in various contexts –for instance, as a source of income or a place for leisure. Thus, the meaning of a disaster monument can vary, even becoming completely unrelated to its creators’ narratives and original goals.

Preliminary findings from my ongoing research in Aceh show that among survivors, tsunami memories are often triggered by specific places associated with their experiences. These include the house where they found safety, the coastal area that swept them away, or the ruins of their homes. I refer to these as “the forgotten memories of the tsunami.”

Since many tsunami monuments were erected without involving local residents, they feel barely connected, let alone have a sense of ownership, towards the monuments. For survivors, the established monuments do not trigger their memories of the tsunami.

Disaster monument for disaster education

Today, 20 years after the tsunami, we can still meet survivors who offer valuable and insightful stories about starting over, rebuilding their homes and villages, and cultivating cultural awareness about tsunamis while embracing vulnerability.

However, once these survivors pass away, future generations will lose access to primary sources of learning about the tsunami. This includes new inhabitants who moved to Aceh after the tsunami and rent houses in coastal areas.

They will, therefore, depend on the tsunami memorials around them, though many have been neglected.

To address these risks, I recommend two measures.

First, we can document the “forgotten tsunami memories” creatively through formats like documentary videos, comics, photos, social media content, or other mediums that highlight stories offering insights into disaster risk reduction and education for younger generations.

Second, we must encourage sustainable and meaningful interactions between locals and tsunami monuments. Disaster memorials serve their purpose best — preserving the memory of the disaster and educating younger generations — when they remain relevant to residents’ daily activities.

Locals’ active participation is essential in Aceh, including school visits and involvement in preservation and curation efforts.

These measures aim to foster a sense of ownership among residents of the tsunami monuments in their neighbourhoods. They encourage voluntary maintenance of the monuments and make them integral to disaster risk reduction efforts.

Muzayin Nazaruddin tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. Aceh Tsunami: Monuments help to remember disasters – and forget them – https://theconversation.com/aceh-tsunami-monuments-help-to-remember-disasters-and-forget-them-246251

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: From pop songs to baby names: How Simeulue Island’s ‘smong’ narrative evolves post-tsunami

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Alfi Rahman, Lecturer at Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Syiah Kuala, Director of Research Center for Social and Cultural Studies (PRISB) Universitas Syiah Kuala, and Researcher at Tsunami and Disaster Mitigation Research Center (TDMRC), Universitas Syiah Kuala

Simelulue men gather to perform ‘nandong,’ a traditional local song. (Jihad fii Sabilillah/Youtube), CC BY

20 years have passed since the Aceh tsunami, leaving deep scars on Indonesia, especially for those directly affected. Aceh was also recovering from a three-decade armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement and the national government

Throughout December 2024, The Conversation Indonesia, in collaboration with academics, is publishing a special edition honouring the 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh. We hope this series of articles preserves our collective memory while inspiring reflection on the journey of recovery and peace in the land of ‘Serambi Makkah.’

Off the southern coast of Aceh lies Simeulue, a small island with a powerful story of survival. When the devastating Indian Ocean tsunami killed hundreds of thousands across the region in 2004, only five people died on Simeulue — some say just three.

This remarkable survival was credited to a local wisdom called smong — their term for tsunamis in the Simeulue language — that taught them to read nature’s warning signs and escape to safety.

Passed down through generations since a previous tsunami struck in 1907, smong describes the signs of an upcoming ghostly wave: a strong earthquake and the receding of seawater. This knowledge becomes a survival guide that directs them to move away from the coast immediately or head to higher ground.

Two decades after the 2004 disaster, our research shows that this life-saving knowledge is transforming, reflecting broader social shifts and information and communication technology development. It is no longer told only through nafi-nafi (oral storytelling) but adapting to new channels, from traditional songs to pop music and even into children’s names.

From tradition to transformation

Our study – spanning from 2016 to 2023 and involving interviews with 18 participants – captures how smong evolves over time. Smong, for instance, finds its way to nandong, Simeulue’s traditional songs that now incorporate lyrics about the life-saving local wisdom. A local artist said:

After the 2004 tsunami, we adapted the smong story into nandong. This became a new way to convey the ‘smong’ message, ensuring it remains relevant and easy to remember.

One popular nandong lyric goes:

Linon uwak-uwakmo (The earthquake rocks you like a cradle)

Elaik kedang-kedangmo (Thunder beats like a drum)

Kilek suluh-suluhmo (Lightning flashes like your lamp)

Smong dumek-dumekmo (The tsunami is your bathing water).

Video containing song or ‘nandong’ about ‘smong’

But even as Simeulue’s younger generation embraced modern influences, smong kept up. Local artists began creating pop songs in Devayan, one of the island’s local languages. The catchy tunes brought smong into classrooms, as a 23-year-old local testified:

I first heard a ‘smong’ song at school. The lyrics were simple but clear. They told me exactly what to do if a tsunami came.

A children’s tale telling a stort about ‘smong’

Smong as a symbol of resilience

Today, smong is more than a safety warning; it symbolises the island’s strength and identity. In some families, smong even lives on in names.

One grandmother named her grandson “Putra Smong” (smong’s son) as a tribute, saying

His name reminds us of the wisdom that saved our lives.

The challenge of preservation

Despite its transformation, preserving the smong narrative faces challenges that risk eroding this customary knowledge.

The biggest challenge is the shift in lifestyle and culture among Simeulue’s youth. Today’s younger generation is more familiar with digital technology than oral traditions. A mother said:

In the past, our elders would tell ‘smong’ stories every evening after Maghrib (dusk) prayers. Now, children are too busy with their gadgets.

Globalisation also brings external cultural influences, diverting the attention of Simeulue’s youth from the local heritage. Many young people grow up with limited knowledge of traditions like nafi-nafi.

Another major challenge is the declining use of local languages such as Devayan, Sigulai, and Lekon in daily conversations. Since smong originates from these languages, preserving it relies on their continued use.

Our observation concludes that the transmission of smong narratives remains sporadic. Its spread often depends on individual or small group initiatives and sometimes awaits external interventions.

Without concrete efforts, the smong narrative risks fading and being forgotten by future generations. A local activist stated:

I once proposed building a ‘smong’ monument to remind the younger generation, but the idea has yet to be realised.

Hope for continuity: Bridging tradition and modernity

The elders of Simeulue firmly believe that smong is a heritage that must be safeguarded. An 80-year-old community elder expressed his hope for future generations to keep smong alive.

As long as the ‘smong’ story exists, we will remain safe. But if this story is lost, we will lose our most precious wisdom and treasure.

To keep smong alive, educators and community leaders are looking to the future. Some propose integrating smong into school curriculum, ensuring every child knows its lessons. A teacher said.

‘Smong’ isn’t just a story. It’s a life-saving guide that must be passed on to every generation.

Technology can also be an important means of preserving the native understa. Digital videos, disaster simulations, and interactive storytelling could bring smong to a tech-savvy audience, making it relevant today.

As we hope these approaches will bridge the old tradition with modern needs, smong transformation highlights that it is not just a relic from the past. Its narrative must evolve to adapt to the times, ensuring its treasured knowledge remains alive amid social changes.

In the face of ongoing disaster threats, particularly in Indonesia’s Ring of Fire, smong offers a valuable lesson on how preserving local wisdom can form the foundation for disaster preparedness.

Alfi Rahman receives funding from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology of Indonesia for this research (grant number 0168/E5/PG.02.00.PL/2023 and 094/E5/PG.02.00.PL/2024).

Muzayin Nazaruddin tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. From pop songs to baby names: How Simeulue Island’s ‘smong’ narrative evolves post-tsunami – https://theconversation.com/from-pop-songs-to-baby-names-how-simeulue-islands-smong-narrative-evolves-post-tsunami-246153

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: Why Israel and the U.S. are sure to encounter the limits of air power in Iran
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James Horncastle, Assistant Professor and Edward and Emily McWhinney Professor in International Relations, Simon Fraser University

The United States has apparently answered Israel’s call to to become involved in the war between Israel and Iran.

President Donald Trump had signalled a willingness for the U.S. to become involved in the conflict. He went so far, in fact, to suggest in social media posts that he could kill Iran’s supreme leader if he wanted to.

Segment on Trump’s threats against Iran’s leader. (BBC News)

The American military can certainly make an impact in any air campaign against Iran. The problem from a military standpoint, however, is that the U.S., based on its forces’ deployment, will almost certainly seek to keep its involvement limited to its air force to avoid another Iraq-like quagmire.

While doing so could almost certainly disrupt Iran’s nuclear program, it will likely fall short of Israel’s goal of regime change.

In fact, it could reinforce the Iranian government and draw the U.S. into a costly ground war.

Read more:
Why is there so much concern over Iran’s nuclear program? And where could it go from here?

Israel’s need for American support

The initial stated reason for Israel’s bombing campaign — Iran’s nuclear capabilities — appears specious at best.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has argued several times in the past, without evidence, that Iran is close to achieving a nuclear weapon. U.S. intelligence, however, have assessed that Iran is three years away from deploying a nuclear weapon.

Regardless of the veracity of the claims, Israel initiated the offensive and requires American support.

Israel’s need for U.S. assistance rests on two circumstances:
1. While Israel succeeded in eliminating key figures from the Iranian military in its initial strikes, Iran’s response appears to have exceeded Israel’s expectations with their Arrow missile interceptors nearing depletion.
2. Israel’s air strikes can only achieve so much in disrupting Iran’s nuclear ambitions. Most analysts note that Israel’s bombings are only likely to delay the Iranian nuclear program by a few months. This is due to the fact that Israeli missiles are incapable of penetrating the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant, which estimates place close to 300 feet underground.
The United States, however, possesses munitions that have reportedly destroyed the Fordow facility. Most notably, the GBU-57A/B Massive Ordnance Penetrator (more commonly known as a bunker buster) has a penetration capability of 200 feet and was reportedly used in the attack.

Romanticizing air power

Nonetheless, the efficacy of air power has been vastly overrated in the popular media and various air forces of the world. Air power is great at disrupting an opponent, but has significant limitations in influencing the outcome of a war.

Specifically, air power is likely to prove an inadequate tool for one of the supposed Israeli and American objectives in the war: regime change. For air power to be effective at bringing about regime change, it needs to demoralize the Iranian people to the point that they’re willing to oppose their own government.

Early air enthusiasts believed that a population’s demoralization would be an inevitable consequence of aerial bombardment. Italian general Giulio Douhet, a prominent air power theorist, argued that air power was so mighty that it could destroy cities and demoralize an opponent into surrendering.

Douhet was correct on the first point. He was wrong on the second.

Recent history provides evidence. While considerable ink has been spilled to demonstrate the efficacy of air power during the Second World War, close examination of the facts demonstrate that it had a minimal impact. In fact, Allied bombing of German cities in several instances created the opposite effect.

