Category: Politics

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Pharmac funding decision will increase medicines access

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Associate Health Minister with responsibility for Pharmac David Seymour, and Health Minister Simeon Brown welcome Pharmac’s decision to fund medicines for a further five health conditions, including cancers, from 1 March 2025.

    “Pharmac operates independently, but it must work within the budget constraints set by the government,” Mr Seymour says.  

    “Today represents another step forward for cancer patients as the $604 million uplift from the government continues to facilitate access to new treatments.  

    “Pharmac continues to show what it is capable of when given the support it needs. 

    Pharmac has today announced their decision to fund medicines for a further five health conditions, including cancers, from 1 March 2025. 

    The funding will:

    • Widen access to atezolizumab (Tecentriq) and bevacizumab (Vegzelma) for liver cancer that can’t be removed by surgery
    • Widen access to bevacizumab (Vegzelma) for advanced ovarian cancer
    • Fund a new brand of bevacizumab (Vegzelma)
    • Fund lanreotide for neuroendocrine cancers, bowel blockages caused by cancer, and for a growth disorder called acromegaly.

    “The early signs of Pharmac’s redirection remain positive, as expanding opportunities and access for patients and their families continue to be prioritised,” Mr Seymour says. 

    “I’m pleased to see Pharmac’s responsiveness to the voices of patients and their families by expanding access to more medicines for more groups. This decision reflects our commitment to a more adaptable and patient-centered approach.”

    Mr Brown says delivering better and faster access to cancer care in New Zealand has been a focus of this Government, which is why it is one of our five key health targets, and is able to deliver because of the Government’s $604 million investment in new cancer medicines.

    “As Minister of Health, I am focused on ensuring all New Zealanders have access to timely, quality healthcare. That means ensuring better access to more cancer medicines, better cancer management driven by our faster cancer treatment target, and earlier detection of cancers through screening programmes,” Mr Brown says.

    “It is encouraging to see improvement in our efforts to provide faster cancer treatment, with more patients receiving their first treatment within 31 days in the first financial quarter than in the previous quarter and more cancer treatments available.”

    “We want to build a world-class health system, and that requires world-class medicines,” Mr Seymour says.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Governor McKee, General Officers, State Legislators, Gun Safety Advocates Call for Action on Assault Weapons Ban

    Source: US State of Rhode Island

    Published on Tuesday, February 11, 2025

    PROVIDENCE, RI — Today, Governor Dan McKee was joined by Lt. Governor Sabina Matos, Secretary of State Gregg Amore, General Treasurer James Diossa, legislators, and gun safety advocates to call for the passage of an assault weapons ban during this year’s legislative session. Governor McKee included a ban on assault weapons in his FY26 budget proposal, and legislation is being sponsored by Representative Jason Knight (D-Dist. 67, Barrington, Warren) and Senator Louis P. DiPalma (D-Dist. 12, Middletown, Little Compton, Newport, Tiverton).

    “Gun safety remains a crucial public health issue here in Rhode Island and across the country,” said Governor Dan McKee. “Together, we’ve made important progress in passing gun safety laws, but our work is not over. That is why I chose to include an assault weapons ban in my budget to help move this issue forward. For the safety of our communities—let’s finally get this done.”

    The ban would prohibit the manufacture, purchase, sale, transfer, and possession of certain assault weapons including certain semi-automatic shotguns, rifles, and pistols. It also levies criminal penalties for anyone convicted of violating the ban; and provides exemptions to the ban for law enforcement agencies, federally licensed firearm dealers, and individuals who lawfully possess an assault weapon on the effective date of the ban.

    The federal assault weapons ban expired in 2004 and has yet to be reauthorized by Congress. Currently, ten states have statutes that ban certain assault weapons.

    Over the past several years, Governor McKee has proudly signed several key pieces of gun safety legislation into law including bills to: ban large-capacity gun magazines, require the safe storage of firearms, raise the legal age to purchase firearms or ammunition from 18 to 21, and prohibit the open carry of any loaded rifle or shotgun in public. 

    “We have made great strides to keep our communities safe from gun violence, and we must keep that momentum going by passing a ban on assault weapons,” said Lieutenant Governor Sabina Matos. “We have spent too long in fear of gun violence in our schools, in our places of worship, in our public spaces, and in our homes. This year, we can take action and get prevent these weapons of war from flowing into our communities.”

    “We deserve to move about our schools, places of worship, workplaces, and communities without fear of gun violence, and the simple truth is that assault weapons make gun violence even more deadly,” said Secretary of State Gregg M. Amore. “Once again, I’m glad to stand with my colleagues in government, advocates, and community members as we call for additional commonsense gun safety legislation here in our state, and I sincerely hope that this is the year we achieve our goal.”

    “There is no need for civilians to own and operate military-style weapons,” said Attorney General Peter F. Neronha. “Over the years, my Office has helped pass, strengthen, and enforce common sense gun laws that keep Rhode Islanders safer. Mass casualty events are far too common in the United States, and so often they involve assault weapons. Rhode Islanders deserve to go to the movies, or to a concert, and not fear for their lives. Let’s get this done.”

    “As a state and as a country we have become numb to gun violence. It barely registers in the headlines. But make no mistake, gun-related violence continues to have a real impact on Rhode Islanders,” said Treasurer James A. Diossa. “As Mayor of Central Falls, I heard the stories, witnessed the grief, and felt the pain of families whose lives were irrevocably altered by the pull of a trigger. And I still see it firsthand through Treasury’s Crime Victim Compensation Program, which offers well-needed financial assistance to victims and their families. I commend Governor McKee on taking bold action and including this ban in his budget proposal, and Representative Knight and Senator DiPalma for their tireless advocacy year after year.”

    “High-powered weapons like AR-style rifles are the preferred weapons of mass shooters. Scores of Americans have died at the hands of killers wielding these weapons. There is no reason they should be allowed to circulate in the community,” said Representative Jason Knight. “Of course making them illegal doesn’t mean that they will all disappear overnight, but allowing their legal sale needlessly endangers the public. We are not powerless against gun violence, and Rhode Islanders deserve more than thoughts and prayers as an antidote. This bill gives us a common-sense way to mitigate the damage from the modern-day scourge of mass shootings.”

    “Banning assault weapons is a long overdue, common-sense step to address the serious public health issue of gun violence in Rhode Island. Research clearly shows a ban will save lives and make our communities safer. It is supported by a large majority of legislators, by each of the state’s general officers, and by most Rhode Islanders,” said Senator Louis DiPalma. “Our neighbors in Connecticut and Massachusetts have implemented an assault weapons ban, as have one-fifth of all states. Our federal government has done so previously. Strong state-level leadership is more critically needed than ever before, and I am proud to be sponsoring this legislation.”

    “In the absence of federal legislation regulating assault weapons, in Rhode Island, we must take it upon ourselves to protect our residents from mass shootings by banning these uniquely dangerous weapons,” said Melissa Carden, Executive Director of RICAGV. “We are grateful to the Governor for his commitment to gun safety and we look forward to working with him, General Assembly leadership and bill sponsors Senator DiPalma and Representative Knight on this important legislation.”

    “Our lawmakers and Governor McKee supporting this bill to ban assault weapons in Rhode Island goes to show that they’re making our safety a priority. This isn’t just about my generation either, it’s about the next generation of kids who are sitting in kindergarten classrooms right now,” said Mia Tretta, a volunteer leader with the Brown University Students Demand Action chapter and and gun shot wound survivor from the shooting at Saugus High School in California. “This is what real leadership looks like. Not just taking action in the wake of tragedy, but stepping up to prevent a tragedy in the first place. The introduction of this bill is just the beginning, and we’re committed to getting this to the finish line.” 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Helping teachers learn what works in the classroom − and what doesn’t − will get a lot harder without the Department of Education’s Institute of Education Sciences

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Nicole M. McNeil, Professor of Psychology, University of Notre Dame

    A U.S. flag and an Education Department flag fly outside the U.S. Department of Education building on Feb. 4, 2025, in Washington, D.C. Alex Wong/Getty Images

    The future of the Institute of Education Sciences, the nonpartisan research arm of the Education Department, is suddenly in jeopardy. The Department of Government Efficiency, a Trump administration task force led by Elon Musk, has announced plans to cancel most of the institute’s contracts and training grants.

    The institute’s annual budget is less that US$1 billion – or less than 1% of the Department of Education’s budget – but it advances education by supporting rigorous research and sharing data on student progress. It also sets standards for evidence-based practices and formalizes the criteria for evaluating educational research.

    In short, the Institute of Education Sciences identifies what works and what doesn’t.

    As cognitive scientists who engage in educational research, we believe this often overlooked institute is key to advancing national education standards and preventing pseudoscience from entering classrooms.

    Dissatisfaction with US education

    Getting education right can help address some of the nation’s biggest challenges, such as high school dropout rates and poverty.

    But throughout U.S. history, dissatisfaction with student achievement levels has spurred major education reform efforts.

    Russia’s launch of the Sputnik space satellite, for example, triggered the 1958 National Defense Education Act. That measure attempted to strengthen science and math instruction to bolster Cold War defense efforts.

    Concerns about educational inequality led to the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act, which funded schools serving students from low-income families.

    After President Jimmy Carter created the Department of Education in 1979, small-government conservatives, including Ronald Reagan, pledged to abolish it.

    As president, however, Reagan appointed former education commissioner Terrel Bell as secretary of education. Bell convened the National Commission on Excellence in Education. And in 1983 it produced A Nation at Risk, a report that warned of “a rising tide of mediocrity” in schools.

