Category: Military Intelligence

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Thales and Deloitte form Strategic Alliance to Help Enhance Data Protection and Governance Services

    Source: Thales Group

    Headline: Thales and Deloitte form Strategic Alliance to Help Enhance Data Protection and Governance Services

    • Combining Thales’s encryption and key management with Deloitte’s advanced cybersecurity services
    • Delivering enhanced data protection, governance, and compliance capabilities
    • Offering extensive experience in cybersecurity to help customers mitigate risk

    Thales, the leading global technology and security provider, today announced a strategic alliance with Deloitte to deliver advanced, tailored cybersecurity services and solutions to organisations.

    Enhancing Data Protection and Governance Services Capabilities

    This alliance will combine Thales’s advanced encryption and key management technologies with Deloitte’s data protection, security consulting, and implementation knowledge. The collaboration provides organisations with a broad suite of services and solutions designed to help clients address the full spectrum of cloud security needs, tailored to their hybrid and multi-cloud environments.

    Meeting Evolving Data Security and Compliance Needs

    The data security landscape is rapidly changing. Technology disruptions, such as the use of generative AI, come with new threats to data confidentiality and integrity. In parallel, there are stringent data privacy regulations to contend with. The acceleration of digital transformation requires the evolution of cyber security strategies to mitigate inconsistent and insufficient policies of data access controls.

    According to the ​ 2024 Thales Data Threat Report, organisations that maintained compliance were significantly less likely to suffer data breaches. As compliance regulations continue to evolve, customers will be equipped to meet these challenges and thrive in a secure environment.

    By drawing from Thales’s expertise and Deloitte’s extensive experience in data protection and governance strategy, organisations will benefit from broad services and solutions designed to help clients address the complexities of modern cybersecurity and compliance landscapes.

    For Linda Walsh, Managing Director, Deloitte & Touche LLP: “By combining Deloitte’s Data & Digital Trust Services that assist with client data security and governance challenges with Thales’ cybersecurity solutions, we can provide broad and tailored security responses to our shared clients.Our collaboration provides efficient integration and enhanced security across multi-cloud environments, helping clients drive innovation. Together, we can help organisations transform their cloud security to enhance the value of their cybersecurity programs.”

    By capitalising on existing strategic alliances with industry leaders in cloud services, Deloitte clients will have access to capabilities that help them achieve robust cloud data protection in various environments. This alliance will help create new business opportunities through incorporation in new and existing comprehensive transformation programmes.

    John Polly, Vice President, Channel & Alliances at Thales, added, “This strategic alliance with Deloitte marks a significant milestone in our mission to help organisations secure their data and all paths to it According to our Cloud Security Report, cloud resources have become the biggest targets for cyber-attacks, with 44% of organisations having suffered a cloud data breach. By combining our cloud data security technologies with Deloitte’s knowledge in Data & Digital Trust, we are poised to deliver innovative and robust strategies that help address the evolving compliance and security needs of our clients worldwide.”

    ​About Thales

    Thales (Euronext Paris: HO) is a global leader in advanced technologies for the Defence, Aerospace, and Cyber & Digital sectors. Its portfolio of innovative products and services addresses several major challenges: sovereignty, security, sustainability, and inclusion.

    The Group invests more than €4 billion per year in Research & Development in key areas, particularly for critical environments, such as Artificial Intelligence, cybersecurity, quantum, and cloud technologies.

    Thales has more than 83,000 employees in 68 countries. In 2024, the Group generated sales of €20.6 billion.

    As used in this document, “Deloitte” means Deloitte & Touche LLP, a subsidiary of Deloitte LLP. Please see www.deloitte.com/us/about for a detailed description of our legal structure. Certain services may not be available to attest clients under the rules and regulations of public accounting.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Inadequate consideration of eastern EU countries’ significance and contribution to European security in EU defence industry initiatives – E-001541/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-001541/2025
    to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
    Rule 144
    Michał Dworczyk (ECR)

    For decades, eastern European countries have been covered by the security umbrella provided by the United States, neglecting their own defence investments and not fulfilling their commitments as allies. Now, with the security situation deteriorating, countries such as Poland – which has been allocating over 2% of its GDP to defence for many years, thereby fulfilling its NATO commitments and responding to threats from Russia – find themselves at the heart of EU defence. However, in the Commission’s latest initiatives on the defence industry and EU security[1], these countries’ committed and long-standing positions have been neither appreciated nor reinforced. Also lacking are any preferential mechanisms and a recognition of the scale of their financial effort and strategic commitment. The need for a geographically even distribution of investments and to support the development of eastern EU countries’ potential has also been overlooked.

    In light of the above:

    • 1.In its initiatives on defence and the defence industry, why has the Commission not provided for any mechanisms to support, give preference to or, at the very least, recognise Member States that have been allocating at least 2% of their GDP towards defence for years and which, in practice, guarantee the security of the whole EU?
    • 2.Will the Commission also consider Member States’ level of defence spending and geostrategic location, particularly for countries on the EU’s eastern flank, in current and future initiatives?

    Submitted: 15.4.2025

    • [1] White Paper for European Defence – Readiness 2030, ReArm Europe Plan, draft SAFE regulation, draft EDIP regulation.
    Last updated: 25 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Seventh Air Force to extend Super Squadron test for second year, expand scope

    Source: United States INDO PACIFIC COMMAND

    OSAN AIR BASE, Republic of Korea — Seventh Air Force is set to extend its “Super Squadron” test for a second phase in October 2025 after recently receiving approval by the Chief of Staff of the Air Force. The test examines Seventh Air Force’s ability to increase combat force generation and maximize capability by consolidating aircraft and personnel in a large Super Squadron.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Committee against Torture Praise Measures to Prevent Torture in Ukraine, Ask about Alleged Torture of Russian Prisoners of War and Reports of Corruption and Torture in Prisons

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee against Torture today concluded its consideration of the seventh periodic report of Ukraine, with Committee Experts praising the State’s legislative and policy measures to prevent torture, and raising questions about alleged torture of Russian prisoners of war, as well as reports of torture and corruption in prisons.

    Claude Heller, Committee Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, said Ukraine had suffered a devastating war since the full-scale invasion by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022, in flagrant violation of international law and the United Nations Charter.  More than three years of war had led to numerous military and civilian deaths and serious violations of international human rights law, including summary executions, torture and ill-treatment, and arbitrary detentions.

    Mr. Heller said that, over the past decade, Ukraine had made considerable amendments to legislation and ministries, including with respect to the occupied territories.  He welcomed that the national strategy for human rights had been updated to include strategic goals for combatting torture, the appointment of human rights inspectors in places of detention, and the State’s ratification of the Rome Statute in 2024.

    Since February 2022, Mr. Heller said, 240 Russian prisoners of war had reported suffering torture during the armed conflict in Ukrainian detention centres.  What measures had been taken in cases where torture had been confirmed?  The Committee was concerned about reports of illegal detentions by Ukrainian authorities. How many people had been detained illegally?

    Peter Vedel Kessing, Committee Expert and Country Co-Rapporteur, said prisons under Ukrainian control were suffering under the war. Some faced frequent shelling by Russian troops, and were reportedly becoming hotbeds of torture and corruption. Newly arrived prisoners were reportedly routinely beaten, and there was reported overcrowding in prisons.  What steps had been taken to reduce overcrowding and improve prison conditions?

    Introducing the report, Liudmyla Suhak, Deputy Minister of Justice for European Integration of Ukraine and head of the delegation, said Ukraine was systematically implementing measures to prevent and combat torture at the national level. The 2021 strategy for combatting torture in the criminal justice system introduced a system for combatting torture by law enforcement, while the national human rights strategy had been updated to include specific strategic goals for combatting torture.

    Ms. Suhak said that the conditions of detention for Russian prisoners of war complied with international humanitarian law and had been inspected 112 times by the International Committee of the Red Cross between 2018 and 2024.  To ensure that prisoners of war were not tortured during transfers to detainment camps, the delegation added, clear legal procedures had been developed.  Military officials were trained on the rights of prisoners of war.

    The delegation said that the State party had undertaken measures to combat corruption and ill-treatment of inmates in the penitentiary system.  An internal security unit had been created to investigate reports of violations by penitentiary staff and inmates.  In 2024, persons responsible for observing the rights of convicts and preventing torture were also introduced into the staff of 56 penal institutions.

    In closing remarks, Mr. Heller said that the State party’s efforts to engage in the dialogue were commendable in the context of the bloodthirsty war.  The issues discussed were not issues of the past but were ongoing.  Ukraine sought to protect its territorial integrity and the well-being of its population.  The rest of the world was hoping for an end to the war that respected the territorial integrity of Ukraine.  The Committee hoped that its next dialogue with Ukraine would take place in conditions of peace, prosperity and democracy.

    In her concluding remarks, Ms. Suhak said that Ukraine would actively work to implement the Committee’s concluding observations.  Tens of thousands of Ukrainian citizens were being held by Russia, and virtually every Ukrainian citizen who had been returned from Russia had suffered some form of torture.  Ukraine urged Russia to fully comply with its obligations under international law and to end its illegal war.  The Committee’s efforts would help to hold Russia to account.

    The delegation of Ukraine consisted of representatives from the Ministry of Social Policy; Coordination Centre for Legal Aid Provision; Prosecutor General’s Office; Security Service; Ministry of Defence; Ministry of Justice; State Migration Service; State Bureau of Investigation; National Police; Ministry of Health; the Permanent Mission of Ukraine to the United Nations Office at Geneva; and the European Court of Human Rights.

    The Committee will issue concluding observations on the report of Ukraine at the end of its eighty-second session on 2 May.  Those, and other documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, will be available on the session’s webpage.  Summaries of the public meetings of the Committee can be found here, and webcasts of the public meetings can be found here.

    The Committee will next meet in public on Tuesday, 29 April at 4 p.m. to hear the presentation of reports on follow-up to articles 19 and 22 of the Convention and reprisals.

    Report

    The Committee has before it the seventh periodic report of Ukraine (CAT/C/UKR/7).

    Presentation of Report

    LIUDMYLA SUHAK, Deputy Minister of Justice for European Integration of Ukraine and head of the delegation, said Ukraine was systematically implementing measures to prevent and combat torture at the national level.  The 2021 strategy for combatting torture in the criminal justice system outlined the development of a national system for combatting torture committed by law enforcement personnel.  The national human rights strategy had been updated to include specific strategic goals for combatting torture and ensuring the right to liberty and security of person. The strategy for the reform of the penitentiary system 2021-2026 aimed to address structural problems and create a humanistic system for the execution of criminal penalties.

    During the reporting period, several amendments were made to criminal legislation.  The Criminal Code had been revised to bring the definition of torture into line with the provisions of the Convention, and to introduce criminal liability for the crime of enforced disappearance. Additionally, legislation was revised to guarantee the right of detainees to be held in proper conditions and to facilitate the consideration of complaints about improper detention conditions.  The criminal penalty system now also included probation supervision. 

    In 2024, amendments were made to the Code of Administrative Offences to distinguish between domestic violence, gender-based violence and sexual harassment, to increase administrative liability for such acts.  Several legislative initiatives were currently under consideration by Parliament, including a draft law on the penitentiary system, as well as other draft laws that would introduce a standard for minimum cell space of four square metres per detainee, the right of convicts to short-term visits outside the colony under certain conditions, and revised procedures for detaining persons.

    New internal regulations for the temporary detention centres of the national police adopted in 2023 stipulated that police officers were not allowed to carry out acts of torture or other forms of inhuman treatment on detainees.  In 2018 and 2019, internal regulations for pre-trial detention centres and penitentiary institutions of the State Penitentiary Service were approved.  These rules were regularly updated.  In 2024, the Security Service’s procedure for holding persons in temporary detention facilities was revised. 

    Ukraine provided unhindered access for both national and international monitoring mechanisms. In 2024, the national preventive mechanism of the Ombudsperson conducted 543 visits to penitentiary institutions, and the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine carried out 44 visits between 2018 and 2024.

    Efforts were being made to develop a child-friendly juvenile justice system.  As a result, over the past five years, there had been a steady reduction in juvenile crime, and over the past seven years, the number of minors registered by probation authorities had dropped three-fold.

    In 2024, a Commissioner for Missing Persons under Special Circumstances was appointed within the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and a specialised unit for combatting torture and other ill-treatment of persons, staffed with 157 investigators, had been launched within the State Bureau of Investigation.  Within the Office of the Prosecutor General, separate specialised units had been established to combat human rights violations in the law enforcement and penitentiary sectors, as well as to combat crimes committed in the context of the armed conflict.  The Ministry of Justice also had a separate Department of Penitentiary Inspections.

    In 2024, persons responsible for observing the rights of convicts and preventing torture were introduced into the staff of 56 penal institutions.  The State had developed the digital infrastructure of both law enforcement agencies and the penitentiary system, launching registers of convicted persons, persons taken into custody, and missing persons under special circumstances.  An automated exchange of information on detained persons between law enforcement agencies and free legal aid centres was being introduced.  In cases of violence or torture against detainees and convicts, they had the right to free legal representation in court.

    State social programmes aimed at preventing and combatting domestic violence, gender-based violence, and human trafficking were being implemented.  Free secondary legal aid was provided to victims of domestic violence and human trafficking.

    In response to Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine, Ukrainian law enforcement agencies had initiated investigations into 163,700 war crimes and crimes of aggression on Ukrainian territory.  In 2024, the Criminal Code was amended to ensure criminal prosecution for the most serious international crimes, as well as to bring it into line with the Rome Statute, which entered into force for Ukraine in 2025. 

    In 2022, the procedure for the detention of prisoners of war was approved.  It stipulated that the interrogation of prisoners of war should be carried out in a language they understood, without the use of torture or other coercive measures.  The conditions of detention for Russian prisoners of war complied with international humanitarian law and had been inspected 112 times by the International Committee of the Red Cross between 2018 and 2024.  Conversely, Russian authorities continued to deny access to Ukrainian prisoners of war, as well as civilian detainees, held by Russia in violation of international humanitarian law.

    Ukraine had also been taking measures to support victims and those affected by armed aggression. Since 2022, victims of a number of criminal offences, including torture or cruel treatment, had been entitled to free secondary legal aid.  In 2024, the legal status of victims of sexual violence related to Russia’s armed aggression and the legal basis for providing them with urgent interim reparations were determined at the legislative level.  An international compensation mechanism for damages caused by Russia’s aggression was being developed.  In 2024, 40 categories of claims that could be submitted to the International Register of Damages were approved, including some related to torture, deprivation of liberty, and sexual violence.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    CLAUDE HELLER, Committee Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, welcomed the delegation’s presence, considering that Ukraine had suffered a devastating war since the full-scale invasion by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022, in flagrant violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations.  After more than three years of war, hundreds of thousands of military personnel on both sides were estimated to have died, with many more wounded, missing in action and in captivity.  From February 2022 to February 2025, there had been more than 12,800 civilian deaths and more than 30,000 injuries in systematic attacks on civilian towns, cities, and infrastructure, while the number of deaths of Russian civilians was expected to have risen to 360.  These were very conservative elements.

    The war had led to serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, including summary executions; torture and ill-treatment; arbitrary detentions; forced transfer of people, including minors, to the occupying State; and acts of sexual violence. More than 13 million people required humanitarian assistance, more than two million homes had been destroyed in Ukraine, and there were 10.6 million displaced people in Ukraine.

    Over the past decade, Ukraine had made considerable amendments to legislation and ministries, including with respect to the occupied territories.  The national strategy for human rights had been updated to include strategic goals for combatting torture.  The adoption of the strategy to combat torture and the related plan of action and the appointment of human rights inspectors in places of detention would contribute to preventing torture and facilitating investigations.  It was also welcome that in 2024, a commissioner for disappeared persons was appointed within the police force, and that Ukraine had ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

    The Committee was concerned that not all the elements of the Convention had been incorporated in the Criminal Code, which did not establish the State’s responsibility to hold public officials accountable when they committed acts of torture under orders from superiors.  Why was the number of cases of torture that reached court much smaller than the number of investigations carried out?

    The Ombudsperson carried out independent monitoring of constitutional rights and freedoms.  However, the body lacked financial resources and experts on monitoring.  There was a lack of transparency in the selection of its staff, and a lack of balanced regional representation.  The national preventive mechanism had also been criticised for its lack of experts and funding, delays in its investigations, and its lack of cooperation with civil society. There was a low level of implementation of recommendations made by the Ombudsperson; only one-third of the recommendations made in 2023 were addressed.  Could the delegation comment on these issues?

    State bodies responsible for guaranteeing the rights of detainees appeared to have been ineffective. Victims of torture were allegedly subjected to reprisals by authorities and the Istanbul Protocol was not applied well by the State.  Could the delegation comment on this?

    In 2015, Parliament had adopted a decision to suspend certain obligations stemming from the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention of Human Rights and impose martial law until the cessation of the Russian aggression. The Committee was concerned by acts carried out by armed groups in eastern Ukraine from 2014 to 2017. During this period, more than 100 criminal cases were brought against Ukrainian security officials, including related to offences of torture and sexual violence.  Had court proceedings concluded?

    The State party had taken a significant step by ratifying the Rome Statute in 2024.  The implementation law partially harmonised criminal law with the Statute, requiring acts of torture systematically committed against the civilian population to be tried as crimes against humanity.  However, the law did not amend legislation on war crimes to bring it in line with the Statute.  Would the State do this?

    Both Russia and Ukraine had mutually accused each other of acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment against civilians.  There were more than 6,000 Ukrainian prisoners under Russian custody, who reportedly lacked access to food and medical support.  There were credible reports that Russian authorities had carried out around 80 executions of Ukrainian forces.  The United Nations Independent Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine had reported widespread torture of civilians in areas under Russian control. Persons arrested in these territories were tried by non-recognised courts and were not granted access to lawyers of their choice.  Information on trials was not provided to families.  Could the State party provide information on the number of such trials carried out?

    Since February 2022, 240 Russian prisoners of war had reported suffering torture during the armed conflict in Ukrainian detention centres.  Could the delegation comment on these accusations?  What measures had been taken in cases where torture had been confirmed, and how was the State party preventing torture?  The Committee was concerned about reports of illegal detentions by Ukrainian authorities.  How many people had been detained illegally?  There had also been allegations of arbitrary detention of civilians suspected of collaborating with Russia after territories were reclaimed.

    The Committee was also concerned about the impact of the conflict on the rule of law.  Several cases of threats and violence against journalists had been reported.  Ukraine introduced a procedure in 2022 to prohibit broadcasts that “could jeopardise the independence and sovereignty of the country”.  Some journalists had been criminalised after working in occupied territories, despite there being no evidence of having committed unlawful acts. Could the delegation comment on this issue?

    More than 2,000 criminal lawsuits had been filed on the glorification of Russian actions.  This had reportedly given rise to 443 guilty verdicts involving non-custodial sentences.  Authorities had imposed security restrictions, including limiting access to information.  A bill before Parliament sought to restrict access to court decisions until the cessation of martial law, and several other bills had sought to limit certain rights for human rights defenders.  There was deep-rooted impunity for crimes against activists.

    There had been an unprecedented increase in gender-based violence in Ukraine.  The number of cases of domestic violence had increased by more than 30 per cent in 2024, with a number of these cases involving men returning from the front. The State was seemingly reluctant to hold members of the armed forces accountable for such crimes.

    A 2017 law amended legislation regarding psychiatric care in response to past violations of patients’ rights. Norms allowing for involuntary sterilisation were eliminated.  However, there were reports of excessive hospitalisation of persons with psychosocial disabilities, including children, and a lack of provision of alternative, community-based care services.  There were allegations of torture and ill-treatment in psychiatric hospitals; could the delegation comment on this?

    PETER VEDEL KESSING, Committee Expert and Country Co-Rapporteur, said that the situation in Ukraine was tragic after three years of war.  Mr. Kessing commended Ukraine’s commitment to its human rights obligations in these difficult times, adopting laws and policies to strengthen human rights protections.  Ukraine had continued to engage with the European Court of Human Rights since 2022, resulting in the closure of 75 cases.

    What steps had been taken to ensure that Ukrainian soldiers and State officials did not engage in torture? What training did these officials receive on the Convention?  Could the delegation confirm that its derogations from international law in the martial law period did not relate to the Convention?  Did Ukraine continue to apply international human rights law in situations of armed conflict?

    The State party needed to prosecute and hold accountable all those who committed torture on occupied territories when it regained control of the territory.  What steps had been taken to document such acts?  How had the State party ensured that Ukrainian citizens who were victims of torture had access to remedies when they returned to Ukraine? Ukraine had developed a draft law on compensation for victims of violent crimes and a related State fund.  Had this law been adopted?

    There had been reports of beatings of men who sought to avoid conscription.  In one case, a man claimed he had been drafted illegally as he had not undergone a medical examination.  Could the delegation provide statistical information on injuries and deaths linked to hazing and investigations into such incidents?  How did the State ensure that conscripts were treated in line with international obligations?

    There had been reports of excessive use of force by Ukrainian police over the reporting period.  Detainees in police detention did not have access to food or drinking water.  What steps had been taken to prevent ill-treatment in police detention? Access to a lawyer was not always provided for arrested persons; how would the State ensure this?  Video recording of interrogation was discretionary. Would the State make recording mandatory and ensure that recorded footage of interrogations was kept?  Were Russian prisoners of war and civilians arrested by Ukrainian forces provided with procedural safeguards?  How many children had been held in pre-trial detention over the last three years?  Were there time limits on the detention of children, and were children separated from adults in detention?

    Prisons under Ukrainian control were suffering under the war; some faced frequent shelling by Russian troops, and were reportedly becoming hotbeds of torture and corruption.  Since winter 2024, there had been increased raids on prisons by special forces.  The Committee commended that human rights observers had been appointed in some prisons. What actions did they carry out and were they now appointed in all prisons? 

