Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –
An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
BEIRUT, July 15 (Xinhua) — Twelve people were killed and eight others were wounded on Tuesday when an Israeli airstrike hit a drilling rig and a Syrian refugee camp in the Wadi Faara area of eastern Lebanon, Lebanon’s official National News Agency reported.
Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
Imagine living in a place where a single drought, hurricane, or mudslide can wipe out your food supply. Across Africa, many communities do exactly that – navigate climate shocks like floods, heatwaves, and failed harvests.
What’s often overlooked in the development policies to tackle these threats is a powerful sources of insight: Africa’s own history.
Around 14,700 to 5,500 years ago, much of Africa experienced wetter conditions – a time referred to as the African Humid Period. As wet conditions declined around 5,500 years ago, major social, cultural, and environmental changes ensued across the continent.
We’re part of a multidisciplinary team of scientists who recently published a study about how diverse African communities adapted to climate variability over the past 10,000 years. This is the first study to explore thousands of years of change in people’s livelihoods across the continent using isotopic data.
This continent-wide approach offers novel insights into how livelihoods formed and evolved across space and time.
Prior theories often assumed that societies and their food systems evolved in a linear way. In other words they developed from simple hunting and gathering communities to politically and socially complex societies practising agriculture.
Instead, what we see is a complex mosaic of adaptable strategies that helped people survive. For 10,000 years, African communities adapted by mixing herding, farming, fishing and foraging. They blended different practices based on what worked at different times in their specific environment. That diversity across communities and regions was key to human survival.
That has real lessons for food systems today.
Our research suggests that rigid, top-down development plans, including ones that privilege intensifying agriculture over diversified economies, are unlikely to succeed. Many modern policies promote narrow approaches, like focusing only on cash crops. But history tells a different story. Resilience isn’t about choosing the “best” or most “intensive” method and sticking with it. Rather it’s about staying flexible and blending different strategies to align with local conditions.
The clues left behind
We were able to develop our insights by looking at the clues left behind by the food people ate and the environments they lived in. We did this by analysing the chemical traces (isotopes) in ancient human and domestic animal bones from 187 archaeological sites across the African continent.
We sorted the results into groups with similar features, or “isotopic niches”. Then we described the livelihood and ecological characteristics of these niches using archaeological and environmental information.
Our methods illustrated a wide range of livelihood systems. For example, in what are now Botswana and Zimbabwe, some groups combined small-scale farming with wild food gathering and livestock herding after the African Humid Period. In Egypt and Sudan, communities mixed crop farming – focused on wheat, barley, and legumes – with fishing, dairy, and beer brewing.
Herders, in particular, developed highly flexible strategies. They adapted to hot plains, dry highlands, and everything in between. Pastoral systems (farming with grazing animals) show up at more archaeological sites than any other food system. They also have the widest range of chemical signatures – evidence of their adaptability to shifting environments.
Our study also used isotopic data to build up a picture of how people were using livestock. Most animal management systems were reliant on grasses (plants such as millet and tropical pasture), and adapted to diverse ecological conditions. Some systems were highly specialised to semi-arid and mountainous environments. Others included mixed herds adapted to wetter or lower elevation regions. In other cases, animals were kept as stock in small numbers to supplement other livelihoods – providing milk, dung, and insurance against crop failure.
This adaptability helps clarify why, over the past millennium, pastoral systems have remained so important, especially in areas with increasing aridity.
Mixed livelihood strategies
The study also provides strong evidence for interactions between food production and foraging, whether at community or regional level.
Dynamic, mixed livelihood strategies, including interactions like trade within and between communities near and far, were especially apparent during periods of climatic stress. One of these periods was the end of the African Humid Period (from about 5,500 years ago), when a drier climate created new challenges.
In south-eastern Africa, from 2,000 years ago, there was a rise of diverse livelihood systems blending herding, farming and foraging in complex ways. These systems likely emerged in response to complex environmental and social change. Complex changes in social networks – especially around sharing land, resources, and knowledge – likely underpinned the development of this resilience.
Ancient livelihood strategies offer a playbook for surviving climate change today.
Our analysis suggests that over thousands of years, communities that combined herding, farming, fishing and gathering were making context-specific choices that helped them weather unpredictable conditions. They built food systems that worked with the land and sea, not against them. And they leaned on strong social networks, sharing resources, knowledge and labour.
Past responses to climate shifts can inform current and future strategies for building resilience in regions facing socio-environmental pressures.
Leanne N. Phelps is affiliated with Columbia Climate School at Columbia University; Royal Botanic Garden Edinburgh, UK; and NGO Vaevae based in Andavadoake, Toliara, Madagascar
Kristina Guild Douglass receives funding from The US National Science Foundation. She is affiliated with the NGO Vae Vae.
Imagine living in a place where a single drought, hurricane, or mudslide can wipe out your food supply. Across Africa, many communities do exactly that – navigate climate shocks like floods, heatwaves, and failed harvests.
What’s often overlooked in the development policies to tackle these threats is a powerful sources of insight: Africa’s own history.
Around 14,700 to 5,500 years ago, much of Africa experienced wetter conditions – a time referred to as the African Humid Period. As wet conditions declined around 5,500 years ago, major social, cultural, and environmental changes ensued across the continent.
We’re part of a multidisciplinary team of scientists who recently published a study about how diverse African communities adapted to climate variability over the past 10,000 years. This is the first study to explore thousands of years of change in people’s livelihoods across the continent using isotopic data.
This continent-wide approach offers novel insights into how livelihoods formed and evolved across space and time.
Prior theories often assumed that societies and their food systems evolved in a linear way. In other words they developed from simple hunting and gathering communities to politically and socially complex societies practising agriculture.
Instead, what we see is a complex mosaic of adaptable strategies that helped people survive. For 10,000 years, African communities adapted by mixing herding, farming, fishing and foraging. They blended different practices based on what worked at different times in their specific environment. That diversity across communities and regions was key to human survival.
That has real lessons for food systems today.
Our research suggests that rigid, top-down development plans, including ones that privilege intensifying agriculture over diversified economies, are unlikely to succeed. Many modern policies promote narrow approaches, like focusing only on cash crops. But history tells a different story. Resilience isn’t about choosing the “best” or most “intensive” method and sticking with it. Rather it’s about staying flexible and blending different strategies to align with local conditions.
The clues left behind
We were able to develop our insights by looking at the clues left behind by the food people ate and the environments they lived in. We did this by analysing the chemical traces (isotopes) in ancient human and domestic animal bones from 187 archaeological sites across the African continent.
We sorted the results into groups with similar features, or “isotopic niches”. Then we described the livelihood and ecological characteristics of these niches using archaeological and environmental information.
Our methods illustrated a wide range of livelihood systems. For example, in what are now Botswana and Zimbabwe, some groups combined small-scale farming with wild food gathering and livestock herding after the African Humid Period. In Egypt and Sudan, communities mixed crop farming – focused on wheat, barley, and legumes – with fishing, dairy, and beer brewing.
Herders, in particular, developed highly flexible strategies. They adapted to hot plains, dry highlands, and everything in between. Pastoral systems (farming with grazing animals) show up at more archaeological sites than any other food system. They also have the widest range of chemical signatures – evidence of their adaptability to shifting environments.
Our study also used isotopic data to build up a picture of how people were using livestock. Most animal management systems were reliant on grasses (plants such as millet and tropical pasture), and adapted to diverse ecological conditions. Some systems were highly specialised to semi-arid and mountainous environments. Others included mixed herds adapted to wetter or lower elevation regions. In other cases, animals were kept as stock in small numbers to supplement other livelihoods – providing milk, dung, and insurance against crop failure.
This adaptability helps clarify why, over the past millennium, pastoral systems have remained so important, especially in areas with increasing aridity.
Mixed livelihood strategies
The study also provides strong evidence for interactions between food production and foraging, whether at community or regional level.
Dynamic, mixed livelihood strategies, including interactions like trade within and between communities near and far, were especially apparent during periods of climatic stress. One of these periods was the end of the African Humid Period (from about 5,500 years ago), when a drier climate created new challenges.
In south-eastern Africa, from 2,000 years ago, there was a rise of diverse livelihood systems blending herding, farming and foraging in complex ways. These systems likely emerged in response to complex environmental and social change. Complex changes in social networks – especially around sharing land, resources, and knowledge – likely underpinned the development of this resilience.
Ancient livelihood strategies offer a playbook for surviving climate change today.
Our analysis suggests that over thousands of years, communities that combined herding, farming, fishing and gathering were making context-specific choices that helped them weather unpredictable conditions. They built food systems that worked with the land and sea, not against them. And they leaned on strong social networks, sharing resources, knowledge and labour.
Past responses to climate shifts can inform current and future strategies for building resilience in regions facing socio-environmental pressures.
Leanne N. Phelps is affiliated with Columbia Climate School at Columbia University; Royal Botanic Garden Edinburgh, UK; and NGO Vaevae based in Andavadoake, Toliara, Madagascar
Kristina Guild Douglass receives funding from The US National Science Foundation. She is affiliated with the NGO Vae Vae.
The President of the Council of Ministers, Giorgia Meloni, today received at Palazzo Chigi the King of Bahrain, Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, who is on a private visit to Italy.