    It motivated national leaders to push for higher academic standards.

    In 1997, growing alarm over many students’ poor reading levels led to the National Reading Panel, which emphasized evidence-based reading instruction.

    In response to continuing concern about U.S. education, President George W. Bush partnered with U.S. Sen. Edward M. Kennedy to pass the No Child Left Behind Act in 2002. The law attempted to raise standards by mandating testing and interventions for low-performing schools. It provided incentives for successful schools and punishment for failing ones.

    This law significantly improved achievement, particularly in math.

    President George W. Bush appears at the bill-signing ceremony of the No Child Left Behind Act at Hamilton High School in Hamilton, Ohio, on Jan. 8, 2002.
    Tim Sloan/AFP via Getty Images

    Institute of Education Sciences

    Just months after Congress approved the No Child Left Behind Act, it established the Institute of Education Sciences to provide independent education research, becoming the first federal agency dedicated to using scientific research to guide education policy.

    Before the institute, educational research was fragmented, ideologically driven and inaccessible to parents and teachers. Findings were buried in books or locked behind paywalls.

    The institute broke that cycle. Structured with statutory independence, it is led by a director and a board composed of researchers, not political appointees.

    It produces replicable results and makes them freely available to the public.

    For example, the What Works Clearinghouse, launched in 2003, provides educators with guidance on effective practices. A school board seeking to adopt a new curriculum can find answers on the site about effective approaches.

    The clearinghouse distills research into clear recommendations. It spares local decision-makers from having to wade through complex studies. The site also references original studies and offers descriptions for local decision-makers who want to examine the evidence for themselves.

    Since 2007, it has published 30 practice guides. They cover topics such as teaching fractions, improving reading and reducing high school dropout rates.

    These guides synthesize the best available evidence, rather than relying on one study, leader or political ideology.

    Yet, the clearinghouse may be one of the parts of the Institute of Education Sciences on the chopping block.

    Evidence increases freedom

    From the 20th-century belief that instruction should be tailored to students’ skull shape to the 1970s movement promoting unstructured learning in classrooms without walls, pseudoscience and fads have obstructed improvements in education.

    The Institute of Education Sciences protects educational freedom by countering these claims.

    Some argue that free markets should dictate educational choices. They believe parents and school boards will naturally gravitate toward effective programs while ineffective ones fade away.

    But education markets often reward programs with the best marketing, not the best results. Psychologists who study scientific thinking have documented how pseudoscientific programs gain traction through compelling narratives rather than evidence.

    Meanwhile, public trust in expertise is declining, and pseudoscientific products flood the market. Programs such as Brain Balance and Learning Rx thrive in the $2 billion brain training industry.

    Marketed directly to parents of children with learning difficulties, these products use slick advertising and claim to “rewire” children’s brains to boost learning. Families pay thousands for programs that lack credible, peer-reviewed evidence of lasting benefits.

    Programs designed by university scholars also aren’t immune to the allure of anecdote over hard data.

    Former Columbia professor Lucy Calkins downplayed the importance of teaching phonics, thus harming a generation of students’ reading development. Stanford professor Jo Boaler’s controversial ideas delayed Algebra I in some California schools until ninth grade and discouraged timed arithmetic practice.

    And Drug Abuse Resistance Education thrived for decades despite overwhelming evidence that it did not work.

    These examples reveal how well-intentioned but ineffective educational products gain traction through public appeal rather than rigorous research.

    The future of IES

    In 2007 the Office of Management and Budget awarded the Institute of Education Sciences the highest score on its program assessment rating tool, a distinction earned by only 18% of federal programs.

    But most Americans probably never heard of this.

    And that highlights the institute’s major weakness: insufficient emphasis on sharing its findings and practice guides with the public and policymakers.

    The institute would do well to publicize its findings more extensively so that parents and education leaders can better access rigorous research to improve education.

    Whatever changes are made to the Department of Education, preserving the institute’s role in providing research on what works best – and ensuring continuous exchanges between research and practice – will benefit the American public.

    Nicole M. McNeil has served as an investigator on projects funded by IES, including one current project on leveraging technology to improve children’s mathematical understanding. She has given invited talks to trainees in IES predoctoral training programs and has served on IES grant review and awards panels. She regularly supports educators in engaging with IES’s What Works Clearinghouse (WWC) and its Practice Guides as part of her capacity-building efforts to connect volunteer tutors to cognitive science through an AmeriCorps VGF grant.

    Robert Stuart Siegler has received funding from IES for four grants; the most recent of which ended in 2018. He also received funds from IES for heading the Fractions Practice Guide Panel and for writing a review for IES of findings from research that the institute funded.

    ref. Helping teachers learn what works in the classroom − and what doesn’t − will get a lot harder without the Department of Education’s Institute of Education Sciences – https://theconversation.com/helping-teachers-learn-what-works-in-the-classroom-and-what-doesnt-will-get-a-lot-harder-without-the-department-of-educations-institute-of-education-sciences-247675

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Wyden Senate Floor Remarks on Director of National Intelligence Nominee Tulsi Gabbard

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Ron Wyden (D-Ore)

    February 11, 2025

    As prepared for delivery

    Watch a video of Wyden deliver his remarks here

    Today, I will be speaking about the nomination of Tulsi Gabbard to be Director of National Intelligence and my reasons for opposing her confirmation.

    First, I believe the Senate must consider with this nomination the examples of blatant lawlessness of this administration.  At every turn, Donald Trump is attacking the rule of law, disregarding the constitutional role of the Congress, and trying to purge the civil servants who defend this country every day.  Meanwhile, Elon Musk’s unvetted minions are gaining access to some of the government’s most sensitive systems and records.  

    American democracy and national security are at stake and if the Senate is going to confirm nominees we need to know whether they will stand up for democratic principles, no matter what.

    So, at her hearing, I asked Ms. Gabbard what she would do if Donald Trump tried to illegally withhold funding from the Intelligence Community Inspector General.  This was hardly a hypothetical question.  Donald Trump has, in fact, sought to unilaterally cut off funding for a broad range of organizations, despite the money having been appropriated by Congress.  And it’s not just me saying this is illegal; the courts have ordered the administration to cut it out and resume the funding.  But when I asked Ms. Gabbard this question, she said – quote – “I don’t believe for a second President Trump would ask me to do something that would break the law.”  Well, he is breaking the law, and this country needs leaders who acknowledge that fact and stand up to him.

    My concerns about Ms. Gabbard are also based on her recent turn toward extreme partisanship.  Now other partisans have been confirmed to leadership positions in intelligence agencies.  George H. W. Bush was the head of the Republican National Committee and he was successful enough as Director of Central Intelligence that they literally named CIA Headquarters after him. Party affiliation is not the issue.  The problem is when partisanship distorts one’s views of intelligence matters.  Ms. Gabbard has written about a “coup” being perpetrated by the so-called “deep state” that includes, among others, the DNC, and also the FBI, the CIA, and – quote – “a whole network of rogue intelligence and law enforcement agents.”

    I have spent almost a quarter century as a member of the Intelligence Committee seeking to bring to light and stop government abuses across a range of programs and activities.  These conspiracy theories do not help the bipartisan reform movement.  They only serve to encourage a president who wants to tear down the entire Intelligence Community and replace it with loyalists who will commit whatever illegal and abusive acts he asks of them.

    So what happens next?  If Ms. Gabbard is confirmed, my first order of business will be to hold her to the commitments she made during her confirmation process.

    With regard to surveillance policy, she expressed her support for a warrant requirement for U.S. person searches of communications collected under Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.  With Section 702 reauthorization up next year, DNI support for reforms such as these will be critical to protecting the privacy rights of Americans.

    Ms. Gabbard also confirmed that she has significant concerns about the constitutionality of several provisions of the PATRIOT Act.  

    Importantly, she opposed mandated backdoors into encrypted communications, which threaten both Americans’ privacy and national security.  As she stated during her hearing, “these backdoors lead down a dangerous path that can undermine Americans’ Fourth Amendment rights and civil liberties.”  We are living in a time of increasingly devastating cyber breaches, including the Salt Typhoon compromise of our telecommunications infrastructure.  The lesson from that hack was that surveillance capabilities designed for law enforcement will be targeted by foreign intelligence services.   In other words, there is simply no way for the government to mandate access to Americans’ encrypted communications and not also expose those communications to the government of China or other adversaries. 

    It’s alarming that just last week the press reported that UK officials insisted that Apple provide them a back door into files backed up to Apple’s iCloud service.  This is a development that threatens American national security and Americans’ privacy.  And that’s even before U.S. government officials come around, once again, asking for the same dangerous and irresponsible accesses.  That’s why Ms. Gabbard’s statement was so important and why, if she is confirmed, Congress needs to hold her, and the rest of America’s intelligence agencies, to it.

    During her confirmation process, Ms. Gabbard supported restrictions on the collection of communications records of journalists.  She endorsed the Biden Administration Justice Department’s policy prohibiting this collection except in very narrow circumstances, a policy she said was “essential to protecting press freedoms and maintaining the critical balance between national security and upholding the First Amendment.”  She also called for the codification of that policy.  

    I asked Ms. Gabbard about the collection of communications records of congressional members and staff, as was detailed in a Department of Justice Inspector General report released late last year.  She agreed that this spying on Congress was a “significant breach of the constitution and separation of powers,” and endorsed reforms to prevent it from happening again.  