    Newly arrived prisoners were reportedly routinely beaten, and special forces used illegal force against inmates. Was it necessary to deploy special forces in prisons?  Would the State abandon this practice?  There was reported overcrowding in prisons, with inmates in one prison forced to alternatively sleep on the floor.  There were also reports of limited access to fresh air, clean drinking water and sunlight in some prisons.  What steps had been taken to reduce overcrowding and improve prison conditions? Some prisoners were appointed as “duty” prisoners and given duties to oversee other prisoners.  Had steps been taken to eliminate this practice and protect all prisoners’ rights?

    Medical staff in prisons reportedly did not document inmates’ injuries.  Could the delegation provide information on the number of deaths in custody over the last three years?  What steps had been taken to strengthen healthcare in prisons?  There were no rules banning force-feeding in prisons; did the Government intend to elaborate such rules?  Did the Ukrainian Ombudsperson have access to all places of detention and could it conduct unannounced visits?  To what extent could non-governmental organizations access places of detention?  Article 391 of the Criminal Code made it an offence to disobey orders by prison staff. This provision was reportedly abused by staff to engage in corrupt practices; would it be revised?

    Other Committee Experts asked questions on measures taken by State authorities to respond to and prevent domestic violence; the status of the draft bill criminalising domestic violence and sexual violence; measures to ensure penalties for domestic and sexual violence were commensurate with the gravity of the crime; the number of investigations and convictions for domestic violence cases over the reporting period; efforts made to establish civil registries to facilitate birth registration and prevent trafficking of children; whether the State party held Ukrainian forces that were returned to the State accountable when they were accused of torture; how the State treated prisoners of war from third countries; and whether the clergy and staff of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church had been provided with support after the banning of the Church.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the State party provided training on the Convention and other international and European human rights norms for penitentiary staff.  Currently, there were 119 children held in pre-trial detention and 177 children held in juvenile detention facilities, including just one girl. Judges assessed the necessity of detention for children once every three months.

    The State party had undertaken measures to combat corruption and ill-treatment of inmates in the penitentiary system.  An internal security unit had been created to investigate reports of violations by penitentiary staff and inmates and to initiate criminal proceedings against accused persons; the Government was currently recruiting staff for the unit. The State party had recruited 54 out of 56 human rights inspectors for its prisons and adopted a resolution on their scope of activity.  These inspectors reported directly to the State about the problems they witnessed.

    Currently, there were 37,000 inmates in places of deprivation of liberty in Ukraine.  The prison population was declining gradually.  More than 8,000 prisoners had been voluntarily mobilised at the beginning of the war.  The Government had allocated funds to build a new detention facility in Kyiv that could accommodate more than 1,000 detainees and decrease the population of other prisons. Norms on construction had been revised to protect prisons from shelling and improve security.  Despite budget cuts, over 7,500 places had been newly created in detention centres since 2022.

    The State party was fighting the spread of criminal influence and a criminal subculture in prisons.  It sought to proactively prosecute crimes occurring within prisons and to adopt a law on prison labour, which would increase salaries paid to prisoners who engaged in labour and improve conditions for prison labour.

    There had been 432, 376 and 368 deaths in prisons respectively in 2022, 2023 and 2024.  Some 98 per cent of prisoners infected with AIDS and 93 per cent of prisoners with disabilities were held in inclusive settings.  The Ministry of Justice supported the idea of transferring the management of healthcare services in prisons to the Ministry of Health; discussions on this would begin soon.  Rules on force-feeding were adopted two years ago.

    The Ombudsperson had not complained about not being able to access any detention facilities.  Some non-governmental organizations had been granted access to penitentiary facilities.  An anonymous, online complaints system for prisons had been set up; last year, 6,000 complaints had been submitted by prisoners on various topics. A commission was also being created that would handle complaints of improper conditions in prisons. Discussions were underway on the revision of article 391 of the Criminal Code.

    All prisoners of war were kept in common conditions.  Persons with criminal records were separated from those without.  Ukraine fully followed its international obligations under the Geneva Conventions.  It had allowed 400 monitoring missions to visit its detention facilities for prisoners of war.

    Since 2014, the State party had lost 34 penitentiary institutions located in occupied territories, including seven since 2022, in which more than 3,000 inmates were held.  More than 1,000 of these inmates had already served their sentences, but had no money or documents needed to return to Ukraine. The State was working with non-governmental organizations to support their return.  More than 500 persons had thus far returned.

    On 10 October last year, Parliament adopted a law on the ratification of the Rome Statute.  Ukraine had taken on board comments from the International Criminal Court regarding its legislation on crimes against humanity and the responsibility of superiors; the State had amended its Criminal Code in response.

    Certain restrictions could be imposed on rights and freedoms under martial law, but Ukraine had not restricted the right to freedom of religious belief.  The President had last year signed a Presidential Order that banned the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church, which was based on the ideology of the regime of the Russian Federation and condoned Russia’s war crimes.

    Ukraine had not introduced severe restrictions on freedom of expression.  Domestic media faced challenges, including the mobilisation of journalists as soldiers, dwindling resources, and damaged infrastructure caused by the Russian aggression.  The State party sought to bring its media legislation in line with that of the European Union.  Ukraine had risen 18 places in the World Press Freedom Index thanks to the reforms implemented.

    The national police continued to manage custody records, which recorded arrests, pre-trial detention and releases, as well as detainees’ injuries.  These records were kept for 25 years.  There was constant video surveillance of police detention sites and independent monitoring visits were carried out.  The Criminal Procedural Code had been amended to ensure that officials involved in arrests were not responsible for managing detainees’ stay in police detention. Detainees in temporary detention were provided with three hot meals per day.  Standards for detention facilities stipulated that cells needed to have a water supply that detainees could access.

    Since February 2022, 83,000 criminal proceedings had been instigated related to missing civilians and military officers.  Some 9,000 missing persons had been found alive, while many deaths were also identified. Specialised departments for the investigation of crimes committed in the armed conflict had been established in police departments in several regions and a centre for tracing missing persons had been established in Kyiv.

    The police force had recorded 179,000 administrative offences related to domestic violence, registered 19,000 perpetrators for monitoring, and had set up specialised units for tackling domestic violence in more than 60 regions.  In 2024, more than 5,000 officers were trained on combatting domestic and gender-based violence.

    The State constantly looked for crimes of human trafficking and took prompt responses when cases were identified. As of May 2025, 1,500 criminal offences of human trafficking had been investigated.  International organizations supported training for State officials on trafficking in persons.  Ukraine had joined two international taskforces to combat trafficking in persons, through which more than 3,000 Ukrainian victims of trafficking were identified across the world.

    Eleven years since the Maidan revolution, investigators were continuing to investigate crimes related to it. Courts had issued 11 guilty verdicts against 14 people.  The State Bureau of Investigation had suspected 340 people. The former President of Ukraine and other former high-level officials were under suspicion of having facilitated the murders of more than 67 persons between 2013 and 2014.  In this period, police officers were deployed to supress protests, and courts had found activists guilty on spurious grounds.  In some cases, police officers beat activists and even participated in premeditated murders.  In total, there were more than 4,000 cases of criminal activity and more than 2,000 victims.  There was now an opportunity to bring justice for these past crimes. There were three criminal proceedings underway related to armed gangs that had attacked individuals and homes.

    War crimes were investigated by the national security service and the police.  In 2024, 149 Ukrainians had been executed by Russians, and 54 had so far been executed this year.  These were conservative estimates.  Almost every Ukrainian prisoner of war had suffered some form of violence. 

    There were around 20 cases under examination of war crimes committed by Ukrainians.  Doctors who provided medical examinations of prisoners of war were required to document signs of torture.

    According to Ukrainian law, information about persons in detention was immediately communicated to the legal aid centre.  If evidence was gathered while a defence lawyer was absent, there was a high likelihood that courts would not admit it.  The State was providing legal support for prisoners who had been illegally transferred to Russia and supporting them to serve the remainder of their sentences in Ukraine.  Persons with disabilities and older persons could access legal aid if they had low income or were internally displaced.  Legal aid was provided to minors and victims of gender-based violence and trafficking in persons.

    National standards on detention of prisoners of war stipulated that detainees’ human dignity and international law needed to be respected.  No violations of human rights or cases of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment had been found while monitoring visits of places of detention.

    Pre-trial investigations were underway into alleged war crimes against Ukrainian prisoners of war by Russia, including extrajudicial executions and the use of physical, psychological and sexual violence.  These prisoners were systematically subjected to violence over the course of their detention; this had been confirmed by medical examinations.  Some 4,000 prisoners had been returned to Ukraine.

    Since February 2022, some 433 persons were detained for crimes of collaboration with Russia.  The draft law of December 2022 on collaboration included provisions to improve liability for collaboration; it was currently under consideration.  Some 819 investigations were underway on cases of collaboration related to healthcare and education.  The teaching of school subjects based on the standards of the aggressor State did not constitute an offence.  Some teachers deliberately carried out propaganda in educational institutions; this could constitute an offence. 

    Around 22 doctors had been notified of being under suspicion of collaboration.  Criminal liability was excluded for actions carried out while providing healthcare to patients.  Since February 2022, pre-trial investigations on collaboration had been carried out into 97 affiliates of religious organizations, including more than 20 clerics of the Orthodox Church.  The security service had declared 197 minors as suspects in offences such as high treason, sabotage and damage to property.  Many cases involved minors who were recruited by the Russian special services. Training was provided for investigators who interviewed children on the best interests of the child.

    To ensure that prisoners of war were well-treated and not tortured during transfers to detainment camps, clear legal procedures had been developed.  The Chief of Defence had issued orders to ensure that international human rights law was strictly followed in this process. Military officials were trained on capturing enemy combatants and on the rights of prisoners of war.

    To ensure that human rights were followed during mobilisation and conscription, clear legislation had been established.  Persons could apply for deferment of conscription for medical or family reasons. An investigator had been appointed within the Land Force Command to investigate allegations of human rights violations occurring during conscription.

    The Ministry of Health had made changes to ensure that only psychiatric patients who posed a danger to themselves or others were isolated for legally defined periods.  All primary health care providers were obligated to undergo training on identifying mental health issues and referring patients to mental health care services.  These measures would help to decrease the number of patients needing institutionalisation.

    More than 34,000 persons with disabilities and older persons lived in residential institutions.  The Government had developed a strategy to reform these institutions and support community-based care and assisted living. Approximately 7,000 people received day care services.  There were around 4,600 children cared for in institutions.  The Government had approved a strategy to ensure the right of every child in Ukraine to grow up in a family environment by 2028.  A law preventing violence against children had been adopted in 2024 and the State was currently developing a procedure for responding to cases of violence against children.

    In 2024, around 182,000 reports of domestic violence had been received by the State.  A programme for addressing traumatic war experiences had been developed. Measures had been implemented to coordinate policies on domestic violence and protect victims.

    In 2022, Parliament adopted a law on amending the Criminal Code in line with the Convention.  The revised law’s definition of torture addressed the liability of persons who conspired to commit torture.  Discriminatory motives for the crime of torture were considered to be aggravating offences and carried a harsher penalty.  The law also addressed the criminal liability of officials who ordered acts of torture.  Amnesty was not issued to persons who committed torture crimes.

    No derogations had been made from the State party’s obligations under international human rights law during the martial law period.  Martial law foresaw the ability to prohibit peaceful assembly, but in practice, this restriction had not been applied.  The Government took steps to provide compensation for victims of various types of crimes.

    A special draft law had been developed that sought to improve the institutional capacity of the Ombudsperson, including by lowering the age limit for members of the Ombudsperson’s Office and imposing restrictions on reductions to the Office’s budget.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    CLAUDE HELLER, Committee Chair and Country Co-Rapporteur, welcomed information on measures to provide compensation for victims of human rights violations.  Up to mid-February 2025, 159,000 criminal cases had been recorded related to the armed conflict, but it was unclear how many of these cases related to torture.  The justice system had not been prepared to deal with the challenges brought by these cases.  Acts of torture committed in occupied territories, difficulties in verifying evidence, and the internal displacement of victims hindered investigations.  There was a lack of guarantees of a fair trial for trials in absentia, in which 95 per cent of accused persons were sentenced. Articles 27 and 28 of the Criminal Code needed to be amended to protect the victims and witnesses of serious international crimes.

    Crimea was annexed 11 years ago, and the freedom of the media had been called into question under the Russian occupation.  Russian authorities reportedly curtailed the rights to freedom of expression and assembly. Lawyers and human rights defenders had been victims of persecution and had been unable to perform their work. The European Court of Human Rights had recently found that Russia followed a pattern of criminally sentencing persons in Crimea who discredited the Russian forces.  Had there been cases of torture in Crimea?

    PETER VEDEL KESSING, Committee Expert and Country Co-Rapporteur, said it was positive that overcrowding had been reduced, that a new prison facility had been established, that an electronic register had been established, and that measures were taken to remove the prison hierarchy and improve access to health care.  How could prisoners access the internet to make complaints to the Prison Service?  How did the Service respond to complaints?  Did any concern torture?  Human rights monitors in prisons were commendable.  Did these monitors also perform other functions in prisons?  How many complaints had been received from human rights monitors and what follow-up had been conducted?  There was reportedly a risk of reprisals for prisoners who lodged complaints.  What measures were in place to counter reprisals against prisoners?

    Prisoners of war were at a high risk of ill-treatment.  What measures were taken to monitor that Russian prisoners of war were treated in line with requirements under international law?  Did they undergo medical exams and was there video recording of interrogations?  Was there a procedure for releasing prisoners of war who required medical treatment?

    Another Committee Expert asked follow-up questions on the situation of prisoners and prison conditions in Crimea, including on the transfer of prisoners and cases of torture occurring during transfers; the situation in closed psychiatric institutions and steps taken to protect vulnerable groups such as children, and to improve conditions and oversight of these institutions; and measures taken to promote the return of children forcibly transferred from Ukraine to Russia and to ensure accountability for such acts.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said around 7,000 complaints had been submitted by prisoners, around 1,700 of which were submitted electronically.  Inmates could access specific web pages where they could submit complaints using tablets in a dedicated room.  Human rights inspectors reported suspected cases of torture to the Chief of Police. Their work was supplemented by the internal security unit, which started disciplinary proceedings that could result in criminal investigations.  There had been complaints submitted to the Ombudsperson regarding reprisals against prisoners.  These were under investigation.

    The State party was gathering evidence on war crimes and crimes against humanity occurring in occupied territories. It transferred evidence of such crimes to the International Criminal Court on request.  A working group had been established to improve the implementation of the Rome Statute in Ukraine, including through legal amendments.  Last year, the State had documented over 2,800 Ukrainian civilians and over 4,000 prisoners of war who were victims of torture. Many liberated civilians chose to move to different countries rather than return to Ukraine, making investigations difficult.

    Ukrainian non-governmental organizations had reported that there were at least 4,700 transfers of detainees from Crimea to the territory of the Russian Federation, including 220 female detainees. The Russian Federation had failed to provide information in response to the judgement of the European Court of Human Rights that obliged Russia to return these prisoners to Ukraine.

    The Government had adopted several measures to address the issue of the forcible displacement of Ukrainian children, including a procedure for identifying and returning such children, a register of deported and forcibly displaced children, and an inter-agency commission on the issue.

    Concluding Remarks

    CLAUDE HELLER, Committee Chair, said that, based on the dialogue, the Committee would issue concluding observations, which would include recommendations that the State party could implement within one year, as well as other recommendations that would require more time to implement.  The Committee believed that its recommendations would support the implementation of the Convention in Ukraine.

    The State party’s efforts to engage in the dialogue were commendable in the context of the bloodthirsty war.  The issues discussed were not issues of the past but were ongoing.  The last dialogue with Ukraine happened over 11 years ago and many things had happened since.  Ukraine sought to protect its territorial integrity and the well-being of its population. The rest of the world was looking on, hoping for an end to the war that respected the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The dialogue had been constructive and frank.  The Committee hoped that its next dialogue with Ukraine would take place in conditions of peace, prosperity and democracy.

    LIUDMYLA SUHAK, Deputy Minister of Justice for European Integration and head of the delegation, thanked the Committee for the dialogue and civil society organizations that had submitted alternative reports.  Ukraine would actively work to implement the Committee’s concluding observations.

    Tens of thousands of Ukrainian citizens were being held by Russia.  More than 170 torture chambers had been identified in Russia and virtually every Ukrainian citizen who had been returned from Russia had suffered some form of torture, which was carried out in a systemic, widespread manner by Russian authorities.  The State party was grateful to the Committee for keeping the issue of Russian war crimes on the international agenda.  Ukraine urged Russia to fully comply with its obligations under international law and to end its illegal war of aggression.  The Committee’s efforts would help to hold Russia to account.

    ___________

     

     

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CAT.007E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Reed, Smith Lead National Security Lawmakers in Denouncing Trump Ultimatum for Ukraine

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Rhode Island Jack Reed
    WASHINGTON, DC – Today, U.S. Senators Jack Reed (D-RI), Ranking Member of the Senate Armed Services Committee and U.S. Representative Adam Smith (D-WA), Ranking Member of the House Armed Services Committee led a joint statement in response to the ultimatum that President Donald Trump and his Administration are forcing on Ukraine, noting that the President puts pressure only on Ukraine while giving “Putin exactly what he wants.”
    Smith and Reed were joined in issuing the joint statement by U.S. Representatives Gregory Meeks (D-NY), Ranking Member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee; Jim Himes (D-CT), Ranking Member of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence; and Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL), Ranking Member of the House Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the U.S. and the Chinese Communist Party; and U.S. Senators Chris Coons (D-DE), Ranking Member of the Senate Defense Appropriations Subcommittee; and Mark Kelly (D-AZ), a member of both the Senate Armed Services and Foreign Relations Committees. 
    The lawmakers expressed deep concern about the Trump Administration’s one-sided approach to negotiating an end to Russia’s war on Ukraine, stating:
    “President Trump’s ultimatum to Ukraine would give Putin exactly what he wants and force Ukraine to accept a Russian-dictated plan that would leave them vulnerable to future attack. If the president follows through, his peace plan would fail and he would be abandoning Ukraine.
    “Ukraine has already agreed to an unconditional general ceasefire. Putin has not. During this conflict, Ukraine has continually exceeded expectations on the battlefield and has continued to inflict huge losses on Russia. They have bent over backward to accommodate the administration’s focus on a minerals deal. It makes no sense to force Ukraine to cede land illegally seized in Russian invasions now and remove economic sanctions against Russia. Rather than seeking concessions from Russia, the administration is shifting the pain to Ukraine. This ultimatum would reward Putin’s aggression and only allow Russia time to rearm and attack Ukraine again, undoing the work of American service members and taxpayers, partners and allies, and valiant Ukrainian fighters defending their sovereignty.
    “It also grants Putin’s war aims something no other American president has done—legitimacy. This plan risks widening the conflict and threatening even more catastrophic fallout. It would be a sign that America can no longer be trusted to stand with allies and partners. It would undermine the strength and stability of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the coalition of over 50 countries that have come together to defend Ukraine, and the rules-based order that has held that no country should be allowed to take another country’s territory through sheer force. The ramifications would be felt worldwide and for generations to come. You can be sure that China, Iran, North Korea, and global extremists are watching closely.
    “For the sake of U.S. national security and global stability, we urge the president to withdraw this demand and shift pressure from Ukraine to Russia to conclude a durable and just peace.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Colombian National Extradited to Houston to Face Narco-Terrorism and International Cocaine Distribution Charges

    Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) State Crime News

    HOUSTON – A 45-year-old Colombian national will make his initial appearance in U.S. federal court on charges of narco-terrorism and distributing kilogram quantities of cocaine from Colombia, announced U.S. Attorney Nicholas J. Ganjei.

    Adrian Alberto Cano Gomez, an alleged member of the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional aka ELN), was extradited from Colombia and is now in Houston. He will make his initial appearance before U.S. Magistrate Judge Dena Hanovice Palermo April 25 at 2 p.m.

    The now unsealed indictment, returned March 23, 2023, alleges ELN is a Colombian guerrilla group officially designated as a foreign terrorist organization Oct. 8, 1997. It allegedly continues to operate as one of the largest narco-terrorism organizations in the world.

    Cano Gomez is charged with international cocaine distribution conspiracy. He is also charged with distribution of a controlled substance and knowing or intending to provide anything of pecuniary value to a person or organization that engages in terrorism or terrorist activity (narco-terrorism).

    “This is not a routine drug case, nor is the ELN the typical drug trafficking organization,” said Ganjei. “Rather, this terror group has used American communities to fund its violent activities and destroyed countless lives in the process. This extradition is a big step towards this office’s goal of dismantling the narcotics-to-terrorism pipeline, and a clear demonstration that no matter where you are, no matter who you are, you are not beyond the reach of the American justice system.”

    “The extradition of suspected narco-terrorists like Cano Gomez to the United States is another example of how FBI Houston’s reach extends beyond geographic borders,” said Special Agent in Charge Douglas Williams of the FBI. “For years, Cano Gomez has allegedly been a liaison of international drug trafficking for the ELN-drugs that are smuggled into the United States and make their way onto our streets. His arrest and extradition are a giant step into disrupting the drug trafficking operations and mass violence carried out at the hands of his foreign terrorist organization.”

    “For over a decade, this ELN foreign terrorist organization allegedly profited off American communities by trafficking in cocaine and devastating countless lives,” said acting Special Agent in Charge William Kimbell of the Houston division of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). “Gomez, who is an alleged ELN member believed to have facilitated cocaine distribution from Colombia, is now on American soil to face justice.”