During the meeting, the two leaders discussed the situation in the Middle East, and in particular the joint efforts to reach a ceasefire in Gaza. The discussion also provided President Meloni with the opportunity to offer her congratulations on Bahrain’s election as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for the 2026-27 mandate.
Lastly, the meeting enabled the two leaders to discuss bilateral relations, starting with economic cooperation, also in view of the Crown Prince and Prime Minister of Bahrain’s visit to Rome in September and the agreements that will be signed on that occasion.
International Monetary Fund. Middle East and Central Asia Dept. “Arab Republic of Egypt: 2025 Article IV Consultation, Fourth Review Under the Extended Arrangement Under the Extended Fund Facility, Requests for Waivers of Nonobservance and Modification of Performance Criteria and Request for an Arrangement Under the Resilience and Sustainability Facility-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Egypt”, IMF Staff Country Reports 2025, 186 (2025), accessed July 15, 2025, https://doi.org/10.5089/9798229014700.002
International Monetary Fund. Middle East and Central Asia Dept. “Arab Republic of Egypt: 2025 Article IV Consultation, Fourth Review Under the Extended Arrangement Under the Extended Fund Facility, Requests for Waivers of Nonobservance and Modification of Performance Criteria and Request for an Arrangement Under the Resilience and Sustainability Facility-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Egypt”, IMF Staff Country Reports 2025, 186 (2025), accessed July 15, 2025, https://doi.org/10.5089/9798229014700.002
International Monetary Fund. Middle East and Central Asia Dept. “Arab Republic of Egypt: 2025 Article IV Consultation, Fourth Review Under the Extended Arrangement Under the Extended Fund Facility, Requests for Waivers of Nonobservance and Modification of Performance Criteria and Request for an Arrangement Under the Resilience and Sustainability Facility-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Egypt”, IMF Staff Country Reports 2025, 186 (2025), accessed July 15, 2025, https://doi.org/10.5089/9798229014700.002
International Monetary Fund. Middle East and Central Asia Dept. “Arab Republic of Egypt: 2025 Article IV Consultation, Fourth Review Under the Extended Arrangement Under the Extended Fund Facility, Requests for Waivers of Nonobservance and Modification of Performance Criteria and Request for an Arrangement Under the Resilience and Sustainability Facility-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Egypt”, IMF Staff Country Reports 2025, 186 (2025), accessed July 15, 2025, https://doi.org/10.5089/9798229014700.002
Adopted unanimously, the resolution extending the UN Mission to support the Hudaydah Agreement (UNMHA) until 28 January 2026, underscores the Mission’s critical role in maintaining fragile stability amid signs of renewed military escalation and deepening humanitarian need.
The resolution – 2786 (2025) – reaffirms the Council’s support for the 2018 Stockholm Agreement, including the ceasefire in the Houthi-controlled port city – and demilitarisation of its docks, where the majority of Yemen’s imports and vital aid shipments pass through.
The mission’s future
It also signals a growing debate over the mission’s future, requesting the Secretary-General to submit a review by November to enhance coordination and coherence of UN operations, “bearing in mind challenges” that have directly impeded UNMHA’s capacity to deliver.
“The Security Council…expresses its intention to review the full range of options for UNMHA’s mandate, including assessing the future viability and sunsetting of the Mission, and make any necessary adjustments to gain efficiencies and reduce costs or otherwise, as may be required to UN operations in Hudaydah by developments on the ground, including inter alia a durable nationwide ceasefire,” the resolution noted.
UNMHA was established in 2019 to support implementation of the Stockholm Agreement between the Government of Yemen and Ansar Allah (as the Houthis are formally known), which sought to prevent major conflict over the region.
The mission monitors the ceasefire, facilitates redeployments and supports de-escalation through liaison mechanisms between the parties.
Tensions mounting
While the military situation on the ground remains tenuously stable, tensions are mounting on multiple fronts.
According to a letter from the Secretary-General to the 15-member Council in June, a growing number of ceasefire violations – averaging over 100 per day between June 2024 and May 2025 – highlight the fragile state of the region.
Government-aligned forces fortified positions in anticipation of a possible offensive on the city, while Houthi units increased infiltration attempts and public mobilisation, including military-style youth camps in areas they control.
UN Photo/Mark Garten
Security Council unanimously adopts Resolution 2786 (2025) extending until 28 January 2026 the mandate of the UN Mission to support the Hudaydah Agreement (UNMHA).
Deadly Red Sea passage
Compounding this, Houthi attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea have intensified. On 8 July, the commercial vessel Eternity C was sunk, killing several crew members and leaving others missing. This followed the sinking of the Magic Seas vessel two days earlier.
In a statement, UN Special Envoy Hans Grundberg condemned the attacks, calling them violations of international maritime law and warning they risked serious environmental and geopolitical fallout.
He called on Ansar Allah to cease attacks that risk escalating tensions in and around Yemen.
“[He urges them] to build on the cessation of hostilities with the United States in the Red Sea and to provide durable guarantees to the region and the wider international community, ensuring the safety of all those using this critical waterway,” the statement noted.
Significant operational constraints
Within Hudaydah itself, UNMHA faces significant constraints.
The June letter by the Secretary-General details restrictions by Houthi authorities on UN patrols to the critical Red Sea ports – Hudaydah, Salif and Ras Issa.
Damage from repeated airstrikes, including by the US and Israel in response to Houthi attacks, has left key port infrastructure partially inoperable, disrupting fuel, food and medical imports.
With Hudaydah responsible for 70 per cent of Yemen’s commercial imports and 80 per cent of humanitarian deliveries, the stakes are high.
Meanwhile, a new round of polio vaccinations is underway in Government-controlled areas of southern Yemen, amid mounting concerns over the continued spread of the virus.
From 12 to 14 July, health workers deployed across 12 governorates, aimed at curbing the outbreak of variant type 2 poliovirus.
The campaign, led by Yemen’s Ministry of Public Health with support from UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and World Health Organization (WHO), came as 282 cases have been reported since 2021, with environmental surveillance confirming ongoing transmission.
“The campaign is essential to interrupt transmission and protect every child from the debilitating effects of polio,” said Ferima Coulibaly-Zerbo, acting WHO Representative in Yemen.
UNICEF’s Peter Hawkins echoed the urgency, warning of the “imminent threat” to unvaccinated children if immunisation gaps persist.
“But, through vaccination, we can keep our children safe,” he said.
“As of 13 July, we have recorded 875 people killed in Gaza while trying to get food; 674 of them were killed in the vicinity of GHF sites,” said Thameen Al-Kheetan, OHCHR spokesperson, referencing the US-Israeli run private organization which has bypassed regular humanitarian operations.
The remaining 201 victims were killed while seeking food “on the routes of aid convoys or near aid convoys” run by the UN or UN-partners still operating in the war-shattered enclave, Mr. Al-Kheetan told journalists in Geneva.
Killings linked to the controversial US and Israeli-backed aid hubs began shortly after they started operating in southern Gaza on 27 May, bypassing the UN and other established NGOs.
The latest deadly incident happened at around 9am on Monday 14 July, when reports indicated that the Israeli military shelled and fired towards Palestinians seeking food at the GHF site in As Shakoush area, northwestern Rafah.
According to OHCHR, two Palestinians were killed and at least nine others were injured. Some of the casualties were transported to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) hospital in Rafah. On Saturday medics there received more than 130 patients, the “overwhelming majority” suffering from gunshot wounds and “all responsive individuals” reporting they were attempting to access food distribution sites.
Deadly hunger
The UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, expressed deep concerns about the continuing killing of civilians trying to access food, while deadly malnutrition spreads among children.
“Our teams on the ground – UNRWA teams and other United Nations teams – have spoken to survivors of these killings, these starving children included, who were shot at while on their way to pick up very little food,” said Juliette Touma, UNRWA Director of Communications.
Speaking via video from Amman, Ms. Touma insisted that the near-total Israeli blockade of Gaza has led to babies dying of the effects of severe acute malnutrition.
“We’ve been banned from bringing in any humanitarian assistance into Gaza for more than four months now,” she said, before pointing to a “significant increase” in child malnutrition since the Israeli blockade began on 2 March.
Ms. Touma added: “We have 6,000 trucks waiting in places like Egypt, like Jordan; it’s from Jordan to the Gaza Strip it’s a three-hour drive, right?”
In addition to food supplies, these UN trucks contain other vital if basic supplies including bars of soap. “Medicine and food are going to soon expire if we’re not able to get those supplies to people in Gaza who need it most, among them one million children who are half of the population of the Gaza Strip,” Ms. Touma continued.
West Bank: ‘Silent war is surging’
Meanwhile in the occupied West Bank including East Jerusalem, Palestinians continue to be killed in violence allegedly linked to Israeli settlers and security forces, UN agencies said.
According to OHCHR, two-year-old Laila Khatib was shot in the head by Israeli security forces on 25 January while she was inside her house in Ash-Shuhada village, in Jenin.
On 3 July, 61-year-old Walid Badir was shot and killed by Israeli security forces, reportedly while he was cycling back home from prayers, passing through the outskirts of the Nur Shams camp, the UN rights office continued, pointing to intensifying “killings, attacks and harassment of Palestinians in past weeks.
“This includes the demolition of hundreds of homes and forced mass displacement of Palestinians,” OHCHR’s Mr. Al-Kheetan noted, with some 30,000 Palestinians forcibly displaced since the launch of Israel’s operation “Iron Wall” in the north of the occupied West Bank earlier this year.