    During this confirmation process, she confirmed her belief that the Government Accountability Office should audit the Intelligence Community to ensure it is not targeting Americans outside of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.   She also expressed support for the Public Interest Declassification Board, which is tasked with promoting transparency

    And finally, I asked Ms. Gabbard whether intelligence agency whistleblowers must have a clear path to the Senate Intelligence Committee and don’t need permission from agencies to talk to us.  She responded that the answer was “clearly yes.”  Given Donald Trump’s ongoing attacks on public servants defending the rule of law, the protection of whistleblowers may be one of the most important principles of all.

    In just three short weeks since his inauguration, here’s the checks and balances scoreboard on President Trump. He has illegally fired Inspectors General.  He has purged the three Democratic members of the independent Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, not only removing the most pro-privacy members but leaving the Board without enough members to function.  He has appointed or nominated people to carry out political retribution, including a nominee to be FBI Director who comes with his own published enemies list.  At the same time, Donald Trump has demonstrated thorough contempt for the security of Americans’ private information by granting Elon Musk’s people unsupervised access to the country’s most sensitive systems and databases.  

    So what will happen when he attempts to steamroll oversight and the rule of law and put the privacy and constitutional rights of all Americans at risk?  If she is confirmed, it will be up to Ms. Gabbard to stand up to him and stick to the principles and commitments she has expressed.  And it will be our responsibility to see that she does.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Prime Minister announces the appointment of Canada’s new Fentanyl Czar

    Source: Government of Canada – Prime Minister

    Fentanyl is a lethal drug that has torn apart communities and families across Canada and the United States. The scourge of fentanyl must be wiped from the face of the Earth, its production must be shut down, and its profiteers must be punished. 

    The Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, today announced the appointment of Kevin Brosseau as Canada’s new Fentanyl Czar, effective immediately. 

    As Fentanyl Czar, Mr. Brosseau will work closely with U.S. counterparts and law enforcement agencies to accelerate Canada’s ongoing work to detect, disrupt, and dismantle the fentanyl trade. Mr. Brosseau brings extensive law enforcement experience, having served in the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) for over 20 years, including as Deputy Commissioner and top cop in Manitoba. Recently, as Deputy National Security and Intelligence Advisor to the Prime Minister, Mr. Brosseau navigated Canada’s most sensitive security challenges. His demonstrated expertise tackling drug trafficking, organized crime networks, and other national security threats will bring tremendous value to this position. 

    Canada is taking significant action to stop the production and trafficking of illegal fentanyl. We are adding new and expanded detection capacity at border entries to find illegal drugs and guns and shorten cargo container processing time. We are building a Canadian Drug Analysis Centre to analyze illegal drug samples and identify where and how these drugs are manufactured. We are deploying new chemical detection tools at high-risk ports of entry, new canine teams to intercept illegal drugs, and a new Precursor Chemical Risk Management Unit to better track precursor chemicals and distribution channels. In the 2024 Fall Economic Statement, we introduced strong measures such as steeper penalties and regulatory changes to fight financial crimes, including money laundering, that often enable fentanyl trafficking. 

    While less than 1 per cent of the fentanyl intercepted at the U.S. border comes from Canada, any amount of fentanyl is too much. With Canada’s $1.3 billion border plan, we are reinforcing our strong border and stopping the fentanyl trade – with new Black Hawk helicopters, drones, mobile surveillance towers, and nearly 10,000 frontline personnel working on protecting the border. As an important legal tool to enforce criminal investigations in Canada, we will also be listing organized crime cartels as terrorist entities under the Criminal Code. This listing will strengthen the RCMP’s ability to prevent and disrupt cartel activities in our country. 

    Last week, the Prime Minister signed a new intelligence directive, backed by $200 million in investment, that will give our security agencies more capacity to gather intelligence on transnational organized crime and share with our American partners and law enforcement across the continent. This complements joint law enforcement co-ordination efforts, including through the Canada-U.S. Joint Strike Force to combat organized crime, fentanyl, and money laundering.

    Quotes

    “Fentanyl is a lethal drug that must be eradicated from our communities. Today’s appointment of Kevin Brosseau as Fentanyl Czar will accelerate Canada’s efforts to detect, disrupt, and dismantle the fentanyl trade, in partnership with the United States. With an over 20-year career in public safety and national security including tackling drug trafficking and organized crime, Mr. Brosseau will bring tremendous value to this position, and his work will help keep Canadians safe.”

    “Canada needs a Fentanyl Czar who will co-ordinate between agencies, move quickly to tackle challenges, and bring over 20 years of RCMP experience to a crisis that is plaguing our communities. Between cities and provinces, as well as our international borders, this person will need to work with all levels of government, with credibility as a team player. Working closely with our American counterparts to disrupt and dismantle this illegal drug trade crossing our border, the Fentanyl Czar will need expertise in drug trafficking, organized crime networks, and other national security threats. Kevin Brosseau is that person.”

    Quick Facts

    • The Prime Ministerial Directive on Transnational Crime and Border Security directed the national security and intelligence community to stand up a Joint Operational Intelligence Cell as well as information sharing hubs between provinces, territories, and international partners, to bolster the detection and disruption the trafficking of fentanyl and other illicit drugs, both within Canada and abroad.
    • Health Canada’s new Canadian Drug Analysis Centre will allow for more specialized analysis of synthetic drug samples. The analysis will go beyond identifying the components of a sample and look at forensic markers to help determine how and where these substances were manufactured.
    • Health Canada’s new Precursor Chemical Risk Management Unit will increase oversight over precursor chemicals and distribution channels as well as monitor emerging illegal drug trends.

    Related Product 

    Associated Links

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on recent dismissals and arrests of mayors in Türkiye – B10-0110/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    with request for inclusion in the agenda for a debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law
    pursuant to Rule 150 of the Rules of Procedure

    Malik Azmani, Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez, Petras Auštrevičius, Dan Barna, Benoit Cassart, Olivier Chastel, Veronika Cifrová Ostrihoňová, Karin Karlsbro, Ľubica Karvašová, Jan‑Christoph Oetjen, Marie‑Agnes Strack‑Zimmermann, Hilde Vautmans, Sophie Wilmès, Lucia Yar
    on behalf of the Renew Group

    NB: This motion for a resolution is available in the original language only.

    Document selected :  

    B10-0110/2025

    Texts tabled :

    B10-0110/2025

    Texts adopted :

    B10‑0110/2025

    Motion for a European Parliament resolution on  recent dismissals and arrests of mayors in Türkiye

    (2025/2546(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     – having regard to the European Charter of Local Self-Government

    – having regard to Rule 150 of its Rules of Procedure

    1. whereas Sofya Alagas, mayor of Siirt, was dismissed from office on 29 January 2025 following her sentence of six years and three months in prison for alleged membership in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK);
    2. whereas Hoşyar Sarıyıldız, mayor of Akdeniz Municipality, was taken into custody on 10 January 2025, on charges, inter alia, of membership in an illegal organization, followed by his referral for arrest on 13 January 2025; whereas, the both co-mayors, as well as four municipal council members, were dismissed and replaced with a state-appointed trustee;
    3. whereas on 12 January 2025, Riza Akpolat, the mayor of Istanbul’s central Besiktas district, was detained by police in an investigation into an alleged criminal organization suspected of rigging public tenders;
    4. whereas, on 30 October 2024, Ahmet Ozer, the mayor of Istanbul’s Esenyurt district from main opposition party CHP, was arrested for alleged membership in the PKK;
    5. whereas specific targeting of opposition politicians and mayors undermines the ability of the political opposition to exercise their rights and fulfil their democratic roles; is deeply concerned by continuous democratic backsliding in Türkiye;
    1. calls on the Turkish authorities to abolish the practice of dismissals of democratically elected mayors on politically motivated charges, ensuring that ineligibility of candidates is assessed prior to the elections and is based only on final, lawful and impartial criminal convictions; to allow eligible and elected representatives to freely exercise their mandates in line with the European Charter of Local Self-Government and to grant municipal councils the power to independently select replacement mayors in the event of a lawful dismissal, and only for the period until new representatives are legitimately elected in a new election;
    2. condemns Turkish Government’s decision to dismiss the democratically elected mayors of 10 municipalities and districts and to replace them with government trustees appointed by the Interior Ministry; regards this long-standing practice of appointing trustees as a blatant attack on the most basic principles of local democracy;
    3. calls on the HR/VP to consider imposing restrictive measures under the EU Human Rights sanction regime on the Turkish officials accepting to be trustees and on those nominating them;
    4. considers the decision of the Turkish government to return to this practice, after the last local elections of March 2024 as an indication, of its lack of commitment to fundamentally address the democratic shortcomings in the country;  remaining one of the constraints to deepening EU-Türkiye’s relationship.
    5. instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the EEAS, and the President, Government and Parliament of Türkiye and have it translated into Turkish.

     

    Last updated: 11 February 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION Recent dismissals and arrests of mayors in Türkiye – B10-0103/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    with request for inclusion in the agenda for a debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law

    Vladimir Prebilič, Mélissa Camara, Mounir Satouri, Vicent Marzà Ibáñez, Catarina Vieira, Maria Ohisalo, Erik Marquardt, Nicolae Ştefănuță, Ville Niinistö, Villy Søvndal
    on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group

    NB: This motion for a resolution is available in the original language only.