    According to the indictment, Cano Gomez and others were involved in an ongoing 16-year conspiracy to distribute cocaine from Colombia to the United States knowing or intending to provide pecuniary support to the ELN.

    In November 2021, Cano Gomez and others allegedly participated in distributing approximately 15 kilograms of cocaine in Colombia, knowing it would be imported into the United States.

    Colombian authorities took him into custody at the request of the United States in March 2024.

    The indictment remains sealed as to those charged but not as yet in custody.

    The Houston Field Offices of the FBI and DEA conducted the investigation with assistance of U.S. Marshals Service as part of the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces (OCDETF). FBI and DEA agents in Bogota provided substantial support as did the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) multi-agency Special Operations Division, including assigned attorneys from the Narcotic and Dangerous Drug Section (NDDS) and National Security Division, as well as the Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs, Criminal Division’s NDDS’ Office of Judicial Attaché in Bogotá, Colombia, with the cooperation of Colombian authorities and international partners including the Colombian Army, Colombian National Police, National Prosecutor’s Office and Technical Body of Investigation.

    The operation, dubbed Operation Selva Roja, is part of Operation Take Back America, a nationwide initiative that marshals the full resources of the Department of Justice to repel the invasion of illegal immigration, achieve the total elimination of cartels and transnational criminal organizations and protect our communities from the perpetrators of violent crime. Operation Take Back America streamlines efforts and resources from the Department’s Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces and Project Safe Neighborhood.

    Assistant U.S. Attorneys Casey N. MacDonald and Anibal Alaniz of the Southern District of Texas are prosecuting the case.

    An indictment is a formal accusation of criminal conduct, not evidence. A defendant is presumed innocent unless convicted through due process of law

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Van Hollen, Warren, Kaine Press Hegseth on High Civilian Casualties in Yemen Strikes and Trump Administration’s Dismantling of Safeguards Against Civilian Harm

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Virginia Tim Kaine
    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senators Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), and Tim Kaine (D-VA) wrote to U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, expressing concerns with reports that U.S. strikes against the Houthis at the Ras Isa fuel terminal in Yemen last week killed dozens of civilians as the Trump Administration has rolled back measures and procedures designed to minimize the risk of harm to civilians from U.S. military operations. In their letter, the Senators ask for responses to a series of questions regarding the mitigation measures taken prior to the strikes conducted in Yemen in the past month and the current status of civilian harm mitigation procedures, among others.
    “We write to you concerning reports that U.S. strikes against the Houthis at the Ras Isa fuel terminal in Yemen last week killed dozens of civilians, potentially more than 70. If these reports of civilian casualties are accurate, they should come as no surprise. Using explosive weapons in populated areas – as these intense strikes appear to do – always carries a high risk of civilian harm,” the Senators began.
    “Further, reports suggest that the Trump Administration plans to dismantle civilian harm mitigation policies and procedures at the Pentagon designed to reduce civilian casualties in U.S. operations,” they continued, going on to highlight that the Administration has already taken steps that raise the risk of civilian harm during military operations, such as their dismissal of senior Judge Advocates (JAG) officers and loosening of rules of engagement. “Taken altogether, these moves suggest that the Trump Administration is abandoning the measures necessary to meet its obligations to reducing civilian harm.
    “President Trump has called himself a ‘peacemaker,’ but that claim rings hollow when U.S. military operations kill scores of civilians. The reported high civilian casualty numbers from U.S. strikes in Yemen demonstrate a serious disregard for civilian life, and call into question this Administration’s ability to conduct military operations in accordance with U.S. best practices for civilian harm mitigation and international law,” they stressed.
    “The U.S. military has spent many years working to improve its ability to prevent and mitigate civilian harm without sacrificing lethality. Military leaders agree that ingraining civilian harm mitigation practices within U.S operations leads to better outcomes and that civilian casualties ‘actually undermine the mission that the military has been sent in to do.’ […] Now, we understand that the Administration is considering dismantling these efforts, many of which are congressionally authorized and funded through congressional appropriations, undermining years of hard lessons learned after more than two decades of U.S. wars. We are now seeing the real-life impact of the Administration’s disregard for civilian harm mitigation and international law,” they wrote, going on to list a series of questions for the Administration’s response.
    A copy of the letter, including the questions the Senators ask Secretary Hegseth, is available here and below.
    Dear Secretary Hegseth, 
    We write to you concerning reports that U.S. strikes against the Houthis at the Ras Isa fuel terminal in Yemen last week killed dozens of civilians, potentially more than 70. If these reports of civilian casualties are accurate, they should come as no surprise. Using explosive weapons in populated areas – as these intense strikes appear to do – always carries a high risk of civilian harm. Further, reports suggest that the Trump Administration plans to dismantle civilian harm mitigation policies and procedures at the Pentagon designed to reduce civilian casualties in U.S. operations. And the Trump Administration has already dismissed senior, non-partisan Judge Advocates, or JAG officers, who provide critical legal counsel to U.S. warfighters, especially when it comes to the laws of war and adherence to U.S. civilian harm mitigation policies. The Defense Department also recently loosened the rules of engagement to allow CENTCOM and other combatant commands to conduct strikes without requiring White House sign-off, removing necessary checks and balances on crucial life-and-death decisions. Taken altogether, these moves suggest that the Trump Administration is abandoning the measures necessary to meet its obligations to reducing civilian harm.
    President Trump has called himself a “peacemaker,” but that claim rings hollow when U.S. military operations kill scores of civilians. The reported high civilian casualty numbers from U.S. strikes in Yemen demonstrate a serious disregard for civilian life, and call into question this Administration’s ability to conduct military operations in accordance with U.S. best practices for civilian harm mitigation and international law. 
    On April 17, 2025, U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) confirmed the strikes against the Houthis’ fuel supplies located at a Yemeni port in the Hodeida governorate, stating that “the objective of these strikes was to degrade the economic source of power of the Houthis, who continue to exploit and bring great pain upon their fellow countrymen,” and that “this strike was not intended to harm the people of Yemen.” Despite these claims, reports from news organizations and organizations that track civilian harm suggest that U.S. strikes since March 15 have killed more than a hundred civilians. The United Nations Protection Cluster’s Civilian Impact Monitoring Project has also assessed that March 2025 marked the highest monthly casualty count in Yemen in almost two years, tripling the previous month, with a total of 162 civilian casualties.  
    In addition, the strikes have moved beyond targeting Houthi missile launch sites to hitting urban areas. This expansion of target sites, to include civilian infrastructure like ports, exacerbates the risk of civilian harm, all while internal U.S. government assessments suggest that the military campaign against the Houthis has “had limited impact on destroying” the Houthis capabilities.
    The U.S. military has spent many years working to improve its ability to prevent and mitigate civilian harm without sacrificing lethality. Military leaders agree that ingraining civilian harm mitigation practices within U.S operations leads to better outcomes and that civilian casualties “actually undermine the mission that the military has been sent in to do.” This was a lesson the first Trump Administration took to heart, including through the development of the first DoD Instruction on Civilian Harm. These efforts, among others, that started during the first Trump Administration set in motion policies that led to additional civilian harm mitigation policies under the Biden Administration, known as the Civilian Harm Mitigation Response Action Plan (CHMR-AP). Now, we understand that the Administration is considering dismantling these efforts, many of which are congressionally authorized and funded through congressional appropriations, undermining years of hard lessons learned after more than two decades of U.S. wars. We are now seeing the real-life impact of the Administration’s disregard for civilian harm mitigation and international law.
    We request answers to the following questions on the U.S. military campaign in Yemen since March 15, 2025, no later than May 8, 2025:  
    Has the Department of Defense (DoD) assessed the number of noncombatant and combatant casualties in each of its strikes inside Yemen since March 15, 2025? Please provide available data, and if the Department is not making efforts to evaluate these effects of its strikes, please explain why. If any civilian casualty credibility assessment reports have been made, please provide them. 
    What has DoD’s process been for assessing the acceptable civilian casualties for individual strikes inside Yemen, and assessing estimated levels of civilian harm and collateral damage, since March 15, 2025? What steps, if any, were taken to prevent or mitigate anticipated civilian harm?  
    What role have legal advisers, including JAG officers, played in reviewing the legality of U.S. strikes in Yemen since March 15, 2025? What assessment and determination did legal advisers, including JAG officers, make, if any, with regard to the status of the Ras Isa fuel port as a civilian versus a military object prior to its targeting last week? 
    What DoD instructions or orders currently govern Department civilian harm mitigation and response actions? 
    Were the civilian harm mitigation and response experts at CENTCOM and/or at the Civilian Protection Center of Excellence consulted in planning for these strikes?  
    How does the Department plan to engage with the families or communities affected by these strikes, including acknowledging civilian harm and exploring avenues for potential redress? 
    Thank you for your attention to this matter.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: WEEK 14 WINS: President Trump Drives Economic Growth and Strengthens National Security

    US Senate News:

    Source: The White House
    This week, President Donald J. Trump and his administration delivered another series of bold victories for the American people, advancing economic prosperity, enhancing national security, and restoring common sense to government. From unleashing American energy dominance to cracking down on illicit foreign activities, the Trump Administration continues its relentless pursuit of policies that prioritize American workers, families, and communities.
    Here is a non-comprehensive list of wins in week 14:
    President Trump’s unrelenting commitment to revitalizing American manufacturing delivered more results, driving job creation and economic growth nationwide.
    Roche, a Swiss drug and diagnostics company, announced a $50 billion investment in its U.S.-based manufacturing and R&D, which is expected to create more than 1,000 new full-time jobs.
    Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, Inc. announced a $3 billion agreement with Fujifilm Diosynth Biotechnologies to produce drugs at its North Carolina manufacturing facility.
    NorthMark Strategies, a multi-strategy investment firm, announced a $2.8 billion investment to build a supercomputing facility in South Carolina.
    Thermo Fisher Scientific, Inc., announced a $2 billion investment in U.S. manufacturing and innovation.
    Chobani announced a $1.2 billion investment to build its third U.S. dairy processing plant in New York, which is expected to create more than 1,000 new full-time jobs.
    Fiserv, Inc. announced a $175 million investment to open a new strategic fintech hub in Kansas, which is expected to create 2,000 new high-paying jobs.
    Toyota Motor Corporation announced an $88 million investment to boost hybrid vehicle production at its West Virginia factory, securing employment for the factory’s 2,000 workers.
    Hyundai Motor Group secured an equity investment and agreement from Posco Holdings, South Korea’s top steel maker, for the automaker’s planned steel plant in Louisiana.
    Hitachi Energy announced a $22.5 million investment to expand its facilities in Virginia, which is expected to add 120 new jobs.
    Cyclic Materials, a Canadian advanced recycling company for rare earth elements, announced a $20 million investment in its first U.S.-based commercial facility, located in Mesa, Arizona.
    GM announced it will increase production at its Ohio transmission facility.
    Coinbase announced plans to add more than 130 new jobs and open a new office in Charlotte, North Carolina.

    President Trump continued to secure our border and rid our communities of illegal immigrant criminals.
    The Swanton sector of the U.S.-Canada border — previously overrun by illegal immigrants — saw illegal border crossings decline from 1,109 in March 2024 to just 54 in March 2025.
    New York Post: Northern border sector previously overrun by illegal migrants sees dramatic drop in crossings: ‘We haven’t seen anyone since November’

    The Washington Times: Under Trump, border catch-and-release has dropped 99.99% from worst Biden month
    CBS: ICE partnerships with local law enforcement triple as Trump continues deportation crackdown
    The Federal Bureau of Investigation apprehended Harpreet Singh, an alleged member of a foreign terrorist gang who was planning multiple attacks on law enforcement in the U.S. and India.
    Five suspected Tren de Aragua gang members were arrested in Fresno County, California.

    President Trump continued to pursue peace through strength around the world.
    The Trump Administration has directed attacks that have killed at least 74 terrorists seeking to attack the U.S. so far.

    The Trump Administration forged ahead on its unprecedented effort to secure American energy dominance.
    The Department of the Interior announced it will accelerate the onerous permitting process for energy and critical minerals, slashing approval times from years to just 28 days, at most.
    Chevron announced a massive oil and natural gas project in the Gulf of America, with 75,000 gross barrels of oil expected to be produced daily.

    The Department of Health and Human Services and the Food and Drug Administration announced a series of new measures to phase out all petroleum-based synthetic dyes from medications and the nation’s food supply by the end of 2026.
    President Trump took a series of executive actions to enhance educational and workforce opportunities for the American people.
    President Trump signed an executive order modernizing American workforce programs to prepare citizens for the high-paying skilled trade jobs of the future.
    Association of Equipment Manufacturers: “Our industry faces a persistent and growing shortage of skilled workers, and this action reflects the leadership needed to build a strong pipeline of talent for the jobs of the future. By aligning workforce programs with the realities of today’s labor market, the administration is taking a smart, strategic step to bolster U.S. manufacturing. We support the President’s continued focus on reshoring American manufacturing and ensuring our workforce is filled with the brightest and best talent in the world.”

    President Trump signed an executive order creating new educational and workforce development opportunities in artificial intelligence technology for America’s youth.
    President Trump signed an executive order revoking flawed Obama-Biden guidance that pressured schools to impose discipline based on “racial equity” and gives teachers the ability to ensure order in their classrooms.

    President Trump took action to further reform and enhance higher education in America.
    President Trump signed an executive order overhauling the nation’s higher education accreditation system to ensure colleges and universities deliver high-quality, high-value education free from unlawful discrimination and ideological bias.
    President Trump signed an executive order enhancing the capacity of the nation’s Historically Black Colleges and Universities to deliver high-quality education and innovation.
    President Trump signed an executive order requiring higher education institutions to promptly disclose foreign gifts and funding.

    President Trump signed a landmark executive order eliminating the use of so-called “disparate-impact liability,” which undermines civil rights by mandating discrimination to achieve predetermined, race-oriented outcomes.
    President Trump ordered an investigation into illegal “straw donor” and foreign contributions in American elections.
    President Trump signed an executive order strengthening probationary periods in the federal service — ensuring a merit-based federal workforce that serves the American people.
    President Trump signed an executive order to develop domestic capabilities for exploration, characterization, collection, and processing of critical deep seabed minerals.
    President Trump announced he will personally fund the installation of two beautiful 100-foot flagpoles flying the American flag on the North Lawn of the White House.
    Small business sentiment remained near its historic high in March, according to a new survey from the Job Creators Network Foundation.
    The Department of State launched an unprecedented reorganization to reverse decades of bloat and bureaucracy that rendered it unable to perform its essential diplomatic mission.
    The Department of Justice launched the Task Force to Eradicate Anti-Christian Bias as part of President Trump’s directive to end unlawful anti-Christian discrimination by the federal government.
    The Department of Education announced it will resume collections on defaulted federal student loans after a five-year pause, ending the Biden-era practice of zero-interest, zero-accountability student borrowing.
    The Department of the Interior officially unveiled the Jocelyn Nungaray National Wildlife Refuge, honoring the memory of 12-year-old Jocelyn Nungaray, who was savagely murdered by illegal immigrants in Texas.
    Secretary of the Navy John Phelan rescinded the Biden-era Navy Climate Action 2030 program, which prioritized ideologically motivated regulations over the Navy’s core mission of warfighting.
    The Department of Education returned oversight of higher education foreign funding disclosures to the Office of General Counsel, making clear that the Trump Administration will prioritize enforcement of federal law.
    The Department of Education initiated an investigation and records request into University of California, Berkeley, after a review of the university’s foreign funding disclosures found they may be incomplete or inaccurate.
    The Department of the Treasury sanctioned an Iranian liquefied petroleum gas magnate and his network as part of President Trump’s maximum pressure campaign.
    The Department of Agriculture announced $340.6 million in disaster assistance for farmers, ranchers, and rural communities impacted by natural disasters across the country.
    The Department of the Interior disbursed $13 million to revitalize coal communities.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: DRDO achieves significant milestone in Scramjet Engine Development

    Source: Government of India

    DRDO achieves significant milestone in Scramjet Engine Development

    Conducts Active Cooled Scramjet Subscale Combustor ground testing for over 1,000 seconds

    Posted On: 25 APR 2025 8:30PM by PIB Delhi

    Defence Research & Development Laboratory (DRDL), a Hyderabad-based laboratory of Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), has achieved a significant milestone in the field of Hypersonic Weapon Technology. DRDL conducted long-duration Active Cooled Scramjet Subscale Combustor ground testing for more than 1,000 seconds at the newly built state-of-the-art Scramjet Connect Test Facility at Hyderabad on April 25, 2025. The ground-test is in continuation of the earlier test reported for 120 seconds in January 2025. With the successful test, the system will be soon ready for full scale flight worthy combustor testing.

     

     

    Hypersonic Cruise Missile is a class of weapons that can travel more than five times the speed of sound (> 6100 Kmph) for long duration and is powered by Air breathing engine. Air breathing propulsion systems, having supersonic combustion, plays a critical role for long-duration cruise conditions. This test validates the design of long duration scramjet combustor as well as test facility. It is an outcome of an integrated effort put by the DRDO labs along with industry & academia and paves a strong base for the nation’s Hypersonic Cruise Missile Development Programme.

    Raksha Mantri Shri Rajnath Singh has complimented DRDO, Industry partners and academia for the remarkable achievement. He termed the success as a reflection of the Government’s strong commitment in realising critical Hypersonic Weapon Technologies for the nation.

    Secretary, Department of Defence R&D and Chairman DRDO Dr Samir V Kamat congratulated Director General (Missiles & Strategic Systems) Shri U Raja Babu, Director DRDL Dr GA Srinivasa Murthy and the complete team for demonstrating the supersonic combustion for more than 1,000 seconds involving cutting edge technologies.

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    SR/Savvy

    (Release ID: 2124415) Visitor Counter : 113

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Security: NATO Secretary General visits United States in preparation for The Hague Summit

    Source: NATO

    NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte concluded a visit to the United States on Friday (25 April) focused on talks with senior US officials, including a meeting with President Donald Trump at the White House.

    On Thursday morning, the Secretary General met with US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth at the Pentagon. He also took part in a roundtable discussion hosted by The Heritage Foundation on transatlantic security, burden sharing, and the upcoming NATO Summit in The Hague. Later in the day, Mr Rutte met with President Trump at the White House, as well as with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and National Security Advisor Mike Waltz.

    Speaking to media afterwards, Mr Rutte described a very good meeting focused primarily on the upcoming NATO Summit in The Hague as well as ongoing efforts to bring a just and lasting end to the war against Ukraine. He noted the growing consensus around a significant increase in defence spending from European Allies and Canada. “This is necessary to make sure that we stay safe. So this is really a NATO which is stronger, which is fairer, which is also more lethal in terms of being able to defend NATO territory,” he said.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Global: Warfare is Band of Brothers for the ‘war on terror’ generation

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Edwards, Reader in Modern Political History, Loughborough University

    Back in 1998, Steven Spielberg’s Saving Private Ryan was widely acclaimed for the bloody realism of its opening scenes. In Warfare, co-directors Ray Mendoza and Alex Garland have achieved something very similar for the Iraq war (2003-2011).

    This time, however, the assault on the senses lasts for almost the entire duration of the film – around 95 mins. The result is an unrelenting depiction of 21st-century battle which both invokes and disrupts the generic conventions of the combat film.

    Warfare begins by staking a claim to authenticity. The opening credits tell us that it is based entirely on the memories of those who were there: the members of a US Navy Seal platoon involved in an operation in the immediate aftermath of the 2006 Battle of Ramadi.

    In pre-release interviews, Mendoza – a Seal veteran and former member of the platoon – explained that Warfare was made as a purposeful attempt to provide a visual account of what happened for a comrade (Elliott Miller, played in the film by Cosmo Jarvis) who lost his memory after a horrific battlefield injury.


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    It is by no means the only war film to find inspiration in the memories of veterans. From The Best Years of Our Lives (1946) to Lone Survivor (2013), traumatic first-hand experiences have long informed Hollywood’s depictions of war and its aftermath.

    But in Warfare this framing has a very deliberate consequence. It telescopes the action so that questions of broader political context are necessarily sidelined in favour of the visceral experiences of those on the ground. The Seals are there because they are there – no other rationale for their mission is offered.

    Towards the start, Warfare also follows some well-trodden ground when it pointedly lingers on the boredom before battle. This is reminiscent of another work of filmic war memoir, 2005’s Jarhead.

    The Seals sweat and swear until, suddenly, chaos is catalysed. What follows is among the most intense depictions of combat ever seen on the big screen. Besieged by an ever-present, yet largely out-of-sight enemy, the embattled soldiers fight to protect one another, rescue their wounded and escape. As they do so, the fog of war descends.

    This is where the film most clearly reveals its debt to the war film genre. Indeed, for all the originality of its screenplay Warfare actually invokes several familiar generic motifs of the combat film. The most obvious is the focus on a platoon, but two others also stand out.

    The trailer for Warfare.

    One concerns the film’s narrative centre: a band of isolated and outnumbered American warriors battling heroically against the odds. A popular motif in American culture since at least the 1836 Battle of the Alamo (during the Texas Revolution), it has been used and reused over the years in countless westerns and war films, perhaps most explicitly in 2016’s 13 Hours: The Secret Soldiers of Benghazi. In its underlying structure, the story told by Warfare is informed by this very same trope.

    A second familiar motif is the film’s Shakespearean meditation on the brotherhood of battle. Like 2001’s HBO mini-series Band of Brothers (about a company of second world war paratroopers), this is a story of men at war. Blood is shed and unbreakable bonds are forged.

    It is here though that Garland and Mendoza also disrupt. For where Henry V offers his “happy few” a validating cause, no such higher purpose reveals itself in Warfare.

    In fact, these undoubtedly brave warriors are clearly unwelcome invaders. The fraught interactions with the frightened (and unnamed) Iraqi civilians whose home they have occupied makes this obvious, as do the persistent attempts by Iraqi insurgents to kill them.