“We should recall that international law is very clear about this in terms of the obligations of the occupying power,” he said. “Bringing about a permanent demographic change inside the occupied territory may amount to a war crime and is tantamount to ethnic cleansing.”
“We continue to have a silent war that is surging, where heavy restrictions on movement continue, where poverty is increasing as people are cut off from their livelihoods and unemployment soars,” said UNRWA’s Ms. Touma.
With its current focus on the northern occupied West Bank, the Israeli military operation has impacted the refugee camps of Jenin, Tulkarem and Nur Shams.
“It is causing the largest population displacement of the Palestinians in the West Bank since 1967,” Ms. Touma continued.
Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –
An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
DAMASCUS, July 15 (Xinhua) — Syrian authorities on Tuesday declared a complete ceasefire in the southern province of As-Suwayda after days of deadly clashes between local Druze armed groups, Bedouin tribes and forces loyal to the Damascus regime, Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra said. –0–
Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –
An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
DAMASCUS, July 15 (Xinhua) — Syrian authorities on Tuesday declared a complete ceasefire in the southern province of As-Suwayda after days of deadly clashes between local Druze armed groups, Bedouin tribes and forces loyal to the Damascus regime, Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra said.
In a statement published on the X social network, M. Abu Kasra said: “We have ordered a complete ceasefire for all units operating in the city of As-Suwayda after reaching an agreement with local elders and senior officials.”
He said Damascus-controlled forces would only respond to active sources of fire, adding that strict instructions had been given to protect civilians, maintain public order and protect public and private property.
The events come amid a sharp rise in violence over the weekend. At least 99 people have been killed and nearly 200 wounded in the past two days, according to the Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. The dead include 60 Druze civilians, including two women and two children, 18 Bedouins, 14 soldiers loyal to the regime in Damascus and seven unidentified men in military uniform. –0–
Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
Pro-Palestinian supporters march outside Columbia University in September 2024.AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura
In spring 2024, pro-Palestinian student encampments that began at Columbia and Harvard spread to university campuses throughout the U.S. as Israel invaded Gaza in response to Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, surprise attack. At least 100 campuses had encampments for at least a few days during this period.
In spring 2024, Ohio State University’s College Impact Laboratory, where we all work, surveyed universities to learn more about whether their campuses experienced protests, what happened and how they handled them. Part of our goal was to understand how spiritual leaders played a role, if any, in managing the protests. We’ve been analyzing the data ever since. The results from those who responded point to several lessons universities could learn from to avoid violence in future protests.
Often, these protests reflect broader societal tensions, and how universities respond has played a significant role in shaping their outcomes.
Historically, protests have been most likely to escalate when students feel unheard. In contrast, institutions that adopt proactive strategies, such as facilitating conversations or including students in decision-making, often experience better outcomes.
A George Washington University student carries a Palestinian flag at a student encampment protesting the Israel-Hamas war in May 2024. AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana
Snapshot of the pro-Palestinian protests
As our survey data shows, the pro-Palestinian protests illustrate this dynamic.
To gather data, the College Impact Laboratory sent questionnaires to administrators at the 329 universities that participate in our Interfaith Spiritual, Religious and Secular Campus Climate Index, also known as the INSPIRES Index, as well as hundreds of colleges and universities in our recruitment database.
In all, 35 schools responded to our 23-question survey. Of those, we found that most protests were led by students, half lasted less than a week, and the vast majority were nonviolent. Fifteen did not have protests, while the rest did. While the number of institutions that participated in this survey is relatively small, it does give us key insights into what schools were thinking.
Half of the campuses with protests reported law enforcement involvement – either campus police or city officers – with 20% experiencing physical altercations between protesters and police. Other disruptive actions such as academic interruptions, vandalism, physical violence and doxxing were reported with varying frequencies.
Protests at campuses that participated in our survey peaked during April and May 2024, with 70% of them experiencing demonstrations in these months.
Here are three takeaways from the survey, suggesting steps universities can take before and during future protests to avoid escalation:
1. Involve students in guidelines for engagement – early
At every surveyed institution that reported protests, students were at the forefront of organizing and leading these efforts.
Yet, despite this clear student leadership, about one-third of institutions said they didn’t consult with students to establish guidelines for engagement. Those that did invited representatives from student organizations or student government officers into the policymaking process to determine what protocols would be followed to manage protests and keep them peaceful.
On campuses where administrators didn’t engage with student leaders, tensions tended to escalate, and protests disrupted the institutions for weeks, often after police were called in or curfews were imposed.
While many of the protests lasted only one to seven days, we found that institutions that opened lines of communication early between administration and student protest leaders were more likely to deescalate tensions quickly. In contrast, campuses where administrators did not engage early on saw protests lasting weeks or involving greater disruptions.
Also, institutions that engaged early with student leaders were less likely to face stronger demands, such as calls for administrators to be fired, divestment from Israeli companies or calls to defund the campus police.
Our survey results suggest it’s important for administrators to engage with students early to establish clear guidelines to make it less likely future protests spiral into violence.
2. Communicate openly, often and before protests
Discussion of difficult topics, such as the conflict between Israel and Palestinians, shouldn’t wait until protests break out to begin. We found that every school in our survey that proactively supported dialogue between Jews and Muslims – before the war broke out – didn’t see violence result from the protests.
Dialogue isn’t just a strategy for preventing protests from spiraling out of control; it is fundamental to intergroup learning in higher education. These events create safe spaces for students − whether Arab, Jewish, Palestinian or members of different ethnic or religious groups − to engage with classmates with different points of view.
But even once protests begin, dialogue can help. When institutions engaged in dialogue, during or as a result of a protest, the protests were less likely to involve violence. At half of the campuses that participated in our survey and experienced protests, protests were ended peacefully through dialogue.
Brown, for example, modeled the power of institutional listening in its response to its April 2024 encampment. Rather than escalating tensions, university leaders engaged directly with student activists, resulting in a peaceful resolution and a commitment to bring the students’ divestment proposal to a formal vote in October. It ultimately failed to pass the board of directors.
Demonstrators unfurl a banner on a lawn after an encampment protesting the Israel-Hamas war was taken down at Brown University on April 30, 2024, in Providence, R.I. AP Photo/David Goldman
3. Involve relevant groups in decision-making
Most administrators in our survey, as they considered how to engage with protesters, reached out to relevant student groups such as those that focus on Jewish and Muslim students to better understand their perspectives.
However, only 28% consulted a religious or spiritual life office staff member on campus.
Religious or spiritual life staff are present on both private and public campuses and may include university-employed multifaith chaplains, interfaith coordinators or directors of spiritual life. Unlike student-led religious groups, these professionals often serve as liaisons to the religious and nonreligious communities represented on campus.
The focus of such roles on serving students from all worldviews positions them as key resources for deescalation through community outreach, support and two-way communication. Additionally, these professionals have valuable expertise in religious pluralism and community relationships. This experience helps them to advise administrators on policy and potential courses of action in times of tension.
Consulting with university staff with a focus on religion or spiritual life makes particular sense given the nature of the protests and how religion is intertwined, but our data suggests they may be underutilized more broadly for their expertise in navigating tensions related to competing worldviews.
Proactive engagement with these leaders not only helps campuses navigate an immediate crisis but demonstrates a commitment to inclusivity and respect for different groups’ perspectives.
Leading by example
Put another way, our research suggests institutions can avoid the negative outcomes of protests by embodying the traits commonly associated with universities, such as showing mutual respect, fostering democratic debate and engaging in critical thinking even on divisive issues. Engaging from a mindset of goodwill with student leaders shows administrators value student voices and are willing to work collaboratively toward solutions.
But when campuses ignore peaceful protests or refuse to engage with student leaders, they risk turning manageable situations into prolonged crises.
At a time when divisions run deep, we believe campuses that lead by example by embracing dialogue and engaging student activists before, during and after protests take place are not only likely to see less violence, but are likely to help heal America’s great divides.
Matthew J. Mayhew receives grant funding for various research projects from the National Science Foundation, the ECMC Foundation, the Templeton Religion Trust, the Arthur Vining Davis Foundations, and Pew Charitable Trusts. Currently, Dr. Mayhew leads the College Impact Laboratory at The Ohio State University. He is the Principal Investigator for the INSPIRES Index project and is the current editor of the Digest of Recent Research.
Renee L. Bowling works for the College Impact Lab at The Ohio State University that produces the INSPIRES Index and serves as Chair of NASPA’s Spirituality and Religion in Higher Education Knowledge Community.
Hind Haddad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The Trump administration detained former Columbia University student and pro-Palestinian protest leader Mahmoud Khalil, center, for more than two months and is seeking to revoke his lawful permanent resident status.Kena Betancur/AFP via Getty Images
Since the 1950s, Congress has removed some of this sprawling federal law’s most discriminatory features, such as racist national origins quotas. But other key provisions remain on the books. Now they are the primary legal basis for some of President Donald Trump’s most controversial immigration crackdowns.
Author and reporter Clay Risen discusses parallels between anticommunist fears in the 1950s and the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant policies.