    B10‑0103/2025

    Motion for a European Parliament resolution on Recent dismissals and arrests of mayors in Türkiye

    (2025/2546(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

      having regard to Rules 144 of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas on 29 January elected Siirt Municipality Mayor Sofya Alağaş of the DEM Party was dismissed and sentenced to prison for alleged membership of the PKK when she was a journalist; whereas on 10 January elected Akdeniz Municipality co-mayors Hoşyar Sarıyıldız and Nuriye Aslan from the DEM Party and several City Council members were taken into custody in Mersin and later charged for alleged links to the PKK; whereas Ahmet Özer, mayor of Istanbul’s Esenyurt district from CHP party remains detained over alleged connections to the PKK; whereas the mayors were replaced by government trustees;

    B. whereas DEM Party won the the Siirt mayorship with 49.63% and the Akdeniz mayorship with 36,92% in the March 2024 local elections;

    C. whereas since 2016 successive Erdoğan governments have removed elected opposition mayors from 149 municipalities, mostly in the Kurdish southeast and replaced them with trustees; whereas since the March 2024 local elections 10 opposition mayors have been replaced by government appointees;

    1. Calls for the immediate and unconditional release, acquittal and reinstatement of elected mayor Sofya Alağaş and co-mayors Hoşyar Sarıyıldız and Nuriye Aslan and all other mayors arbitrarily arrested and dismissed;

    2. Condemns the Turkish authorities’ continuation of dismissing democratically elected mayors on bogus terrorism charges and replacing them with government appointees, which undermines democratic processes and violates the right to free and fair elections;

    3. Urges Turkish authorities to immediately cease and reverse repression of political opposition and respect the rights of voters to elect their chosen representatives in line with the recommendations of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe and the Venice Commission;

    4. Urges Türkiye to repeal Article 45, paragraph 1 added in 2016 to the Municipality Law and ensure that ineligibility of candidates is assessed prior to the elections and based on a final criminal conviction;

    5. Reminds Türkiye of its status as a candidate for European Union membership and its commitment to aligning with the EU acquis in all areas, including adherence to the rule of law and fundamental rights, as outlined in the Copenhagen criteria; 

    6. Calls on the European Commission, the HR/VP and Member States to raise the arrest and removal of opposition mayors as well as the take-over of municipalities with their Turkish counterparts;

    7. Calls on the European Commission and Council that financial assistance under IPA III and NDICI to Türkiye are strictly conditional upon the respect for the rule of law and fundamental rights and that sufficient funding is allocated to civil society;

    8. Calls on the HRVP to consider restrictive measures under the Global Human Rights Sanction Regime against Turkish officials responsible for the illegal removal of elected mayors and those functioning as government appointees to replace them;

    9. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the HR/VP, and the Government and Parliament of Türkiye, and asks that it be translated into Turkish language;

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION Recent dismissals and arrests of mayors in Turkiye – B10-0124/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    with request for inclusion in the agenda for a debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law

    Joachim Stanisław Brudziński, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Małgorzata Gosiewska, Waldemar Tomaszewski, Veronika Vrecionová, Ondřej Krutílek, Assita Kanko, Alexandr Vondra
    on behalf of the ECR Group

    NB: This motion for a resolution is available in the original language only.

    B10‑0124/2025

    Motion for a European Parliament resolution on  Recent dismissals and arrests of mayors in Turkiye

     

    (2025/2546(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

      having regard to its previous resolutions on Turkiye,

     having regard to Rule 150 of its Rules of Procedure,

     

    A. Whereas a recent trend in Türkiye involves the dismissal of democratically elected mayors and their replacement with government-appointed administrators, as seen in the removal of Siirt’s mayor and similar actions in Akdeniz Municipality, and this pattern extends to the January 13, 2025, arrest of Beşiktaş Mayor Rıza Akpolat in a corruption probe focused on public tender manipulation, despite mayors lacking signing authority in such processes; whereas, Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu also faces multiple legal challenges, including a potential political ban and a January 20 investigation for allegedly “threatening” prosecutor Akın Gürlek, alongside a defamation lawsuit from President Erdoğan demanding TRY 1 million in damages;

     

    B Whereas opposition municipal officials, particularly from pro-Kurdish parties, have faced frequent arrests and dismissals since the opposition’s victories in Turkiye‘s 2019 local elections, which they maintained in the 2024 polls;

     

    C Whereas the timing of these legal actions coincides with declining public support for the ruling party raising concerns about the use of judicial mechanisms for political purposes;

     

    D Whereas these systematic violations demonstrate a coordinated effort to use judicial and administrative mechanisms to dismantle political opposition, representing a serious threat to democratic governance and human rights, as the pattern of targeting opposition figures through legal mechanisms, while selectively applying justice, indicates a systematic abuse of state power to achieve political ends;

     

    E Whereas the systematic targeting of opposition mayors and political figures in Türkiye breaches international legal framework such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Articles 14, 22, and 25) through interference with rights to political participation, fair trials, and freedom of association; the Venice Commission’s standards on democratic governance through improper replacement of elected officials with appointees; and the European Charter of Local Self-Government (Articles 3, 7, and 8) by undermining local democratic authority and the exercise of elected representatives’ functions;

     

    1  Calls on the Commission to prepare an assessment of the systematic targeting of opposition politicians through judicial means, with particular focus on violations of the Copenhagen political criteria and establish an enhanced monitoring mechanism specific to the erosion of local democracy in Turkiye.

     

    2. Calls on the EEAS to establish a task force to monitor and report the persecution of opposition politicians, working closely with EU delegations in Turkiye to gather evidence and maintain detailed documentation of cases.

     

    3 Calls on the Venice Commission to issue an urgent opinion examining the systematic use of judicial measures against opposition politicians in Turkey, addressing the compatibility of mayoral dismissals with European democratic standards, the use of terrorism and corruption charges against opposition figures; and the practice of replacing elected officials with appointed administrators.

     

    4 Underlines the need to resume the Kurdish peace process;

     

    5 Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the EEAS, the Vice-President of the Commission/HRVP, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, Members of the Parliament and government of Türkiye.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – Russia’s war on Ukraine: Forcibly displaced Ukrainian children – 11-02-2025

    Source: European Parliament

    The invasion of Ukraine enters its 4th year in 2025, resulting in further displacement. On 17 March 2023, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Maria Alekseyevna Lvova-Belova, Russian Presidential Commissioner for Children’s Rights. The pair are accused of the ‘war crime of unlawful deportation of population (children) and that of unlawful transfer of population (children) from occupied areas of Ukraine to the Russian Federation’. According to the ICC, there are reasonable grounds to believe that President Putin ‘committed the acts directly, jointly with others and/or through others’, or that he failed to properly control ‘civilian and military subordinates who committed the acts, or allowed for their commission, and who were under his effective authority and control, pursuant to superior responsibility’. Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, evidence has been collected about core international crimes committed against Ukrainian children. Multiple reports consider Russia to be in breach of the obligations set in several international treaties and instruments to which Russia is party, and of customary international law. It is well documented that, since the start of the invasion, certain categories of individuals, including women and children, have been disproportionately affected by the conflict. International organisations, institutional actors and civil society organisations have repeatedly warned about the great burden on children, including but not limited to trafficking, sexual exploitation, abduction and illegal adoption. Beyond the strictly legal consequences of the arrest warrant, some commentators argue that the arrest warrant against Putin may help to undermine the Russian leader’s war efforts, as the international community universally sees the abduction of children as unacceptable. No matter what the geopolitical arguments are, removing children from their families or from care facilities and forcibly transferring them is universally considered a reprehensible act of violence. This is an update of a 2023 publication written by Micaela Del Monte with Nefeli Barlaoura.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Hearings – Housing Rentals in the Internal Market and Protection of Consumers – 18-02-2025 – Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection

    Source: European Parliament

    housing.jpg © no copyright

    On 18 February, from 14:30 to 16:30, the Internal Market and Consumer Protection Committee (IMCO) will host a public hearing about housing rentals in the internal market and consumer protection, in Brussels (SPAAK ROOM 1A2). This event aims to bring together different perspectives and gather feedback on housing rental challenges, with a particular emphasis on consumer protection.

    The hearing will gather representatives from the European Commission, industry organisations, the mayors of European cities and leading experts, with the view to ensure a comprehensive and diverse discussion.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Serbia: €29 million invested under the EU for Green Agenda initiative

    Source: European Investment Bank

    EIB

    As part of the EU for Green Agenda initiative in Serbia, EIB Global co-organised the conference on boosting green transition financing in Serbia, together with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Delegation of the European Union to Serbia, and the Ministry of Environmental Protection, in cooperation with the Association of Serbian Banks.

    Head of the EIB Regional Hub for the Western Balkans Damien Sorrell underlined the “EU for Green Agenda in Serbia” initiative as an excellent example of how we can catalyse green investments and increase resilience to climate change.

    “This is particularly important for local companies, 10% of which are already reporting losses from natural disasters. However, due to a lack of access to finance, expertise in developing green projects, and conducive green management practices, they are not sufficiently equipped to incorporate climate concerns into their management frameworks. That is why the technical support provided by the EIB to banks under the EU for Green Agenda is crucial. It will help turn innovative climate-friendly ideas into bankable projects,” Sorrell said.

    “The establishment of an effective mechanism for sustainable financing of the green transition is crucial for the competitiveness of the Serbian economy and the creation of new jobs, as well as for people’s health and the environment. This requires the cooperation of the government, international financial institutions, commercial banks and the private sector, which we have gathered today to achieve a common vision for accelerating the green transition in Serbia”” said Yakup Beris, UNDP Serbia Resident Representative.

    The “EU for Green Agenda in Serbia” project is implemented with technical and financial support of the European Union and in partnership with the Ministry of Environmental Protection by UNDP in cooperation with Sweden and EIB Global, with additional funding from the governments of Sweden, Switzerland and Serbia.