    Whatever happens, therefore, one thing is certain: these Seals, unlike their second world war predecessors, will not be greeted as liberators by flag-waving locals casting garlands of flowers.

    This is where Warfare reveals that for all its telescoped focus it is not apolitical after all. Quite the contrary; the film is inescapably a product of its moment.

    The fighting “out there”, says Warfare, offered no redeeming purpose and so for veterans all that is left are memories of the love and the loyalty between those who went into battle, together.

    Seen like this, Warfare’s place in the genre also now becomes clear. This is a Band of Brothers for those who fought the war on terror. It’s a point made especially apparent in the closing credits which feature photos of the real Seal veterans next to those of the actors who played them (not unlike how each episode of Band of Brothers included veterans’ testimony).

    Warfare’s structure, focus, and elisions speak volumes about the chasm in American culture – particularly in the eyes of veterans – that separates the “good war” of the 1940s from the far less popular conflicts of the early 21st century.

    Sam Edwards has previously received funding from the ESRC, the US-UK Fulbright Commission, the US Army Military History Institute, and the US Naval War College. Sam is a Trustee of The D-Day Story (Portsmouth) and of Sulgrave Manor (Northamptonshire), he is a Governor of The American Library (Norwich), he is Co-Editor of the British Journal for Military History, and he is Vice-Chair of the Transatlantic Studies Association.

    ref. Warfare is Band of Brothers for the ‘war on terror’ generation – https://theconversation.com/warfare-is-band-of-brothers-for-the-war-on-terror-generation-255349

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why you don’t need to stress about cortisol ruining your waistline – or your face

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Craig Doig, Associate Professor of Metabolic Health, Nottingham Trent University

    tommaso lizzul/Shutterstock

    If you’ve been unfortunate enough to scroll through TikTok lately, the algorithm may have convinced you that cortisol, your body’s main stress hormone, is ruining your life.

    Yes, according to social media content creators, stress is giving you a repulsive “cortisol belly” and puffing up your sad “cortisol face.” And, of course, this is what’s holding us all back from achieving the full influencer, ideal dream life. If it weren’t for my raging cortisol levels, I’m sure I’d be knee-deep in Lamborghinis and beating off admirers with a stick by now.

    But is there any scientific evidence behind the cortisol craze? After all, this is just the latest in a long line of reasons social media has given us to believe we are inferior to the living gods of TikTok. Or maybe, just maybe, this is another grift designed to harvest likes, sell dodgy merch and drive engagement. Surely not.

    Cortisol is a natural hormone produced by your adrenal glands, located just above your kidneys. For millennia, humans have relied on cortisol – in fact, we can’t survive without it. Most of the time, it helps regulate our daily rhythms and behaviour.

    And yes, it’s true that stress (whether caused by an approaching sabre toothed tiger or having a high-pressure job) rapidly and reliably triggers cortisol release. But this isn’t bad. Cortisol isn’t trying to ruin your summer body, it’s trying to keep you alive and give you the energy to run or fight.

    That said, chronically elevated cortisol can contribute to some serious health issues, including weight gain. And to be very clear: if you’re experiencing symptoms of consistently high cortisol, you should be in conversation with a qualified healthcare professional.

    So yes, cortisol has its downsides – but then again, so does everything in excess. Even TikTok.

    Research shows that people with sustained high cortisol levels tend to store more fat in the abdominal area and around the face. This was first described nearly a century ago – in 1932, by neurosurgeon Harvey Cushing (don’t bother looking him up, he’s not on socials).

    But this applies to Cushing’s disease, a rare medical disorder. The cortisol released from everyday stress doesn’t even come close to the levels or duration seen in Cushing’s.

    Also, let’s not pretend your face or belly fat is solely cortisol’s fault. Fat distribution is the result of a complex mix of genetics, diet, sleep, exercise and hormones. Blaming one hormone for everything is like blaming the rise of air fryers for global warming.

    Chill out about cortisol

    If you’re genuinely concerned about stress or its effects on your health, I have good news: you don’t need to buy anything or follow the “cortisol detox” advice of social media influencers.

    Here are some stress-reducing tips. They are simple. They are boring. And they work:

    Get decent sleep – regularly.

    Exercise – regularly.

    Eat a balanced diet – regularly.

    Relax – a little.

    And if something feels off, talk to your doctor.

    “Cortisol belly” and “cortisol face” might sound catchy, but they reduce incredibly complex biological processes into bite-sized insecurities. Social media’s obsession with cortisol isn’t about health, it’s about content and clicks.

    Stress is real, but don’t let a billionaire influencer who wakes up at 3:53am to mainline turmeric tell you your face is “hormonal” and your stomach is “inflamed”.

    You don’t need to fix yourself with trendy hacks. Just put the phone down and chill. Which, ironically, might be the most effective cortisol-lowering advice of all.

    Craig Doig has received funding from The Physiological Society, Society for Endocrinology and the Defence Medical Services.

    ref. Why you don’t need to stress about cortisol ruining your waistline – or your face – https://theconversation.com/why-you-dont-need-to-stress-about-cortisol-ruining-your-waistline-or-your-face-254335

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Rep. Panetta Authors Legislation to Protect the Central Coast from Offshore Drilling

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Jimmy Panetta (D-Calif)

    Monterey, CA – On Earth Day, United States Representative Jimmy Panetta (CA-19) authored and introduced the Central Coast of California Conservation Act of 2025.  This legislation would prohibit any new leasing for the exploration, development, or production of oil or natural gas in the Central California Planning Area, which extends all along California’s 19th Congressional District, including from the northern border of San Luis Obispo County to the northern border of Santa Cruz County.  The bill would ensure protections up to Mendocino County.  Rep. Panetta introduced this legislation as part of a collaborative, coordinated package of bills to permanently protect the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans from the dangers of fossil fuel drilling.

    As this Administration attempts to repeal environmental protections, the Central Coast of California Conservation Act would take proactive action to protect California’s 19th Congressional District’s coastal economies and marine ecosystems.  These waters are teeming with biodiversity, boasting at least 26 marine mammal species, 94 seabird species, four sea turtle species, more than 340 fish species, thousands of invertebrate species, and more than 450 marine algae species.  California’s coast supports tourism, recreation, agriculture, fisheries, and shipping, contributing $44 billion to California’s GDP each year.

    “Our oceans, economy, and way of life of coastal communities in California’s 19th Congressional District must continue to be protected from any effort to expand offshore oil and gas drilling,” said Rep. Panetta.  “The Central Coast of California Conservation Act would prevent new drilling before it starts, protecting the biodiversity of our waters and the businesses and communities that rely on them.  On Earth Day, and every day, we must take action to ensure we are living up to the legacy of our home to protect the incredible beauty and bounty that our ocean provides for the next generation.”

    U.S. coastal counties support 54.6 million jobs, $10 trillion in goods and services, and pay $4 trillion in wages.  Under President Joe Biden, more than 625 million acres of U.S. ocean waters were permanently protected from offshore oil and gas drilling.  This Administration is trying to roll back those protections, attempting to illegally reopen those same areas to drilling.  The first Trump Administration proposed a sweeping plan to open 47 offshore oil and gas lease areas across nearly every U.S. coastline, from California to New England.

    “Monterey Bay Aquarium applauds our California representatives for consistently championing the protection of our ocean and our coastal communities from the devastating impacts of oil pollution and offshore oil development,” said Monterey Bay Aquarium Executive Director Julie Packard.  “Californians experienced too many times the heartbreaking impacts of these spills and know that thriving coastal communities and their economies depend on a healthy, vibrant ocean.  These important bills would enshrine in law the essential protections from the hazards of offshore drilling and take decisive action on behalf of the people of California.”

    “California’s spectacular marine life — including complex kelp forests and charismatic sea otters — and vibrant coastal economies rely on healthy ecosystems.  This legislation could, once and for all, block offshore drilling activities along the continental shelf, and protect critical marine habitats along California’s iconic Pacific Coast,” said Defenders of Wildlife California Program Director Pamela Flick.

    Rep. Panetta introduced this legislation as part of a suite of offshore drilling legislation alongside House Natural Resources Ranking Member Jared Huffman (CA-02), House Energy and Commerce Ranking Member Frank Pallone (NJ-07), Senators Alex Padilla (D-CA), Cory Booker (D-NJ), and Jack Reed (D-RI), and five other United States Representatives.  Additional legislation includes: 

    • The West Coast Ocean Protection Act (Rep. Huffman)
    • The COAST Anti-Drilling (Rep. Pallone)
    • The Florida Coast Protection Act (Rep. Castor)
    • New England Coastal Protection Act of 2025 (Rep. Magaziner)
    • Defend our Coast Act (Rep. Ross)
    • California Clean Coast Act of 2025 (Rep. Carbajal)
    • Southern California Coast and Ocean Protection Act (Rep. Levin)

    “It’s time to end the threat of expanded drilling off America’s coasts forever,” said Oceana Campaign Director Joseph Gordon.  “Oceana applauds these Congressional leaders for reintroducing pivotal legislation that would establish permanent protections from offshore oil and gas drilling for millions of acres of ocean. Earth Day is an important reminder that every coastal community deserves healthy oceans and oil-free beaches. This bill is part of a national movement to safeguard our multi-billion-dollar coastal economies from dirty and dangerous offshore drilling. Congress must swiftly pass these bills into law and reject any expansion of drilling to protect our coasts.”    

    “Protecting these waters puts coastal communities and wildlife above polluters and brings us closer to a world where our waters are free from oil spills, endangered whale populations are free from seismic blasting, and local economies can thrive,” said NRDC (Natural Resources Defense Council) Director of Ocean Energy Taryn Kiekow Heimer.  “Now more than ever, we need leadership from Congress to protect our oceans from an industry that only cares about its bottom line – and a Trump administration willing to do anything to give those oil billionaires what they want.”

    “We believe our coasts are far too valuable to risk for short-term fossil fuel gains,” said Save Our Shores Executive Director Katie Thompson.  “Permanently protecting offshore areas from oil and gas leasing is a critical step toward safeguarding marine ecosystems, coastal communities, and our climate future.  These bills reflect the will of the people to prioritize ocean health and long-term sustainability over polluting industries of the past.”

    “This suite of legislation is a critical move to safeguard our marine resources against Trump and his Big Oil agenda,” said Center for Biological Diversity ocean specialist Rachel Rilee.  “It’s been 15 years since the Deepwater Horizon oil disaster devastated coastlines and killed hundreds of thousands of marine animals.  Our oceans and the incredible ecosystems they support are counting on us. Congress must pass these bills and then get right back to work protecting marine life and coastal communities from every manmade danger and every Republican attack.”

    “Fifteen years ago this week, the Deepwater Horizon spill dumped 210 million gallons of oil into the ocean; and with every new offshore oil and gas lease, we’re gambling with the possibility of another disaster,” said Ocean Conservancy senior director of climate policy Anna-Marie Laura. “This suite of bills will help protect American waters, from Alaska to Florida, from the daily leaks, massive spills, and extreme air and water pollution that comes with offshore oil and gas drilling.  Ocean Conservancy implores Congress to listen to the voices of millions of Americans who want to end offshore oil and gas production and move toward responsible, renewable energy sources, and pass these bills.”

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    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Two former laboratory sales executives sentenced to federal prison for roles in health care kickback conspiracy

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    TYLER, Texas – Two former laboratory sales executives were sentenced to federal prison for conspiring to violate the Anti-Kickback Statute, announced Acting U.S. Attorney Abe McGlothin, Jr.

    Stephen Kash, 51, of Winnie, was sentenced to 18 months in federal prison and ordered to forfeit $779,773.70 in criminal proceeds.  Courtney Love, 46, of Dallas, was sentenced to 12 months and one day in federal prison and ordered to forfeit $217,268.75 in criminal proceeds. The sentences were imposed by U.S. District Judge Jeremy D. Kernodle on April 24, 2025.

    On September 22, 2022, Christopher Grottenthaler, 46, of Dorado, Puerto Rico; Blake Whitaker, 54, of Frisco; Stephen Kash; Chrissy Alfaro, 39, of Frisco; Courtney Love; Charles Dickens, 45, of Beaumont; Marty Flores, 67, of Montgomery; and Frederick Brown, 52, of Missouri City, were indicted for conspiring to commit illegal remunerations in violation of the Anti-Kickback Statute.  The statute prohibits offering, paying, soliciting, or receiving remuneration to induce referrals of items or services covered by Medicare, Medicaid, and other federal health care programs.  The defendants were charged for their roles in a conspiracy through which physicians were incentivized to make referrals to rural hospitals and an affiliated lab in exchange for kickbacks which were disguised as investment returns; and in which marketers were incentivized to arrange for or recommend the ordering of services from rural hospitals and an affiliated lab.

    Two rural Texas hospitals, Little River Healthcare (LRH) based in Rockdale, and Stamford Memorial Hospital based in Stamford, partnered with True Health Diagnostics (THD), a clinical laboratory based in Frisco, Texas, that specialized in advanced cardiovascular lipid testing.  For a fee, THD processed the blood tests while the hospitals billed the tests to insurers as hospital outpatient services, with the hospitals charging insurers a much higher rate than THD could receive as a clinical laboratory.  The hospitals utilized a network of marketers who in turn operated management services organizations (MSOs) that offered investment opportunities to physicians throughout the State of Texas.  In reality, the MSOs were simply a means to facilitate payments to physicians in return for the physicians’ laboratory referrals.  Pursuant to the kickback scheme, the hospitals paid a portion of their laboratory revenues to marketers, who in turn kicked back a portion of those funds to the referring physicians who ordered THD tests.  THD executives and sales force personnel leveraged the MSO kickbacks to gain and increase referrals and, in turn, to increase their revenues, bonuses, and commissions.

    On July 14, 2022, Kash was also indicted for conspiring to commit money laundering for his involvement in a conspiracy to launder the proceeds of the kickback conspiracy.

    This case was investigated by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Inspector General, and the U.S. Department of Defense – Defense Criminal Investigative Service (DCIS) with assistance from the U.S. Secret Service and the U.S. Department of Commerce – Export Enforcement.  It was prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Adrian Garcia, Nathaniel C. Kummerfeld, Lucas Machicek, and Robert Austin Wells.

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    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Global: In talking with Tehran, Trump is reversing course on Iran – could a new nuclear deal be next?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jeffrey Fields, Associate Professor of the Practice of International Relations, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

    A mural on the outer walls of the former US embassy in Tehran depicts two men in negotiation. Majid Saeedi/Getty Images

    Negotiators from Iran and the United States are set to meet again in Oman on April 26, prompting hopes the two countries might be moving, albeit tentatively, toward a new nuclear accord.

    The scheduled talks follow the two previous rounds of indirect negotiations that have taken place under the new Trump administration. Those discussions were deemed to have yielded enough progress to merit sending nuclear experts from both sides to begin outlining the specifics of a potential framework for a deal.

    The development is particularly notable given that Trump, in 2018, unilaterally walked the U.S. away from a multilateral agreement with Iran. That deal, negotiated during the Obama presidency, put restrictions on Tehran’s nuclear program in return for sanctions relief. Trump{,} instead turned to a policy that involved tightening the financial screws on Iran through enhanced sanctions while issuing implicit military threats.

    But that approach failed to disrupt Iran’s nuclear program.

    Now, rather than revive the maximum pressure policy of his first term, Trump – ever keen to be seen as a dealmaker – has given his team the green light for the renewed diplomacy and even reportedly rebuffed, for now, Israel’s desire to launch military strikes against Tehran.

    Jaw-jaw over war-war

    The turn to diplomacy returns Iran-US relations to where they began during the Obama administration, with attempts to encourage Iran to curb or eliminate its ability to enrich uranium.

    Only this time, with the U.S. having left the previous deal in 2018, Iran has had seven years to improve on its enrichment capability and stockpile vastly more uranium than had been allowed under the abandoned accord.

    As a long-time expert on U.S. foreign policy and nuclear nonproliferation, I believe Trump has a unique opportunity to not only reinstate a similar nuclear agreement to the one he rejected, but also forge a more encompassing deal – and foster better relations with the Islamic Republic in the process.

    The front pages of Iran’s newspapers in a sidewalk newsstand in Tehran, Iran, on April 13, 2025.
    Alireza/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images

    There are real signs that a potential deal could be in the offing, and it is certainly true that Trump likes the optics of dealmaking.

    But an agreement is by no means certain. Any progress toward a deal will be challenged by a number of factors, not least internal divisions and opposition within the Trump administration and skepticism among some in the Islamic Republic, along with uncertainty over a succession plan for the aging Ayatollah Khamenei.

    Conservative hawks are still abundant in both countries and could yet derail any easing of diplomatic tensions.

    A checkered diplomatic past

    There are also decades of mistrust to overcome.

    It is an understatement to say that the U.S. and Iran have had a fraught relationship, such as it is, since the Iranian revolution of 1979 and takeover of the U.S. embassy in Tehran the same year.

    Many Iranians would say relations have been strained since 1953, when the U.S. and the United Kingdom orchestrated the overthrow of Mohammad Mossadegh, the democratically elected prime minister of Iran.

    Washington and Tehran have not had formal diplomatic relations since 1979, and the two countries have been locked in a decadeslong battle for influence in the Middle East. Today, tensions remain high over Iranian support for a so-called axis of resistance against the West and in particular U.S. interests in the Middle East. That axis includes Hamas in Palestine, Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.

    For its part, Tehran has long bristled at American hegemony in the region, including its resolute support for Israel and its history of military action. In recent years that U.S. action has included the direct assaults on Iranian assets and personnel. In particular, Tehran is still angry about the 2020 assassination of Qassem Soleimani, the head of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

    Standing atop these various disputes, Iran’s nuclear ambitions have proved a constant source of contention for the United States and Israel, the latter being the only nuclear power in the region.

    The prospect of warmer relations between the two sides first emerged during the Obama administration – though Iran sounded out the Bush administration in 2003 only to be rebuffed.

    U.S. diplomats began making contact with Iranian counterparts in 2009 when Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs William Burns met with an Iranian negotiator in Geneva. The so-called P5+1 began direct negotiations with Iran in 2013. This paved the way for the eventual Iran nuclear deal, or Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), in 2015. In that agreement – concluded by the U.S., Iran, China, Russia and a slew of European nations – Iran agreed to restrictions on its nuclear program, including limits on the level to which it could enrich uranium, which was capped well short of what would be necessary for a nuclear weapon. In return, multilateral and bilateral U.S. sanctions would be removed.

    Many observers saw it as a win-win, with the restraints on a burgeoning nuclear power coupled with hopes that greater economic engagement with the international community that might temper some of Iran’s more provocative foreign policy behavior.

    Yet Israel and Saudi Arabia worried the deal did not entirely eliminate Iran’s ability to enrich uranium, and right-wing critics in the U.S. complained it did not address Iran’s ballistic missile programs or support for militant groups in the region.

    Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel, draws a red line on a graphic of a bomb while discussing Iran at the United Nations on Sept. 27, 2012.
    Mario Tama/Getty Images

    When Trump first took office in 2016, he and his foreign policy team pledged to reverse Obama’s course and close the door on any diplomatic opening. Making good on his pledge, Trump unilaterally withdrew U.S. support for the JCPOA despite Iran’s continued compliance with the terms of the agreement and reinstated sanctions.

    Donald the dealmaker?

    So what has changed? Well, several things.

    While Trump’s withdrawal from the JCPOA was welcomed by Republicans, it did nothing to stop Iran from enhancing its ability to enrich uranium.

    Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia, eager to transform its image and diversify economically, now supports a deal it opposed during the Obama administration.

    In this second term, Trump’s anti-Iran impulses are still there. But despite his rhetoric of a military option should a deal not be struck, Trump has on numerous occasions stated his opposition to U.S. involvement in another war in the Middle East.

    In addition, Iran has suffered a number of blows in recent years that has left it more isolated in the region. Iranian-aligned Hamas and Hezbollah have been seriously weakened as a result of military action by Israel. Meanwhile, strikes within Iran by Israel have shown the potential reach of Israeli missiles – and the apparent willingness of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to use them. Further, the removal of President Bashar al-Assad in Syria has deprived Iran of another regional ally.

    Tehran is also contending with a more fragile domestic economy than it had during negotiations for JCPOA.

    With Iran weakened regionally and Trump’s main global focus being China, a diplomatic avenue with Iran seems entirely in line with Trump’s view of himself as a dealmaker.

    A deal is not a given

    With two rounds of meetings completed and the move now to more technical aspects of a possible agreement negotiated by experts, there appears to be a credible window of opportunity for diplomacy.

    This could mean a new agreement that retains the core aspects of the deal Trump previously abandoned. I’m not convinced a new deal will look any different from the previous in terms of the enrichment aspect.

    There are still a number of potential roadblocks standing in the way of any potential deal, however.

    As was the case with Trump’s meetings with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un during his first term, the president seems to be less interested in details than spectacle. While it was quite amazing for an American leader to meet with his North Korean counterpart, ultimately, no policy meaningfully changed because of it.

    On Iran and other issues, the president displays little patience for complicated policy details. Complicating matters is that the U.S. administration is riven by intense factionalism, with many Iran hawks who would be seemingly opposed to a deal – including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and national security adviser Mike Waltz. They could rub up against newly confirmed Undersecretary of Defense for policy Elbridge Colby and Vice President JD Vance, both of whom have in the past advocated for a more pro-diplomacy line on Iran.

    As has become a common theme in Trump administration foreign policy – even with its own allies on issues like trade – it’s unclear what a Trump administration policy on Iran actually is, and whether a political commitment exists to carry through any ultimate deal.