More recent bombing campaigns replicated this failure. The U.S. bombing of North Vietnam during the Vietnam War did not significantly damage North Vietnamese morale or war effort. NATO’s bombing of Serbia in 1999, likewise, rallied support for the unpopular Slobodan Milosevic due to its perceived injustice — and continues to evoke strong emotions to this day.

Iran’s political regime may be unpopular with many Iranians, but Israeli and American bombing may shore up support for the Iranian government.

Nationalism is a potent force, particularly when people are under attack. The attacks on Iran will rally segments of the population to the government that would otherwise oppose it.

Few positive options

The limitations of air power to fuel significant political change in Iran should have given Trump pause about intervening in the conflict.

Some American support, such as providing weapons, is a given due to the close relationship between the U.S. and Israel. But any realization of American and Israeli aspirations of a non-nuclear Iran and a new government will likely require ground forces.

Recent American experiences in Afghanistan and Iraq show such a ground forces operation won’t lead to the swift victory that Trump desires, but could potentially stretch on for decades.

James Horncastle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why Israel and the U.S. are sure to encounter the limits of air power in Iran – https://theconversation.com/why-israel-and-the-u-s-are-sure-to-encounter-the-limits-of-air-power-in-iran-259348
MIL OSI Analysis –
July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: Thumbs up: good or passive aggressive? How emojis became the most confusing kind of online language

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Brittany Ferdinands, Lecturer in Digital Content Creation, Discipline of Media and Communications, University of Sydney

The Conversation, CC BY

Emojis, as well as memes and other forms of short-form content, have become central to how we express ourselves and connect online. Yet as meanings shift across different contexts, so too does the potential for misunderstanding.

A senior colleague of mine recently encountered some commentary about the “slightly smiling” face emoji: 🙂

They approached me, asking whether it represented joy, as they had assumed, or if it had a more ominous meaning.

As a chronically-online millennial, who unironically identifies as a gen Z, I bore the news that I, along with most younger internet users, only ever use it sarcastically.

“It doesn’t actually signify happiness – more so fake happiness, or dry humour,” I explained.

I also told them how the thumbs up emoji is often interpreted as passive aggressive, and that the only time I’d use the laughing-crying (“face with tears of joy”) emoji is under duress.

Despite seeming like a universal language – and sometimes they do function that way – emojis can be at once more vague, and more specific, than words. That’s because you can’t separate the meaning of a smiley from the person who sent it, nor from the person receiving it.

Markers of age and identity

While emojis were originally developed in the late 1990s by Japanese artist Shigetaka Kurita to add emotional nuance to text-based messaging, their function has since evolved.

Today, emojis are not just emotional cues; they also operate as cultural symbols and markers of identity.

Research published last year highlights how these symbols can create subtle communication barriers across age groups. For instance, a study of Chinese-speaking WeChat users found younger and older people differed not only in how frequently they used emojis, but in how they interpreted and aesthetically preferred them.

One emoji that’s increasingly becoming a distinct marker of age is the previously mentioned laughing-crying emoji (😂). Despite being named Oxford Dictionary’s 2015 word of the year, and frequently topping the most-used emoji charts, this smiley is on the decline among gen Z – who decided in 2020 that it wasn’t cool anymore.

Instead, they prefer the skull emoji (💀), which is shorthand for the gen Z catch phrase “I’m dead”. This means something is funny (not that they’re literally deceased).

Such shifts may understandably be perplexing for older generations who are unfamiliar with evolving norms and slang.

A digital body language

Emojis can also take on distinct meanings on different platforms. They are embedded within “platform vernaculars”: the ever-evolving styles of communication that are unique to specific digital spaces.

For example, a thumbs up emoji (👍) from your boss at work is seemingly more acceptable, and less anxiety inducing, than from a romantic interest you’ve just sent a risky text to.

This dilemma was echoed in a recent viral TikTok by user @kaitlynghull, which prompted thousands to comment about their shared confusion over emoji use in the workplace.

This reaction highlights a deeper communication issue.

A survey of 10,000 workers across the US, France, Germany, India and Australia, conducted by YouGov and software company Atlassian, found 65% of workers used emojis to convey tone in the workplace. But while 88% of gen Z workers thought emojis were helpful, this dropped to 49% for baby boomers and gen X.

The survey concluded some emojis can be interpreted in multiple ways, and these double meanings aren’t always safe for work.

In with the ‘it’ crowd

Another example of platform-specific emoji use comes from social media content creators who deploy emojis to curate a certain aesthetic.

Under the Tiktok tag #emojicombo, you’ll find thousands of videos showcasing emoji combinations that provide aesthetic “inspo”. These combinations are used to represent different online identities or subcultures, such as “that girl”, “clean girl” or “old money”.

Users may include the combinations in their captions or videos to signal their personal style, or to express the mood or vibe of their online persona. In this way, the emojis help shape how they present themselves on the platform.

This example of emoji use is also a display of symbolic capital. It signals social alignment, in an environment where a user’s visibility (and popularity) is determined by their platform fluency.

Emojis, then, aren’t just tools for expression. They are badges of identity that index where a user stands in the online cultural hierarchy.

There’s a fragmentation in how we relate

A single emoji might communicate irony, sincerity or sarcasm, depending on who is using it, what platform they’re using it on, and what generation they belong to.

This gap points to deeper questions around online access and participation, and the systems that shape online cultures.

And when the meaning of an emoji is platform-dependent and socially stratified, it can become as much about fitting in with a cultural in-group than conveying emotion.

Brittany Ferdinands does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Thumbs up: good or passive aggressive? How emojis became the most confusing kind of online language – https://theconversation.com/thumbs-up-good-or-passive-aggressive-how-emojis-became-the-most-confusing-kind-of-online-language-259151

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: The Dalai Lama is a cisgender man – yet he has an unexpected connection to the trans community

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Stephen Kerry, Lecturer in Sociology, Charles Darwin University

Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama, turns 90 this week – a milestone that’s reigniting speculation over his eventual successor.

While the Dalai Lama is the face of Buddhism to many people across the world, he is actually the head of just one tradition within Tibetan Buddhism known as the Gelug school.

Tibetans believe the Dalai Lama to be the manifestation of Avalokiteśvara, the bodhisattva of compassion, and the “one who hears the cries of the world”.

Read more:
What is a bodhisattva? A scholar of Buddhism explains

Avalokiteśvara is prayed to across Asia, and is known as Chenrezig in Tibet, Guanyin in China, and Kannon or Kanzeon in Japan.

A statue of Avalokiteśvara.
Wikimedia, CC BY-SA

In Buddhism, a bodhisattva is a person, or a mythic representation of a person, who denies themselves enlightenment until all beings can achieve enlightenment. Avalokiteśvara appears to living beings in whatever form could best save them.

Although Avalokiteśvara originated in India as a man, they can be depicted as either a man, woman, or non-binary being. This gender fluidity has led to them being revered as a trans icon in the West.

I have spent the past five years investigating the lives of queer Buddhists in Australia. As part of this research, I have surveyed and interviewed 109 LGBTQIA+ Buddhist Australians.

The words of these individuals, and my own experience as a genderqueer Buddhist person, reveal how the Dalai Lama emerges an an unlikely inspiration for individuals sharing a trans and Buddhist identity.

The Big Buddha is a large bronze sculpture located near the Po Lin Monastery on Lantau Island, Hong Kong.
Joshua J. Cotten/Unsplash

Letting go of binaries

Through my work I have found LGBTQIA+ Buddhist Australians are generally reluctant to disclose their queer identities to their Buddhist communities, and may be told to remain silent about their identities.

For some, Avalokiteśvara’s gender fluidity has been important for reaffirming both their queer and Buddhist selves.

One Buddhist trans woman, Annie*, told me Guanyin had special significance for her. Annie spoke about Avalokiteśvara travelling from India to China as a male, before “transitioning” to the mainly female presentation of Guanyin over centuries. Annie said:

I pray to her regularly and often find I get a response. Of course the enlightened state is beyond all manner of worldly binaries, including gender, and is immensely important in letting go of binaries in my journey towards enlightenment.

Walter* has had a long fascination with depictions of Avalokiteśvara that “showed ‘him’ looking effeminate and handsome, with a cute moustache […] A little bit homoerotic, a little bit provocatively gender fluid, as seen through my eyes”.

Walter adds:

A great many people in different cultures, across history, worship these figures. Clever how this figure can morph into a radical trans! We all want to feel comforted, safe and saved from suffering.

As queer Buddhists, we turn to to Avalokitesvara to feel “comforted, safe and saved”.

Another interviewee, Brian*, told me about a Tibetan invocation practice he did with a senior Tibetan monk, in which he encountered Guanyin:

[She] took my right hand and passed some sort of power into it. She never spoke to me but just returned the way she had come. I was given some sort of gift, that’s all I know.

Since this experience, Brian has “always felt a strong connection to the feminine through her”. He has a special Guanyin altar on his farm.

You can’t be what you can’t see

Some Buddhists deny Avalokiteśvara’s queerness.

Asher*, a genderqueer Buddhist I interviewed, told me about a teacher who said to them, “there was absolutely no way a gay person could be enlightened”.

Asher retorted:

What about Kanzeon, the bodhisattva of compassion, who has manifested as both male and female and, in the stories from Japan, has had erotic relationships with monks?

The teacher dismissed this, replying, “those are just stories”.

A black statue of Avalokiteśvara outside a Japanese temple.
Wikimedia, CC BY

In her 1996 book Transgender Warriors, trans activist Leslie Feinberg writes: “I couldn’t find myself in history. No one like me seemed to have ever existed.”

Similarly, Annie evoked the statement: “You can’t be what you can’t see.”

I, too, experience this need to see myself as a genderqueer, non-binary practitioner of Zen Buddhism. It was only through doing these interviews with other queer Buddhists that I came to realise Guanyin, a trans icon, is a statuette which adorns the altar of the Buddhist group I belong to.

Knowing Avalokitesvara may be depicted as a man, woman, or non-binary being lets us queer Buddhists know we exist – and have always existed – within Buddhism.

Despite being a cisgender man who has been somewhat inconsistent in his support of queer people, the Dalai Lama, as the manifestation of the bodhisattva of compassion, is a possible spiritual link between today’s queer Buddhists and centuries-long traditions of gender transition and fluidity.

*Names have been changed.

Stephen Kerry does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. The Dalai Lama is a cisgender man – yet he has an unexpected connection to the trans community – https://theconversation.com/the-dalai-lama-is-a-cisgender-man-yet-he-has-an-unexpected-connection-to-the-trans-community-260106

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: War, politics and religion shape wildlife evolution in cities

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Elizabeth Carlen, Living Earth Collaborative Postdoctoral Fellow, Washington University in St. Louis

A Buddhist monk in Hong Kong releases fish and chants prayers during a ceremony to free the spirits of tsunami victims. Samantha Sin/AFP via Getty Images

People often consider evolution to be a process that occurs in nature in the background of human society. But evolution is not separate from human beings. In fact, human cultural practices can influence evolution in wildlife. This influence is highly pronounced in cities, where people drastically alter landscapes to meet their own needs.