    Dedicated workshops for financial institutions

    Since 2022, this initiative has provided mentoring support and €4 million in co-financing for the implementation of innovative green projects across Serbia. For every euro of donor support, nearly €6 has been raised from other sources, including the beneficiaries’ own funds. As a result, over €29 million has been invested so far, which accounts for approximately 15% of all estimated green investments in Serbia.

    Through workshops conducted by the consulting consortia adelphi, iC Group and IPC, EIB Global is providing the technical assistance for partner financial institutions to equip them with the tools and knowledge to support implementation of the Green Agenda. Facilitated by experts in green finance, environmental policy and EU regulations, the workshops are aimed at building capacity to evaluate and finance green projects, ensuring alignment with EU sustainability criteria.

    Aleksandar Randjelović, an expert in the “EU for Green Agenda in Serbia” project, stated that the training provided by the consulting team introduced financial institutions to key concepts of green finance, emphasising their role in driving the transition to a low-carbon and climate-resilient economy. “Finance is the fuel of this transformation, and understanding climate risks and opportunities is essential for making impactful investments that align with the country’s Green Agenda,” he stated.

    UniCredit Bank Serbia has been one of the participants in the specialised training programme.

    “The workshop provided us with a deep understanding of the EU Green Agenda’s goals and practical strategies to align our financial products with sustainability principles. Through expert-led sessions, we gained insights into financing green projects, structuring innovative financial products, and adhering to EU environmental standards,” said Maja Jerkić Bogosavljević, Head of ESG at UniCredit Bank

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Other events – Housing Rentals in the Internal Market and Protection of Consumers – 18-02-2025 – Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection

    Source: European Parliament

    housing.jpg © no copyright

    On 18 February, from 14:30 to 16:30, the Internal Market and Consumer Protection Committee (IMCO) will host a public hearing entitled ‘Housing Rentals in the Internal Market and Protection of Consumers’ in Brussels (SPAAK ROOM 1A2) This event aims to bring together different perspectives and gather feedback on housing rental challenges, with a particular emphasis on consumer protection.

    The hearing will gather representatives from the European Commission, industry organisations, the mayors of European cities and leading experts, with the view to ensure a comprehensive and diverse discussion.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Highlights – AFCO exchange of views with registered European Political parties – 18.02.25 – Committee on Constitutional Affairs

    Source: European Parliament

    The Committee on Constitutional Affairs will hold an exchange of views with all registered European Political parties on 18 February.

    The aim of this exchange is to listen to political parties’ main concerns regarding the Commission proposal and the corresponding negotiating mandates by the Parliament and the Council. This discussion will take place in the presence of the Authority for the European political parties and Foundations, the Commission and the Polish Presidency. The issues raised and any ensuing recommendations are envisaged to feed into the discussions at interinstitutional level.

    Source : © European Union, 2025 – EP

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – EU sanctions against Russia 2025: State of play, perspectives and challenges – 11-02-2025

    Source: European Parliament

    In response to Russia’s illegal and unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the European Union swiftly adopted unprecedentedly tough sanctions, in close cooperation with partners including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and Japan. The rapid succession of 15 packages of EU sanctions adopted since then have resulted in an unparalleled set of measures targeting Russian political elites and key sectors of the Russian economy. New sanctions have also been adopted against Belarus, Iran and North Korea in response to their involvement in Russia’s war of aggression. Furthermore, in 2024 the EU adopted two new regimes of sanctions, addressing human rights violations and repression in Russia (May 2024), and responding to Russia’s destabilising activities (‘hybrid attacks’) abroad (October 2024). The unprecedented nature of the sanctions imposed on Russia, in scale and scope, has created new implementation challenges. Member States and EU institutions have renewed efforts to improve the enforcement of sanctions and to close loopholes to prevent circumvention, including reinforcing cooperation with third countries. A specific anti-circumvention tool was included in the 11th package of sanctions (June 2023), followed by additional measures in the successive packages, including those to counter Russia’s ‘shadow fleet’. Furthermore, a newly adopted EU directive (April 2024) obliges the EU Member States to introduce minimum criminal offences and penalties for violating and circumventing EU sanctions. It also aims to improve cross-border cooperation on investigations, prosecutions and sentencing of EU sanctions violations. Since Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol in 2014, the European Parliament has been a vocal advocate of severe sanctions. It has unequivocally condemned Russia’s unjustified aggression against Ukraine, demanded broader and better-enforced sanctions and called for the confiscation of Russian assets frozen by the EU to pay for Ukraine’s reconstruction. Parliament has demanded a full review of more centralised EU-level oversight of sanctions implementation and a full ban on liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports, among other measures. This briefing updates and complements a previous briefing published in September 2023.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – The Council’s position on Treaty change and EU enlargement – E-000452/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-000452/2025
    to the Council
    Rule 144
    Marieke Ehlers (PfE)

    • 1.The term ‘Treaty change’ does not appear in the text presenting the Polish Presidency. Does that mean that, under the Polish Presidency, the Council will be making a case for maintaining unanimity rules on foreign policy, the budget and taxation?
    • 2.During the exchange of views with Parliament’s Committee on Constitutional Affairs on 29 January 2025, the Polish Minister for European Affairs said that we had to take account of the ‘new political reality’. Can the Council clarify the scope of this new political reality and its implications for current and future legislative initiatives at European level?

    Submitted: 3.2.2025

    Last updated: 11 February 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia – B10-0112/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    B10‑0112/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia

    (2025/2522(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to its previous resolutions on Georgia, in particular that of 28 November 2024 on Georgia’s worsening democratic crisis following the recent parliamentary elections and alleged electoral fraud[1],

     having regard to the statement of preliminary findings and conclusions of the international election observation mission led by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe’s (OSCE) Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights on the parliamentary elections held in Georgia on 26 October 2024 and to the statement by the Head of the European Parliament’s election observation delegation,

     having regard to the statement by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell, of 29 October 2024 on the latest developments following the parliamentary elections in Georgia, and to the joint statement by High Representative Borrell and the Commission of 27 October 2024 on the parliamentary elections in Georgia,

     having regard to the statement by the Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of the European External Action Service of 10 December 2024 on the developments in Georgia,

     having regard to the joint statement by the Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Chair of the Delegation for relations with the South Caucasus, the Chair of the Delegation to the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, the Standing Rapporteur for Georgia and the Chair of the European Parliament Election Observation Mission for the 2024 parliamentary elections in Georgia of 16 January 2025 condemning the violence against political opponents,

     having regard to Georgia’s application for EU membership of March 2022 and to the European Council conclusions of 15 December 2023 granting Georgia candidate status,

     having regard to the Commission communication of 30 October 2024 entitled ‘2024 Communication on EU enlargement policy’ (COM(2024)0690), which includes the first progress report on Georgia,

     having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas parliamentary elections were held in Georgia on 26 October 2024 and were followed by protests against serious irregularities, such as voter intimidation, vote buying and alleged foreign interference, as well as contestations of the outcome;

    B. whereas the Georgian people have been standing up for their country’s democratic and European aspirations and for the protection of their fundamental freedoms and democratic rights since the parliamentary elections of 26 October 2024;

    C. whereas the Georgian authorities have attempted to crack down on the legitimate protests by using brutal police violence against peaceful protesters, political opponents and media representatives, leading to reports of hundreds of individuals being arbitrarily detained or subjected to violence and ill-treatment, with many requiring urgent medical care; whereas several leaders of political opposition parties have been detained, such as Nika Melia, or physically attacked, such as Giorgi Gakharia, in what appears to be a deliberate strategy to silence prominent opposition figures;

    D. whereas on 28 January 2025 the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe suspended some of the Georgian delegation’s rights and announced that it would reconsider the country’s credentials in April 2025 in the light of the progress achieved on, inter alia, ending police brutality and human rights abuses with immediate effect, releasing political prisoners and organising new genuinely democratic parliamentary elections, administered by politically independent state institutions and held under strict international monitoring;

    1. Urges the Georgian Government to cease its repression against peaceful protesters, political opponents and media representatives, to immediately release all arbitrarily detained persons, including Mzia Amaghlobeli, who is on hunger strike and faces severe health problems, to investigate the reports from civil society organisations and the Public Defender of Georgia that indicate that intentional police violence is taking place and to hold to account the perpetrators of these acts, as well as those ultimately responsible for them;

    2. Underlines that Georgia’s contested government is currently violating fundamental freedoms, basic human rights and the core international obligations of the country, thereby undermining decades of democratic reforms driven by the country’s political class and civil society;

    3. Reiterates its condemnation of the fact that the parliamentary elections of 26 October 2024 did not respect international electoral standards, nor Georgia’s commitments as a member of the OSCE to carry out democratic elections; notes the failure of the Georgian authorities to address the concerns about the integrity of the process and the results of the parliamentary elections of 26 October 2024, which has led to all opposition members relinquishing their seats or boycotting the opening session of the new parliament;

    4. Emphasises that it will not recognise the new parliament as a democratically elected parliament that adequately reflects the pluralist political landscape and that represents the will of the Georgian people in its entirety; reiterates its call for a rerun of the parliamentary elections within a year, with the process conducted in an improved electoral environment by an independent and impartial election administration, under diligent international observation;

    5. Calls for the EU and the Member States and their national parliaments to refrain from holding any meetings with members of the illegitimate Georgian Parliament, as well as with government officials and diplomats until new parliamentary elections are held;