    Top Trump foreign policy negotiator Steve Witkoff, who has no national security experience, has exemplified this tension. Tasked with leading negotiations with Iran, Witkoff has already having been forced to walk back his contention that the U.S. was only seeking to cap the level of uranium enrichment rather than eliminate the entirety of the program.

    For its part, Iran has proved that it is serious about diplomacy, previously having accepted Barack Obama’s “extended hand.”

    But Tehran is unlikely to capitulate on core interests or allow itself to be humiliated by the terms of any agreement.

    Ultimately, the main question to watch is whether a deal with Iran is to be concluded by pragmatists – and then to what extent, narrow or expansive – or derailed by hawks within the administration.

    Jeffrey Fields receives funding from the Carnegie Corporation of New York.

    ref. In talking with Tehran, Trump is reversing course on Iran – could a new nuclear deal be next? – https://theconversation.com/in-talking-with-tehran-trump-is-reversing-course-on-iran-could-a-new-nuclear-deal-be-next-254770

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: MEDIA ADVISORY: Subcommittee Hearing on Shaping Future of Cyber Diplomacy

    Source: US House Committee on Foreign Affairs

    Media Contact 202-321-9747

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – The House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe will hold a public hearing titled, “Shaping the Future of Cyber Diplomacy: Review for State Department Reauthorization” on Tuesday, April 29, 2025.

    Date: Tuesday, April 29, 2025

    Time: 2:00 p.m. ET

    Location: Rayburn 2200

    Subject: Shaping the Future of Cyber Diplomacy: Review for State Department Reauthorization

    Witnesses:

    Ms. Annie Fixler

    Director, Center on Cyber and Technology

    Foundation for Defense of Democracies

    Ms. Latesha Love-Grayer

    Director, International Affairs and Trade

    U.S. Government Accountability Office

    Mr. Theodore Nemeroff

    Co-Founder and Vice President for Data and Compliance

    Verific AI

    ***Check here for updates. The hearing will be webcast live here and open to the public and press.***

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Stevens Recognized as Most Effective Michigan Democrat

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Haley Stevens (MI-11)

    Birmingham, MI – U.S. Representative Haley Stevens (D-MI) was recognized by the Center for Effective Lawmaking as the most effective Michigan Democrat in the U.S. House of Representatives for the 118th Congress. 

    According to the analysis published in the Lansing State Journal, “Stevens was a sponsor on 26 pieces of significant or substantial legislation” and was the most effective Member of Congress “on science and technology issues.

    “Being recognized as one of the most effective Members of Congress is an honor, but this is not about me — it’s about the people of Michigan and what we can achieve when we come together and fight for what’s right,” said Rep. Haley Stevens (D-MI). “I will continue working tirelessly to strengthen Michigan’s manufacturing economy, create more jobs, and make sure that all of us, no matter where we live in our state, have the resources we need to thrive.”

    In total, six of Rep. Stevens’ bills passed the House of Representatives in the 118th Congress, including the unanimous passage of H.Res.793, a resolution calling on Hamas to immediately release hostages taken during the October 2023 attack on Israel

    Of these six, two bills and portions of a third bill were subsequently signed into law by President Biden. The FAA Severe Turbulence Research and Development Act of 2023, was signed into law as part of the 2024 FAA reauthorization and the Hostage and Wrongful Detainee Day Act and provisions from the Countering Wrongful Detention Act were included in the fiscal years 2024 and 2025 National Defense Authorization Acts respectively. 

    Retiring Senator Gary Peters was ranked as the most effective Senator for the 118th Congress.

    Read the full Lansing State Journal article here.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Defense News: Nimitz Carrier Strike Group Identifies Missing Crew Member

    Source: United States Navy

    PHILIPPINE SEA – Information Systems Technician 2nd Class Gabriel D. Holt, from Washington, Utah, has been listed as Duty Status Whereabouts Unknown (DUSTWUN) after being reported unaccounted for Saturday morning while the aircraft carrier USS Nimitz (CVN 68) was conducting a regularly scheduled port call at Naval Base Guam.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: OEM Says Federal Cancellation of Grant Program Impedes Oregon’s Ability to Prepare for Disasters   

    Source: US State of Oregon

    strong>SALEM, OR – The Oregon Department of Emergency Management (OEM) outlined the impact the April 4 announcement from FEMA canceling the fiscal year 2024 Building Resilient Infrastructure and Communities (BRIC) grant program has on Oregon. The cancellation, detailed in a memo from Acting Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) Administrator Cameron Hamilton, outlines a review of BRIC programs from fiscal years 2020 through 2023 for programs communities depend on across the state.

    In addition, FEMA issued an updated advisory on April 16 further clarifying that: “as the program is concluding, the Fiscal Year 2024 BRIC funding opportunity is cancelled, no applications submitted will be reviewed and no funds will be awarded. In addition, for all BRIC applications from Fiscal Years 2020-2023, if grant funds have not been distributed to states, tribes, territories and local communities, funds will be returned either to the Disaster Relief Fund or the U.S. Treasury.”

    The BRIC grant program gives money to help communities prepare for natural disasters before they happen. For example, BRIC funds can be used to build better levees to help prevent the kind of flooding we’ve seen recently in Harney County. BRIC helps build safer roads, buildings, and other important things to keep people and property safe during a disaster. Currently, the Flood Mitigation Assistance (FMA) program is unaffected in Oregon.

    What this means:

    • Projects that were selected but not yet awarded won’t receive funding.
    • Ongoing projects may be delayed or stopped short of construction.
    • Money set aside for managing these efforts could be pulled back.
    • Without extensions or continued support, communities across Oregon will face delays or cancellations in vital infrastructure improvements designed to reduce risk and protect lives.

    FEMA is conducting a full review of active and obligated BRIC projects before further work to help Oregonians prepare for disasters in the future can continue.

    “These decisions will significantly impact communities across Oregon working to reduce disaster risk and invest in safer, more resilient infrastructure,” said OEM Director Erin McMahon. “We are actively working with federal and state legislators to communicate these financial impacts and with FEMA partners to gain clarity on next steps and timelines. I have directed my team to conduct our own review to see what projects may fit within other Hazard Mitigation Assistance grants through federal partners that are currently funded like the Flood Mitigation Assistance (FMA) grant or other state grant programs.”

    The Impact on Oregon:

    • Federal share of BRIC projects: $140 million
    • Local matching share of BRIC projects: $90 million
    • Total local sunk costs: 8 of the 26 projects have a combined total of $8 million in sunk costs (details below).
    • Impact on submitted budgets: Due to funding delays and their effect on project timelines, even if the grants were reinstated, some projects will be priced out as they locked cost estimates years ago when inflation and tariffs were lower, but those locked in prices are set to expire and the new cost could be significantly higher.

    During remarks yesterday to the media, Governor Kotek referenced cuts to the BRIC grants: “These are bipartisan or nonpartisan community projects that everybody supports. I have not heard one rationale from the Trump Administration as to why they cancelled the BRIC grants.” She was speaking specifically about a project in Mapleton that received grant funding to assist with necessary upgrades to the town’s water infrastructure. You can view the full remarks at around the 25-minute mark here.

    To stay informed, OEM encourages interested parties to sign up for alerts when updates are posted on the federal action webpage: https://www.oregon.gov/oem/Pages/Federal-Changes.aspx

    Details about the 8 projects with sunk costs:

    City of Port Orford

    Utility and Infrastructure Protection Project. This project aims to address vulnerabilities in the City of Port Orford’s drinking water supply infrastructure caused by earthquakes, drought, and wildfire. It includes the installation of water meters, as well as the design, replacement, and retrofit of strategic sections of the water distribution system. The grant would ensure that the city has sufficient water to meet average daily demand while maintaining adequate emergency storage to withstand and respond to natural hazards. The project would impact a population of 1,146 residents.

    • Federal Share: $6,566,537
    • Local Share: $691,214
    • Sunk cost: $273,350

    Medford Water Commission

    Utility and Infrastructure Protection Project. This project will conduct critical infrastructure improvements at four system locations as part of the Rogue Valley Water Supply Resiliency Program (RVWSRP). The goal is to enhance the resilience of the water system against seismic events, wildfires, and droughts caused by extreme weather conditions.

    • Federal Share: $34,806,505
    • Local Share: $14,516,834
    • Sunk cost $1,875,370

    City of Grants Pass

    Water Treatment Plant Relocation Project. This project aims to relocate the Water Treatment Plant outside the Special Flood Hazard Area (SFHA) to prevent system failure during a flooding event. The City of Grants Pass has made substantial investments in the comprehensive design of the project, contributing over 50% of the required cost match. The loss of federal grant funds jeopardizes the broader system project scope, which exceeds twice the federal contribution. To date, the city has invested over $5 million in pre-award technical engineering and design, in addition to sunk costs incurred during the subapplication process.

    • Federal Share: $50,000,000
    • Local Share: $60,800,302
    • Sunk cost: $5,000,000

    Clatsop County Government / City of Astoria Columbie Memorial Hospital

    Tsunami Vertical Evacuation Refuge Structure (TVERS) Project. This project integrates a Tsunami Vertical Evacuation Refuge Structure (TVERS) into the Columbia Memorial Hospital expansion, creating a multi-purpose facility designed to shelter the impacted population at an elevated level above tsunami inundation zones.

    • Federal Share: $13,897,122
    • Local Share: $5,955,909
    • Sunk cost $817,846

    Oregon Department of Land Conservation & Development

    Natural Hazard Mitigation Plan. Updates to the Natural Hazard Mitigation Plans (NHMP) for the Burns Paiute Tribe, as well as Columbia and Umatilla Counties, aim to enhance emergency preparedness, response, and recovery efforts while mitigating the future impacts of natural disasters.

    • Federal Share: $488,653
    • Local Share: $152,704
    • Sunk cost $8,347

    Oregon Military Department – Office of Emergency Management (pre-OEM)
    FY2021 Grant Management Costs

    • Federal Share: $488,257
    • Sunk cost from the State of Oregon’s General Fund: $39,500

    Oregon Military Department – Office of Emergency Management (pre-OEM)
    FY 2022 Grant Management Costs

    • Federal Share: $19,695,731
    • Sunk cost from the State of Oregon’s General Fund: $73,141

    Oregon Military Department – Office of Emergency Management (pre-OEM)
    FY 2023 Grant Partnership Costs

    • Federal Share: $1,261,848
      Sunk cost from the State of Oregon’s General Fund: $79,029

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Chair of the NATO Military Committee visits Kuwait

    Source: NATO

    From 23-24 April, the Chair of the NATO Military Committee (CMC), Admiral Giuseppe Cavo Dragone, visited Kuwait to meet with the nation’s senior political and military leadership. The trip marked Admiral Cavo Dragone’s first time in the Gulf and his inaugural mission to a member of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI), as CMC. During his stay, he also delivered remarks at the Mubarak Al-Abdullah Joint Command and Staff College (MAJCSC), visited the Salem Al-Sabah Air Base, and received a briefing at the NATO-Istanbul Cooperation Initiative Regional Centre in Kuwait (NIRC).

    On his official visit, Admiral Cavo Dragone held a high level meaning with His Highness the Crown Prince, Sabah Al-Khalid Al-Sabah. The two discussed NATO-Kuwait cooperation, and committed to continuing strengthening this unique and fruitful relationship. CMC praised the nation for its essential role in fostering regional stability and security in the Gulf, for its pioneering role in the ICI and for its dedication to dialogue and practical cooperation with the Alliance.

    CMC also had the opportunity to meet the Minister of Defence and Acting Minister of Interior, H.E. Abdullah Ali Al-Abdullah Al-Salem Al-Sabah. Both reflected on the 20 years of NATO-Kuwait partnership, as well as additional opportunities for deeper military cooperation between Kuwait and the Alliance.

    Admiral Cavo Dragone had the opportunity to address the MAJCSC to discuss current global security challenges, and how NATO is tackling them. He stressed that from his personal experience, there are four practices that are instrumental in dealing with said challenges: adaptation on all fronts, cooperation with partners, a whole-of-society approach, and enlightened leadership. CMC emphasized the key role of partnerships, by stating “NATO’s overall strength doesn’t come from Allies alone. It comes from the contribution of our partners, too. As we say in NATO: Alone, you may go faster. Together, we will go further.”

    During his visit to the NIRC, CMC praised the professional results and the even greater potential that the Centre holds to expand cooperation between NATO and the Gulf. Established in 2017, the NIRC has become a lynchpin for NATO’s cooperation efforts with ICI partners, and the Gulf as a whole. The NIRC is the first of its kind in the ICI, and acts a hub for strengthening political dialogue, education and training, and public diplomacy.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Defense News: NPS Helps Joint Chiefs Develop Integrated Military, Economic Deterrence Options to Chinese Aggression

    Source: United States Navy

    When former Joint Chiefs of Staff Joint Force Development (J7) director U.S. Navy Vice Adm. Stuart Munsch needed a cross-disciplinary team of regional and defense experts to examine in detail a full suite of integrated deterrence options for the Indo-Pacific theatre, he called upon the Naval Postgraduate School (NPS) for support.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Defense News: Navy Awards $3.5B Contract to Northrop Grumman to Develop Successor to E-6B Mercury

    Source: United States Navy

    The Navy announced in December it awarded Northrop Grumman Corp. a $3.5 billion contract to conduct the mission-systems integration for the E-130J, which will be the successor to the E-6B Mercury for the Take Charge and Move Out (TACAMO) mission.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI: Kevin Vilkin Joins Business Executives for National Security (BENS)

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    AUSTIN, Texas, April 25, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Kevin Vilkin, co-founder of Emergent Strategic Partners, has been accepted as a member of Business Executives for National Security (BENS), a national nonprofit network of business leaders committed to supporting U.S. security initiatives. Through BENS, Vilkin will collaborate with fellow executives and government leaders to provide innovative private-sector solutions that enhance national security and resilience.

    BENS leverages the expertise of top business minds to address complex security challenges, fostering strategic partnerships between the private sector and government agencies. Vilkin’s experience in forging impactful collaborations aligns with BENS’ mission, positioning him to contribute valuable insights on sustainable innovation, business growth, and economic security.

    “BENS is excited to have Kevin as a member,” said General Timothy M. Ray, Retired United States Air Force Four-Star General, and President and Chief Executive Officer of BENS. “Right now—as our Nation must adapt and react to an increasingly complex threat environment—our defense and national security partners need to know how to adopt and scale innovation; not just buy it. So, Kevin’s experience and expertise is exactly what we need to make sure BENS provides the best support, at exactly the right time, to those keeping our Nation safe.”

    “It is an honor to join BENS and contribute to its mission of leveraging business expertise to strengthen national security,” said Vilkin. “I look forward to working alongside leaders from both the public and private sectors to drive meaningful impact and innovation.”

    About Kevin Vilkin

    Before launching Emergent, Vilkin founded and successfully exited his first business—a music events company—at the age of 21, helping shape the careers of global artists such as Mumford & Sons and The Zac Brown Band. He founded the Vanguard Program for Summit Series, connecting the world’s most influential leaders, including Richard Branson, Ray Dalio, and Jeff Bezos.

    Vilkin currently serves as a Senior Advisor to Redaptive, ID.me, and GoodLeap. He sits on the Board of Directors at Conservation International, is a member of Business Executives for National Security (BENS), and has been recognized as a Milken Young Leaders Circle and Forbes 30 Under 30 honoree. Additionally, he previously served as a Senior Advisor to TPG Growth.

    About Emergent Strategic Partners

    Emergent develops strategic partnerships that scale sustainable innovations for large enterprises. By connecting leading companies with emerging businesses, Emergent drives cost efficiencies and revenue growth while providing family offices with access to high-potential investment opportunities. Emergent partners’ impact includes $2.2B in revenue generated, $2.8B in enterprise value created, and $1.3B in capital raised.

    Media Contact:
    Paul Orszag
    Emergent Strategic Partners
    porszag@esp.co
    (661) 803-6617

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI USA: Miller-Meeks Urges Army Secretary to Protect Rock Island Arsenal

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks’ (IA-02)

    Davenport – Amid reports of a potential reduction in force at the Rock Island Arsenal, Congresswoman Mariannette Miller-Meeks today urged U.S. Army Secretary Daniel Driscoll to protect the military site. A member of the Veterans Affairs Committee, Miller-Meeks is a proud 24-year Army veteran advocating for those who served our nation.

    According to the Quad Cities Chamber of Commerce, the Rock Island Arsenal supports upwards of 54,000 active & reserve components, retired military, civilian employees, and family members within a 150-mile radius. It impacts over 15,000 jobs and has a $1.2 billion impact on the local economy.

    full text of the letter is below:

    Dear Secretary Driscoll:

    I write to you today to express my strong support for the continued investment in Rock Island Arsenal and have serious concerns with proposed changes to the workforce. Rock Island Arsenal is a key component in our national defense and is a key pillar of the Quad Cities region. It has recently come to my attention that RIA Joint Munitions Command (JMC) and the Army Sustainment Command (ASC) will be consolidated under the ASC. It is my understanding that this consolidation could lead to a reduction of force at Rock Island Arsenal, resulting in the loss of hundreds of vital jobs. 

    Rock Island Arsenal plays a unique role for our nation’s defense. As a command post for integral units such as Army Contracting, Army Corps of Engineers, and Army Sustainment Command, Rock Island Arsenal is a key player in sustainment and procurement. Changes or reduction in force would be a net negative to our nation’s defense overall. This base is a significant weapons manufacturing arsenal for our military, and its role has been amplified with the recent depletion of our armaments. It is also a major player in military manufacturing, especially in 3-D printing supporting our forces deployed abroad. The Rock Island Arsenal plays a critical role in ensuring the readiness and resilience of the United States Armed Forces. 

    Rock Island Arsenal is a significant presence for the Quad Cities, having a $1.2 billion impact on the local economy. With around half of the more than 5,000 Arsenal employees calling Iowa home, the Arsenal has been the lifeblood of the Quad Cities community for many years. Many of these employees are veterans who have continued serving our nation as civilians.

    I have heard directly from concerned constituents on potential reductions. Furthermore, such concerns have been amplified by multiple media outlets on both sides of the Mississippi. As the representative for southeast Iowa and a 24-year Army veteran, it is imperative I relay this issue to the highest echelons of the U.S. Army. 

    All Americans depend on the safety, strength, and stability that the Arsenal helps provide. While you consider the reorganization of JMC and ASC, I urge you to consider the positive impact Rock Island Arsenal plays in our nation’s defense, as well as the crucial role it plays in Iowa’s economy. I will continue to lead the efforts to strengthen Rock Island Arsenal in the upcoming National Defense Authorization Act. I look forward to continuing our shared mission on military readiness and advocating for America’s service members and their families.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Career Insight: Ellen, Trainee Solicitor, GLD

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Case study

    Career Insight: Ellen, Trainee Solicitor, GLD

    Ellen provides an insight into her training within the Government Legal Department (GLD)

    I applied for the Government Legal Department (GLD) training contract (Solicitor route) after working in the Civil Service at the Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) for nearly a year in a non-legal, entry-level role. Having studied law at university, I was uncertain about pursuing a legal career. However, I loved working in the Civil Service and thought that a legal career in government appeared to be more interesting and potentially more fulfilling. When I was offered the training contract, I was also given the opportunity to work as a paralegal in GLD before starting my LPC, which I found very useful.

    Despite my experience as a GLD paralegal, I began my training contract with little knowledge of what the two years would entail, other than that the structure was similar to those in private practice: four six-month seats.  My first two seats were in litigation and the latter two in advisory. My litigation seats were divided into private law litigation and public law litigation. “Litigation” refers to the process of taking legal action through the courts to resolve a dispute, and GLD litigation can also include working on inquiries. “Advisory” means acting as an in-house lawyer for your chosen department, sometimes sitting with, or in the same building as, your clients.

    My first seat was in private law litigation, with the Home Office and the Attorney General’s Office (AGO) as our main clients. This was a great introduction to litigation and to GLD. Within the first couple of months, I was running my own smaller cases (under supervision) and assisting colleagues on larger cases. A highlight was attending the Supreme Court for an (appealed) application to strike out a defamation claim.

    My second seat was in public law litigation, with clients including the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO), the Ministry of Defence (MOD), and the Home Office. In this seat, I worked mostly on judicial reviews, which are challenges to decisions made by public bodies. These are much faster-paced than private law claims, with courts often setting deadlines of only a few days. Consequently, the work was intense, but I really enjoyed it.

    My first advisory seat was in the Attorney General’s Office; the Attorney General is the chief legal advisor to the Government, and so his “office” (which is a whole department) works across a number of matters. My favourite aspect of my team’s work was collaborating with departments across government to ensure that Bills were constitutionally sound before being introduced to Parliament. This involved cross-Whitehall liaison, attending Parliament, and briefing Ministers. It was a privilege to have this opportunity at such an early stage in my career.

    I am now in my fourth and final seat in the Home Office and the work is once again very different. Among other things, I am still working on the same Bills I reviewed in AGO, but now focus on the details of different measures, working closely with policy clients and Parliamentary Counsel to draft them. This seat has so far been challenging and interesting – and I’m looking forward to qualification.