Human actions can affect wildlife evolution in a number of ways. If people fragment habitat, separated wildlife populations can evolve to be more and more different from each other. If people change certain local conditions, it can pressure organisms in new ways that mean different genes are favored by natural selection and passed on to offspring – another form of evolution that can be driven by what people do.

In a recent review, evolutionary biologists Marta Szulkin, Colin Garroway and I, in collaboration with scientists spread across five continents, explored how cultural processes – including religion, politics and war – shape urban evolution. We reviewed dozens of empirical studies about urban wildlife around the globe. Our work highlights which human cultural practices have and continue to shape the evolutionary trajectory of wild animals and plants.

Religious practices

If you’ve traveled internationally, you may have noticed the menu at any one McDonald’s restaurant is shaped by the local culture of its location. In the United Arab Emirates, McDonald’s serves an entirely halal menu. Vegetarian items are common and no beef is served in Indian McDonald’s. And in the United States, McDonald’s Filet-O-Fish is especially popular during Lent when observant Catholics don’t consume meat on Fridays.

Similarly, ecosystems of cities are shaped by local cultural practices. Because all wildlife are connected to the environment, cultural practices that alter the landscape shape the evolution of urban organisms.

Populations of fire salamanders have different genes depending on which side of city walls in Oviedo, Spain, they live on.
Patrice Skrzynski via Getty Images

For example, in Oviedo, Spain, people constructed walls around religious buildings between the 12th and 16th centuries. This division of the city led to different populations of fire salamanders inside and outside the walls. Because salamanders can’t scale these walls, those on opposite sides became isolated from each other and unable to pass genes back and forth. In a process that scientists call genetic drift, over time salamanders on the two sides became genetically distinct − evidence of the two populations evolving independently.

Imagine dumping out a handful of M&Ms. Just by chance, some colors might be overrepresented and others might be missing. In the same way, genes that are overrepresented on one side of the wall can be in low numbers or missing on the other side. That’s genetic drift.

Introducing non-native wildlife is another way people can alter urban ecosystems and evolutionary processes. For example, prayer animal release is a practice that started in the fifth or sixth century in some sects of Buddhism. Practitioners who strive to cause no harm to any living creature release captive animals, which benefits the animal and is meant to improve the karma of the person who released it.

However, these animals are often captured from the wild or come from the pet trade, thereby introducing non-native wildlife into the urban ecosystem. Non-natives may compete with local species and contribute to the local extinction of native wildlife. Capturing animals nearby has downsides, too. It can diminish local populations, since many die traveling to the release ceremony. The genetic diversity of these local populations in turn decreases, reducing the population’s ability to survive.

More than a thousand sparrows killed by peasants in 1958 are displayed on a cart near Beijing, China.
Sovphoto/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

Influence of politics

Politically motivated campaigns have shaped wildlife in various ways.

Starting in 1958, for instance, the Chinese Communist Party led a movement to eliminate four species that were considered pests: rats, flies, mosquitoes and sparrows. While the first three are commonly considered pests around the world, sparrows made the list because they were “public animals of capitalism” due to their fondness for grain. The extermination campaign ended up decimating the sparrow population and damaging the entire ecosystem. With sparrows no longer hunting and eating insects, crop pests such as locusts thrived, leading to crop destruction and famine.

In the United States, racial politics may be shaping evolutionary processes in wildlife.
For instance, American highways traverse cities according to political agendas and have often dismantled poor neighborhoods of color to make way for multilane thoroughfares. These highways can change how animals are able to disperse and commingle. For example, they prevent bobcats and coyotes from traveling throughout Los Angeles, leading to similar patterns of population differentiation as seen in fire salamanders in Spain.

Wildlife during and after war

Human religious and political agendas often lead to armed conflict. Wars are known to dramatically alter the environment, as seen in current conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine.

The Russia-Ukraine war affected migration of greater spotted eagles.
Nimit Virdi via Getty Images

While documenting evolutionary changes to urban wildlife is secondary to keeping people safe during wartime, a handful of studies on wildlife have come out of active war zones. For example, the current Russia-Ukraine war affected the migration of greater spotted eagles. They made large diversions around the active war zone, arriving later than usual at their breeding grounds. The longer route increased the energy the eagles used during migration and likely influenced their fitness during breeding.

Wars limit access to resources for people living in active war zones. The lack of energy to heat homes in Ukraine during the winter has led urban residents to harvest wood from nearby forests. This harvesting will have long-term consequences on forest dynamics, likely altering future evolutionary potential.

A similar example is famine that occurred during the Democratic Republic of Congo’s civil wars (1996-1997, 1998-2003) and led to an increase in bushmeat consumption. This wildlife hunting is known to reduce primate population sizes, making them more susceptible to local extinction.

Even after war, landscapes experience consequences.

For example, the demilitarized zone between North Korea and South Korea is a 160-mile (250-kilometer) barrier, established in 1953, separating the two countries. Heavily fortified with razor wire and landmines, the demilitarized zone has become a de facto nature sanctuary supporting thousands of species, including dozens of endangered species.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War led to the establishment of the European Green Belt, which runs along the same path as the Iron Curtain. This protected ecological network is over 7,800 miles (12,500 kilometers) long, allowing wildlife to move freely across 24 countries in Europe. Like the Korean DMZ, the European Green Belt allows for wildlife to move, breed and exchange genes, despite political boundaries. Politics has removed human influence from these spaces, allowing them to be a safe haven for wildlife.

While researchers have documented a number of examples of wildlife evolving in response to human history and cultural practices, there’s plenty more to uncover. Cultures differ around the world, meaning each city has its own set of variables that shape the evolutionary processes of wildlife. Understanding how these human cultural practices shape evolutionary patterns will allow people to better design cities that support both humans and the wildlife that call these places home.

Ideas for this article were developed as part of a NSF funded Research Coordination Network (DEB 1840663). Elizabeth Carlen was funded by the Living Earth Collaborative.

– ref. War, politics and religion shape wildlife evolution in cities – https://theconversation.com/war-politics-and-religion-shape-wildlife-evolution-in-cities-260184

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Nationwide clampdown on delivery riders working illegally
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

News story

Nationwide clampdown on delivery riders working illegally

Ramp-up of arrests and visits set to take place across the UK targeting migrants working illegally in the gig economy
Immigration enforcement van

Enforcement teams are gearing up to launch a nationwide blitz targeting illegal working hotspots, with a focus on the gig economy and migrants working as delivery riders.

Under the Government’s Plan for Change to restore order to the immigration system and tougher enforcement of the rules, Home Office Immigration Enforcement teams will launch a major operation to disrupt this type of criminality.

Strategic, intel-driven activity will bring together officers across the UK and place an increased focus on migrants suspected of working illegally whilst in taxpayer funded accommodation or receiving financial support.

The law is clear that asylum seekers are only entitled to this support if they would otherwise be destitute. That is why anyone caught flagrantly abusing the system in this way, as a result of the operation, will face having support discontinued, whether that’s entitlement to accommodation or payments.

Operational teams will target certain hotspots across the country over a period of intensification, as well as going after organisations who wilfully employ those working illegally, through civil penalty referrals. Any business found to be illegally employing someone could face a fine of up to £60,000 per worker, director disqualifications and potential prison sentences of up to five years.

The Government has been surging action against illegal working since coming into power one year ago, with 10,031 illegal working visits leading to 7,130 arrests, marking a 48% and 51% rise respectively, compared to the year before (5 July 2023 to 28 June 2024). This marks the first time in a 12-month period where more than 10,000 visits have taken place.

748 illegal working civil penalty notices were also handed to businesses caught violating immigration rules in the first quarter (January to March) of the year, marking the highest level since 2016 – an 81% increase compared to the same time last year.

And the Government is tightening the law by making it a legal requirement for all companies, including the gig economy, to check anyone working for them has the legal right to do so. This will end the abuse of flexible working arrangements. The new measures will be introduced through the landmark Border Security, Asylum and Immigration Bill.

Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, said:

Illegal working undermines honest business and undercuts local wages – the British public will not stand for it and neither will this government.

Often those travelling to the UK illegally are sold a lie by the people smuggling gangs that they will be able to live and work freely in this country, when in reality they end up facing squalid living conditions, minimal pay and inhumane working hours.

We are surging enforcement action against this pull factor, on top of returning 30,000 people with no right to be here and tightening the law through our Plan for Change.

But there is no single solution to the problem of illegal migration. That’s why we’ve signed landmark agreements with international partners to dismantle gangs and made significant arrests of notorious people smugglers.

Director of Enforcement, Compliance and Crime, Eddy Montgomery, said:

Our dedicated Immigration Enforcement officers have been ramping up action to disable illegal working across the board.

This next step of co-ordinated activity will target those who seek to work illegally in the gig economy and exploit their status in the UK.

That means if you are found to be working with no legal right to do so, we will bring the full force of powers available to us to disrupt and stop this abuse. There will no place to hide.

This targeted action is on top of ongoing work across the country to disrupt people flouting the rules across different sectors.

Earlier this week, during a joint operation with the Metropolitan Police to go after people suspected of working illegally as cash in hand builders, officers targeted anti-social behaviour and illegally modified scooters and e-bikes. 20 Indian nationals were arrested as part of the operation. This included 16 overstayers, one illegal entrant, one port absconder and two small boat arrivals.

On 18 June, West Midlands teams conducted an operation on Smethwick High Street after receiving intelligence on a major collection point for people suspected of going to work illegally, primarily on construction sites. The team encountered 73 individuals, arresting 26 suspected immigration offenders (24 Indian nationals, one Nepalese national and one Italian national). This led to the detention of 11 Indian nationals.

And on 12 June, East of England teams conducted a multi-agency operation with police in Lynn Road, Wisbech, focusing on cash in hand builders using illegally modified e-bikes. They carried out 21 immigration checks which resulted the arrest of three men, including one Syrian, one Chinese and one Brazilian national. The police went on to seize six mopeds and one car for offences including driving with no insurance, no driving licence and disqualification.

The crackdown also sits alongside key join up with the delivery industry on tackling illicit account sharing. On Monday, 30 June , the Home Office and Department for Business and Trade met with major delivery firms and pledged to strengthen security checks to tackle illegal working. Deliveroo, Uber Eats and Just Eat have committed to increasing the number of daily facial recognition checks riders are required to take to verify their identity.

Illegal working is linked to exploitation, with teams often encountering squalid living conditions, people receiving little to no pay and inhumane working hours. In the worst instances, these individuals may be victims of modern slavery.

Immigration Enforcement take a number of steps to spot the signs of individuals who are potentially being exploited and, where appropriate, will refer people to the National Referral Mechanism so they can access support. They also work closely with crucial partners like the Gangmasters Labour Abuse Authority, to share insights and strengthen the approach to tackling labour exploitation.