Foreign policy trumps free speech
In March 2025, the White House invoked the McCarran-Walter Act to justify arresting and deporting Mahmoud Khalil, a legal permanent resident who had participated in pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University. Officials pointed to Section 237(a)(4)(C) of the law, which states that any “alien whose presence or activities in the United States the Secretary of State has reasonable ground to believe would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States is deportable.”
The Trump administration cited the same provision to justify detaining Tufts University doctoral student Rumeysa Ozturk in March. Ozturk came under government scrutiny because she co-authored an op-ed in the Tufts student newspaper criticizing the university’s position on the Israel-Gaza war.
Surveillance footage of a terrified Ozturk being arrested by masked Immigration Customs and Enforcement agents on a street in Somerville, Massachusetts, drew criticism from government officials and civil liberties advocates. In response, Secretary of State Marco Rubio alleged that Ozturk had harmed U.S. interests by supporting “movements that are involved in doing things like vandalizing universities, harassing students, taking over buildings, creating a ruckus.”
Khalil and Ozturk both were released after weeks in detention, pending final resolution of their cases. Their lawyers argue that their clients’ treatment violates free speech protections and that the defendants were punished for expressing their political beliefs.
On Jan. 20, 2025, Trump issued an executive order directing the Department of Homeland Security to enforce an “alien registration requirement.” The agency issued a final rule in April requiring all noncitizens over the age of 14 to register and be fingerprinted. Parents or guardians must register noncitizen children under age 14. The rule also requires adult noncitizens to carry “evidence of registration” at all times.
Such policies aren’t new. Noncitizen registration was codified in the Alien Registration Act of 1940, on the eve of U.S. entry into World War II. The law was designed to regulate the foreign-born population and encourage eligible noncitizens to join the U.S. armed forces. Its requirements were written into the McCarran-Walter Act.
After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Bush administration created the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System, which targeted noncitizen males age 16 or older from 25 Muslim-majority countries. It required registrants to submit biometric information, check in regularly with immigration authorities and use specific ports of entry for travel.
The Trump administration says it will strictly enforce a long-standing requirement for immigrants in the country more than 30 days to register with the federal government.
During his first term, Trump invoked these sections of the law to justify a travel ban on seven predominantly Muslim countries. The U.S. Supreme Court ultimately upheld this action in 2018 by a 5-4 vote in Trump v. Hawaii. Writing for the majority, Chief Justice John Roberts stated that the travel ban was well within broad powers over immigration granted to the president under the McCarran-Walter Act. He added that the court had “no view on the soundness of the policy.”
Trump’s new ban is more carefully crafted than earlier versions and more likely to withstand legal challenges. But his efforts to use the McCarren-Walter Act to ban international students from attending Harvard University face stiff legal headwinds.
On May 22, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem notified Harvard officials that the agency was revoking the school’s certification to participate in the Student and Exchange Visitor Program, which grants visas to international students to come to the U.S. In a June 4 proclamation, the White House claimed that foreign students at Harvard had behaved in ways that threatened U.S. national security.
A federal judge in Boston quickly blocked the revocation, holding that it violated core constitutional free speech rights. “The government’s misplaced efforts to control a reputable academic institution and squelch diverse viewpoints seemingly because they are, in some instances, opposed to this administration’s own views, threaten these rights,” wrote Judge Allison D. Burroughs.
The latest step came on July 9, when the Trump administration subpoenaed Harvard for information on its foreign students, including their disciplinary records and involvement in campus protests.
Broad power over noncitizens
Ironically, congressional sponsors of the McCarran-Walter Act were at odds with the White House when the law was enacted in 1952. They overrode a veto by President Harry S. Truman, who thought the law’s nativist ideas were unfitting for a nation of immigrants and global defender of democracy.
However, the expansive executive powers created by this law have endured largely unaltered over time, through waves of immigration reform.
Now they are a boon to the Trump administration’s ambitious immigration crackdown. It’s a telling reminder that repressive old laws can come back to life – even when they don’t reflect the current views of many Americans.
Daniel Tichenor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Pro-Palestinian supporters march outside Columbia University in September 2024.AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura
In spring 2024, pro-Palestinian student encampments that began at Columbia and Harvard spread to university campuses throughout the U.S. as Israel invaded Gaza in response to Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, surprise attack. At least 100 campuses had encampments for at least a few days during this period.
In spring 2024, Ohio State University’s College Impact Laboratory, where we all work, surveyed universities to learn more about whether their campuses experienced protests, what happened and how they handled them. Part of our goal was to understand how spiritual leaders played a role, if any, in managing the protests. We’ve been analyzing the data ever since. The results from those who responded point to several lessons universities could learn from to avoid violence in future protests.
Often, these protests reflect broader societal tensions, and how universities respond has played a significant role in shaping their outcomes.
Historically, protests have been most likely to escalate when students feel unheard. In contrast, institutions that adopt proactive strategies, such as facilitating conversations or including students in decision-making, often experience better outcomes.
A George Washington University student carries a Palestinian flag at a student encampment protesting the Israel-Hamas war in May 2024. AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana
Snapshot of the pro-Palestinian protests
As our survey data shows, the pro-Palestinian protests illustrate this dynamic.
To gather data, the College Impact Laboratory sent questionnaires to administrators at the 329 universities that participate in our Interfaith Spiritual, Religious and Secular Campus Climate Index, also known as the INSPIRES Index, as well as hundreds of colleges and universities in our recruitment database.
In all, 35 schools responded to our 23-question survey. Of those, we found that most protests were led by students, half lasted less than a week, and the vast majority were nonviolent. Fifteen did not have protests, while the rest did. While the number of institutions that participated in this survey is relatively small, it does give us key insights into what schools were thinking.
Half of the campuses with protests reported law enforcement involvement – either campus police or city officers – with 20% experiencing physical altercations between protesters and police. Other disruptive actions such as academic interruptions, vandalism, physical violence and doxxing were reported with varying frequencies.
Protests at campuses that participated in our survey peaked during April and May 2024, with 70% of them experiencing demonstrations in these months.
Here are three takeaways from the survey, suggesting steps universities can take before and during future protests to avoid escalation:
1. Involve students in guidelines for engagement – early
At every surveyed institution that reported protests, students were at the forefront of organizing and leading these efforts.
Yet, despite this clear student leadership, about one-third of institutions said they didn’t consult with students to establish guidelines for engagement. Those that did invited representatives from student organizations or student government officers into the policymaking process to determine what protocols would be followed to manage protests and keep them peaceful.
On campuses where administrators didn’t engage with student leaders, tensions tended to escalate, and protests disrupted the institutions for weeks, often after police were called in or curfews were imposed.
While many of the protests lasted only one to seven days, we found that institutions that opened lines of communication early between administration and student protest leaders were more likely to deescalate tensions quickly. In contrast, campuses where administrators did not engage early on saw protests lasting weeks or involving greater disruptions.
Also, institutions that engaged early with student leaders were less likely to face stronger demands, such as calls for administrators to be fired, divestment from Israeli companies or calls to defund the campus police.
Our survey results suggest it’s important for administrators to engage with students early to establish clear guidelines to make it less likely future protests spiral into violence.
2. Communicate openly, often and before protests
Discussion of difficult topics, such as the conflict between Israel and Palestinians, shouldn’t wait until protests break out to begin. We found that every school in our survey that proactively supported dialogue between Jews and Muslims – before the war broke out – didn’t see violence result from the protests.
Dialogue isn’t just a strategy for preventing protests from spiraling out of control; it is fundamental to intergroup learning in higher education. These events create safe spaces for students − whether Arab, Jewish, Palestinian or members of different ethnic or religious groups − to engage with classmates with different points of view.
But even once protests begin, dialogue can help. When institutions engaged in dialogue, during or as a result of a protest, the protests were less likely to involve violence. At half of the campuses that participated in our survey and experienced protests, protests were ended peacefully through dialogue.
Brown, for example, modeled the power of institutional listening in its response to its April 2024 encampment. Rather than escalating tensions, university leaders engaged directly with student activists, resulting in a peaceful resolution and a commitment to bring the students’ divestment proposal to a formal vote in October. It ultimately failed to pass the board of directors.
Demonstrators unfurl a banner on a lawn after an encampment protesting the Israel-Hamas war was taken down at Brown University on April 30, 2024, in Providence, R.I. AP Photo/David Goldman
3. Involve relevant groups in decision-making
Most administrators in our survey, as they considered how to engage with protesters, reached out to relevant student groups such as those that focus on Jewish and Muslim students to better understand their perspectives.
However, only 28% consulted a religious or spiritual life office staff member on campus.
Religious or spiritual life staff are present on both private and public campuses and may include university-employed multifaith chaplains, interfaith coordinators or directors of spiritual life. Unlike student-led religious groups, these professionals often serve as liaisons to the religious and nonreligious communities represented on campus.
The focus of such roles on serving students from all worldviews positions them as key resources for deescalation through community outreach, support and two-way communication. Additionally, these professionals have valuable expertise in religious pluralism and community relationships. This experience helps them to advise administrators on policy and potential courses of action in times of tension.
Consulting with university staff with a focus on religion or spiritual life makes particular sense given the nature of the protests and how religion is intertwined, but our data suggests they may be underutilized more broadly for their expertise in navigating tensions related to competing worldviews.
Proactive engagement with these leaders not only helps campuses navigate an immediate crisis but demonstrates a commitment to inclusivity and respect for different groups’ perspectives.