    Updates to this page

    Published 25 April 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Security: Around the Air Force: Space Force Warfighting Framework, Training Range Improvements, Integrating Air and Missile Defense

    Source: United States Air Force

    In this week’s look Around the Air Force, the U.S. Space Force outlines a vision for space superiority, Combat Support Training Ranges get improvements for warfighters, and the Air Force works with the Army on a large-scale military modernization experiment.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Around the Air Force: Space Force Warfighting Framework, Training Range Improvements, Integrating Air and Missile Defense

    Source: United States Air Force

    Headline: Around the Air Force: Space Force Warfighting Framework, Training Range Improvements, Integrating Air and Missile Defense

    In this week’s look Around the Air Force, the U.S. Space Force outlines a vision for space superiority, Combat Support Training Ranges get improvements for warfighters, and the Air Force works with the Army on a large-scale military modernization experiment.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: REPORT on a revamped long-term budget for the Union in a changing world – A10-0076/2025

    Source: European Parliament 2

    MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION

    on a revamped long-term budget for the Union in a changing world

    (2024/2051(INI))

     

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to Articles 311, 312, 323 and 324 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU),

     having regard to Council Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2093 of 17 December 2020 laying down the multiannual financial framework for the years 2021 to 2027[1] and to the joint declarations agreed between Parliament, the Council and the Commission in this context and the related unilateral declarations,

     having regard to Council Decision (EU, Euratom) 2020/2053 of 14 December 2020 on the system of own resources of the European Union and repealing Decision 2014/335/EU, Euratom[2],

     having regard to the amended Commission proposal of 23 June 2023 for a Council decision amending Decision (EU, Euratom) 2020/2053 on the system of own resources of the European Union (COM(2023)0331),

     having regard to the Interinstitutional Agreement of 16 December 2020 between the European Parliament, the Council of the European Union and the European Commission on budgetary discipline, on cooperation in budgetary matters and on sound financial management, as well as on new own resources, including a roadmap towards the introduction of new own resources[3] (the IIA),

     having regard to Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2024/2509 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 September 2024 on the financial rules applicable to the general budget of the Union (recast)[4] (the Financial Regulation),

     having regard to Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2092 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 December 2020 on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union budget[5] (the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation),

     having regard to its position of 27 February 2024 on the draft Council regulation amending Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2093 laying down the multiannual financial framework for the years 2021 to 2027[6],

     having regard to its resolution of 10 May 2023 on own resources: a new start for EU finances, a new start for Europe[7],

     having regard to its resolution of 15 December 2022 on upscaling the 2021-2027 multiannual financial framework: a resilient EU budget fit for new challenges[8],

     having regard to its position of 16 December 2020 on the draft Council regulation laying down the multiannual financial framework for the years 2021 to 2027[9],

     having regard to the Interinstitutional Proclamation on the European Pillar of Social Rights of 13 December 2017[10] and to the Commission Action Plan of 4 March 2021 on the implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights (COM(2021)0102),

     having regard to the Agreement adopted at the 15th Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (COP 15) in Montreal on 19 December 2022 (Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework),

     having regard to the Agreement adopted at the 21st Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP 21) in Paris on 12 December 2015 (the Paris Agreement),

     having regard to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals,

     having regard to the report of 30 October 2024 by Sauli Niinistö entitled ‘Safer together – strengthening Europe’s civilian and military preparedness and readiness’ (the Niinistö report),

     having regard to the report of 9 September 2024 by Mario Draghi entitled ‘The future of European competitiveness’ (the Draghi report),

     having regard to the report of 4 September 2024 of the Strategic Dialogue on the Future of EU Agriculture entitled ‘A shared prospect for farming and food in Europe’,

     having regard to the report of 17 April 2024 by Enrico Letta entitled ‘Much more than a market – speed, security, solidarity: empowering the Single Market to deliver a sustainable future and prosperity for all EU Citizens’ (the Letta report),

     having regard to the report of 20 February 2024 of the High-Level Group on the Future of Cohesion Policy entitled ‘Forging a sustainable future together – cohesion for a competitive and inclusive Europe’,

     having regard to the Budapest Declaration on the New European Competitiveness Deal,

     having regard to the joint communication of 26 March 2025 entitled ‘European Preparedness Union Strategy’ (JOIN(2025)0130),

     having regard to the joint white paper of 19 March 2025 entitled ‘European Defence Readiness 2030’ (JOIN(2025)0120),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 7 March 2025 entitled ‘A Roadmap for Women’s Rights’ (COM(2025)0097),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 26 February 2025 entitled ‘The Clean Industrial Deal: a joint roadmap for competitiveness and decarbonisation’ (COM(2025)0085),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 19 February 2025 entitled ‘A Vision for Agriculture and Food’ (COM(2025)0075),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 11 February 2025 entitled ‘The road to the next multiannual financial framework’ (COM(2025)0046),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 29 January 2025 entitled ‘A Competitiveness Compass for the EU’ (COM(2025)0030),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 9 December 2021 entitled ‘Building an economy that works for people: an action plan for the social economy’ (COM(2021)0778),

     having regard to the European Council conclusions of 20 March 2025, 6 March 2025 and 19 December 2024,

     having regard to the political guidelines of 18 July 2024 for the next European Commission 2024-2029,

     having regard to the opinion of the Committee of the Regions of 20 November 2024 entitled ‘EU budget and place-based policies: proposals for new design and delivery mechanisms in the MFF post-2027’[11],

     having regard to Rule 55 of its Rules of Procedure,

     having regard to the opinions of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on Development, the Committee on Budgetary Control, the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs, the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs, the Committee on the Environment, Climate and Food Safety, the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy, the Committee on Internal Market and Consumer Protection, the Committee on Transport and Tourism, the Committee on Regional Development, the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development, the Committee on Culture and Education, the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, the Committee on Constitutional Affairs, and the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality,

     having regard to the report of the Committee on Budgets (A10-0076/2025),

    A. whereas, under Article 311 TFEU, the Union is required to provide itself with the means necessary to attain its objectives and carry through its policies;

    B. whereas the Union budget is primarily an investment tool that can achieve economies of scale unattainable at Member State level and support European public goods, in particular through cross-border projects; whereas all spending through the Union budget must provide European added value and deliver discernible net benefits compared to spending at national or sub-national level, leading to real and lasting results;

    C. whereas spending through the Union budget, if effectively targeted, aligned with the Union’s political priorities and better coordinated with spending at national level, helps to avoid fragmentation in the single market, promote upwards convergence, decrease inequalities and boost the overall impact of public investment; whereas public investment is essential as a catalyst for private investment in sectors where the market alone cannot drive the required investment;

    D. whereas the NextGenerationEU recovery instrument (NGEU) established in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic enabled significant additional investment capacity of EUR 750 billion in 2018 prices – beyond the Union budget, which amounts to 1.1 % of the EU-27’s gross national income (GNI) – prompting a swift recovery and return to growth and supporting the green and digital transitions; whereas NGEU will not be in place post-2027;

    E.  whereas in 2022 Member States spent an average of 1.4 % of gross domestic product (GDP) on State aid – significantly more than their contribution to the Union budget – with over half of the State aid unrelated to crises;

    F. whereas the Union budget, bolstered by NGEU and loans through the SURE scheme, has been instrumental in alleviating the economic and social impact of the COVID-19 crisis and in responding to the effects of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine; whereas the Union budget remains ill-equipped, in terms of size, structure and rules, to fully play its role in adjusting to evolving spending needs, addressing shocks and responding to crises and giving practical effect to the principle of solidarity, and to enable the Union to fulfil its objectives as established under the Treaties;

    G. whereas people rightly expect more from the Union and its budget, including the capacity to respond quickly and effectively to evolving needs and to provide them with the necessary support, especially in times of crisis;

    H. whereas, since the adoption of the current multiannual financial framework (MFF), the political, economic and social context has changed beyond recognition, compounding underlying structural challenges for the Union and leading to a substantial revision of the MFF in 2024;

    I. whereas the context in which the Commission will prepare its proposals for the post-2027 MFF is every bit as challenging, with the established global and geopolitical order changing quickly and radically, the return of large-scale warfare in the Union’s immediate neighbourhood, a highly challenging economic and social backdrop and the worsening climate and biodiversity crisis; whereas, as the Commission has made clear, the status quo is not an option and the Union budget will need to change accordingly;

    J. whereas the US administration has decided to retreat from the country’s post-war global role in guaranteeing peace and security, in leading on global governance in the rules-based, multilateral international order and in providing essential development and humanitarian aid to those most in need around the world; whereas the Union will therefore have to step up to fill part of the void the US appears set to leave, placing additional demands on the budget;

    K. whereas the Union has committed to take all the steps needed to achieve climate neutrality by 2050 at the latest and to protect nature and reverse biodiversity loss; whereas delivering on the policy framework put in place to achieve this objective will require substantial investment; whereas the Union budget will have to play a key role in providing and incentivising that investment;

    L. whereas, in order to compensate for the budget’s shortcomings, there have been numerous workaround solutions that make the budget more opaque, leaving the public in the dark about the real volume of Union spending, undermining the longer-term predictability of investment the budget is designed to provide and undercutting not only the principle of budget unity, but also Parliament’s role as a legislator and budgetary and discharge authority and in holding the executive to account;

    M. whereas the Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities; whereas breaches of those values undermine the cohesion of the Union, erode the rights of Union citizens and weaken mutual trust among Member States;

    1. Insists that, in a fast changing world where people rightly expect more from the Union and its budget and where the Union is confronted with a growing number of crises, the next MFF must be endowed with increased resources compared to the 2021-2027 period, moving away from the historically restrictive, self-imposed level of 1 % of GNI;

    2. Underscores that the next MFF must focus on financing European public goods with discernible added value compared to national spending; highlights the need for enhanced synergies and better coordination between Union and national spending; emphasises that spending will have to address major challenges, such as the return of large-scale warfare in the Union’s immediate neighbourhood, a highly challenging economic and social backdrop, a competitiveness gap and the worsening climate and biodiversity crisis;

    3. Considers that the ‘one national plan per Member State’ approach as envisaged by the Commission, with the Recovery and Resilience Facility model as a blueprint, cannot be the basis for shared management spending post-2027; underlines that the design of shared management spending under the next MFF must fully safeguard Parliament’s roles as legislator and budgetary and discharge authority and be designed and implemented through close collaboration with regional and local authorities and all relevant stakeholders;

    4. Calls for the next MFF to continue support for economic, social and territorial cohesion in order to help bind the Union together, deepen the single market, promote convergence and reduce inequality, poverty and social exclusion;

    5. Considers that the idea of an umbrella Competitiveness Fund merging existing programmes as envisaged by the Commission is not fit for purpose; stresses that the fund should instead be a new instrument taking advantage of a toolbox of funding based on lessons learned from InvestEU and the Innovation Fund and complementing existing, highly successful programmes;

    6. Stresses that, in particular in the light of the US’s retreat from its role as a global guarantor of peace and security, there is a clear need to progress towards a genuine Defence Union, with the next MFF supporting a comprehensive security approach through an increase in investment; stresses that defence spending cannot come at the expense of nor lead to a reduction in long-term investment in the economic, social and territorial cohesion of the Union;

    7. Calls for genuine simplification for final beneficiaries by avoiding programmes with overlapping objectives, diverging eligibility criteria and different rules governing horizontal provisions; underlines that simplification cannot mean more leeway for the Commission without the necessary checks and balances and must therefore be achieved with full respect for the institutional balance provided for in the Treaties;

    8. Insists on enhanced in-built crisis response capacity in the next MFF and sufficient margins under each heading; stresses that, alongside predictability for investment, spending programmes should retain a substantial in-built flexibility reserve, with allocation to specific policy objectives to be decided by the budgetary authority; underlines that flexibility for humanitarian aid should be ring-fenced; considers that the post-2027 MFF should include two special instruments – one dedicated to ensuring solidarity in the event of natural disasters and one for general-purpose crisis response;

    9. Underlines that compliance with Union values and fundamental rights is an essential pre-requisite to access EU funds; insists that the Union budget be protected against misuse, fraud and breaches of the principle of the rule of law and calls for a stronger link between the rule of law and the Union budget post-2027;

    10. Underlines that the repayment of NGEU borrowing must not endanger the financing of EU policies and priorities; stresses, therefore, that all costs related to borrowing backed by the Union budget or the budgetary headroom be treated distinctly from appropriations for EU programmes within the future MFF architecture;

    11. Calls on the Council to adopt new own resources as a matter of urgency in order to enable sustainable repayment of NGEU borrowing; stresses that new genuine own resources, beyond the IIA, are essential for the Union’s higher spending needs; considers that all instruments and tools should be explored in order to provide the Union with the necessary resources, and considers, in this respect, that joint borrowing presents a viable option to ensure that the Union has sufficient resources to respond to acute Union-wide crises, such as the ongoing crisis in the area of security and defence;

    12. Stands ready to work constructively with the Council and Commission to deliver a long-term budget that addresses the Union’s needs; highlights that the post-2027 MFF is being constructed in a far from ‘business as usual’ context and takes seriously its institutional role as enshrined in the Treaties; insists that it will only approve a long-term budget that is fit for purpose for the Union in a changing world and calls for swift adoption of the MFF to enable timely implementation of spending programmes from 1 January 2028;

    A long-term budget with a renewed spending focus

    13. Considers that, in view of the structural challenges facing the Union, the post-2027 MFF should adjust its spending focus to ensure that the Union can meet its strategic policy aims as detailed below;

     

    Competitiveness, strategic autonomy, social, economic and territorial cohesion and resilience

    14. Is convinced that boosting competitiveness, decarbonising the economy and enhancing the Union’s innovation capacity are central priorities for the post-2027 MFF and are vital to ensure long-term, sustainable and inclusive growth and a thriving, more resilient economy and society;

    15. Considers that the Union must develop a competitiveness framework in line with its own values and political aims and that competitiveness must foster not only economic growth, but also social, economic and territorial cohesion and environmental sustainability as underlined in both the Draghi and Letta reports;

    16. Underlines that, as spelt out in the Letta and Draghi reports, the European economy and social model are under intense strain, with the productivity, competitiveness and skills gap having knock-on effects on the quality of jobs and on living standards for Europeans already grappling with high housing, energy and food prices; is concerned that a lack of job opportunities and high costs of living increase the risk of a brain drain away from Europe;

    17. Points out that Draghi puts the annual investment gap with respect to innovation and infrastructure at EUR 750-800 billion per year between 2025 and 2030; underlines that the Union budget must play a vital role but it cannot cover that shortfall alone, and that the bulk of the effort will have to come from the private sector – points to the need to exploit synergies between public and private investment, in particular by simplifying and harmonising the EU investment architecture;

    18. Stresses that the Union budget must be carefully coordinated with national spending, so as to ensure complementarity, and must be designed such that it can de-risk, mobilise and leverage private investment effectively, enabling start-ups and SMEs to access funds more readily; calls, therefore, for programmes such as InvestEU, which ensures additionality and follows a market-based, demand-driven approach, to be significantly reinforced in the next MFF; considers that financial instruments and budgetary guarantees are an effective use of resources to achieve critical Union policy goals and calls for them to be further simplified;

    19. Insists that more must be done to maximise the potential of the role of the European Investment Bank (EIB) Group – together with other international and national financial institutions – in lending and de-risking in strategic policy areas, such as climate and, latterly, security and defence projects; calls for an increased risk appetite and ambition from the EIB Group to crowd in investment, based on a strong capital position, and for a reinforced investment partnership to ensure that every euro spent at Union level is used in the most effective manner;

    20. Emphasises that funding for research and innovation, including support for basic research, should be significantly increased, should be focused on the Union’s strategic priorities, should continue to be determined by the principle of excellence and should remain merit-based; considers that there should be sufficient resources across the MFF and at national level to fund all high-quality projects throughout the innovation cycle and to achieve the 3 % GDP target for research and development spending by 2030;

    21. Stresses that the next MFF, building on the current Connecting Europe Facility, should include much greater, directly managed funding for energy, transport and digital infrastructure, with priority given to cross-border connections and national links with European added value; considers that such infrastructure is an absolute precondition for a successful deepening of the single market and for increasing the Union’s resilience in a changing geopolitical order;

    22. Points out that a secure and robust space sector is critical for the Union’s autonomy and sovereignty and therefore needs sustained investment;

    23. Underlines that a more competitive, productive and socially inclusive economy helps to generate high-quality, well-paid jobs, thus enhancing people’s standard of living; emphasises that, through programmes such as the European Social Fund+ and Erasmus+, the Union budget can play an important role in supporting education and training systems, enhancing social inclusion, boosting workforce adaptability through reskilling and upskilling, and thus preparing people for employment in a modern economy;

    24. Insists that the Union budget should continue to support important economic and job-creating sectors where the Union is already a world leader, such as tourism and the cultural and creative sectors; underscores the need for dedicated funding for tourism, including to implement the EU Strategy for Sustainable Tourism, in the Union budget post-2027; points to the importance of Creative Europe in contributing to Europe’s diversity and competitiveness and in supporting vibrant societies;

    25. Stresses that, in order to compete with other major global players, the European economy must also become more competitive and resilient on the supply side by investing more in the Union’s open strategic autonomy through enhanced industrial policy and a focus on strategic sectors, resource-efficiency and critical technologies to reduce dependence on third countries;

    26. Considers that, in light of the above, the idea of an umbrella Competitiveness Fund merging existing programmes as envisaged by the Commission is not fit for purpose; stresses that the fund should instead be a new instrument taking advantage of a toolbox of funding based on lessons learned from InvestEU and the Innovation Fund; recalls that, under Article 182 TFEU, the Union is required to adopt a framework programme for research;

    27. Notes that, in the Commission communication on the competitiveness compass, the Commission argues that a new competitiveness coordination tool should be established in order to better align industrial and research policies and investment between EU and national level; notes that the proposed new tool is envisaged as part of a ‘new, lean steering mechanism’ designed ‘to reinforce the link between overall policy coordination and the EU budget’; insists that Parliament must play a full decision-making role in both mechanisms;

    28. Emphasises that food security is a vital component of strategic autonomy and that the next MFF must continue to support the competitiveness and resilience of the Union’s farming and fisheries sectors, including small-scale and young farmers and fishers, and help the sectors to better protect the climate and biodiversity, as well as the seas and oceans; highlights that a modern and simplified common agricultural policy is crucial for increasing productivity through technical progress, ensuring a fair standard of living for farmers, guaranteeing food security and the production of safe, high-quality and affordable food for Europeans, fostering generational renewal and ensuring the viability of rural areas;

    29. Points out that the farming sector is particularly vulnerable to inflationary shocks which affect farmers’ purchasing power; calls for adequate and predictable funding for the common agricultural policy in the next MFF;

    30. Recalls that social, economic and territorial cohesion is a cornerstone of European integration and is vital in binding the Union together and deepening the single market; reaffirms, in that respect, the importance of the convergence process; underlines that a modernised cohesion policy must follow a decentralised, place-based, multilevel governance approach and be built around the shared management and partnership principle, fully involving local and regional authorities and relevant stakeholders, ensuring that resources are directed where they are most needed to reduce regional disparities;

    31. Stresses that cohesion policy funding must tackle the key challenges the Union faces, such as demographic change and depopulation, and target the regions and people most in need; calls, furthermore, for enhanced access to EU funding for cities, regions and urban authorities;

    32. Recalls the importance of the social dimension of the European Union and of promoting the implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights, its Action Plan and headline targets; emphasises that the Union budget should, therefore, play a pivotal role in reducing inequality, poverty and social exclusion, including by supporting children, families and vulnerable groups; recalls that around 20 million children in the Union are at risk of poverty and social exclusion; stresses that addressing child poverty across the Union requires appropriately funded, comprehensive and integrated measures, together with the efficient implementation of the European Child Guarantee at national level; emphasises that Parliament has consistently requested a dedicated budget within the ESF+ to support the Child Guarantee as a central pillar of the EU anti-poverty strategy;

    33. Highlights, in this regard, the EU-wide housing crisis affecting millions of families and young people; stresses the need for enhanced support for housing through the Union budget, in particular via cohesion policy, and through other funding sources, such as the EIB Group and national promotional banks; acknowledges that, while Union financing cannot solve the housing crisis alone, it can play a crucial role in financing urgent measures and complementing broader Union and national efforts to improve housing affordability and enhance energy efficiency of the housing stock;

    34. Points out that Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has had substantial economic and social consequences, in particular in Member States bordering Russia and Belarus; insists that the next MFF provide support to these regions;

    The green and digital transitions

    35. Highlights that the green and digital transitions are inextricably linked to competitiveness, the modernisation of the economy and the resilience of society and act as catalysts for a future-oriented and resource-efficient economy; insists therefore, that the post-2027 MFF must continue to support and to further accelerate the twin transitions;

    36. Recalls that the Union budget is an essential contributor to achieving climate neutrality by 2050, including through support for the 2030 and 2040 targets; underlines that the transition will require a decarbonisation of the economy, in particular through the deployment of clean technologies, improved energy and transport infrastructure and more energy-efficient housing; notes that the Commission estimates additional investment needs to achieve climate neutrality by 2050 at 1.5 % of GDP per year compared to the decade 2011-2020 and that, while the Union budget alone cannot cover the gap, it must remain a vital contributor; calls, therefore, for increased directly managed support for environment and biodiversity protection and climate action building on the current LIFE programme;

    37. Underlines that industry will be central in the transition to net zero and the establishment of the Energy Union, and that support will be needed in helping some industrial sectors and their workers to adapt; stresses the importance of a just transition that must leave no one behind, requiring, inter alia, investment in regions that are heavily fossil-fuel dependent and increased support for vulnerable households, in particular through the Just Transition Mechanism and the Social Climate Fund;

    38. Points to the profound technological shift under way, with technologies such as artificial intelligence and quantum both creating opportunities, in terms of the Union’s economic potential and global leadership and improvements to citizens’ lives, and posing reliability, ethical and sovereignty challenges; stresses that the next MFF must support research into, and the development and safe application of digital technologies and help people to hone the knowledge and skills they need to work with and use them;

    Security, defence and preparedness

    39. Recalls that peace and security are the foundation for the Union’s prosperity, social model and competitiveness, and a vital pillar of the Union’s geopolitical standing; stresses that the next MFF must support a comprehensive security approach by investing significantly more in safeguarding the Union against the myriad threats it faces;