    6. Supports the call by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe for Georgia to immediately initiate an inclusive process involving all political and social actors, including the ruling party, the opposition and civil society, to urgently address the deficiencies and shortcomings noted during the recent parliamentary elections and to create an electoral environment conducive to new genuinely democratic elections, which should be announced in the coming months;

    7. Reminds the Georgian authorities of their obligations to the people of Georgia under the Georgian constitution and national and international law and in accordance with its commitments and obligations as a member of European and international organisations, conventions and treaties;

    8. Reminds the Georgian authorities that respect for the principles of democracy, the rule of law, fundamental freedoms and human rights form the basis of any cooperation with the EU, whether in the area of political dialogue or economic cooperation and trade; maintains the view that the measures taken so far by the EU in response to the flagrant democratic backsliding and reneging on previous commitments do not yet fully reflect the severity of the situation in Georgia and the latest developments;

    9. Welcomes the decision of the Foreign Affairs Council of 27 January 2025 to suspend parts of the EU-Georgia visa facilitation agreement, in particular to reintroduce visa requirements and suspend visa facilitation for Georgian diplomats and government officials, due to Georgia’s democratic backsliding and repression against peaceful protesters, political opponents and independent media representatives;

    10. Points out to the Georgian authorities that the same fundamental principles on which the EU-Georgia visa facilitation agreement was concluded, as referred to in Article 2 of the agreement, namely respect for democratic principles, the rule of law and fundamental freedoms, also constitute an essential element of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement and its Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, which entered into force on 1 July 2016; reminds the Georgian authorities that the non-fulfilment of obligations may lead to the suspension of rights within the scope of Article 422 of the agreement; calls on the Commission to start identifying economic sectors of relevance to the oligarchic interests that support and sustain the current authoritarian rule in view of a potential future decision about restrictive measures or economic sanctions; calls on the Commission to start identifying connectivity policies that support and sustain the current authoritarian rule and to consider a suspension of such policies until a rerun of the parliamentary elections is held;

    11. Urges the Georgian authorities to stop leveraging the Commission communication on the enlargement process to misinform Georgian citizens regarding the EU’s position on the democratic backsliding in Georgia; calls on the Commission to minimise communication on Georgia and the enlargement process until the rerun of the parliamentary elections;

    12. Calls for the EU and its Member States to reinforce targeted sanctions against all individuals responsible for democratic backsliding and violations of electoral laws and standards and human rights in Georgia, including in particular Bidzina Ivanishvili, and to extend these sanctions to judges passing politically motivated sentences, as well as to the financial enablers and owners of regime-aligned media outlets, including Imedi TV, Post TV and Rustavi 2 TV, for their role in spreading disinformation and seeking to manipulate public discourse to sustain the current ruling party’s authoritarian rule;

    13. Calls on the Commission to provide further and increased funding to independent media and civil society organisations in Georgia, in the light of the suspension of assistance from the United States Agency for International Development to Georgian civil society;

    14. Reiterates its solidarity with the people of Georgia fighting for their democratic rights and the European future of their country and therefore urges the Georgian Government to reverse their current political course and return to implementing the will of the Georgian people for continued democratic reforms that would reopen the prospect of future EU membership;

    15. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and to the President, Government and Parliament of Georgia.

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia – B10-0108/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Rasa Juknevičienė, Michael Gahler, Andrzej Halicki, Sebastião Bugalho, David McAllister, Željana Zovko, Isabel Wiseler‑Lima, Antonio López‑Istúriz White, Wouter Beke, Krzysztof Brejza, Daniel Caspary, Andrey Kovatchev, Miriam Lexmann, Reinhold Lopatka, Ana Miguel Pedro, Davor Ivo Stier, Michał Szczerba, Alice Teodorescu Måwe, Inese Vaidere, Michał Wawrykiewicz
    on behalf of the PPE Group

    B10‑0108/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia

    (2025/2522(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to its previous resolutions on Georgia, in particular that of 28 November 2024 on Georgia’s worsening democratic crisis following the recent parliamentary elections and alleged electoral fraud[1],

     having regard to Georgia’s status as an EU candidate country, granted by the European Council at its summit of 14 and 15 December 2023,

     having regard to Article 78 of the Georgian Constitution, which demands the implementation of all possible measures to guarantee Georgia’s complete integration into the EU and NATO,

     having regard to the final report of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) on the parliamentary elections held in Georgia on 26 October 2024,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas Article 2 of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement[2] concerns the general principles of the agreement, which include democratic principles, human rights and fundamental freedoms;

    B. whereas the parliamentary elections of 26 October 2024 in Georgia were deeply flawed and marked by grave irregularities; whereas these elections violated the democratic norms and standards set for free and fair elections, failing to reflect the will of the people and rendering the resulting ‘Parliament’, and subsequently the ‘President’, devoid of any democratic legitimacy;

    C. whereas the President of Georgia, Salome Zourabichvili, publicly condemned the elections as rigged, declared that she would not recognise them and called for an international investigation;

    D. whereas Georgia has officially held the status of EU candidate country since December 2023; whereas on 28 November 2024, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced that Georgia would delay initiating accession talks with the EU until the end of 2028;

    E. whereas on 28 November 2024, peaceful mass anti-government protests began across the country, demanding new, free and fair elections, an end to political violence and repression, and the return of the country to its European path; whereas the protests have been taking place without interruption for over 75 days;

    F. whereas on 14 December 2024, the de facto parliament held a ‘presidential election’ with a single candidate from the Georgian Dream party, elected with 224 out of 225 votes cast; whereas the absence of alternative candidates in this process eliminated political competition and has been widely criticised for undermining democratic principles and failing to provide the electorate with a genuine choice;

    G. whereas Georgia’s self-appointed authorities have plunged the country into a fully fledged constitutional and political crisis, as well as a human rights and democracy crisis; whereas this has been marked by the brutal repression of peaceful protesters, with judges, prosecutors and police officers actively fabricating politically motivated administrative and criminal charges against protesters, journalists and opposition figures detained during peaceful anti-government demonstrations; whereas, as of December 2024, more than 460 people have been arrested or punished since the protests began, with this number growing by the day;

    H. whereas reports indicate the widespread use of excessive force, torture and degrading treatment by law enforcement officials against peaceful protesters, causing significant physical and psychological harm, as documented by international human rights organisations and local non-governmental organisations;

    I. whereas independent media, including TV Formula, TV Mtavari and TV Pirveli, face systematic harassment and intimidation; whereas numerous violent attacks on journalists have been documented, including the severe beatings of Aleksandre Keshelashvili, Maka Chikhladze and Giorgi Shetsiruli, and the harassment of detained journalist Saba Kevkhishvili; whereas on 12 January 2025, the Georgian authorities arrested journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli, who has been in pre-trial detention since then and is on hunger strike in solidarity with all political prisoners in Georgia; whereas she faces between four to seven years in prison;

    J. whereas the Constitutional Court of Georgia, along with other judicial bodies, is under the control of the ruling Georgian Dream party and has issued politically motivated decisions that legitimise the regime’s actions, undermine democracy and justify human rights violations, contributing to the erosion of the rule of law;

    K. whereas the de facto Georgian authorities have used disproportionate force and excessive violence against peaceful protesters and resorted to arbitrary mass arrests to thwart dissent; whereas independent human rights organisations have reported the systemic mistreatment of detainees, including torture; whereas to date, not a single law enforcement official involved in the brutal crackdowns, arbitrary arrests and mistreatment has been brought to justice;

    L. whereas the self-appointed authorities introduced new draconian legislation that came into force on 30 December 2024, imposing further arbitrary restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, introducing, among other things, hefty fines for putting up protest slogans and posters, and granting police the power to detain individuals ‘preventively’ for 48 hours on suspicion of planning to violate the rules governing public assembly; whereas on 3 February 2025, the Georgian Dream party unveiled further draft legislation designed to tighten control, ramping up penalties for a variety of offences directly targeting protestors, critics and political dissent, such as harsher punishments for ‘insulting officials’ and an increase in the duration of administrative detention from 15 to 60 days;

    M. whereas on 29 January 2025, Georgian Dream announced that it would withdraw its delegation from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe after the latter demanded new parliamentary elections, the release of political prisoners and accountability for perpetrators of violence;

    N. whereas on 5 February 2025, the self-appointed ‘Parliament’ voted to approve the early termination of the mandates of 49 out of 61 members of parliament who did not take their seats following last year’s election;

    1. Refrains from recognising the self-proclaimed authorities of the Georgian Dream party as a legitimate government of Georgia following the rigged election of 26 October 2024, which was held in total violation of democratic norms and standards, and did not reflect the will of the people of Georgia; calls on the international community to join the boycott of the self-proclaimed Georgian authorities; encourages the EU Member States to only engage with Georgian Dream in order to demand new democratic parliamentary elections;

    2. Recognises President Salome Zourabichvili as the only legitimate representative of the Georgian state; praises her efforts to peacefully steer the country back towards a democratic and European path of development;

    3. Demands that new elections take place in Georgia within the next few months in an improved electoral environment, overseen by an independent and impartial election administration and monitored through diligent international observation to guarantee a genuinely fair, free and transparent process; encourages the Member States and EU officials to firmly demand new elections and to make any future engagement explicitly conditional on setting a new date for parliamentary elections and establishing a mechanism to ensure they are free and fair;