Leading by example
Put another way, our research suggests institutions can avoid the negative outcomes of protests by embodying the traits commonly associated with universities, such as showing mutual respect, fostering democratic debate and engaging in critical thinking even on divisive issues. Engaging from a mindset of goodwill with student leaders shows administrators value student voices and are willing to work collaboratively toward solutions.
But when campuses ignore peaceful protests or refuse to engage with student leaders, they risk turning manageable situations into prolonged crises.
At a time when divisions run deep, we believe campuses that lead by example by embracing dialogue and engaging student activists before, during and after protests take place are not only likely to see less violence, but are likely to help heal America’s great divides.
Matthew J. Mayhew receives grant funding for various research projects from the National Science Foundation, the ECMC Foundation, the Templeton Religion Trust, the Arthur Vining Davis Foundations, and Pew Charitable Trusts. Currently, Dr. Mayhew leads the College Impact Laboratory at The Ohio State University. He is the Principal Investigator for the INSPIRES Index project and is the current editor of the Digest of Recent Research.
Renee L. Bowling works for the College Impact Lab at The Ohio State University that produces the INSPIRES Index and serves as Chair of NASPA’s Spirituality and Religion in Higher Education Knowledge Community.
Hind Haddad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
When the FIFA World Cup hits North America in June 2026, 48 teams and millions of soccer fans will be traveling to and from venues spread across the United States, Canada and Mexico.
It’s a dramatic expansion – 16 more teams will be playing than in recent years, with a jump from 64 to 104 matches. The tournament is projected to bring in over US$10 billion in revenue. But the expansion will also mean a lot more travel and other activities that contribute to climate change.
The environmental impacts of giant sporting events like the World Cup create a complex paradox for an industry grappling with its future in a warming world.
A sustainability conundrum
Sports are undeniably experiencing the effects of climate change. Rising global temperatures are putting athletes’ health at risk during summer heat waves and shortening winter sports seasons. Many of the 2026 World Cup venues often see heat waves in June and early July, when the tournament is scheduled.
Some athletes are speaking out for more sustainable choices and have called on lawmakers to take steps to limit climate-warming emissions. At the same time, the sport industry is growing and facing a constant push to increase revenue. The NCAA is also considering expanding its March Madness basketball tournaments from 68 teams currently to as many as 76.
Park Yong-woo of team Al Ain from Abu Dhabi tries to cool off during a Club World Cup match on June 26, 2025, in Washington, D.C., which was in the midst of a heat wave. Some players have raised concerns about likely high temperatures during the 2026 World Cup, with matches scheduled June 11 to July 19. AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson
Estimates for the 2026 World Cup show what large tournament expansions can mean for the climate. A report from Scientists for Global Responsibility estimates that the expanded World Cup could generate over 9 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent, nearly double the average of the past four World Cups.
This massive increase – and the increase that would come if the NCAA basketball tournaments also expand – would primarily be driven by air travel as fans and players fly among event cities that are thousands of miles apart.
A lot of money is at stake, but so is the climate
Sports are big business, and adding more matches to events like the World Cup and NCAA tournaments will likely lead to larger media rights contracts and greater gate receipts from more fans attending the events, boosting revenues. These are powerful financial incentives.
In the NCAA’s case, there is another reason to consider a larger tournament: The House v. NCAA settlement opened the door for college athletic departments to share revenue with athletes, which will significantly increase costs for many college programs. More teams would mean more television revenue and, crucially, more revenue to be distributed to member NCAA institutions and their athletic conferences.
When climate promises become greenwashing
The inherent conflict between maximizing profit through growth and minimizing environmental footprint presents a dilemma for sports.
Several sport organizations have promised to reduce their impact on the climate, including signing up for initiatives like the United Nations Sports for Climate Action Framework.
However, as sports tournaments and exhibition games expand, it can become increasingly hard for sports organizations to meet their climate commitments. In some cases, groups making sustainability commitments have been accused of greenwashing, suggesting the goals are more about public relations than making genuine, measurable changes.
For example, FIFA’s early claims that it would hold a “fully carbon-neutral” World Cup in Qatar in 2022 were challenged by a group of European countries that accused soccer’s world governing body of underestimating emissions. The Swiss Fairness Commission, which monitors fairness in advertising, considered the complaints and determined that FIFA’s claims could not be substantiated.
Alessandro Bastoni, of Inter Milan and Italy’s national team, prepares to board a flight from Milan to Rome with his team. Mattia Ozbot-Inter/Inter via Getty Images
Aviation is often the biggest driver of emissions. A study that colleagues and I conducted on the NCAA men’s basketball tournament found about 80% of its emissions were connected to travel. And that was after the NCAA began using the pod system, which is designed to keep teams closer to home for the first and second rounds.
These solutions are frankly not practical, in my view, nor do they align with other positive developments. The growing popularity of women’s sports shows the challenge in limiting sports events – more games expands participation but adds to the industry’s overall footprint.
Further compounding the challenges of reducing environmental impact is the amount of fan travel, which is outside the direct control of the sports organization or event organizers.
Many fans will follow their teams long distances, especially for mega-events like the World Cup or the NCAA tournament. During the men’s World Cup in Russia in 2018, more than 840,000 fans traveled from other countries. The top countries by number of fans, after Russia, were China, the U.S., Mexico and Argentina.
There is an argument that distributed sporting events like March Madness or the World Cup can be better in some ways for local environments because they don’t overwhelm a single city. However, merely spreading the impact does not necessarily reduce it, particularly when considering the effects on climate change.
How fans can cut their environmental footprint
Sport organizations and event planners can take steps to be more sustainable and also encourage more sustainable choices among fans. Fans can reduce their environmental impact in a variety of ways. For example:
Avoid taking airplanes for shorter distances, such as between FIFA venues in Philadelphia, New York and Boston, and carpool or take Amtrak instead. Planes can be more efficient for long distances, but air travel is still a major contributing factor to emissions.
While in a host city, use mass transit or rent electric vehicles or bicycles for local travel.
Consider sustainable accommodations, such as short-term rentals that might have a smaller environmental footprint than a hotel. Or stay at a certified green hotel that makes an effort to be more efficient in its use of water and energy.
Engage in sustainable pregame and postgame activities, such as choosing local, sustainable food options, and minimize waste.
You can also pay to offset carbon emissions for attending different sporting events, much like concertgoers do when they attend musical festivals. While critics question offsets’ true environmental benefit, they do represent people’s growing awareness of their environmental footprint.
Through all these options, it’s clear that sports face a significant challenge in addressing their environmental impacts and encouraging fans to be more sustainable, while simultaneously trying to meet ambitious business and environmental targets.
In my view, a sustainable path forward will require strategic, yet genuine, commitment by the sports industry and its fans, and a willingness to prioritize long-term planetary health alongside economic gains – balancing the sport and sustainability.
Brian P. McCullough does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
When the FIFA World Cup hits North America in June 2026, 48 teams and millions of soccer fans will be traveling to and from venues spread across the United States, Canada and Mexico.
It’s a dramatic expansion – 16 more teams will be playing than in recent years, with a jump from 64 to 104 matches. The tournament is projected to bring in over US$10 billion in revenue. But the expansion will also mean a lot more travel and other activities that contribute to climate change.
The environmental impacts of giant sporting events like the World Cup create a complex paradox for an industry grappling with its future in a warming world.
A sustainability conundrum
Sports are undeniably experiencing the effects of climate change. Rising global temperatures are putting athletes’ health at risk during summer heat waves and shortening winter sports seasons. Many of the 2026 World Cup venues often see heat waves in June and early July, when the tournament is scheduled.
Some athletes are speaking out for more sustainable choices and have called on lawmakers to take steps to limit climate-warming emissions. At the same time, the sport industry is growing and facing a constant push to increase revenue. The NCAA is also considering expanding its March Madness basketball tournaments from 68 teams currently to as many as 76.
Park Yong-woo of team Al Ain from Abu Dhabi tries to cool off during a Club World Cup match on June 26, 2025, in Washington, D.C., which was in the midst of a heat wave. Some players have raised concerns about likely high temperatures during the 2026 World Cup, with matches scheduled June 11 to July 19. AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson
Estimates for the 2026 World Cup show what large tournament expansions can mean for the climate. A report from Scientists for Global Responsibility estimates that the expanded World Cup could generate over 9 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent, nearly double the average of the past four World Cups.
This massive increase – and the increase that would come if the NCAA basketball tournaments also expand – would primarily be driven by air travel as fans and players fly among event cities that are thousands of miles apart.
A lot of money is at stake, but so is the climate
Sports are big business, and adding more matches to events like the World Cup and NCAA tournaments will likely lead to larger media rights contracts and greater gate receipts from more fans attending the events, boosting revenues. These are powerful financial incentives.
In the NCAA’s case, there is another reason to consider a larger tournament: The House v. NCAA settlement opened the door for college athletic departments to share revenue with athletes, which will significantly increase costs for many college programs. More teams would mean more television revenue and, crucially, more revenue to be distributed to member NCAA institutions and their athletic conferences.
When climate promises become greenwashing
The inherent conflict between maximizing profit through growth and minimizing environmental footprint presents a dilemma for sports.
Several sport organizations have promised to reduce their impact on the climate, including signing up for initiatives like the United Nations Sports for Climate Action Framework.