    40. Underlines that, as the Niinistö report makes clear, multiple threats are combining to heighten instability and increase the Union’s vulnerability, chief among them the fragmenting global order, the security threat posed by Russia and Belarus, growing tensions globally, hostile international actors, the globalisation of criminal networks, hybrid campaigns – which include cyberattacks, foreign information manipulation, disinformation and interference and the instrumentalisation of migration – increasingly frequent and intense extreme weather events as a result of climate change, and health threats;

    41. Points out that the Union has played a vital role in achieving lasting peace on its territory and must continue to do so by adjusting to the reality of war on its doorstep and the need to vastly boost defence infrastructure, capabilities and readiness, including through the Union budget, going far beyond the current allocation of less than 2 % of the MFF;

    42. Notes that European defence capabilities suffer from decades of under-investment and that, according to the Commission, the defence spending gap currently stands at EUR 500 billion for the next decade; underlines that the Union budget alone cannot fill the gap, but has an important role to play, in conjunction with national budgets and with a focus on clear EU added value; considers that the Union budget and lending through the EIB Group can help incentivise investment in defence; stresses that defence spending must not come at the expense of social and environmental spending, nor must it lead to a reduction in funding for long-standing Union policies that have proved their worth over time;

    43. Underlines the merits of the defence programmes and instruments put in place during the current MFF, which have enhanced joint research, production and procurement in the field of defence, providing a valuable foundation on which to build further Union policy and investment;

    44. Emphasises that, given the geopolitical situation, there is a clear need to act and to progress towards a genuine Defence Union, in coordination with NATO and in full alignment with the neutrality commitments of individual Member States; concurs, in that regard, with the Commission’s analysis that the next MFF must provide a comprehensive and robust framework in support of EU defence;

    45. Underscores the importance of a competitive and resilient European defence technological and industrial base; considers that enhanced joint EU-level investment in defence in the next MFF backed up by a clear and transparent governance structure can help to avoid duplication, generate economies of scale, and thus significant savings for Member States, reduce fragmentation and ensure the interoperability of equipment and systems; underscores the importance of technology in modern defence systems and therefore of investing in research, cyber-defence and cybersecurity and in dual-use products; points to the need to direct support towards the defence industry within the Union, thus strengthening strategic autonomy, creating quality high-skilled jobs, driving innovation and creating cross-border opportunities for EU businesses, including SMEs;

    46. Points to the importance of increasing support in the budget for military mobility, which upgrades infrastructure for dual-use military and civilian purposes, enabling the large-scale movement of military equipment and personnel at short notice and thus contributing to the Union’s defence capabilities and collective security; highlights, in that regard, the importance of financing for the trans-European transport networks to enable their adaptation for dual-use purposes;

    47. Emphasises that the Union needs to ramp up funding for preparedness across the board; is alarmed by the growing impact of natural disasters, which are often the result of climate change and are therefore likely to occur with greater frequency and intensity in the future; points out that, according to the 2024 European Climate Risk Assessment Report, cumulated economic losses from natural disasters could reach about 1.4 % of Union GDP;

    48. Underlines, therefore, that, in addition to efforts to mitigate climate change through the green transition, significant investment is required to adapt to climate change, in particular to prevent and reduce the impact of natural disasters and severe weather events; considers that support for this purpose, such as through the current Union Civil Protection Mechanism, must be significantly increased in the next MFF and made available quickly to local and regional authorities, which are often on the frontline;

    49. Emphasises that reconstruction and recovery measures after natural disasters must be based on the ‘build back better’ approach and prioritise nature-based solutions; stresses the importance of sustainable water management and security and hydric resilience as part of the Union’s overall preparedness strategy;

    50. Recalls that the COVID-19 pandemic wreaked economic and social havoc globally and that a key lesson from the experience is that there is a need to prioritise investment in prevention of, preparedness for and response to health threats, in medical research and disease prevention, in access to critical medicines, in healthcare infrastructure, in physical and mental health and in the resilience and accessibility of public health systems in the Union; recalls that strategic autonomy in health is key to ensuring the Union’s preparedness in this area;

    51. Considers that the next MFF must build on the work done in the current programming period by ensuring that the necessary investment is in place to build a genuine European Health Union that delivers for all citizens;

    52. Underlines that, with technological developments, it has become easier for malicious and opportunistic foreign actors to spread disinformation, encourage online hate speech, interfere in elections and mount cyberattacks against the Union’s interests; insists that the next MFF must invest in enhanced cybersecurity capabilities and equip the Union to counter hybrid warfare in its various guises;

    53. Stresses that a free, independent and pluralistic media is a fundamental component of Europe’s resilience, safeguarding not only the free flow of information but also a democratic mindset, critical thinking and informed decision-making; points to the importance of investment in independent and investigative journalism, fact-checking initiatives, digital and media literacy and critical thinking to safeguard against disinformation, foreign information manipulation and electoral interference as part of the European Democracy Shield initiative and therefore to guarantee democratic resilience; underscores the need for continued Union budget support for initiatives in these areas;

    54. Underscores the importance of continued funding, in the next MFF, for effective protection of the EU’s external borders; underlines the need to counter transnational criminal networks and better protect victims of trafficking networks, and to strengthen resilience and response capabilities to address hybrid attacks and the instrumentalisation of migration, by third countries or hostile non-state actors; highlights, in particular, the need for support to frontline Member States for the purposes of securing the external borders of the EU;

    55. Underlines that the EU’s resilience and preparedness are inextricably linked to those of its regional and global partners; emphasises that strengthening partners’ capacity to prevent, withstand and effectively respond to extreme weather events, health crises, hybrid campaigns, cyberattacks or armed conflict also lowers the risk of spill-over effects for Europe;

    External action and enlargement

    56. Insists that, in a context of heightened global instability, the Union must continue to engage constructively with third countries and support peace, and conflict prevention, stability, prosperity, security, human rights, the rule of law, equality, democracy and sustainable development globally, in line with its global responsibility values and international commitments;

    57. Regrets the fact that external action in the current MFF has been underfunded, leading to significant recourse to special instruments and substantial reinforcements in the mid-term revision; notes, in particular, that humanitarian aid funding has been woefully inadequate, prompting routine use of the Emergency Aid Reserve;

    58. Underlines that the US’s retreat from its post-war global role in guaranteeing peace, security and democracy, in leading on global governance in the rules-based, multilateral international order and in providing essential development and humanitarian aid to those most in need around the world will leave an enormous gap and that the Union has a responsibility and overwhelming strategic interest in helping to fill that gap; calls on the Commission to address the consequences of the US’s retreat at the latest in its proposal for the post-2027 MFF;

    59. Stresses that the next MFF must continue to tackle the most pressing global challenges, from fighting climate change, to providing relief in the event of natural disasters, preventing and addressing violent conflict and guaranteeing global security, ensuring global food security, improving healthcare and education systems, reducing poverty and inequality, promoting democracy, human rights, the rule of law and social justice and boosting competitiveness and the security of global supply chains, in full compliance with the principle of policy coherence for development; emphasises, in particular, the need for support for the Union’s Southern and Eastern Neighbourhoods;

    60. Underlines that, in particular in light of the drastic cuts to the USAID budget, the budget must uphold the Union’s role as the world’s leading provider of development aid and climate finance in line with the Union’s global obligations and commitments; recalls, in that regard, that the Union and its Member States have collectively committed to allocating 0.7 % of their GNI to official development assistance and that poverty alleviation must remain its primary objective; insists that the budget must continue to support the Union in its efforts to defend the rules-based international order, democracy, multilateralism, human rights and fundamental values;

    61. Insists that, given the unprecedented scale of humanitarian crises, mounting global challenges and uncertainty of US assistance under the current administration, humanitarian aid funding must be significantly enhanced and that its use must remain solely needs-based and respect the principles of neutrality, independence and impartiality; emphasises that the needs-based nature of humanitarian aid requires ring-fenced funding delivered through a stand-alone spending programme, distinct from other external action financing; underscores, furthermore, that effective humanitarian aid provision is contingent on predictability through a sufficient annual baseline allocation;

    62. Emphasises that humanitarian aid, by its very nature, requires substantial flexibility and response capacity; considers, therefore, that, in addition to an adequate baseline figure, humanitarian aid will require significant ring-fenced flexibility in its design to enable an effective response to the growing crises;

    63. Emphasises that, in a context in which global actors are increasingly using trade interdependence as a means of economic coercion, the Union must bolster its capacity to protect and advance its own strategic interests, develop more robust tools to counter coercion and ensure genuine reciprocity in its partnerships; stresses that such an approach requires the strategic allocation of external financing so as to support, for example, economic, security and energy partnerships that align with the Union’s values and strategic interests;

    64. Considers that enlargement represents an opportunity to strengthen the Union as a geopolitical power and that the next MFF is pivotal for preparing the Union for enlargement and the candidate countries for accession; recalls that the stability, security and democratic resilience of the candidate countries are inextricably connected to those of the EU and require sustained strategic investment, linked to reforms, to support their convergence with Union standards; underlines the important role that citizens and civil society organisations play in the process of enlargement;

    65. Points to the need for strategically targeted support for pre-accession and for growth and investment; is of the view that post-2027 pre-accession assistance should be provided in the form of both grants and loans; believes, in that context, that the future framework should allow for innovative financing mechanisms, as well as lending to candidate countries backed by the budgetary headroom (the difference between the own resources and the MFF ceilings);

    66. Stresses that financial support must be conditional on the implementation of reforms aligned with the Union acquis and policies and adherence to Union values; emphasises, in this regard, the need for a strong governance model that ensures parliamentary accountability, oversight and control and a strong, effective anti-fraud architecture;

    67. Reiterates its full support for Ukrainians in their fight for freedom and democracy and deplores the terrible suffering and impact resulting from Russia’s unprovoked and unjustifiable war of aggression; welcomes the decision to grant Ukraine and the neighbouring Republic of Moldova candidate country status and insists on the need to deploy the necessary funds to support their accession processes;

    68. Underlines that pre-accession support to Ukraine has to be distinct from and additional to financial assistance for macroeconomic stability, reconstruction and post-war recovery, where needs are far more substantial and require a concerted international effort, of which support through the Union budget should be an important part;

    69. Is convinced that the existing mandatory revision clause in the event of enlargement should be maintained in the next framework and that national envelopes should not be affected; underlines that the next MFF will also have to put in place appropriate transitional and phasing-in measures for key spending areas, such as cohesion and agriculture, based on a careful assessment of the impacts on different sectors;

    Fundamental rights, Union values and the rule of law

    70. Emphasises the importance of the Union budget and programmes like Erasmus+ and Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values in promoting and protecting democracy and the Union’s values, fostering the Union’s common cultural heritage and European integration, enhancing citizen engagement, civic education and youth participation, safeguarding and promoting fundamental rights enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights and the rule of law; calls, in this regard, for increased funding for Erasmus+ in the next MFF; points to the importance of the independence of the justice system, the sound functioning of national institutions, de-oligarchisation, robust support for and, in line with article 11(2) TEU, an active dialogue with civil society, which is vital for fostering an active civic space, ensuring accountability and transparency and informing policymakers about best practices from the ground;

    71. Highlights, in that connection, that the recast of the Financial Regulation requires the Commission and the Member States, in the implementation of the budget, to ensure compliance with the Charter of Fundamental Rights and to respect the values on which the Union is founded, which are enshrined in Article 2 TEU; expects the Commission to ensure that the proposals for the next MFF, including for the spending programmes, are aligned with the Financial Regulation recast;

    72. Stresses that instability in neighbouring regions and beyond, poverty, underlying trends in economic development, demographic changes and climate change, continue to generate migration flows towards the Union, placing significant pressure on asylum and migration systems; underlines that the post-2027 MFF must support the full and swift implementation of the Union’s Asylum and Migration Pact and effective return and readmission policies, in line with fundamental rights and EU values, including the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility; underlines, moreover, that, in line with the Pact, the EU must pursue enhanced cooperation and mutually beneficial partnerships with third countries on migration, with adequate parliamentary scrutiny, and that such cooperation must abide by EU and international law;

    73. Underlines that compliance with Union values and fundamental rights is an essential pre-requisite to access EU funds; highlights the importance of strong links between respect for the rule of law and access to EU funds under the current MFF; believes that the protection of the Union’s financial interests depends on respect for the rule of law at national level; welcomes, in particular, the positive impact of the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation in protecting the Union’s financial interests in cases of systemic and persistent breaches of the rule of law; calls on the Commission and the Council to apply the regulation strictly, consistently and without undue delay wherever necessary; emphasises that decisions to suspend or reduce Union funding over breaches of the rule of law must be based on objective criteria and not be guided by other considerations, nor be the outcome of negotiations;

    74. Points to the need for a stronger link between the rule of law and the Union budget post-2027 and welcomes the Commission’s commitment to bolster links between the recommendations in the annual rule of law report and access to funds through the budget; calls on the Commission to outline, in the annual rule of law report from 2025 onwards, the extent to which identified weaknesses in rule of law regimes potentially pose a risk to the Union budget; welcomes, furthermore, the link between respect for Union values and the implementation of the budget and calls on the Commission to actively monitor Member States’ compliance with this principle in a unified manner and to take swift action in the event of non-compliance;

    75. Calls for the consolidation of a robust rule of law toolbox, building on the current conditionality provisions under the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), the horizontal enabling conditions in the Common Provisions Regulation and the relevant provisions of the Financial Regulation and insists that the toolbox should cover the entire Union budget; underlines the need for far greater transparency and consistency with regard to the application of tools to protect the rule of law and for Parliament’s role to be strengthened in the application and scrutiny of such measures; insists, furthermore, on the need for consistency across instruments when assessing breaches of the rule of law in Member States;

    76. Recalls that the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation provides that final recipients should not be deprived of the benefits of EU funds in the event of sanctions being applied to their government; believes that, to date, this provision has not been effective and stresses the importance of applying a smart conditionality approach so that beneficiaries are not penalised because of their government’s actions; calls on the Commission, in line with its stated intention in the political guidelines, to propose specific measures to ensure that local and regional authorities, civil society and other beneficiaries can continue to benefit from Union funding in cases of breaches of the rule of law by national governments without weakening the application of the regulation and maintaining the Member State’s obligation to pay under Union law;

     A long-term budget that mainstreams the Union’s policy objectives

    77. Stresses that a long-term budget that is fully aligned with the Union’s strategic aims requires that key objectives be mainstreamed across the budget through a set of horizontal principles, building on the lessons from the current MFF and RRF;

    78. Recalls that the implementation of horizontal principles should not lead to an excessive administrative burden on beneficiaries and be in line with the principle of proportionality; calls for innovative solutions and the use of automated reporting tools, including artificial intelligence, to achieve more efficient data collection;

    79. Underlines, therefore, that the next MFF must ensure that, across the board, spending programmes pursue climate and biodiversity objectives, promote and protect rights and equal opportunities for all, including gender equality, support competitiveness and bolster the Union’s preparedness against threats;

    80. Points out that effective mainstreaming is best achieved through a toolbox of measures, primarily through policy, project and regulatory design, thorough impact assessments and solid tracking of spending and, in specific cases, spending targets based on relevant and available data; welcomes the significant improvements in performance reporting in the current MFF, which allow for much better scrutiny of the impact of EU spending and calls for this to be further developed in the next programing period;

    81. Welcomes the development of a methodology to track gender-based spending and considers that the lessons learnt, in particular as regards the collection of gender-disaggregated data, the monitoring of implementation and impact and administrative burden, should be applied in the next MFF in order to improve the methodology; calls on the Commission to explore the feasibility of gender budgeting in the next MFF; stresses, in the same vein, the need for a significant improvement in climate and biodiversity mainstreaming methodologies to move towards the measurement of impact;

    82. Regrets that the Commission has not systematically conducted thorough impact assessments, including gender impact assessments, for all legislation involving spending through the budget and insists that this change;

    83. Is pleased that the climate mainstreaming target of 30 % is projected to be exceeded in the current MFF; regrets, however, that the Union is not on track to meet the 10 % target for 2026 for biodiversity-related expenditure; insists that the targets in the IIA have nevertheless been a major factor in driving climate and biodiversity spending; calls on the Commission to adapt the spending targets contributing positively to climate and biodiversity in line with the Union policy ambitions in this regard, taking into account the investment needs for these policy ambitions;

    84. Stresses, furthermore, that the Union budget should be implemented in line with Article 33(2) of the Financial Regulation, therefore without doing significant harm[12] to the specified objectives, respecting applicable working and employment conditions and taking into account the principle of gender equality;

    85. Welcomes the Commission’s commitment to phase out all fossil fuel subsidies and environmentally harmful subsidies in the next MFF; expects the Commission to come forward with its planned roadmap in this regard as part of its proposal for the next MFF;

    A long-term budget with an effective administration at the service of Europeans

    86. Underlines the need for Union policies to be underpinned by a well-functioning administration; insists that, post-2027, sufficient financial and staff resources be allocated from the outset so that Union institutions, bodies, decentralised agencies and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office can ensure effective and efficient policy design, high-quality delivery and enforcement, provide technical assistance, continue to attract the best people from all Member States, thus ensuring geographical balance, and have leeway to adjust to changing circumstances;

    87. Regrets that the Union’s ability to implement policy effectively and protect its financial interests within the current MFF has been undermined by stretched administrative resources and a dogmatic application of a policy of stable staffing, despite increasing demands and responsibilities; points, for example, to the failure to provide sufficient staff to properly implement and enforce the Digital Services[13] and Digital Markets Acts[14], thus undercutting the legislation’s effectiveness and to the repeated redeployments from programmes to decentralised agencies to cover staffing needs; insists that staffing levels be determined by an objective needs assessment when legislation is proposed and definitively adopted, and factored into planning for administrative expenditure from the outset;

    88. Emphasises that the Commission has sought, to some degree, to circumvent its own stable staffing policy by increasing staff attached to programmes and facilities and thus not covered by the administrative spending ceiling; underscores, however, that such an approach merely masks the problem and may ultimately undermine the operational capacity of programmes; insists, therefore, that additional responsibilities require administrative expenditure and must not erode programme envelopes;

    89. Stresses that up-front investment in secure and interoperable IT infrastructure and data mining capabilities can also generate longer-term cost savings and hugely enhance policy delivery and tracking of spending;

    90. Acknowledges that, in the absence of any correction mechanism in the current MFF, high inflation has significantly driven up statutory costs, requiring extensive use of special instruments to cover the shortfall; regrets that the Council elected not to take up the Commission’s proposal to raise the ceiling for administrative expenditure in the MFF revision, thus further eroding special instruments;

    A long-term budget that is simpler and more transparent

    91. Stresses that the next MFF must be designed so as to simplify the lives of all beneficiaries by cutting unnecessary red tape; underlines that simplification will require harmonising rules and reporting requirements wherever possible, including, as relevant, ensuring consistency between the applicable rules at European, national and regional levels; underlines, in that respect, the need for a genuine, user-friendly single entry point for EU funding and a simplified application procedure designed in consultation with relevant stakeholders; points out, furthermore, that the next MFF must be implemented as close to people as possible;

    92. Calls for genuine simplification where there are overlapping objectives, diverging eligibility criteria and different rules governing horizontal provisions that should be uniform across programmes; considers that an assessment of which spending programmes should be included in the next MFF must be based on the above aspects, on the need to focus spending on clearly identified policy objectives with clear European added value and on the policy intervention logic of each programme; stresses that reducing the number of programmes is not an end in itself;

    93. Underlines that simplification cannot mean more leeway for the Commission without the necessary checks and balances and must therefore be achieved with full respect for the institutional balance provided for in the Treaties;

    94. Insists that simplification cannot come at the expense of the quality of programme design and implementation and that, therefore, a simpler budget must also be a more transparent budget, enabling better accountability, scrutiny, control of spending and reducing the risks of double funding, misuse and fraud; underlines that any reduction in programmes must be offset by a far more detailed breakdown of the budget by budget line, in contrast to some programme mergers in the current MFF, such as the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument – Global Europe (NDICI – Global Europe), which is an example not to follow; calls, therefore, for a sufficiently detailed breakdown by budget line to enable the budgetary authority to exercise proper accountability and ensure that decision-making in the annual budgetary procedure and in the course of budget implementation is meaningful;

    95. Recalls that transparency is essential to retain citizens’ trust, and that fraud and misuse of funds are extremely detrimental to that trust; underlines, therefore, the need for Parliament to be able to control spending and assess whether discharge can be granted; insists that proper accountability requires robust auditing for all budgetary expenditure based on the application of a single audit trail; calls on the Commission to put in place harmonised and effective anti-fraud mechanisms across funding instruments for the post-2027 MFF that ensure the protection of the Union’s budget;

    96. Reiterates its long-standing position that all EU-level spending should be brought within the purview of the budgetary authority, thereby ensuring transparency, democratic control and protection of the Union’s financial interests; calls, therefore, for the full budgetisation of (partially) off-budget instruments such as the Social Climate Fund, the Innovation Fund and the Modernisation Fund, or their successors;

    A long-term budget that is more flexible and more responsive to crises and shocks

    97. Points out that, traditionally, the MFF has not been conceived with a crisis response or flexibility logic, but rather has been designed primarily to ensure medium-term investment predictability; underlines that, in a rapidly changing political, security, economic and social context, such an approach is no longer tenable; insists on sufficient in-built crisis response capacity in the next MFF;

    98. Underscores that the current MFF has been beset by a lack of flexibility and an inability to adjust to evolving spending priorities; considers that the next MFF needs to strike a better balance between investment predictability and flexibility to adjust spending focus; highlights that spending in certain areas requires greater stability than in others where flexibility is more valuable; stresses that recurrent redeployments are not a viable way to finance the Union’s priorities as they damage investments and jeopardise the delivery of agreed policy objectives;