    4. Reiterates its call on the Council and the Member States to impose immediate and targeted personal sanctions on Bidzina Ivanishvili and to freeze all his assets within the EU for his role in the deterioration of the political process in Georgia, enabling democratic backsliding and acting against the country’s constitutionally declared interests of Euro-Atlantic integration; recalls that the US has already imposed sanctions on him; calls on the French Government to strip Bidzina Ivanishvili of the Legion of Honour and impose individual sanctions on him;

    5. Welcomes the Council’s decision to suspend visa-free travel for Georgian diplomats and officials, but considers it as only a first step, which must be followed by harsher penalties; encourages the Member States to rigorously enforce the suspension of visa-free travel by cross-checking the individual national identification numbers of the diplomats and officials against their documents to prevent circumvention of the suspension;

    6. Calls for the EU and its Member States to impose personal sanctions on the officials and political leaders in Georgia responsible for democratic backsliding, electoral fraud, human rights violations and the persecution of political opponents and activists, such as Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, Mayor of Tbilisi and Secretary General of the ruling Georgian Dream party Kakha Kaladze, Speaker of the Georgian Parliament Shalva Papuashvili, and Chair of the Georgian Dream party Irakli Garibashvili, and to extend these sanctions to judges, including those of the Constitutional Court of Georgia who are passing politically motivated sentences, and representatives of the law enforcement services;

    7. Strongly condemns the brutal violence and repression used by Georgia’s ruling regime against peaceful protesters since 28 November 2024; demands the release of journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, who has been on hunger strike for over four weeks now because of her unjust detention and risks facing critical, irreversible and life-threatening consequences; denounces the assault and beating of former Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia, resulting in his hospitalisation, followed by the arrest of political leaders including Elene Khoshtaria, Nika Melia and Gigi Ugulava, as a shocking escalation of state-orchestrated violence by Georgian Dream and its allies against peaceful demonstrators; demands the annulment of recently adopted repressive legislation by the self-declared ‘Parliament’, restraining freedom of assembly and suppressing peaceful dissent;

    8. Urges the Georgian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all individuals detained for peacefully exercising their fundamental rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, and to ensure prompt, thorough and impartial investigations into all allegations of unlawful and disproportionate use of force by the law enforcement agencies; considers that the Georgian justice system has been weaponised to stifle dissent, instil fear and silence free speech;

    9. Calls for the Georgian authorities to take immediate action to ensure the safety and freedom of journalists and to investigate all instances of violence and misconduct by law enforcement agencies; emphasises the importance of fostering a democratic environment where media, civil society and the opposition can operate freely without fear of retaliation or censorship;

    10. Demands an independent, transparent and impartial investigation into police brutality and the excessive use of force against peaceful demonstrators; calls for those responsible for human rights violations, including law enforcement and government officials ordering acts of repression, to be held fully accountable before the law;

    11. Denounces the launch of an investigation by the Prosecutor’s Office on 8 February 2025 into non-governmental organisations accused of aggravated sabotage, attempted sabotage and assisting foreign and foreign-controlled organisations in hostile activities aimed at undermining the state interests of Georgia, for which they could receive multiple-year sentences; views this action as further escalation of repression by the regime, misuse of the judicial system and accelerated democratic backsliding;

    12. Denounces the termination of the mandates of 49 members of parliament as a sign of further democratic backsliding;

    13. Notes that Georgia, once a front runner for Euro-Atlantic integration, is undergoing an accelerated process of democratic backsliding, which could result in the country taking the Belarussian path of political development, transitioning from the current authoritarian state to a dictatorial regime;

    14. Deplores the decision of Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze to suspend accession talks and reject EU funding until the end of 2028; recalls that all polls consistently show the overwhelming support of the Georgian population for a Euro-Atlantic future; expresses strong support for the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the Georgian people, who continue to demonstrate daily in defence of their human rights, constitution and democracy; stands in solidarity with the Georgian nation and calls for the Commission, the Member States and the EU institutions to support Georgian civil society representatives in their struggle for a democratic and European future;

    15. Calls on the Commission to review the EU-Georgia Association Agreement in the light of the self-declared Georgian authorities’ breach of the general principles, as laid down in Article 2; maintains, furthermore, that non-compliance with the general principles should result in the conditional suspension of economic cooperation and privileges afforded by the Agreement;

    16. Condemns the climate of intimidation and polarisation fuelled by statements by Georgian Government representatives and political leaders, as well as by attacks against political pluralism, including through repeated threats to ban opposition parties, to arrest their leaders and even ordinary supporters, and to silence dissent;

    17. Calls for the EU and its Member States to cease all high-level contacts with the institutions of Georgia’s illegitimate government, such as the EU-Georgia Association Council, until free and fair elections take place; recalls that such meetings can be abused to create a false impression of ‘business as usual’ and legitimisation from the EU;

    18. Welcomes the Commission’s decision to cease all budgetary support to the Georgian authorities and to suspend the initiation of any future investment projects; encourages the Commission to terminate all financial support for ongoing projects; calls for a moratorium on all investment projects in the field of connectivity;

    19. Calls on the Commission to use the frozen EUR 120 million originally intended as support for the Georgian authorities to enhance the EU’s support for Georgia’s civil society, in particular the non-governmental sector and independent media, which are increasingly coming under undue pressure from the ruling political party and the authorities, as well as to support programmes supporting democratic resilience and electoral integrity; calls for the EU’s funding mechanisms to be adjusted to take into account the needs that arise in a more hostile and anti-democratic environment; highlights the urgency of the need to support civil society in the light of growing repression and the suspension of activities of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), and therefore urges the Commission to ramp up support without delay;

    20. Expresses deep concern about the increasing Russian influence in the country and about the Georgian Dream government’s actions in pursuing a policy of rapprochement and collaboration with Russia, in spite of its creeping occupation of Georgian territory;

    21. Strongly reiterates its urgent demand for the immediate release of former President Mikheil Saakashvili on humanitarian grounds; emphasises that the Georgian Government bears full and undeniable responsibility for the life, health, safety and well-being of former President Mikheil Saakashvili and must be held fully accountable for any harm that befalls him;

    22. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the self-appointed authorities of Georgia.

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the escalation of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo – B10-0125/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Hilde Vautmans, Abir Al‑Sahlani, Barry Andrews, Petras Auštrevičius, Malik Azmani, Dan Barna, Benoit Cassart, Olivier Chastel, Engin Eroglu, Karin Karlsbro, Ľubica Karvašová, Ilhan Kyuchyuk, Jan‑Christoph Oetjen, Urmas Paet, Marie‑Agnes Strack‑Zimmermann, Yvan Verougstraete, Sophie Wilmès, Lucia Yar
    on behalf of the Renew Group

    B10‑0125/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the escalation of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo

    (2025/2553(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to its previous resolutions on the situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC),

     having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to other UN human rights treaties and instruments,

     having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,

     having regard to the reports of the UN Group of Experts on the DRC,

     having regard to the recent statements of the UN Security Council,

     having regard to the recent statements by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on behalf of the EU on the latest escalation in the eastern DRC,

     having regard to the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement on the escalation of violence in the eastern DRC of 3 February 2025,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas over the last two years, March 23 Movement (M23) forces have been expanding their presence in the eastern DRC; whereas they have been setting up new governance administrations and taxation systems, establishing military training camps and exporting minerals directly to Rwanda;

    B. whereas on 23 and 24 January 2025, M23 fired on positions of the United Nations Organization Stabilisation Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), which resulted in the deaths of 13 peacekeepers of MONUSCO and of the peacekeeping mission led by the Southern African Development Community (SADC);

    C. whereas since the beginning of 2025, the eastern DRC has experienced a significant escalation in violence, leading to a dire humanitarian crisis, human rights violations and violation of its territorial integrity; whereas on 27 January 2025, clashes erupted in Goma between M23 and the Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC) and their allies; whereas approximately 800 000 internally displaced people were sheltering at that time in densely populated displacement sites around the city;

    D. whereas on 30 January, parts of Goma, including its airport, fell under the control of M23, which declared its intention to march all the way to Kinshasa; whereas in South Kivu, M23 forces continued their advance towards Bukavu and on 5 February captured Nyabibwe; whereas on 3 February, M23 declared a ‘ceasefire for humanitarian reasons’, but Goma airport is still closed and there is still no way for humanitarian aid to get through; whereas the partial occupation of Goma by M23 is having wide-ranging humanitarian consequences on civilians, who have no access to running water, electricity or the internet; whereas, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), more than 3 000 people have died; whereas some have already been buried in mass graves, while others are currently in hospital morgues in and around Goma;

    E. whereas on 8 February 2025, during the summit between SADC and the East African Community (EAC) in Tanzania, the leaders of 20 east and southern African countries called for an immediate ceasefire in the DRC; whereas they underscored the critical importance of safeguarding the country’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and urged the establishment of humanitarian corridors to provide essential assistance to those affected by the ongoing conflict;

    F. whereas the UN Group of Experts concluded in its June 2024 report that the deployment of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) ‘violates the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo’ and that ‘RDF’s de facto control and direction over M23 operations also renders Rwanda liable for the actions of M23’;

    G. whereas the crisis has reached Kinshasa, where embassies – including those of Rwanda, Belgium, France, the Netherlands and the US – have been attacked by protesters;

    H. whereas women and girls in the DRC face increased levels of sexual and gender-based violence, resulting in there being one victim of rape every four minutes; whereas the staff of Panzi Hospital in Bukavu, which receives many survivors of sexual violence, is alarmed about the deteriorating security situation in the area and about the security of the staff and patients in Panzi Hospital itself;