And this new operation is just one part of the government’s action to strengthen UK border security and disable the people smuggling gangs fuelling illegal migration.

Over the past year, the Prime Minister has been resetting relationships and forging partnerships across Europe and beyond, to ensure a targeted international response in breaking the model behind this vile trade.

Furthermore, nearly 30,000 people with no right to be in UK have been returned, landmark agreements have been signed with Iraq to dismantle gangs and Italy to take down illicit finance networks and a world-first people smuggling sanctions regime has been launched to ban travel and freeze assets.

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Published 5 July 2025
MIL OSI United Kingdom –
July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: Military force may have delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions – but history shows that diplomacy is the more effective nonproliferation strategy

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Stephen Collins, Professor of Government and International Affairs, Kennesaw State University

View of the United Nations logo at a 2022 conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images)

While the U.S. military’s strikes on Iran on June 21, 2025, are believed to have damaged the country’s critical nuclear infrastructure, no evidence has yet emerged showing the program to have been completely destroyed. In fact, an early U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency assessment surmised that the attack merely delayed Iran’s possible path to a nuclear weapon by less than six months. Further, Rafael Mariano Grossi, director of the United Nations’ International Atomic Energy Agency, stated that Iran may have moved its supply of enriched uranium ahead of the strikes, and assessed that Tehran could resume uranium enrichment “in a matter of months.”

Others have warned that the strikes may intensify the Islamic Republic’s nuclear drive, convincing the government of the need to acquire a bomb in order to safeguard its survival.

As a scholar of nuclear nonproliferation, my research indicates that military strikes, such as the U.S. one against Iran, tend not to work. Diplomacy — involving broad and resolute international efforts — offers a more strategically effective way to preempt a country from obtaining a nuclear arsenal.

The diplomatic alternative to nonproliferation

The strategy of a country using airstrikes to attempt to eliminate a rival nation’s nuclear program has precedent, including Israel’s 1981 airstrike on Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor and its 2007 air assault on Syria’s Kibar nuclear complex.

Yet neither military operation reliably or completely terminated the targeted program. Many experts of nuclear strategy believe that while the Israeli strike destroyed the Osirak complex, it likely accelerated Iraq’s fledgling nuclear program, increasing Saddam Hussein’s commitment to pursue a nuclear weapon.

The Osirak nuclear power research station in 1981.
Jacques Pavlovsky/Sygma via Getty Images

In a similar vein, while Israeli airstrikes destroyed Syria’s nascent nuclear facility, evidence soon emerged that the country, under its former leader, Bashar Assad, may have continued its nuclear activities elsewhere.

Based on my appraisal of similar cases, the record shows that diplomacy has been a more consistently reliable strategy than military force for getting a targeted country to denuclearize.

The tactics involved in nuclear diplomacy include bilateral and multilateral engagement efforts and economic tools ranging from comprehensive sanctions to transformative aid and trade incentives. Travel and cultural sanctions – including bans on participating in international sporting and other events – can also contribute to the effectiveness of denuclearization diplomacy.

The high point of denuclearization diplomacy came in 1970, when the majority of the world signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The treaty obliged nonnuclear weapons states to refrain from pursuing them, and existing nuclear powers to share civilian nuclear power technology and work toward eventual nuclear weapons disarmament.

I’ve found that in a majority of cases since then – notably in Argentina, Brazil, Libya, South Africa, South Korea and Taiwan – diplomacy played a pivotal role in convincing nuclear-seeking nations to entirely and permanently relinquish their pursuit of nuclear weapons.

Case studies of nuclear diplomacy

In the cases of U.S. allies Argentina, Brazil, South Korea and Taiwan, the military option was off the table for Washington, which instead successfully used diplomatic pressure to compel these countries to discontinue their nuclear programs. This involved the imposition of significant economic and technological sanctions on Argentina and Brazil in the late-1970s, which substantially contributed to the denuclearization of South America. In the South Korea and Taiwan cases, the threat of economic sanctions was effectively coupled with the risk of losing U.S. military aid and security guarantees.

South Africa represents one of the most compelling cases in support of diplomatic measures to reverse a country’s nuclear path. In the latter years of the Cold War, the country had advanced beyond threshold nuclear potential to assemble a sizable arsenal of nuclear weapons. But in 1991, the country decided to relinquish that arsenal, due in large part to the high economic, technological and cultural costs of sanctions and the belief that its nuclear program would prevent its reintegration into the international community following years of apartheid.

Completing the denuclearization of Africa, diplomatic pressure applied by the U.S. was the primary factor in Libya’s decision to shutter its nuclear program in 2003, as ending U.S. sanctions and normalizing relations with Washington became a high priority for the government of Moammar Gadhafi.

In the case of Iraq, the Hussein regime eventually did denuclearize in the 1990s, but not through a deal negotiated directly with the U.S. or the international community. Rather, Hussein’s decision was motivated by the damaging economic and technological costs of the U.N. sanctions and his desire to see them lifted after the first Gulf War.

In the 11 countries in which diplomacy was used to reverse nuclear proliferation, only in the cases of India and Pakistan did it fail to induce any nuclear reversal.

In the case of North Korea, while Pyongyang did for a time join the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, it later left the accord and subsequently built an arsenal now estimated at several dozen nuclear weapons. The decades-long efforts at diplomacy with the country cannot, therefore, be coded a success. Still, these efforts did result in notable moves in 1994 and 2007 by North Korea to curtail its nuclear facilities.

Meanwhile, analysts debate whether diplomacy would have been more successful at containing North Korea’s nuclear program if the George W. Bush administration had not shifted toward a more confrontational policy, including naming North Korea as a member of the “axis of evil” and delaying aid promised in the 1994 U.S.-North Korean Agreed Framework.

The Iran deal and beyond

Consistent with the historical track record for diplomacy concerning other nuclear powers, Iran offers compelling evidence of what diplomacy can achieve in lieu of military force.

Diplomatic negotiations between the U.S, Iran and five leading powers yielded the landmark Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2015. The so-called Iran deal involved multilateral diplomacy and a set of economic sanctions and incentives, and persuaded Iran to place stringent limits on its nuclear program for at least 10 years and ship tons of enriched uranium out of the country. A report from the International Atomic Energy Agency in 2016 confirmed that Iran had abided by the terms of the agreement. Consequently, the U.S., European Union and U.N. responded by lifting sanctions.

Representatives of the nations involved in signing the 2015 Iran nuclear deal pose for a group photo following talks in July 2015.
AP Photo/Ronald Zak

It was only after President Donald Trump ordered the U.S. withdrawal from the agreement in 2018, and reimposed sanctions on Iran, that Tehran resumed its alarming enrichment activities.

Trump signaled quickly after the recent attack on Iran a willingness to engage in direct talks with Tehran. However, Iran may rebuff any agreement that effectively contains its nuclear program, opting instead for the intensified underground approach Iraq took after the 1981 Osirak attack.

Indeed, my research shows that combining military threats with diplomacy reduces the prospects of successfully reaching a disarmament agreement. Nations will be more reluctant to disarm when their negotiating counterpart adopts a threatening and combative posture, as it heightens their fear that disarmament will make it more vulnerable to future aggression from the opposing country.

A return to an Iran nuclear deal?

Successful denuclearization diplomacy with Iran will not be a panacea for Middle East stability; the U.S. will continue to harbor concerns about Iran’s military-related actions and relationships in the region.

It is, after all, unlikely that any U.S. administration could strike a deal with Tehran on nuclear policy that would simultaneously settle all outstanding issues and resolve decades of mutual acrimony.

But by signing and abiding to the terms of the JCPOA, Iran has demonstrated a willingness to cooperate on the nuclear issue in the past. Under the agreement, Iran accepted a highly limited and low-proliferation-risk nuclear program subject to intrusive inspections by the international community.

That arrangement was beneficial for regional stability and for buttressing the global norm against nuclear proliferation. A return to a JCPOA-type agreement would reinforce a diplomatic approach to relations with Iran and create an opening for progress with the country on other areas of concern.

Stephen Collins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Military force may have delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions – but history shows that diplomacy is the more effective nonproliferation strategy – https://theconversation.com/military-force-may-have-delayed-irans-nuclear-ambitions-but-history-shows-that-diplomacy-is-the-more-effective-nonproliferation-strategy-259769

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Analysis: Resurrecting John A. Macdonald statues ignores critical lessons about Canada’s history

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eric Strikwerda, Associate Professor, History, Athabasca University

“We’re freeing John A.,” Ontario Premier Doug Ford recently announced, unveiling plans to return a statue of Sir John A. Macdonald to its place of prominence overlooking the south lawn of the Ontario legislature at Queen’s Park.

The statue’s return comes five years after activists, disgusted by the first Canadian prime minister’s racist policies, sprayed pink paint over the statue’s base.

Ford’s announcement was welcome news to the mostly conservative historians, editorialists and assorted pundits who have decried Macdonald’s “cancellation.”

Their objections have been part of passionate debates about whether racist and harmful figures from the past should be celebrated through statues, school and state institution names and public infrastructure projects.

For these conservatives, the issue is simple. Dismantling statues is dismantling Canada’s history.

Read more:
Canada needs to reckon with the relics of its colonial past, including racist statues

On the other side of the debate are those who argue that Macdonald’s active and integral role in creating the aggressively assimilationist Gradual Civilization Act, the infamous Indian Residential Schools system, the Reserve and Pass Systems and the Indian Act were all meant to make Indigenous Peoples disappear.

Macdonald was no man to celebrate, they contend, and his statue is nothing more than a symbol of racism and Canada’s dark colonial past.

Read more:
‘Clearing the plains’ continues with the acquittal of Gerald Stanley

Flurries of commemoration

Both sides to the debate, of course, are correct in their assessments of Canada’s first prime minister. Like all historical figures from the past, Macdonald was a complex human being operating at a particular historical moment. And his actions had important historical implications for the way Canada developed.

Was Macdonald, as proponents of his statue suggest, a visionary nation-builder? Maybe. But he was also a racist colonizer who used his position and his power to advance clearly racist goals in the most awful ways.

And yet, the debate misses a deeper and much more interesting set of questions about how we understand Canadian history, how we describe Canada’s past and ultimately how Canadians tell stories about themselves to each other.

It’s important to recognize from where and in what historical contexts Canada’s statues, commemorations and public infrastructure names come. Statues of figures like Macdonald, as well as the naming of public buildings, bridges and roads in his honour, appeared principally at two separate times.

The first came in the late 19th century, mostly commemorating Macdonald’s death in 1891. But statues were being erected during this period amid rising nationalism. They signalled a celebration of Canada’s membership in the British Empire, then at the zenith of its power and influence.

The second flurry of Macdonald commemoration was in the mid-1960s, another moment of heightened nationalism and Canadian pride. It coincided with Canada’s centenary in 1967, the Montréal Expo that same year, a new Canadian flag and a newfound confidence in the world through its active participation in international peacekeeping efforts.