However, as sports tournaments and exhibition games expand, it can become increasingly hard for sports organizations to meet their climate commitments. In some cases, groups making sustainability commitments have been accused of greenwashing, suggesting the goals are more about public relations than making genuine, measurable changes.
For example, FIFA’s early claims that it would hold a “fully carbon-neutral” World Cup in Qatar in 2022 were challenged by a group of European countries that accused soccer’s world governing body of underestimating emissions. The Swiss Fairness Commission, which monitors fairness in advertising, considered the complaints and determined that FIFA’s claims could not be substantiated.
Alessandro Bastoni, of Inter Milan and Italy’s national team, prepares to board a flight from Milan to Rome with his team. Mattia Ozbot-Inter/Inter via Getty Images
Aviation is often the biggest driver of emissions. A study that colleagues and I conducted on the NCAA men’s basketball tournament found about 80% of its emissions were connected to travel. And that was after the NCAA began using the pod system, which is designed to keep teams closer to home for the first and second rounds.
These solutions are frankly not practical, in my view, nor do they align with other positive developments. The growing popularity of women’s sports shows the challenge in limiting sports events – more games expands participation but adds to the industry’s overall footprint.
Further compounding the challenges of reducing environmental impact is the amount of fan travel, which is outside the direct control of the sports organization or event organizers.
Many fans will follow their teams long distances, especially for mega-events like the World Cup or the NCAA tournament. During the men’s World Cup in Russia in 2018, more than 840,000 fans traveled from other countries. The top countries by number of fans, after Russia, were China, the U.S., Mexico and Argentina.
There is an argument that distributed sporting events like March Madness or the World Cup can be better in some ways for local environments because they don’t overwhelm a single city. However, merely spreading the impact does not necessarily reduce it, particularly when considering the effects on climate change.
How fans can cut their environmental footprint
Sport organizations and event planners can take steps to be more sustainable and also encourage more sustainable choices among fans. Fans can reduce their environmental impact in a variety of ways. For example:
Avoid taking airplanes for shorter distances, such as between FIFA venues in Philadelphia, New York and Boston, and carpool or take Amtrak instead. Planes can be more efficient for long distances, but air travel is still a major contributing factor to emissions.
While in a host city, use mass transit or rent electric vehicles or bicycles for local travel.
Consider sustainable accommodations, such as short-term rentals that might have a smaller environmental footprint than a hotel. Or stay at a certified green hotel that makes an effort to be more efficient in its use of water and energy.
Engage in sustainable pregame and postgame activities, such as choosing local, sustainable food options, and minimize waste.
You can also pay to offset carbon emissions for attending different sporting events, much like concertgoers do when they attend musical festivals. While critics question offsets’ true environmental benefit, they do represent people’s growing awareness of their environmental footprint.
Through all these options, it’s clear that sports face a significant challenge in addressing their environmental impacts and encouraging fans to be more sustainable, while simultaneously trying to meet ambitious business and environmental targets.
In my view, a sustainable path forward will require strategic, yet genuine, commitment by the sports industry and its fans, and a willingness to prioritize long-term planetary health alongside economic gains – balancing the sport and sustainability.
Brian P. McCullough does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
On July 13, 2025, on the occasion of the completion of his diplomatic mission, the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Belarus to the Arab Republic of Egypt, Sergei Terentiev, met with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Arab Republic of Egypt for European Affairs, Wael Hamed.
The interlocutors noted the dynamics of the development of Belarusian-Egyptian contacts at various levels, emphasised the need to hold the planned political and economic events and implement the outlined agreements as soon as possible.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Belarus.
H.E. Dr. Rania A. Al-Mashat, Minister of Planning, Economic Development and International Cooperation, delivered an opening speech at the National Workshop of the UN “Convergence” Initiative, which focuses on linking health and food systems with climate action.
This initiative was launched by the UN Secretary-General during COP28 in the United Arab Emirates, aiming to align the transformation of food systems with climate action to achieve the 2030 Agenda and the goals of the Paris Agreement.
The UN Food Systems Coordination Hub is responsible for its implementation.
In her speech, delivered via video, H.E. Dr. Rania Al-Mashat emphasized Egypt’s keenness to enhance its leadership in linking food systems, nutrition, and the climate agenda, within the ambitious vision of the UN initiative.
H.E. Dr. Al-Mashat pointed to the UN Secretary-General’s statement, which indicated that while the midpoint towards 2030 has been reached, more than half of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are still lagging. She added that despite this, the future of food systems and the future of climate action are not parallel paths but are deeply interconnected.
H.E. Minister Al-Mashat highlighted that Egypt has chosen a different path based on integration, innovation, and investment. Egypt has taken bold steps to become one of the first in the region to conduct a comprehensive national dialogue on food systems, bringing together government, private sector, civil society, and academia to reimagine how food systems function. This dialogue formed the foundation for the national pathway.
H.E. Dr. Al-Mashat also underscored the launch of the National Climate Change Strategy 2050, which reflects Egypt’s belief that food security and climate resilience are two sides of the same coin. She also noted the launch of the “NWFE” platform (Nexus of Water, Food, and Energy), not merely as a tool for development, but as a genuine investment tool linking planning with capital.
H.E. Minister Al-Mashat mentioned that through “NWFE,” Egypt is mobilizing over $14.7 billion in climate-aligned investment opportunities, clarifying that the United Nations and various institutions have praised the platform as a model for converting national climate commitments into investable projects, particularly in the areas of food and water security. She affirmed that Egypt is currently transitioning from the planning stage to partnerships, and from policies to implementation.
H.E. Dr. Al-Mashat reiterated that through the UN initiative for the convergence of food systems and climate action, further steps will be taken on the path of integration. When food policies align with climate goals, and when nutrition is treated as a foundation for development rather than a secondary matter, it strengthens resilience in national policies and the economy.
H.E. Minister Al-Mashat pointed out that according to global estimates, every dollar invested in reducing malnutrition can yield a return of up to $16 through improved health, productivity, and economic growth. She referred to the “Golden Thousand Days” initiative, which represents a crucial window for achieving human development, ensuring that today’s investments bear fruit for decades to come.
H.E. Dr. Al-Mashat outlined the vital role of the private sector in this process, noting that with agriculture contributing 11% of Egypt’s GDP and 28% of total employment, this sector remains a key pillar for both economic growth and rural livelihoods. She stressed that opening up to private investment and innovation across food value chains will be key to achieving long-term sustainability.
H.E. Minister Al-Mashat concluded by referencing the Food and Agriculture Organization’s (FAO) estimates showing that food and agriculture systems account for one-third of total greenhouse gas emissions, yet receive less than 10% of climate finance. She explained that through “NWFE” and initiatives like the current workshop, Egypt is working to bridge this gap by advancing the ability of projects that achieve development and climate goals to attract investment.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Planning, Economic Development, and International Cooperation – Egypt.
Egypt values the statement by President Donald Trump, which demonstrates the seriousness of the United States—under President Trump’s leadership—in exerting efforts to resolve conflicts and end wars.
Egypt reaffirms its confidence in President Trump’s ability to address complex challenges and to advance peace, stability, and security across the globe, whether in Ukraine, the Palestinian territory, or Africa.
Egypt also appreciates President Trump’s keenness on reaching a just agreement that safeguards the interests of all parties regarding the Ethiopian Dam, as well as his recognition of the Nile as a source of life for Egypt.
Egypt reaffirms its support for President Trump’s vision of establishing just peace, security, and stability for all countries in the region and around the world.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Presidency of the Arab Republic of Egypt.
A rescheduled United Nations conference this month will discuss post-war plans for Gaza and preparations for the recognition of a Palestinian state by France and others, France’s foreign minister said on Tuesday.
France and Saudi Arabia had planned to host the conference in New York from June 17-20, aiming to lay out the parameters of a roadmap to a Palestinian state, while ensuring Israel’s security.
“The aim is to sketch out post-war Gaza and prepare the recognition of a Palestinian state by France and countries that will engage in this approach,” Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot said in Brussels before a meeting of European Union foreign ministers.
The conference was postponed under U.S. pressure and after the 12-day Israel-Iran air war began, during which regional airspace was closed, making it hard for representatives of some Arab states to attend. Diplomats said on Friday it had been rescheduled for July 28-29.
French President Emmanuel Macron had been set to attend the conference and had suggested he could recognise a Palestinian state in Israeli-occupied territories at the conference, a move opposed by Israel.
Macron is no longer expected to attend, reducing the likelihood of any major announcements being made.
Diplomats say Macron has faced resistance from allies such as Britain and Canada over his push for the recognition of a Palestinian state.
Israel has been fighting Hamas in the Gaza Strip since the Palestinian militant group’s deadly attack on Israel in October 2023. A U.S.-backed proposal for a 60-day ceasefire is being discussed at talks in Doha.
A rescheduled United Nations conference this month will discuss post-war plans for Gaza and preparations for the recognition of a Palestinian state by France and others, France’s foreign minister said on Tuesday.
France and Saudi Arabia had planned to host the conference in New York from June 17-20, aiming to lay out the parameters of a roadmap to a Palestinian state, while ensuring Israel’s security.
“The aim is to sketch out post-war Gaza and prepare the recognition of a Palestinian state by France and countries that will engage in this approach,” Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot said in Brussels before a meeting of European Union foreign ministers.