    99. Believes that, while allocating a significant portion of funding to objectives up-front, spending programmes should retain a substantial in-built flexibility reserve, with allocation to specific policy objectives to be decided by the budgetary authority; notes that the NDICI – Global Europe’s emerging challenges and priorities cushion provides a model for such a flexibility reserve, but that the decision-making process for its mobilisation must not be replicated in the future MFF; points to the need for stronger, more effective scrutiny powers of the co-legislators over the setting of policy priorities and objectives and a detailed budgetary breakdown to ensure that the budgetary authority is equipped to make meaningful and informed decisions;

    100. Underlines that the MFF must have sufficient margins under each heading to ensure that new instruments or spending objectives agreed over the programming period can be accommodated without eroding funding for other policy and long-term strategic objectives or eating into crisis response capacity;

    101. Underlines that the possibility for budgetary transfers under the Financial Regulation already provides for flexibility to adjust to evolving spending needs in the course of budget implementation; stresses that, under the current rules, the Commission has significant freedom to transfer considerable amounts between policy areas without budgetary authority approval, which limits scrutiny and control; calls, therefore, for the rules to be changed so as to introduce a maximum amount, in addition to a maximum percentage per budget line, for transfers without approval; considers that for transfers from Union institutions other than the Commission that are subject to a possible duly justified objection by Parliament or the Council, a threshold below which they would be exempt from that procedure could be a useful measure of simplification;

    102. Recalls that the current MFF has been placed under further strain due to high levels of inflation in a context where an annual 2 % deflator is applied to 2018 prices, reducing the budget’s real-terms value and squeezing its operational and administrative capacity; considers, therefore, that the future budget should be endowed with sufficient response capacity to enable the budget to adapt to inflationary shocks;

    103. Calls for a root-and-branch reform of the existing special instruments to bolster crisis response capacity and ensure an effective and swift reaction through more rapid mobilisation; underlines that the current instruments are both inadequate in size and constrained by excessive rigidity, with several effectively ring-fenced according to crisis type; points out that enhanced crisis response capacity will ensure that cohesion policy funds are not called upon for that purpose and can therefore be used for their intended investment objectives;

    104. Considers that the post-2027 MFF should include only two special instruments – one dedicated to ensuring solidarity in the event of natural disasters (the successor to the existing European Solidarity Reserve) and one for general-purpose crisis response and for responding to any unforeseen needs and emerging priorities, including where amounts in the special instrument for natural disasters are insufficient (the successor to the Flexibility Instrument); insists that both special instruments should be adequately funded from the outset and able to carry over unspent amounts indefinitely over the MFF period; believes that all other special instruments can either be wound up or subsumed into the two special instruments or into existing programmes;

    105. Calls for the future Flexibility Instrument to be heavily front-loaded and subsequently to be fed through a number of additional sources of financing: unspent margins from previous years (as with the current Single Margin Instrument), the annual surplus from the previous year, a fines-based mechanism modelled on the existing Article 5 of the MFF Regulation, reflows from financial instruments and decommitted appropriations; underlines that the next MFF should be designed such that the future special instruments are not required to cover debt repayment;

    106. Underlines that re-use of the surplus, of reflows from financial instruments and surplus provisioning and of decommitments would require amendments to the Financial Regulation;

    107. Points out that, with sufficient up-front resources and such arrangements for re-using unused funds, the budget would have far greater response capacity without impinging on the predictability of national GNI-based contributions; insists that an MFF endowed with greater flexibility and response capacity is less likely to require a substantial mid-term revision;

    A long-term budget that is more results-focused

    108. Emphasises that, in order to maximise impact, it is imperative that spending under the next MFF be much more rigorously aligned with the Union’s strategic policy aims and better coordinated with spending at national level; underlines that, in turn, consultation with regional and local authorities is vital to facilitate access to funding and ensure that Union support meets the real needs of final recipients and delivers tangible benefits for people; underscores the importance of technical assistance to implementing authorities to help ensure timely implementation, additionality of investments and therefore maximum impact;

    109. Underlines that, in order to support effective coordination between Union and national spending, the Commission envisages a ‘new, lean steering mechanism’ designed ‘to reinforce the link between overall policy coordination and the EU budget’; insists that Parliament play a full decision-making role in any coordination or steering mechanism;

    110. Considers that the RRF, with its focus on performance and links between reforms and investments and budgetary support, has helped to drive national investments and reforms that would not otherwise have taken place;

    111. Underlines that the RRF can help to inform the delivery of Union spending under shared management; recalls, however, that the RRF was agreed in the very specific context of the COVID-19 pandemic and cannot, therefore, be replicated wholesale for future investment programmes;

    112. Points out that spending under shared management in the next MFF must involve regional and local authorities and all relevant stakeholders from design to delivery through a place-based and multilevel governance approach and in line with an improved partnership principle, ensure the cross-border European dimension of investment projects, and focus on results and impact rather than outputs by setting measurable performance indicators, ensuring availability of relevant data and feeding into programme design and adjustment;

    113. Underlines that the design of shared management spending under the next MFF must safeguard Parliament’s role as legislator, budgetary and discharge authority and in holding the executive to account, putting in place strict accountability mechanisms and guaranteeing full transparency in relation to final recipients or groups of recipients of Union spending funds through an interoperable system enabling effective tracking of cash flows and project progress;

    114. Considers that the ‘one national plan per Member State’ approach envisaged by the Commission is not in line with the principles set out above and cannot be the basis for shared management spending post-2027; recalls that, in this regard, the Union is required, under Article 175 TFEU, to provide support through instruments for agricultural, regional and social spending;

    A long-term budget that manages liabilities sustainably

    115. Recalls Parliament’s very firm opposition to subjecting the repayment of NGEU borrowing costs to a cap within an MFF heading given that these costs are subject to market conditions, influenced by external factors and thus inherently volatile, and that the repayment of borrowing costs is a non-discretionary legal obligation; stresses that introducing new own resources is also necessary to prevent future generations from bearing the burden of past debts;

    116. Deplores the fact that, under the existing architecture and despite the joint declaration by the three institutions as part of the 2020 MFF agreement whereby expenditure to cover NGEU financing costs ‘shall aim at not reducing programmes and funds’, financing for key Union programmes and resources available for special instruments, even after the MFF revision, have de facto been competing with the repayment of NGEU borrowing costs in a context of steep inflation and rising interest rates; recalls that pressure on the budget driven by NGEU borrowing costs was a key factor in cuts to flagship programmes in the MFF revision;

    117. Underlines that, to date, the Union budget has been required only to repay interest related to NGEU and that, from 2028 onwards, the budget will also have to repay the capital; underscores that, according to the Commission, the total costs for NGEU capital and interest repayments are projected to be around EUR 25-30 billion a year from 2028, equivalent to 15-20 % of payment appropriations in the 2025 budget;

    118. Acknowledges that, while NGEU borrowing costs will be more stable in the next MFF period as bonds will already have been issued, the precise repayment profile will have an impact on the level of interest and thus on the degree of volatility; insists, therefore, that all costs related to borrowing backed by the Union budget or the budgetary headroom be treated distinctly from appropriations for EU programmes within the MFF architecture;

    119. Points, in that regard, to the increasing demand for the Union budget to serve as a guarantee for the Union’s vital support through macro-financial assistance and the associated risks; underlines that, in the event of default or the withdrawal of national guarantees, the Union budget ultimately underwrites all macro-financial assistance loans and therefore bears significant and inherently unpredictable contingent liabilities, notably in relation to Ukraine;

    120. Calls, therefore, on the Commission to design a sound and durable architecture that enables sustainable management of all non-discretionary costs and liabilities, fully preserving Union programmes and the budget’s flexibility and response capacity;

    A long-term budget that is properly resourced and sustainably financed

    121. Underlines that, as described above, the budgetary needs post-2027 will be significantly higher than the amounts allocated to the 2021-2027 MFF and, in addition, will need to cover borrowing costs and debt repayment; insists, therefore, that the next MFF be endowed with significantly increased resources compared to the 2021-2027 period, moving away from the historically restrictive, self-imposed level of 1 % of GNI, which has prevented the Union from delivering on its ambitions and deprived it of the ability to respond to crises and adapt to emerging needs;

    122. Considers that all instruments and tools should be explored in order to provide the Union with those resources, in line with its priorities and identified needs; considers, in this respect, that joint borrowing through the issuance of EU bonds presents a viable option to ensure that the Union has sufficient resources to respond to acute Union-wide crises such as the ongoing crisis in the area of security and defence;

    123. Reiterates the need for sustainable and resilient revenue for the Union budget; points to the legally binding roadmap towards the introduction of new own resources in the IIA, in which Parliament, the Council and the Commission undertook to introduce sufficient new own resources to at least cover the repayment of NGEU debt; underlines that, overall, the basket of new own resources should be fair, linked to broader Union policy aims and agreed on time and with sufficient volume to meet the heightened budgetary needs;

    124. Recalls its support for the amended Commission proposal on the system of own resources; is deeply concerned by the complete absence of progress on the system of own resources in the Council; calls on the Council to adopt this proposal as a matter of urgency; and urges the Commission to spare no effort in supporting the adoption process;

    125. Calls furthermore, on the Commission to continue efforts to identify additional innovative and genuine new own resources and other revenue sources beyond those specified in the IIA; stresses that new own resources are essential not only to enable repayment of NGEU borrowing, but to ensure that the Union is equipped to cover its the higher spending needs;

    126. Calls on the Commission to design a modernised budget with a renewed spending focus, driven by the need for fairness, greater simplification, a reduced administrative burden and more transparency, including on the revenue side; underlines that existing rebates and corrections automatically expire at the end of the current MFF;

    127. Welcomes the decision, in the recast of the Financial Regulation, to treat as negative revenue any interest or other charge due to a third party relating to amounts of fines, other penalties or sanctions that are cancelled or reduced by the Court of Justice; recalls that this solution comes to an end on 31 December 2027; invites the Commission to propose a definitive solution for the next MFF that achieves the same objective of avoiding any impact on the expenditure side of the budget;

    A long-term budget grounded in close interinstitutional cooperation

    128. Underlines that Parliament intends to fully exercise its prerogatives as legislator, budgetary authority and discharge authority under the Treaties;

    129. Recalls that the requirement for close interinstitutional cooperation between the Commission, the Council and Parliament from the early design stages to the final adoption of the MFF is enshrined in the Treaties and further detailed in the IIA;

    130. Emphasises Parliament’s commitment to play its role fully throughout the process; believes that the design of the MFF should be bottom-up and based on the extensive involvement of stakeholders; underlines, furthermore, the need for a strategic dialogue among the three institutions in the run-up to the MFF proposals;

    131. Calls on the Commission to put forward practical arrangements for cooperation and genuine negotiations from the outset; points, in particular, to the importance of convening meetings of the three Presidents, as per Article 324 TFEU, wherever they can aid progress, and insists that the Commission follow up when Parliament requests such meetings; reminds the Commission of its obligation to provide information to Parliament on an equal footing with the Council as the two arms of the budgetary authority and as co-legislators on MFF-related basic acts;

    132. Recalls that the IIA specifically provides for Parliament, the Council and the Commission to ‘seek to determine specific arrangements for cooperation and dialogue’; stresses that the cooperation provisions set out in the IIA, including regular meetings between Parliament and the Council, are a bare minimum and that much more is needed to give effect to the principle in Article 312(5) TFEU of taking ‘any measure necessary to facilitate the adoption of a new MFF’; calls, therefore, on the successive Council presidencies to respect not only the letter, but also the spirit of the Treaties;

    133. Recalls that the late adoption of the MFF regulation and related legislation for the 2014-2020 and 2021-2027 periods led to significant delays, which hindered the proper implementation of EU programmes; insists, therefore, that every effort be made to ensure timely adoption of the upcoming MFF package;

    134. Expects the Commission, as part of the package of MFF proposals, to put forward a new IIA in line with the realities of the new budget, including with respect to the management of contingent liabilities; stresses that the changes to the Financial Regulation necessary for alignment with the new MFF should enter into force at the same time as the MFF Regulation;

    135. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council and the Commission.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Israel’s endgame for tormented Gaza is political and physical erasure

    COMMENTARY: By Nour Odeh

    There was faint hope that efforts to achieve a ceasefire deal in Gaza would succeed. That hope is now all but gone, offering 2.1 million tormented and starved Palestinians dismal prospects for the days and weeks ahead.

    Last Saturday, the Israeli Prime Minister once again affirmed he had no intention to end the war. Benjamin Netanyahu wants what he calls “absolute victory” to achieve US President Donald Trump’s so-called vision for Gaza of ethnic cleansing and annexation.

    To that end, Israel is weaponising food at a scale not seen before, including immediately after the October 7 attack by Hamas. It has not allowed any wheat, medicine boxes, or other vital aid into the Gaza Strip since 2 March.

    This engineered starvation has pushed experts to warn that 1.1 million Palestinians face imminent famine.

    Many believe this was Israel’s “maximum pressure” plan all along: massive force, starvation, and land grabs. It’s what the Israeli Minister of Defence, Israel Katz, referred to in March when he gave Palestinians in Gaza an ultimatum — surrender or die.

    A month after breaking the ceasefire, Israel has converted nearly 70 percent of the tiny territory into no-go or forced displacement zones, including all of Rafah. It has also created a new so-called security corridor, where the illegal settlement of Morag once stood.

    Israel is bombing the Palestinians it is starving while actively pushing them into a tiny strip of dunes along the coast.

    Israel only interested in temporary ceasefire
    This mentality informed the now failed ceasefire talks. Israel was only interested in a temporary ceasefire deal that would keep its troops in Gaza and see the release of half of the living Israeli captives.

    In exchange, Israel reportedly offered to allow critically needed food and aid back into Gaza, which it is obliged to do as an occupying power, irrespective of a ceasefire agreement.

    Israel also refused to commit to ending the war, just as it did in the Lebanon ceasefire agreement, while also demanding that Hamas disarm and agree to the exile of its prominent members from Gaza.

    Disarming is a near-impossible demand in such a context, but this is not motivated by a preserved arsenal that Hamas wants to hold on to. Materially speaking, the armaments Israel wants Hamas to give up are inconsequential, except in how they relate to the group’s continued control over Gaza and its future role in Palestinian politics.

    Symbolically, accepting the demand to lay down arms is a sign of surrender few Palestinians would support in a context devoid of a political horizon, or even the prospect of one.

    While Israel has declared Hamas as an enemy that must be “annihilated”, the current right-wing government in Israel doesn’t want to deal with any Palestinian party or entity.

    The famous “no Hamas-stan and no Fatah-stan” is not just a slogan in Israeli political thinking — it is the policy.

    Golden opportunity for mass ethnic cleansing
    This government senses a golden opportunity for the mass ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and the annexation of Gaza and the West Bank — and it aims to seize it.

    Hamas’s chief negotiator Khalil al-Hayya recently said that the movement was done with partial deals. Hamas, he said, was willing to release all Israeli captives in exchange for ending the war and Israel’s full withdrawal from Gaza, as well as the release of an agreed-on number of Palestinian prisoners.

    But the truth is, Hamas is running out of options.

    Netanyahu does not consider releasing the remaining Israeli captives as a central goal. Hamas has no leverage and barely any allies left standing.

    Hezbollah is out of the equation, facing geographic and political isolation, demands for disarmament, and the lethal Israeli targeting of its members.

    Armed Iraqi groups have signalled their willingness to hand over weapons to the government in Baghdad in order not to be in the crosshairs of Washington or Tel Aviv.

    Meanwhile, the Houthis in Yemen have sustained heavy losses from hundreds of massive US airstrikes. Despite their defiant tone, they cannot change the current dynamics.

    Tehran distanced from Houthis
    Finally, Iran is engaged in what it describes as positive dialogue with the Trump administration to avert a confrontation. To that end, Tehran has distanced itself from the Houthis and is welcoming the idea of US investment.

    The so-called Arab plan for Gaza’s reconstruction also excludes any role for Hamas. While the mediators are pushing for a political formula that would not decisively erase Hamas from Palestinian politics, some Arab states would prefer such a scenario.

    As these agendas and new realities play out, Gaza has been laid to waste. There is no food, no space, no hope. Only despair and growing anger.

    This chapter of the genocide shows no sign of letting up, with Israel under no international pressure to cease the bombing and forced starvation of Gaza. Hamas remains defiant but has no significant leverage to wield.

    In the absence of any viable Palestinian initiative that can rally international support around a different dialogue altogether about ending the war, intervention can only come from Washington, where the favoured solution is ethnic cleansing.

    This is a dead-end road that pushes Palestinians into the abyss of annihilation, whether by death and starvation or political and material erasure through mass displacement.

    Nour Odeh is a political analyst, public diplomacy consultant, and an award-winning journalist. She also reports for Al Jazeera. This article was first published by The New Arab and is republished under Creative Commons.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI USA: Ahead of peak fire season, California adds second C-130 airtanker to world’s largest aerial firefighting fleet

    Source: US State of California 2

    Apr 24, 2025

    What you need to know: California’s second C-130 Hercules airtanker is ready for firefighting operations, adding to the state’s arsenal that stands ready to protect communities from catastrophic wildfire.

    SACRAMENTO – With peak fire season on the horizon, Governor Gavin Newsom today announced the state’s second C-130 Hercules (C-130H) airtanker is now ready for firefighting operations. This strengthens California’s ability to protect communities from catastrophic wildfire, adding to the largest aerial firefighting fleet in the world. 

    Last year, California became the first state in the nation to own, operate, and deploy a C-130H airtanker for wildfire suppression. The first C-130H was a critical part of the state’s firefight in Los Angeles earlier this year. Since it went into operation, the tanker has flown 90 missions responding to 36 fires and dropping 253,702 gallons of retardant.  

    Tanker 121, a former United States Coast Guard aircraft, has been officially placed into CAL FIRE service today after undergoing precise and critical modifications. This is the second of seven planned C-130H airtankers, and is a mission-critical asset in an era of increased year-round wildfire frequency and intensity. 

    These large-capacity, highly specialized aircraft deliver significant volumes of fire retardant in a single mission, enhancing CAL FIRE’s ability to protect communities and natural resources. 

    Governor Newsom — in partnership with U.S. Senator Alex Padilla, the late U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein, and Representative Ken Calvert — spearheaded this initiative for California to take on ownership of these aircraft, speed up the time to have them flying firefighting operations in California, and expand CAL FIRE’s firefighting capabilities.

    At a hangar in Sacramento, the Governor joined CAL FIRE Chief Joe Tyler, firefighting personnel, and those who helped make the C-130H possible to celebrate the milestone.  

    The largest aerial firefighting force in the world is getting even bigger. Thanks to our champions in Congress – Senator Padilla, Representative Calvert, and the late, great Senator Feinstein – California’s second C-130 airtanker is ready to take flight, just in time ahead of peak fire season.

    Governor Gavin Newsom

    Today, the Governor also received a demonstration of CAL FIRE’s new C-130H simulator – the only one of its kind in the nation owned by a fire department. The simulator helps train pilots and engineers specifically for C-130 firefighting missions.  

    The journey to integrate the C-130H aircraft into CAL FIRE’s fleet began in 2018 when California secured approval to acquire seven of these aircraft from the Coast Guard. President Joe Biden signed legislation in late 2023, officially transferring ownership of the seven C-130H aircraft to the state, where CAL FIRE would complete the work of retrofitting the aircraft for wildfire suppression operations.

    “The completed transfer of federal C-130 airtankers to CAL FIRE is equipping California’s firefighters with significantly expanded capabilities to protect vulnerable communities from wildfires and save lives,” said Senator Padilla. “Pushing the Air Force to complete this transfer has been a top priority of mine since I joined the Senate, which is why I worked to pass legislation to get it done as quickly as possible. As we saw with the first retrofitted aircraft fighting the Los Angeles fires, these powerful planes will enable California to respond to wildfires more quickly and effectively as we face more extreme conditions and increasingly devastating disasters.”

    “The C-130 Hercules aircraft that have been transferred from the federal government to CAL FIRE are game changing additions to our wildfire response aviation arsenal,” said Representative Calvert. “Our bipartisan efforts to secure the C-130s are an important step in better protecting Californians from dangerous wildfires. I look forward to all seven of the C-130s being operational and deployed across California in the near future.”

    CAL FIRE’s C-130 program involved substantial contributions from multiple partners. The United States Air Force and the United States Coast Guard provided support in maintaining these aircraft, including the replacement of inner and outer wing boxes and essential spare parts. Following their arrival at CAL FIRE Aviation Headquarters, the aircraft underwent extensive modifications, including the installation of a 4,000-gallon tank and a sophisticated retardant delivery system (RDS). 

    “Placing the second C-130H airtanker into service is another milestone in ensuring Californians are protected from the growing threat of wildfire,” said CAL FIRE Director and Fire Chief Joe Tyler. “This addition strengthens our aerial firefighting capabilities and demonstrates our continued commitment to safeguarding lives, property, and natural resources across the state.”

    Building on unprecedented progress 

    Even before this, California had built up the largest aerial firefighting fleet in the world, including the recently added – and night-time capable – firefighting Fire Hawk helicopters. These new C-130Hs will be strategically located throughout the state at CAL FIRE bases to mobilize when needed, adding to the helicopters, other aircraft, and firefighters ready to protect Californians. This follows California’s leadership in utilizing innovation and technology to fight fires smarter, leveraging artificial intelligence (AI), satellites, and more for wildfire detection, projection, and suppression.

    In addition to nearly doubling the state’s budget for CAL FIRE in recent years, the state has also dramatically increased work to prevent wildfire. While 57% of California’s forests are federally managed, the state government manages only 3% of the forestland. On state land, more than 2,200 projects are complete or underway, and in recent years, California has treated nearly 2 million acres – made possible by scaling up investments to 10 times the amount from when the Governor took office in 2019.

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