Canada was also at that time grappling with a deeply dissatisfied Québec and its place in Confederation, a state of affairs that eventually resulted in a divisive sovereignty referendum in 1980 that threatened the very fabric of Canada.

Respecting the dissent

But just as Canadians need to understand the historical contexts in which citizens of the past have celebrated people like Macdonald, so too do they need to grasp the historical contexts in which Canadians past and present have questioned his legacy.

In 2013, the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States sparked critical re-evaluations of statues of Civil War-era figures from the American South and the continued use in some southern states of the highly offensive Confederate flag, along with many other symbols of racism, division and hatred.

The release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) final report a decade ago similarly forced Canadians to confront some the darkest chapters of the country’s past.

The point often missed here is that historical markers — like the TRC Commission and the Black Lives Matter movement — themselves become artefacts of the ongoing project involving how people tell stories about themselves to themselves, what those stories say about them in the present and how they want to define themselves in the future.

A more fulsome engagement with history demands Canadians refrain from conflating the story of John A. Macdonald, the statue, with the story of John A. Macdonald, the man, any more than we’d conflate a drawing of an apple with the one on our counter.

A true examination of Macdonald

It’s not a question of who Macdonald was or wasn’t. Instead, it’s about the historical context in which the commemorations of him were installed. But it’s also part of the continuing story of how we see ourselves today.

Claims that dismantling public statues and renaming roads and schools somehow erases Canadian history are ridiculous and profoundly misunderstand how history works.

As Canada Day approaches, it’s important to remember that Macdonald’s story and legacy live on exactly where they should — in the pages of history books, museums and classrooms, where his life and times can be examined, interpreted and debated with the kind of depth and nuance that Canadian history deserves.

Eric Strikwerda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Resurrecting John A. Macdonald statues ignores critical lessons about Canada’s history – https://theconversation.com/resurrecting-john-a-macdonald-statues-ignores-critical-lessons-about-canadas-history-259351

MIL OSI Analysis –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Submissions: Resurrecting John A. Macdonald statues ignores critical lessons about Canada’s history

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eric Strikwerda, Associate Professor, History, Athabasca University

“We’re freeing John A.,” Ontario Premier Doug Ford recently announced, unveiling plans to return a statue of Sir John A. Macdonald to its place of prominence overlooking the south lawn of the Ontario legislature at Queen’s Park.

The statue’s return comes five years after activists, disgusted by the first Canadian prime minister’s racist policies, sprayed pink paint over the statue’s base.

Ford’s announcement was welcome news to the mostly conservative historians, editorialists and assorted pundits who have decried Macdonald’s “cancellation.”

Their objections have been part of passionate debates about whether racist and harmful figures from the past should be celebrated through statues, school and state institution names and public infrastructure projects.

For these conservatives, the issue is simple. Dismantling statues is dismantling Canada’s history.

Read more:
Canada needs to reckon with the relics of its colonial past, including racist statues

On the other side of the debate are those who argue that Macdonald’s active and integral role in creating the aggressively assimilationist Gradual Civilization Act, the infamous Indian Residential Schools system, the Reserve and Pass Systems and the Indian Act were all meant to make Indigenous Peoples disappear.

Macdonald was no man to celebrate, they contend, and his statue is nothing more than a symbol of racism and Canada’s dark colonial past.

Read more:
‘Clearing the plains’ continues with the acquittal of Gerald Stanley

Flurries of commemoration

Both sides to the debate, of course, are correct in their assessments of Canada’s first prime minister. Like all historical figures from the past, Macdonald was a complex human being operating at a particular historical moment. And his actions had important historical implications for the way Canada developed.

Was Macdonald, as proponents of his statue suggest, a visionary nation-builder? Maybe. But he was also a racist colonizer who used his position and his power to advance clearly racist goals in the most awful ways.

And yet, the debate misses a deeper and much more interesting set of questions about how we understand Canadian history, how we describe Canada’s past and ultimately how Canadians tell stories about themselves to each other.

It’s important to recognize from where and in what historical contexts Canada’s statues, commemorations and public infrastructure names come. Statues of figures like Macdonald, as well as the naming of public buildings, bridges and roads in his honour, appeared principally at two separate times.

The first came in the late 19th century, mostly commemorating Macdonald’s death in 1891. But statues were being erected during this period amid rising nationalism. They signalled a celebration of Canada’s membership in the British Empire, then at the zenith of its power and influence.

The second flurry of Macdonald commemoration was in the mid-1960s, another moment of heightened nationalism and Canadian pride. It coincided with Canada’s centenary in 1967, the Montréal Expo that same year, a new Canadian flag and a newfound confidence in the world through its active participation in international peacekeeping efforts.

Canada was also at that time grappling with a deeply dissatisfied Québec and its place in Confederation, a state of affairs that eventually resulted in a divisive sovereignty referendum in 1980 that threatened the very fabric of Canada.

Respecting the dissent

But just as Canadians need to understand the historical contexts in which citizens of the past have celebrated people like Macdonald, so too do they need to grasp the historical contexts in which Canadians past and present have questioned his legacy.

In 2013, the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States sparked critical re-evaluations of statues of Civil War-era figures from the American South and the continued use in some southern states of the highly offensive Confederate flag, along with many other symbols of racism, division and hatred.

The release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) final report a decade ago similarly forced Canadians to confront some the darkest chapters of the country’s past.

The point often missed here is that historical markers — like the TRC Commission and the Black Lives Matter movement — themselves become artefacts of the ongoing project involving how people tell stories about themselves to themselves, what those stories say about them in the present and how they want to define themselves in the future.

A more fulsome engagement with history demands Canadians refrain from conflating the story of John A. Macdonald, the statue, with the story of John A. Macdonald, the man, any more than we’d conflate a drawing of an apple with the one on our counter.

A true examination of Macdonald

It’s not a question of who Macdonald was or wasn’t. Instead, it’s about the historical context in which the commemorations of him were installed. But it’s also part of the continuing story of how we see ourselves today.

Claims that dismantling public statues and renaming roads and schools somehow erases Canadian history are ridiculous and profoundly misunderstand how history works.

As Canada Day approaches, it’s important to remember that Macdonald’s story and legacy live on exactly where they should — in the pages of history books, museums and classrooms, where his life and times can be examined, interpreted and debated with the kind of depth and nuance that Canadian history deserves.

Eric Strikwerda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Resurrecting John A. Macdonald statues ignores critical lessons about Canada’s history – https://theconversation.com/resurrecting-john-a-macdonald-statues-ignores-critical-lessons-about-canadas-history-259351

MIL OSI –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Submissions: Military force may have delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions – but history shows that diplomacy is the more effective nonproliferation strategy

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Stephen Collins, Professor of Government and International Affairs, Kennesaw State University

View of the United Nations logo at a 2022 conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images)

While the U.S. military’s strikes on Iran on June 21, 2025, are believed to have damaged the country’s critical nuclear infrastructure, no evidence has yet emerged showing the program to have been completely destroyed. In fact, an early U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency assessment surmised that the attack merely delayed Iran’s possible path to a nuclear weapon by less than six months. Further, Rafael Mariano Grossi, director of the United Nations’ International Atomic Energy Agency, stated that Iran may have moved its supply of enriched uranium ahead of the strikes, and assessed that Tehran could resume uranium enrichment “in a matter of months.”

Others have warned that the strikes may intensify the Islamic Republic’s nuclear drive, convincing the government of the need to acquire a bomb in order to safeguard its survival.

As a scholar of nuclear nonproliferation, my research indicates that military strikes, such as the U.S. one against Iran, tend not to work. Diplomacy — involving broad and resolute international efforts — offers a more strategically effective way to preempt a country from obtaining a nuclear arsenal.

The diplomatic alternative to nonproliferation

The strategy of a country using airstrikes to attempt to eliminate a rival nation’s nuclear program has precedent, including Israel’s 1981 airstrike on Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor and its 2007 air assault on Syria’s Kibar nuclear complex.

Yet neither military operation reliably or completely terminated the targeted program. Many experts of nuclear strategy believe that while the Israeli strike destroyed the Osirak complex, it likely accelerated Iraq’s fledgling nuclear program, increasing Saddam Hussein’s commitment to pursue a nuclear weapon.

The Osirak nuclear power research station in 1981.
Jacques Pavlovsky/Sygma via Getty Images

In a similar vein, while Israeli airstrikes destroyed Syria’s nascent nuclear facility, evidence soon emerged that the country, under its former leader, Bashar Assad, may have continued its nuclear activities elsewhere.

Based on my appraisal of similar cases, the record shows that diplomacy has been a more consistently reliable strategy than military force for getting a targeted country to denuclearize.

The tactics involved in nuclear diplomacy include bilateral and multilateral engagement efforts and economic tools ranging from comprehensive sanctions to transformative aid and trade incentives. Travel and cultural sanctions – including bans on participating in international sporting and other events – can also contribute to the effectiveness of denuclearization diplomacy.

The high point of denuclearization diplomacy came in 1970, when the majority of the world signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The treaty obliged nonnuclear weapons states to refrain from pursuing them, and existing nuclear powers to share civilian nuclear power technology and work toward eventual nuclear weapons disarmament.

I’ve found that in a majority of cases since then – notably in Argentina, Brazil, Libya, South Africa, South Korea and Taiwan – diplomacy played a pivotal role in convincing nuclear-seeking nations to entirely and permanently relinquish their pursuit of nuclear weapons.

Case studies of nuclear diplomacy

In the cases of U.S. allies Argentina, Brazil, South Korea and Taiwan, the military option was off the table for Washington, which instead successfully used diplomatic pressure to compel these countries to discontinue their nuclear programs. This involved the imposition of significant economic and technological sanctions on Argentina and Brazil in the late-1970s, which substantially contributed to the denuclearization of South America. In the South Korea and Taiwan cases, the threat of economic sanctions was effectively coupled with the risk of losing U.S. military aid and security guarantees.

South Africa represents one of the most compelling cases in support of diplomatic measures to reverse a country’s nuclear path. In the latter years of the Cold War, the country had advanced beyond threshold nuclear potential to assemble a sizable arsenal of nuclear weapons. But in 1991, the country decided to relinquish that arsenal, due in large part to the high economic, technological and cultural costs of sanctions and the belief that its nuclear program would prevent its reintegration into the international community following years of apartheid.

Completing the denuclearization of Africa, diplomatic pressure applied by the U.S. was the primary factor in Libya’s decision to shutter its nuclear program in 2003, as ending U.S. sanctions and normalizing relations with Washington became a high priority for the government of Moammar Gadhafi.

In the case of Iraq, the Hussein regime eventually did denuclearize in the 1990s, but not through a deal negotiated directly with the U.S. or the international community. Rather, Hussein’s decision was motivated by the damaging economic and technological costs of the U.N. sanctions and his desire to see them lifted after the first Gulf War.

In the 11 countries in which diplomacy was used to reverse nuclear proliferation, only in the cases of India and Pakistan did it fail to induce any nuclear reversal.