The conference was postponed under U.S. pressure and after the 12-day Israel-Iran air war began, during which regional airspace was closed, making it hard for representatives of some Arab states to attend. Diplomats said on Friday it had been rescheduled for July 28-29.
French President Emmanuel Macron had been set to attend the conference and had suggested he could recognise a Palestinian state in Israeli-occupied territories at the conference, a move opposed by Israel.
Macron is no longer expected to attend, reducing the likelihood of any major announcements being made.
Diplomats say Macron has faced resistance from allies such as Britain and Canada over his push for the recognition of a Palestinian state.
Israel has been fighting Hamas in the Gaza Strip since the Palestinian militant group’s deadly attack on Israel in October 2023. A U.S.-backed proposal for a 60-day ceasefire is being discussed at talks in Doha.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tom Long, Professor of International Relations, Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Warwick
In 1867, the world’s most powerful statesmen, including Austria’s Emperor Franz Josef, France’s Napoleon III and US secretary of state, William H. Seward, petitioned the Mexican government to spare the life of a condemned man.
Mexico’s ragtag army and militias had just humbled France, then Europe’s preeminent land power. The costly six-year campaign drained the French treasury and eroded Napoleon III’s domestic support. Napoleon’s ambition to transform Mexico into a client empire under a Vienna-born, Habsburg archduke, crowned Maximilian I, ended in spectacular failure.
After his defeat, Maximilian was brought before a Mexican military tribunal. European monarchs regarded the prisoner as their peer, but Mexican liberals convicted him as a piratical invader, usurper and traitor. Despite indignant appeals from European courts, President Benito Juárez refused to commute his sentence. The would-be emperor was executed by firing squad.
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The controversy went beyond one monarch’s fate. It crystallised a clash between opposed visions of global order — as Peru’s president Ramón Castilla said at the time, it was a “war of the crowns against liberty caps”.
Today, world politics are in flux. The so-called liberal international order, nominally grounded in multilateralism, open markets, human rights and the rule of law, is facing its gravest crisis since the second world war. Former advocates such as the United States now openly flout international law and undermine the very norms they once championed. China remains ambivalent, while Russia unabashedly hastens the order’s unravelling.
More broadly, the old post-second world war order appears out of step with the global south and with widespread anger over double standards exposed by the wars in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran.
Amid today’s crises, a world order arranged for and by the great powers looks both insufficient and doomed to lack legitimacy. Reordering will require support from diverse actors, including states across the global south.
1860s: a turbulent decade
The 1860s were a turbulent, although often overlooked, moment of global reordering. Technological shifts – the telegraph, electricity, steamships and railways – appeared as disruptive then as AI does today. Combined with shifting power dynamics, these transformations accelerated imperial expansion. Yet the rules of the emerging order remained uncertain, even among the imperial powers themselves.
In Europe, networks of dynastic rule still carried weight in international politics. Under growing pressure, the ancien régime sought to reinvent and reassert itself. The old empires often justified their expansion by promising to bring order and progress to supposedly backward peoples. But that “civilising mission” clashed with a worldview emerging from Spanish America – where countries had thrown off colonial rule to establish independent republics.
As we wrote in a recent article in American Political Science Review, Spanish American diplomats articulated a republican vision of international order centred on the protection of weaker states from domination by great powers.
Fending off Europe’s empires
Divided by civil conflict, Mexico became an easy target for European empires. Mexico’s Liberal party had regained power but faced internal dissent and crippling foreign debt. Britain, France and Spain formed a coalition to invade and demand repayment. France, however, had more ambitious designs.
Exploiting the distraction of the US civil war, Napoleon III dreamed of transforming Mexico into a Latin stronghold against Yankee expansion. Best of all, Napoleon thought the scheme would turn a profit. A stable Mexican empire could repay the costs of the intervention – with interest – by increasing production from the country’s famed silver mines. Meanwhile, France would gain a receptive market for its exports and a grateful geopolitical subordinate.
Maximilian, a young Austrian prince of the house of Hapsburg, somewhat naively accepted the offer to rule a distant and unfamiliar land. He dreamed of regenerating Mexico through a liberal monarchy while reviving his family’s declining dynasty.
Led by Juárez, Mexico’s liberals fiercely resisted Maximilian’s rule. While militarily Juárez was consistently on the defensive, he remained diplomatically proactive. The Juaristas encouraged US sympathies that proved decisive after the end of the civil war. They also enjoyed solidarity – though limited material support – from other Spanish American republics. Although the monarchies of Europe all recognised Maximilian as Mexican emperor, Juárez’s defiance became a rallying point for liberals and republicans in Europe.
Beyond stoking sympathies, Juárez and his followers offered trenchant critiques of unequal international rules and practices cloaked in liberal guise.
First, the “republican internationalism” of Mexico’s Juaristas stood in direct opposition to European liberals’ “civilising mission”. Latin American republicans rejected the notion that progress could be imposed on their countries from abroad – though some echoed civilising rhetoric toward their own non-white populations, who like in the US were subject to campaigns of violence and dispossession that stretched from northern Mexico to the Patagonia. Many Latin American liberals likewise remained silent about empire elsewhere.
Second, the Juarista vision placed popular sovereignty, not dynastic ties, at the heart of legitimate statehood. These ideas drew on Mexico’s independence tradition and the principles enshrined in the 1857 constitution. European intervention, in this view, aimed to suppress popular rule in the Americas and extend the reaction against the failed revolutions of 1848, which had seriously threatened the old order when they raged across Europe.
Third, popular sovereign states were equal under international law, regardless of power, wealth, or internal disorder. Sovereign equality also underpinned Latin America’s strong commitment to non-intervention. Liberal writer and diplomat Francisco Zarco, a close confidante of Juárez, condemned frequent European economic justifications for intervention as the work of “smugglers and profiteers who wrap themselves in the flags of powerful nations”.
Finally, Mexican liberals called for an international system premised on republican fraternity, drawing on aspirations for cooperation that went back to liberator Simón Bolívar. The independence leader and committed republican convened a conference in 1826, hoping that a confederation of the newly independent Spanish American states would “be the shield of our new destiny”.
Similar arguments for an international order that advances non-domination still resonate in the global south today. The Mexican experience also underscores that the architects of international order have never come exclusively from the global north – and those who shape its future will not either.
Tom Long receives support from UK Arts and Humanities Research Council grant AH/V006622/1, Latin America and the peripheral origins of the 19th-century international order.
Carsten-Andreas Schulz receives support from UK Arts and Humanities Research Council grant AH/V006622/1, Latin America and the peripheral origins of the 19th-century international order.
Source: Moscow Government – Government of Moscow –
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More than 500 thousand spectators visited the International Open Festival “Theater Boulevard – 2025” during the first half of the project.
“The festival started with a full house, and even now empty seats at the venues remain a rarity. In total, more than 500 thousand spectators visited it during the first half of the project, and about 1.6 thousand hours of the program have already been held on the five main stages. Thanks to the festival, the theater season in Moscow actually lasts the entire year, without a break for the summer holidays, and an equally rich program awaits guests ahead: performances by foreign artists and high-profile productions on the festival stages,” noted the Minister of the Moscow Government, head of the capital’s Department of Culture
The festival includes classical dramatic productions, musical performances, circus shows, and experimental formats such as the theatre of taste and plastic theatre. There are also special programmes dedicated to memorable dates – Russia Day, A.S. Pushkin’s birthday, the Day of Remembrance and Sorrow, and Youth Day.
This year, Theatre Boulevard is attended by groups from 40 regions of Russia, from the Kaliningrad Region to the Altai Territory, including the State Drama Theatre on Vasilievsky Island (St. Petersburg), the Perm Academic Theatre-Theatre (Perm), and the F. Volkov Drama Theatre (Yaroslavl).
Andrey Merzlikin and Darya Moroz, Kristina Babushkina, Anton Shagin, Yulia Peresild, Konstantin Raikin, Igor Mirkurbanov, Alexandra Rebenok, Anna Chipovskaya performed their projects at the festival venues. The parade of stars will continue in the second half of the festival.
Particular attention is paid to children’s and family events. Now they are held on the main stages of the festival. Thus, in July, the “Family Conversations” section was opened, where the stories of theatrical dynasties were presented in a unique format. Among the heroes are Konstantin and Polina Raikin, Yulia and Anna Peresild, Igor and Grigory Vernik.
The second half of the festival will be more diverse. High-profile premieres, immersive productions and master classes by leading directors are planned, as well as performances by artists from Serbia, Uruguay, Argentina, Iran, China, Italy and other countries.
The Theatre Boulevard Festival is organized by the capital’s Department of Culture as part of Sergei Sobyanin’s Summer in Moscow project. https://leto.mos.ru/ It will last a record 92 days. More than 600 performances will be shown at 14 venues across the city, and three thousand artists from Russia and other countries will perform. In addition to theatrical productions, each venue will host creative workshops, patriotic programs with favorite actors, and interactive zones, including for children.
Project “Summer in Moscow”— the main event of the season. It brings together the most vibrant events of the capital. Every day, charity, cultural and sports programs are held in all districts of the city, most of which are free. The Summer in Moscow project is being held for the second time, and this season will be more eventful: new, original and colorful festivals and events will be added to the traditional ones.
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The World Health Organization (WHO) has validated Senegal as having eliminated trachoma as a public health problem. Senegal becomes the ninth country in WHO’s African Region to have achieved this feat.
“I commend Senegal for freeing its population from this disease”, said Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General. “This milestone is yet another sign of the remarkable progress being made against neglected tropical diseases globally, and offers hope to other countries still working to eliminate trachoma.”
Trachoma has been known in Senegal since the early 1900s and was confirmed as a major cause of blindness through surveys in the 1980s and 1990s. Senegal joined the WHO Alliance for the Global Elimination of Trachoma in 1998, conducted its first national survey in 2000, and completed full disease mapping by 2017 with support from the Global Trachoma Mapping Project and Tropical Data. Trachoma control was consistently integrated into national eye health programmed, first under the National Program for Blindness Prevention (PNLC) and later through the National Program for the Promotion of Eye Health (PNPSO) – maintaining its commitment to trachoma elimination.
“Today we celebrate our victory against trachoma, 21 years after the one against dracunculiasis” said Dr Ibrahima Sy, Senegal’s Minister of Health and Social Action. “This new milestone reminds us that our overarching goal remains a Senegal free from neglected tropical diseases. We are fully committed to this, and we are making good progress, notably against human African trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness) and onchocerciasis”.
Senegal implemented the WHO-recommended SAFE strategy to eliminate trachoma with the support of partners, reaching 2.8 million people who needed them across 24 districts. These activities included provision of surgery to treat the late blinding stage of the disease, conducting antibiotic mass drug administration of azithromycin donated by Pfizer through the International Trachoma Initiative, carrying out public awareness campaigns to promote facial cleanliness, and improvement in access to water supply and sanitation.
Trachoma is the second neglected tropical disease to be eliminated in Senegal. In 2004, the country was certified free of dracunculiasis (Guinea-worm disease) transmission. Globally, Senegal joins 24 other countries that have been validated by WHO for having eliminated trachoma as a public health problem. These are Benin, Burundi, Cambodia, China, Gambia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Ghana, India, Iraq, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mexico, Morocco, Myanmar, Nepal, Oman, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Saudi Arabia, Togo, Vanuatu and Viet Nam. These countries are part of a wider of group of 57 countries that have eliminated one or more neglected tropical diseases.
WHO is supporting Senegal’s health authorities to closely monitor communities in which trachoma was previously endemic to ensure there is no resurgence of the disease.
“Trachoma has cast a shadow over communities in Senegal for more than a century. This long-awaited validation is not only a milestone for public health but a powerful tribute to the tireless dedication of frontline health workers, communities, government leaders, and partners who never gave up,” said Dr Jean-Marie Vianny Yameogo, WHO Representative in Senegal. “Today, we close a chapter that began over a hundred years ago, united with pride, gratitude and resolve. WHO remains committed to supporting Senegal as the country continues to lead in sustaining this hard-earned achievement.”
Disease prevalence
Trachoma remains a public health problem in 32 countries, with an estimated 103 million people living in areas requiring interventions against the disease. Trachoma is found mainly in the poorest and most rural areas of Africa, Central and South America, Asia, the Western Pacific and the Middle East. WHO’s African Region is disproportionately affected by trachoma, with 93 million people living in at-risk areas in April 2024, representing 90% of the global trachoma burden.
Significant progress has been made in the fight against trachoma over the past few years and the number of people requiring antibiotic treatment for trachoma in the African Region fell by 96 million from 189 million in 2014 to 93 million as of April 2024, representing a 51% reduction.
There are currently 20 countries (Algeria, Angola, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central Africa Republic, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Kenya, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, South Sudan, United Republic of Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe) in WHO’s African Region that are known to require intervention for trachoma elimination. A further 3 countries in the Region (Botswana, Guinea-Bissau and Namibia) claim to have achieved the prevalence targets for elimination.
India’s trade deficit narrowed to $18.78 billion in June, down from $21.88 billion in May, according to data released by the Commerce and Industry Ministry on Tuesday.
Merchandise exports remained nearly flat at $35.14 billion in June compared to $35.16 billion in the same month last year. Imports, however, declined by 3.71 per cent to $53.92 billion from $56 billion a year ago.
In the services sector, India recorded an estimated surplus of $15.62 billion for June, with services exports at $32.84 billion and imports at $17.58 billion.
Combined exports of merchandise and services stood at $67.98 billion in June, while combined imports were $71.50 billion, resulting in a net trade deficit of $3.51 billion for the month.
Commerce Secretary Sunil Barthwal recently said that global conflicts and economic uncertainties are impacting Indian exports. The government, he added, is working closely with exporters to address issues related to shipping and insurance.
The trade numbers come as India continues negotiations with the US and other partners to secure favourable market access. The US has been pushing for wider access for its agricultural and dairy products — a sensitive issue for India due to its impact on the livelihoods of small farmers.
India is also seeking an exemption from former US President Donald Trump’s 26 per cent tariffs by aiming to conclude an interim trade deal. Simultaneously, India is pushing for tariff concessions on its labour-intensive exports, including textiles, leather and footwear.
Trump has announced that his administration will begin notifying trading partners about tariff rates as early as Friday, even as last-stage talks continue with countries including India to avoid higher US duties.
Meanwhile, India’s trade performance in Q3 FY25 (October–December 2024) reflected cautious resilience amid global geopolitical tensions, according to a quarterly report by NITI Aayog released on Monday. Merchandise exports in that quarter rose 3 per cent year-on-year to $108.7 billion.
The report also highlighted a sharp rise in exports of aircraft, spacecraft and parts, which entered the top ten export categories with over 200 per cent annual growth driven by demand from Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the Czech Republic.
India’s high-tech merchandise exports, led by electrical machinery and arms and ammunition, have maintained steady momentum since 2014, growing at a compound annual growth rate of 10.6 per cent.
Manama, Bahrain –15th July 2025 – This week’s BD 100 million issue of Government Treasury Bills has been fully subscribed by 100%.
The bills, carrying a maturity of 12 months, are issued by the CBB, on behalf of the Kingdom of Bahrain.
The issue date of the bills is 17th July 2025, and the maturity date is 16th July 2026.
The weighted average rate of interest is 5.39% compared to 5.28% of the previous issue on 19th June 2025.
The approximate average price for the issue was 94.833% with the lowest accepted price being 94.732%.
This is issue No. 130 (ISIN BH0007179565) of Government Treasury Bills. With this, the total outstanding value of Government Treasury Bills is BD 2.110 billion.
The EU is concerned about the draft law in the Israeli Parliament (Knesset) which could impose a tax up to 80% on donations from foreign entities to non-governmental organisations and prevent organisations primarily funded by foreign entities from accessing petition courts. In March 2025, the EU conducted an official demarche on the bill led by the EU Delegation with 15 Member States.
The EU continues to share its concerns with the Israel authorities on the proposed bill. If passed, the bill will have deep repercussions on EU support to civil society in Israel, in particular on EU-funded projects promoting peace, human rights, environmental policies, gender equality, and social inclusion of marginalised groups.
As with all its partner countries, the EU will continue to promote a safe and conducive environment for civil society organisations to operate and to safeguard shared values of democracy, freedom of expression and association.
Due to the untenable situation in the occupied Palestinian territory, the High Representative/Vice-President (HR/VP) launched a review of Israel’s compliance with Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement[1].
The review, presented at the Foreign Affairs Council on 23 June 2025, concluded that there are indications that Israel would be in breach of Article 2.
The HR/VP will communicate the result of the review to Israel and discuss options to improve the humanitarian situation. Foreign Ministers will revert to the issue in July 2025, as necessary.
The EU is concerned about the reports on the drone attack on the ship carrying humanitarian aid and activists heading for Gaza. Humanitarian aid is needed in Gaza to help people in desperate need. The EU has consistently called on the Israeli government to lift the blockade on Gaza to allow humanitarian aid at scale into and throughout the strip[1][2][3].
The EU discourages flotillas as a means for aid delivery. They risk the safety of their participants and carry the potential for escalation. However, nothing justifies attacking participants of flotillas with drones.
The EU has consistently reiterated that in exercising its right to defend itself, Israel must fully comply with its obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law, and to ensure the protection of all civilians, including humanitarian workers and their facilities, at all times . Any investigation into the attack must happen in an impartial and fully transparent manner.
The results of the 2025 National School Leaving Examination were announced on 13 July.
Dr. Bisirat Gebru, Director of Standards and Evaluation at the National Higher Education and Research Institute, indicated that out of the 24,092 students, including 50% female students, who took the examination, 12.2% achieved scores qualifying them for degree programs, and 7.59% for diploma programs.
Noting that the performance gap between male and female students has been improving over time, Dr. Bisirat encouraged those who passed and qualified for college education to work hard to achieve their goals and to strictly adhere to college regulations.
Dr. Bisirat also advised students who did not achieve passing marks not to lose hope, and urged them to remain engaged in education, study diligently, and prepare for the next national examination.
It is to be recalled that the National School Leaving Examination was conducted from 17 to 23 March across the country, including at the international schools of Eritrean communities in Riyadh and Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
Dr. Bisirat further noted that 84.1% of the examinees were regular students from Sawa Warsai-Yikealo Secondary School and technical schools, and that 3,861 students were retaking the exam.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Information, Eritrea.