In the case of North Korea, while Pyongyang did for a time join the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, it later left the accord and subsequently built an arsenal now estimated at several dozen nuclear weapons. The decades-long efforts at diplomacy with the country cannot, therefore, be coded a success. Still, these efforts did result in notable moves in 1994 and 2007 by North Korea to curtail its nuclear facilities.

Meanwhile, analysts debate whether diplomacy would have been more successful at containing North Korea’s nuclear program if the George W. Bush administration had not shifted toward a more confrontational policy, including naming North Korea as a member of the “axis of evil” and delaying aid promised in the 1994 U.S.-North Korean Agreed Framework.

The Iran deal and beyond

Consistent with the historical track record for diplomacy concerning other nuclear powers, Iran offers compelling evidence of what diplomacy can achieve in lieu of military force.

Diplomatic negotiations between the U.S, Iran and five leading powers yielded the landmark Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2015. The so-called Iran deal involved multilateral diplomacy and a set of economic sanctions and incentives, and persuaded Iran to place stringent limits on its nuclear program for at least 10 years and ship tons of enriched uranium out of the country. A report from the International Atomic Energy Agency in 2016 confirmed that Iran had abided by the terms of the agreement. Consequently, the U.S., European Union and U.N. responded by lifting sanctions.

Representatives of the nations involved in signing the 2015 Iran nuclear deal pose for a group photo following talks in July 2015.
AP Photo/Ronald Zak

It was only after President Donald Trump ordered the U.S. withdrawal from the agreement in 2018, and reimposed sanctions on Iran, that Tehran resumed its alarming enrichment activities.

Trump signaled quickly after the recent attack on Iran a willingness to engage in direct talks with Tehran. However, Iran may rebuff any agreement that effectively contains its nuclear program, opting instead for the intensified underground approach Iraq took after the 1981 Osirak attack.

Indeed, my research shows that combining military threats with diplomacy reduces the prospects of successfully reaching a disarmament agreement. Nations will be more reluctant to disarm when their negotiating counterpart adopts a threatening and combative posture, as it heightens their fear that disarmament will make it more vulnerable to future aggression from the opposing country.

A return to an Iran nuclear deal?

Successful denuclearization diplomacy with Iran will not be a panacea for Middle East stability; the U.S. will continue to harbor concerns about Iran’s military-related actions and relationships in the region.

It is, after all, unlikely that any U.S. administration could strike a deal with Tehran on nuclear policy that would simultaneously settle all outstanding issues and resolve decades of mutual acrimony.

But by signing and abiding to the terms of the JCPOA, Iran has demonstrated a willingness to cooperate on the nuclear issue in the past. Under the agreement, Iran accepted a highly limited and low-proliferation-risk nuclear program subject to intrusive inspections by the international community.

That arrangement was beneficial for regional stability and for buttressing the global norm against nuclear proliferation. A return to a JCPOA-type agreement would reinforce a diplomatic approach to relations with Iran and create an opening for progress with the country on other areas of concern.

Stephen Collins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Military force may have delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions – but history shows that diplomacy is the more effective nonproliferation strategy – https://theconversation.com/military-force-may-have-delayed-irans-nuclear-ambitions-but-history-shows-that-diplomacy-is-the-more-effective-nonproliferation-strategy-259769

MIL OSI –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Submissions: Military force may have delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions – but history shows that diplomacy is the more effective nonproliferation strategy

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Stephen Collins, Professor of Government and International Affairs, Kennesaw State University

View of the United Nations logo at a 2022 conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images)

While the U.S. military’s strikes on Iran on June 21, 2025, are believed to have damaged the country’s critical nuclear infrastructure, no evidence has yet emerged showing the program to have been completely destroyed. In fact, an early U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency assessment surmised that the attack merely delayed Iran’s possible path to a nuclear weapon by less than six months. Further, Rafael Mariano Grossi, director of the United Nations’ International Atomic Energy Agency, stated that Iran may have moved its supply of enriched uranium ahead of the strikes, and assessed that Tehran could resume uranium enrichment “in a matter of months.”

Others have warned that the strikes may intensify the Islamic Republic’s nuclear drive, convincing the government of the need to acquire a bomb in order to safeguard its survival.

As a scholar of nuclear nonproliferation, my research indicates that military strikes, such as the U.S. one against Iran, tend not to work. Diplomacy — involving broad and resolute international efforts — offers a more strategically effective way to preempt a country from obtaining a nuclear arsenal.

The diplomatic alternative to nonproliferation

The strategy of a country using airstrikes to attempt to eliminate a rival nation’s nuclear program has precedent, including Israel’s 1981 airstrike on Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor and its 2007 air assault on Syria’s Kibar nuclear complex.

Yet neither military operation reliably or completely terminated the targeted program. Many experts of nuclear strategy believe that while the Israeli strike destroyed the Osirak complex, it likely accelerated Iraq’s fledgling nuclear program, increasing Saddam Hussein’s commitment to pursue a nuclear weapon.

The Osirak nuclear power research station in 1981.
Jacques Pavlovsky/Sygma via Getty Images

In a similar vein, while Israeli airstrikes destroyed Syria’s nascent nuclear facility, evidence soon emerged that the country, under its former leader, Bashar Assad, may have continued its nuclear activities elsewhere.

Based on my appraisal of similar cases, the record shows that diplomacy has been a more consistently reliable strategy than military force for getting a targeted country to denuclearize.

The tactics involved in nuclear diplomacy include bilateral and multilateral engagement efforts and economic tools ranging from comprehensive sanctions to transformative aid and trade incentives. Travel and cultural sanctions – including bans on participating in international sporting and other events – can also contribute to the effectiveness of denuclearization diplomacy.

The high point of denuclearization diplomacy came in 1970, when the majority of the world signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The treaty obliged nonnuclear weapons states to refrain from pursuing them, and existing nuclear powers to share civilian nuclear power technology and work toward eventual nuclear weapons disarmament.

I’ve found that in a majority of cases since then – notably in Argentina, Brazil, Libya, South Africa, South Korea and Taiwan – diplomacy played a pivotal role in convincing nuclear-seeking nations to entirely and permanently relinquish their pursuit of nuclear weapons.

Case studies of nuclear diplomacy

In the cases of U.S. allies Argentina, Brazil, South Korea and Taiwan, the military option was off the table for Washington, which instead successfully used diplomatic pressure to compel these countries to discontinue their nuclear programs. This involved the imposition of significant economic and technological sanctions on Argentina and Brazil in the late-1970s, which substantially contributed to the denuclearization of South America. In the South Korea and Taiwan cases, the threat of economic sanctions was effectively coupled with the risk of losing U.S. military aid and security guarantees.

South Africa represents one of the most compelling cases in support of diplomatic measures to reverse a country’s nuclear path. In the latter years of the Cold War, the country had advanced beyond threshold nuclear potential to assemble a sizable arsenal of nuclear weapons. But in 1991, the country decided to relinquish that arsenal, due in large part to the high economic, technological and cultural costs of sanctions and the belief that its nuclear program would prevent its reintegration into the international community following years of apartheid.

Completing the denuclearization of Africa, diplomatic pressure applied by the U.S. was the primary factor in Libya’s decision to shutter its nuclear program in 2003, as ending U.S. sanctions and normalizing relations with Washington became a high priority for the government of Moammar Gadhafi.

In the case of Iraq, the Hussein regime eventually did denuclearize in the 1990s, but not through a deal negotiated directly with the U.S. or the international community. Rather, Hussein’s decision was motivated by the damaging economic and technological costs of the U.N. sanctions and his desire to see them lifted after the first Gulf War.

In the 11 countries in which diplomacy was used to reverse nuclear proliferation, only in the cases of India and Pakistan did it fail to induce any nuclear reversal.

In the case of North Korea, while Pyongyang did for a time join the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, it later left the accord and subsequently built an arsenal now estimated at several dozen nuclear weapons. The decades-long efforts at diplomacy with the country cannot, therefore, be coded a success. Still, these efforts did result in notable moves in 1994 and 2007 by North Korea to curtail its nuclear facilities.

Meanwhile, analysts debate whether diplomacy would have been more successful at containing North Korea’s nuclear program if the George W. Bush administration had not shifted toward a more confrontational policy, including naming North Korea as a member of the “axis of evil” and delaying aid promised in the 1994 U.S.-North Korean Agreed Framework.

The Iran deal and beyond

Consistent with the historical track record for diplomacy concerning other nuclear powers, Iran offers compelling evidence of what diplomacy can achieve in lieu of military force.

Diplomatic negotiations between the U.S, Iran and five leading powers yielded the landmark Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2015. The so-called Iran deal involved multilateral diplomacy and a set of economic sanctions and incentives, and persuaded Iran to place stringent limits on its nuclear program for at least 10 years and ship tons of enriched uranium out of the country. A report from the International Atomic Energy Agency in 2016 confirmed that Iran had abided by the terms of the agreement. Consequently, the U.S., European Union and U.N. responded by lifting sanctions.

Representatives of the nations involved in signing the 2015 Iran nuclear deal pose for a group photo following talks in July 2015.
AP Photo/Ronald Zak

It was only after President Donald Trump ordered the U.S. withdrawal from the agreement in 2018, and reimposed sanctions on Iran, that Tehran resumed its alarming enrichment activities.

Trump signaled quickly after the recent attack on Iran a willingness to engage in direct talks with Tehran. However, Iran may rebuff any agreement that effectively contains its nuclear program, opting instead for the intensified underground approach Iraq took after the 1981 Osirak attack.

Indeed, my research shows that combining military threats with diplomacy reduces the prospects of successfully reaching a disarmament agreement. Nations will be more reluctant to disarm when their negotiating counterpart adopts a threatening and combative posture, as it heightens their fear that disarmament will make it more vulnerable to future aggression from the opposing country.

A return to an Iran nuclear deal?

Successful denuclearization diplomacy with Iran will not be a panacea for Middle East stability; the U.S. will continue to harbor concerns about Iran’s military-related actions and relationships in the region.

It is, after all, unlikely that any U.S. administration could strike a deal with Tehran on nuclear policy that would simultaneously settle all outstanding issues and resolve decades of mutual acrimony.

But by signing and abiding to the terms of the JCPOA, Iran has demonstrated a willingness to cooperate on the nuclear issue in the past. Under the agreement, Iran accepted a highly limited and low-proliferation-risk nuclear program subject to intrusive inspections by the international community.

That arrangement was beneficial for regional stability and for buttressing the global norm against nuclear proliferation. A return to a JCPOA-type agreement would reinforce a diplomatic approach to relations with Iran and create an opening for progress with the country on other areas of concern.

Stephen Collins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Military force may have delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions – but history shows that diplomacy is the more effective nonproliferation strategy – https://theconversation.com/military-force-may-have-delayed-irans-nuclear-ambitions-but-history-shows-that-diplomacy-is-the-more-effective-nonproliferation-strategy-259769

MIL OSI –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Submissions: Military force may have delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions – but history shows that diplomacy is the more effective nonproliferation strategy

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Stephen Collins, Professor of Government and International Affairs, Kennesaw State University

View of the United Nations logo at a 2022 conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images)

While the U.S. military’s strikes on Iran on June 21, 2025, are believed to have damaged the country’s critical nuclear infrastructure, no evidence has yet emerged showing the program to have been completely destroyed. In fact, an early U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency assessment surmised that the attack merely delayed Iran’s possible path to a nuclear weapon by less than six months. Further, Rafael Mariano Grossi, director of the United Nations’ International Atomic Energy Agency, stated that Iran may have moved its supply of enriched uranium ahead of the strikes, and assessed that Tehran could resume uranium enrichment “in a matter of months.”

Others have warned that the strikes may intensify the Islamic Republic’s nuclear drive, convincing the government of the need to acquire a bomb in order to safeguard its survival.

As a scholar of nuclear nonproliferation, my research indicates that military strikes, such as the U.S. one against Iran, tend not to work. Diplomacy — involving broad and resolute international efforts — offers a more strategically effective way to preempt a country from obtaining a nuclear arsenal.

The diplomatic alternative to nonproliferation

The strategy of a country using airstrikes to attempt to eliminate a rival nation’s nuclear program has precedent, including Israel’s 1981 airstrike on Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor and its 2007 air assault on Syria’s Kibar nuclear complex.

Yet neither military operation reliably or completely terminated the targeted program. Many experts of nuclear strategy believe that while the Israeli strike destroyed the Osirak complex, it likely accelerated Iraq’s fledgling nuclear program, increasing Saddam Hussein’s commitment to pursue a nuclear weapon.

The Osirak nuclear power research station in 1981.
Jacques Pavlovsky/Sygma via Getty Images

In a similar vein, while Israeli airstrikes destroyed Syria’s nascent nuclear facility, evidence soon emerged that the country, under its former leader, Bashar Assad, may have continued its nuclear activities elsewhere.

Based on my appraisal of similar cases, the record shows that diplomacy has been a more consistently reliable strategy than military force for getting a targeted country to denuclearize.

The tactics involved in nuclear diplomacy include bilateral and multilateral engagement efforts and economic tools ranging from comprehensive sanctions to transformative aid and trade incentives. Travel and cultural sanctions – including bans on participating in international sporting and other events – can also contribute to the effectiveness of denuclearization diplomacy.

The high point of denuclearization diplomacy came in 1970, when the majority of the world signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The treaty obliged nonnuclear weapons states to refrain from pursuing them, and existing nuclear powers to share civilian nuclear power technology and work toward eventual nuclear weapons disarmament.

I’ve found that in a majority of cases since then – notably in Argentina, Brazil, Libya, South Africa, South Korea and Taiwan – diplomacy played a pivotal role in convincing nuclear-seeking nations to entirely and permanently relinquish their pursuit of nuclear weapons.

Case studies of nuclear diplomacy

In the cases of U.S. allies Argentina, Brazil, South Korea and Taiwan, the military option was off the table for Washington, which instead successfully used diplomatic pressure to compel these countries to discontinue their nuclear programs. This involved the imposition of significant economic and technological sanctions on Argentina and Brazil in the late-1970s, which substantially contributed to the denuclearization of South America. In the South Korea and Taiwan cases, the threat of economic sanctions was effectively coupled with the risk of losing U.S. military aid and security guarantees.

South Africa represents one of the most compelling cases in support of diplomatic measures to reverse a country’s nuclear path. In the latter years of the Cold War, the country had advanced beyond threshold nuclear potential to assemble a sizable arsenal of nuclear weapons. But in 1991, the country decided to relinquish that arsenal, due in large part to the high economic, technological and cultural costs of sanctions and the belief that its nuclear program would prevent its reintegration into the international community following years of apartheid.

Completing the denuclearization of Africa, diplomatic pressure applied by the U.S. was the primary factor in Libya’s decision to shutter its nuclear program in 2003, as ending U.S. sanctions and normalizing relations with Washington became a high priority for the government of Moammar Gadhafi.

In the case of Iraq, the Hussein regime eventually did denuclearize in the 1990s, but not through a deal negotiated directly with the U.S. or the international community. Rather, Hussein’s decision was motivated by the damaging economic and technological costs of the U.N. sanctions and his desire to see them lifted after the first Gulf War.

In the 11 countries in which diplomacy was used to reverse nuclear proliferation, only in the cases of India and Pakistan did it fail to induce any nuclear reversal.

In the case of North Korea, while Pyongyang did for a time join the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, it later left the accord and subsequently built an arsenal now estimated at several dozen nuclear weapons. The decades-long efforts at diplomacy with the country cannot, therefore, be coded a success. Still, these efforts did result in notable moves in 1994 and 2007 by North Korea to curtail its nuclear facilities.

Meanwhile, analysts debate whether diplomacy would have been more successful at containing North Korea’s nuclear program if the George W. Bush administration had not shifted toward a more confrontational policy, including naming North Korea as a member of the “axis of evil” and delaying aid promised in the 1994 U.S.-North Korean Agreed Framework.

The Iran deal and beyond

Consistent with the historical track record for diplomacy concerning other nuclear powers, Iran offers compelling evidence of what diplomacy can achieve in lieu of military force.

Diplomatic negotiations between the U.S, Iran and five leading powers yielded the landmark Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2015. The so-called Iran deal involved multilateral diplomacy and a set of economic sanctions and incentives, and persuaded Iran to place stringent limits on its nuclear program for at least 10 years and ship tons of enriched uranium out of the country. A report from the International Atomic Energy Agency in 2016 confirmed that Iran had abided by the terms of the agreement. Consequently, the U.S., European Union and U.N. responded by lifting sanctions.

Representatives of the nations involved in signing the 2015 Iran nuclear deal pose for a group photo following talks in July 2015.
AP Photo/Ronald Zak

It was only after President Donald Trump ordered the U.S. withdrawal from the agreement in 2018, and reimposed sanctions on Iran, that Tehran resumed its alarming enrichment activities.

Trump signaled quickly after the recent attack on Iran a willingness to engage in direct talks with Tehran. However, Iran may rebuff any agreement that effectively contains its nuclear program, opting instead for the intensified underground approach Iraq took after the 1981 Osirak attack.

Indeed, my research shows that combining military threats with diplomacy reduces the prospects of successfully reaching a disarmament agreement. Nations will be more reluctant to disarm when their negotiating counterpart adopts a threatening and combative posture, as it heightens their fear that disarmament will make it more vulnerable to future aggression from the opposing country.

A return to an Iran nuclear deal?

Successful denuclearization diplomacy with Iran will not be a panacea for Middle East stability; the U.S. will continue to harbor concerns about Iran’s military-related actions and relationships in the region.

It is, after all, unlikely that any U.S. administration could strike a deal with Tehran on nuclear policy that would simultaneously settle all outstanding issues and resolve decades of mutual acrimony.

But by signing and abiding to the terms of the JCPOA, Iran has demonstrated a willingness to cooperate on the nuclear issue in the past. Under the agreement, Iran accepted a highly limited and low-proliferation-risk nuclear program subject to intrusive inspections by the international community.

That arrangement was beneficial for regional stability and for buttressing the global norm against nuclear proliferation. A return to a JCPOA-type agreement would reinforce a diplomatic approach to relations with Iran and create an opening for progress with the country on other areas of concern.

Stephen Collins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Military force may have delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions – but history shows that diplomacy is the more effective nonproliferation strategy – https://theconversation.com/military-force-may-have-delayed-irans-nuclear-ambitions-but-history-shows-that-diplomacy-is-the-more-effective-nonproliferation-strategy-259769

MIL OSI –

July 5, 2025
MIL-OSI Submissions: War, politics and religion shape wildlife evolution in cities

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Elizabeth Carlen, Living Earth Collaborative Postdoctoral Fellow, Washington University in St. Louis

A Buddhist monk in Hong Kong releases fish and chants prayers during a ceremony to free the spirits of tsunami victims. Samantha Sin/AFP via Getty Images

People often consider evolution to be a process that occurs in nature in the background of human society. But evolution is not separate from human beings. In fact, human cultural practices can influence evolution in wildlife. This influence is highly pronounced in cities, where people drastically alter landscapes to meet their own needs.

Human actions can affect wildlife evolution in a number of ways. If people fragment habitat, separated wildlife populations can evolve to be more and more different from each other. If people change certain local conditions, it can pressure organisms in new ways that mean different genes are favored by natural selection and passed on to offspring – another form of evolution that can be driven by what people do.

In a recent review, evolutionary biologists Marta Szulkin, Colin Garroway and I, in collaboration with scientists spread across five continents, explored how cultural processes – including religion, politics and war – shape urban evolution. We reviewed dozens of empirical studies about urban wildlife around the globe. Our work highlights which human cultural practices have and continue to shape the evolutionary trajectory of wild animals and plants.

Religious practices

If you’ve traveled internationally, you may have noticed the menu at any one McDonald’s restaurant is shaped by the local culture of its location. In the United Arab Emirates, McDonald’s serves an entirely halal menu. Vegetarian items are common and no beef is served in Indian McDonald’s. And in the United States, McDonald’s Filet-O-Fish is especially popular during Lent when observant Catholics don’t consume meat on Fridays.

Similarly, ecosystems of cities are shaped by local cultural practices. Because all wildlife are connected to the environment, cultural practices that alter the landscape shape the evolution of urban organisms.

Populations of fire salamanders have different genes depending on which side of city walls in Oviedo, Spain, they live on.
Patrice Skrzynski via Getty Images

For example, in Oviedo, Spain, people constructed walls around religious buildings between the 12th and 16th centuries. This division of the city led to different populations of fire salamanders inside and outside the walls. Because salamanders can’t scale these walls, those on opposite sides became isolated from each other and unable to pass genes back and forth. In a process that scientists call genetic drift, over time salamanders on the two sides became genetically distinct − evidence of the two populations evolving independently.

Imagine dumping out a handful of M&Ms. Just by chance, some colors might be overrepresented and others might be missing. In the same way, genes that are overrepresented on one side of the wall can be in low numbers or missing on the other side. That’s genetic drift.

Introducing non-native wildlife is another way people can alter urban ecosystems and evolutionary processes. For example, prayer animal release is a practice that started in the fifth or sixth century in some sects of Buddhism. Practitioners who strive to cause no harm to any living creature release captive animals, which benefits the animal and is meant to improve the karma of the person who released it.

However, these animals are often captured from the wild or come from the pet trade, thereby introducing non-native wildlife into the urban ecosystem. Non-natives may compete with local species and contribute to the local extinction of native wildlife. Capturing animals nearby has downsides, too. It can diminish local populations, since many die traveling to the release ceremony. The genetic diversity of these local populations in turn decreases, reducing the population’s ability to survive.

More than a thousand sparrows killed by peasants in 1958 are displayed on a cart near Beijing, China.
Sovphoto/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

Influence of politics

Politically motivated campaigns have shaped wildlife in various ways.

Starting in 1958, for instance, the Chinese Communist Party led a movement to eliminate four species that were considered pests: rats, flies, mosquitoes and sparrows. While the first three are commonly considered pests around the world, sparrows made the list because they were “public animals of capitalism” due to their fondness for grain. The extermination campaign ended up decimating the sparrow population and damaging the entire ecosystem. With sparrows no longer hunting and eating insects, crop pests such as locusts thrived, leading to crop destruction and famine.

In the United States, racial politics may be shaping evolutionary processes in wildlife.
For instance, American highways traverse cities according to political agendas and have often dismantled poor neighborhoods of color to make way for multilane thoroughfares. These highways can change how animals are able to disperse and commingle. For example, they prevent bobcats and coyotes from traveling throughout Los Angeles, leading to similar patterns of population differentiation as seen in fire salamanders in Spain.

Wildlife during and after war

Human religious and political agendas often lead to armed conflict. Wars are known to dramatically alter the environment, as seen in current conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine.

The Russia-Ukraine war affected migration of greater spotted eagles.
Nimit Virdi via Getty Images

While documenting evolutionary changes to urban wildlife is secondary to keeping people safe during wartime, a handful of studies on wildlife have come out of active war zones. For example, the current Russia-Ukraine war affected the migration of greater spotted eagles. They made large diversions around the active war zone, arriving later than usual at their breeding grounds. The longer route increased the energy the eagles used during migration and likely influenced their fitness during breeding.

Wars limit access to resources for people living in active war zones. The lack of energy to heat homes in Ukraine during the winter has led urban residents to harvest wood from nearby forests. This harvesting will have long-term consequences on forest dynamics, likely altering future evolutionary potential.

A similar example is famine that occurred during the Democratic Republic of Congo’s civil wars (1996-1997, 1998-2003) and led to an increase in bushmeat consumption. This wildlife hunting is known to reduce primate population sizes, making them more susceptible to local extinction.

Even after war, landscapes experience consequences.

For example, the demilitarized zone between North Korea and South Korea is a 160-mile (250-kilometer) barrier, established in 1953, separating the two countries. Heavily fortified with razor wire and landmines, the demilitarized zone has become a de facto nature sanctuary supporting thousands of species, including dozens of endangered species.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War led to the establishment of the European Green Belt, which runs along the same path as the Iron Curtain. This protected ecological network is over 7,800 miles (12,500 kilometers) long, allowing wildlife to move freely across 24 countries in Europe. Like the Korean DMZ, the European Green Belt allows for wildlife to move, breed and exchange genes, despite political boundaries. Politics has removed human influence from these spaces, allowing them to be a safe haven for wildlife.

While researchers have documented a number of examples of wildlife evolving in response to human history and cultural practices, there’s plenty more to uncover. Cultures differ around the world, meaning each city has its own set of variables that shape the evolutionary processes of wildlife. Understanding how these human cultural practices shape evolutionary patterns will allow people to better design cities that support both humans and the wildlife that call these places home.

Ideas for this article were developed as part of a NSF funded Research Coordination Network (DEB 1840663). Elizabeth Carlen was funded by the Living Earth Collaborative.

– ref. War, politics and religion shape wildlife evolution in cities – https://theconversation.com/war-politics-and-religion-shape-wildlife-evolution-in-cities-260184

MIL OSI –

July 5, 2025
PM Modi and Trinidad & Tobago’s Prime Minister plant a sapling in Port of Spain

Source: Government of India

Source: Government of India (4)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar planted a sapling in Port of Spain as part of the ‘Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam’ initiative.

In a post on X, PM Modi thanked Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar for participating in the campaign.

“Grateful to Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar for joining the ‘Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam’ initiative. India and Trinidad & Tobago understand the adverse impacts of climate change and we will continue to do our utmost to make our planet greener and better”, the PM said.

Earlier on Friday, PM Modi met Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar at the Red House in Port of Spain. He congratulated her on assuming office for a second term following her recent election victory.

The two leaders discussed a wide range of potential areas for cooperation, including agriculture, healthcare and pharmaceuticals, digital transformation, UPI, capacity building, culture, sports, and people-to-people ties.

Sharing details of the meeting, PM Modi said in a post on X that they held discussions on all aspects of India–Trinidad and Tobago friendship. “We agreed on the need to further accelerate our economic partnership and focus on areas such as disaster management, climate change, and defence.”

July 5, 2025
PM Modi and Trinidad & Tobago’s Prime Minister plant a sapling in Port of Spain

Source: Government of India

Source: Government of India (4)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar planted a sapling in Port of Spain as part of the ‘Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam’ initiative.

In a post on X, PM Modi thanked Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar for participating in the campaign.

“Grateful to Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar for joining the ‘Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam’ initiative. India and Trinidad & Tobago understand the adverse impacts of climate change and we will continue to do our utmost to make our planet greener and better”, the PM said.

Earlier on Friday, PM Modi met Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar at the Red House in Port of Spain. He congratulated her on assuming office for a second term following her recent election victory.

The two leaders discussed a wide range of potential areas for cooperation, including agriculture, healthcare and pharmaceuticals, digital transformation, UPI, capacity building, culture, sports, and people-to-people ties.

Sharing details of the meeting, PM Modi said in a post on X that they held discussions on all aspects of India–Trinidad and Tobago friendship. “We agreed on the need to further accelerate our economic partnership and focus on areas such as disaster management, climate change, and defence.”

July 5, 2025
PM Modi and Trinidad & Tobago’s Prime Minister plant a sapling in Port of Spain

Source: Government of India

Source: Government of India (4)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar planted a sapling in Port of Spain as part of the ‘Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam’ initiative.

In a post on X, PM Modi thanked Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar for participating in the campaign.

“Grateful to Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar for joining the ‘Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam’ initiative. India and Trinidad & Tobago understand the adverse impacts of climate change and we will continue to do our utmost to make our planet greener and better”, the PM said.

Earlier on Friday, PM Modi met Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar at the Red House in Port of Spain. He congratulated her on assuming office for a second term following her recent election victory.

The two leaders discussed a wide range of potential areas for cooperation, including agriculture, healthcare and pharmaceuticals, digital transformation, UPI, capacity building, culture, sports, and people-to-people ties.

Sharing details of the meeting, PM Modi said in a post on X that they held discussions on all aspects of India–Trinidad and Tobago friendship. “We agreed on the need to further accelerate our economic partnership and focus on areas such as disaster management, climate change, and defence.”

July 5, 2025
India, Thailand set for showdown to reach AFC Women’s Asian Cup Australia

Source: Government of India

Source: Government of India (4)

All eyes will be on Chiang Mai this Saturday as India face Thailand in a winner-takes-all clash for a place at the AFC Women’s Asian Cup Australia 2026.

After more than two months of preparation and three dominant wins in the group stage, the Blue Tigresses are one match away from rewriting history. India have never qualified for the Asian Cup through the qualifiers route — the last time they featured was in 2003, when there were none. They did play in the 2022 edition as hosts but were forced to withdraw due to a COVID-19 outbreak.

The stakes are higher this time. The path to a first-ever FIFA Women’s World Cup in 2027 runs through Australia. “Qualification right now would be a huge boost for Indian football overall,” head coach Crispin Chettri said. “It would inspire more young girls to take up the sport and help the women’s game grow. For those already in the national team, it’s a chance to test themselves against Asia’s best — and possibly the world’s.”

On paper, Thailand hold the edge. They are ranked 46th in the world, 24 spots above India, and have qualified for nine consecutive Asian Cups and two World Cups (2015, 2019). Yet in the qualifiers so far, the two teams have been neck and neck. India thrashed Mongolia 13-0, Timor Leste 4-0, and Iraq 5-0. Thailand beat the same opponents 11-0, 4-0, and 7-0. Both sides boast a +22 goal difference — setting up a knockout in every sense. If scores remain level after 90 minutes, the tie will be decided on penalties.

Chettri knows Saturday’s test will be tougher but insists the approach remains unchanged. “We’ve respected every opponent and prepared diligently. Thailand are a stronger side and deserve that respect — but our plan is to finish the job in 90 minutes. We’re not thinking about penalties.”

Midfielders Anju Tamang and Sangita Basfore know what to expect. The duo featured when India lost narrowly to Thailand 1-0 at the 2023 Asian Games in China. “They’re a quality side,” said Tamang, who has a goal and two assists so far. “They like to keep the ball and play quick, short passes. We have to fight hard and play with the right spirit to get the win.”

For India, the equation is simple: a win in Chiang Mai keeps the dream alive — and brings the 2027 World Cup one step closer.

July 5, 2025
India, Thailand set for showdown to reach AFC Women’s Asian Cup Australia

Source: Government of India

Source: Government of India (4)

All eyes will be on Chiang Mai this Saturday as India face Thailand in a winner-takes-all clash for a place at the AFC Women’s Asian Cup Australia 2026.

After more than two months of preparation and three dominant wins in the group stage, the Blue Tigresses are one match away from rewriting history. India have never qualified for the Asian Cup through the qualifiers route — the last time they featured was in 2003, when there were none. They did play in the 2022 edition as hosts but were forced to withdraw due to a COVID-19 outbreak.

The stakes are higher this time. The path to a first-ever FIFA Women’s World Cup in 2027 runs through Australia. “Qualification right now would be a huge boost for Indian football overall,” head coach Crispin Chettri said. “It would inspire more young girls to take up the sport and help the women’s game grow. For those already in the national team, it’s a chance to test themselves against Asia’s best — and possibly the world’s.”

On paper, Thailand hold the edge. They are ranked 46th in the world, 24 spots above India, and have qualified for nine consecutive Asian Cups and two World Cups (2015, 2019). Yet in the qualifiers so far, the two teams have been neck and neck. India thrashed Mongolia 13-0, Timor Leste 4-0, and Iraq 5-0. Thailand beat the same opponents 11-0, 4-0, and 7-0. Both sides boast a +22 goal difference — setting up a knockout in every sense. If scores remain level after 90 minutes, the tie will be decided on penalties.

Chettri knows Saturday’s test will be tougher but insists the approach remains unchanged. “We’ve respected every opponent and prepared diligently. Thailand are a stronger side and deserve that respect — but our plan is to finish the job in 90 minutes. We’re not thinking about penalties.”

Midfielders Anju Tamang and Sangita Basfore know what to expect. The duo featured when India lost narrowly to Thailand 1-0 at the 2023 Asian Games in China. “They’re a quality side,” said Tamang, who has a goal and two assists so far. “They like to keep the ball and play quick, short passes. We have to fight hard and play with the right spirit to get the win.”

For India, the equation is simple: a win in Chiang Mai keeps the dream alive — and brings the 2027 World Cup one step closer.

July 5, 2025