    I. whereas several humanitarian organisation warehouses containing food, medicines and medical supplies have been looted or destroyed during the fighting; whereas without the urgent reinforcement of resources, and given the security constraints limiting their movements, the capacity of humanitarian organisations to respond to the needs of the population remains severely compromised; whereas humanitarian access has been limited and remains alarming; whereas some international organisations have begun evacuating their non-essential staff and scaling down their activities due to the increased security risk;

    J. whereas prior to recent developments, the DRC faced one of the largest displacement crises in Africa, with 6.7 million internally displaced persons, including 4.6 million in South and North Kivu; whereas the DRC also hosts over 520 000 refugees and asylum seekers from neighbouring countries, while 1.1 million refugees from the DRC are being hosted in neighbouring countries in the region, more than half of them in Uganda; whereas the recent surge in violence has internally displaced over half a million people since the beginning of the year; whereas given the severe overcrowding in the displacement sites where people remain and the lack of water, sanitation and hygiene infrastructure, the risk of a cholera outbreak is extremely high, along with that of a rapid spread of the Mpox epidemic;

    K. whereas eastern Congo is rich in minerals, namely lithium, coltan, cobalt and zinc, which are resources essential to the economy, with use ranging from electronics to renewable energy infrastructure; whereas these minerals are being stolen by M23 and mined illegally, as confirmed by the UN Group of Experts, fuelling violence while destabilising global supply chains; whereas this affects not just the people of the DRC, but also the economic security of the EU and its industries, businesses and consumers;

    L. whereas many of the displaced people will seek refuge in neighbouring countries and, potentially, in the EU;

    M. whereas the further internationalisation of the conflict in the form of a direct military confrontation between the DRC and Burundi on one side, and Rwanda on the other side, and of a proxy war between African countries, is alarming;

    N. whereas Rwanda is the third largest contributor of peacekeeping forces to the UN, for example through the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR);

    O. whereas both the United Nations Security Council and the Peace and Security Council of the African Union called for emergency meetings in New York and Addis Ababa that took place on 28 January 2025;

    P. whereas between 2021 and 2024, the EU provided EUR 260 million in funding to Rwanda, with an additional EUR 900 million pledged under the Global Gateway strategy; whereas a significant portion of this aid is earmarked for ‘good governance’, yet Rwanda’s actions are demonstrating the exact opposite;

    Q. whereas following the latest developments in the eastern DRC, the EU declared that it stood ready to boost emergency assistance, particularly for the newly displaced populations in and around Goma, and on 28 January, the Commission announced new humanitarian support for the DRC, with an initial amount of EUR 60 million for 2025;

    1. Strongly condemns the occupation of Goma and other territories in the eastern DRC by M23 and the RDF as an unacceptable breach of the DRC’s sovereignty and territorial integrity; urges M23 and the RDF to stop their advance and to withdraw immediately; condemns the serious human rights and international humanitarian law violations which have led to a mass displacement of civilians, resulting from the renewed hostilities involving M23, the FARDC and various other armed groups since late 2021;

    2. Strongly condemns the indiscriminate attacks with explosive weapons in populated areas of North Kivu by all parties, including on displacement camps and other densely populated areas near Goma, as well as the unlawful killings, rapes and other apparent war crimes, forced labour, forced recruitment and other abusive practices committed by M23 with the support of the RDF and by the FARDC;

    3. Strongly condemns the fact that the RDF has deployed troops to eastern Congo and provided direct military support to M23, helping it expand control in the eastern DRC;

    4. Strongly condemns all attacks against diplomatic missions in Kinshasa; urges the authorities of the DRC to take all appropriate steps to protect diplomats and the premises of diplomatic missions, as is their responsibility in accordance with international law;

    5. Calls for an immediate end to the violence, particularly the mass killings and the use of rape as a strategic weapon of war; calls on the DRC and Rwanda to investigate and appropriately prosecute those responsible for war crimes, including sexual violence, under the principle of command responsibility;

    6. Calls for the immediate reopening of Goma airport; urges the RDF and M23 to urgently ensure access to and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid to the population of Goma in the eastern DRC, including by ensuring that civilians and displaced people are not denied access to items essential for their survival, such as water, food and medicine, and have access to legal, social and medical support for survivors of sexual violence;

    7. Calls for humanitarian corridors to be immediately opened where appropriate and for principled humanitarian access to be enabled; calls for the safety of humanitarian staff, health workers and medical facilities to be preserved;

    8. Urges the Rwandan and DRC Governments to end their military support for abusive non-state armed groups, including M23, which may make them complicit in war crimes;

    9. Is concerned about the consequences of Russian interference in the conflict and more widely in the region;

    10. Regrets that the EU has failed, since the re-emergence of M23 with Rwanda’s support, to take appropriate measures to sufficiently address the crisis and effectively press Rwanda to end its support for M23, and that it has instead taken steps, including the signature in February 2024 of a Memorandum of Understanding on sustainable critical raw materials value chains and the decision to top up support for Rwanda’s deployment in Mozambique under the European Peace Facility (EPF), which have failed to demonstrate sufficient safeguards and have contributed to the sending of an inconsistent message to the Rwandan authorities;

    11. Urges the Commission and the Council to immediately suspend the EU-Rwanda Memorandum of Understanding on sustainable critical raw materials value chains until Rwanda proves that it is ceasing its interference and its exportation of minerals mined from M23-controlled areas; calls on all actors to increase transparency and to effectively ban the entry of all blood minerals into the EU;

    12. Calls on the Commission, the EU Member States and the international financial institutions to freeze all bilateral assistance to Rwanda subject to it meeting conditions on, inter alia, humanitarian access and the breaking of all links with M23; urges the Commission and the EU Member States to freeze their military and security assistance to the RDF and the part of the Congolese armed forces collaborating with the M23 rebels, in order to ensure that they do not contribute directly or indirectly to abusive military operations in the eastern DRC; calls strongly, in particular, for a review of the EU’s renewed support under the EPF to ensure that troops deployed in northern Mozambique and benefiting from EPF support, as well as their commanders, have been properly vetted and have not been involved in human rights violations in the eastern DRC or elsewhere, with a view to suspending the support if it is found to contribute directly or indirectly to abusive military operations in the eastern DRC;

    13. Urges the Commission and all EU Member States to ban the transfer of weapons to the Rwandan forces and M23 and to ensure greater transparency of trade in EU weapons;

    14. Urges the Council to expand sanctions against senior M23 commanders, leaders of other armed groups and senior officials from Congo and Rwanda, including Major-General Eugene Nkubito, the commander of the RDF’s 3rd Division and Major-General Ruki Karusisi, RDF Special Force Commander, both identified in the June 2024 report of the UN Group of Experts and reports from other countries across the region as being responsible for or complicit in recent serious abuses by their forces or those for which they have command responsibility;

    15. Calls on the International Criminal Court to step up its investigations into alleged crimes in the region so that the perpetrators are brought to justice;

    16. Reiterates its full support for MONUSCO in protecting civilians and stabilising the region; calls on the UN to work towards a stronger mandate for MONUSCO in order to enable peacemaking; calls on the UN to ensure the protection of civilians and respect for international humanitarian law, particularly with the increased risk of gender-based violence, and to preserve the safety of humanitarian staff, health workers and medical facilities;

    17. Calls on the UN to take immediate and specific measures to protect Panzi Hospital, its patients and staff;

    18. Calls on the UN to use the peacekeeping partnerships with Rwanda, such as UNAMIR, to put pressure on the Rwandan authorities to stop the violence, instead of allowing them to use it as leverage to avoid sanctions;

    19. Calls for the cancellation of the 2025 Road World Championships in Kigali if Rwanda does not change course;

    20. Welcomes the special session of the UN Human Rights Council of 7 February 2025 on the human rights situation in the east of the DRC, supports the establishment of an independent commission of inquiry into serious violations committed since January 2022;

    21. Takes note of the outcomes of the joint meeting of EAC-SADC Ministers, held on 7 February 2025, and the joint EAC-SADC summit of heads of state and government, held on 8 February 2025; welcomes the recommendations made;

    22. Reaffirms its full support for the African-led Luanda and Nairobi peace processes as a path to resolving the conflict;

    23. Calls on the international community and all actors involved to use the Addis Ababa framework agreement and to organise an international conference for peace in eastern Congo and the Great Lakes region; stresses that this ‘peace for business’ conference will have the unique feature of having the private sector around the peace negotiation table, since the war is about strategic minerals; underlines that businesspeople can have significant leverage to push their countries to act for peace; believes that the business for peace approach can help us move forward in finding a solution;

    24. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Government and Parliament of Rwanda, the Government and Parliament of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the African Union and other relevant international bodies.

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Press release – MEPs ask the ECB to assess the impact of global conflicts on price stability

    Source: European Parliament

    Plenary adopted recommendations to the European Central Bank on Tuesday, following a debate on its priorities and activities with President Christine Lagarde on Monday.

    With 378 votes in favour, 233 against and 26 abstentions, MEPs say they want the ECB to do more to stem inflation, the worst effects of which are felt by the most vulnerable in society, and to ensure that any roll out of a digital euro takes citizen concerns on board. For the first time, Parliament specifically requests the ECB to assess how war and conflict can affect price stability.

    Inflation concerns

    MEPs are uneasy about the “historically and persistently” high levels of inflation, arguing price increases hit those with lower incomes the hardest. They note the ECB was wrong to believe inflation would only be transitory and economic forecasting models need to be improved to allow for better policymaking. Parliament decries the “significant subsidy” to banks arising as an indirect result of ECB policies which led to large interest payments on bank deposits at the ECB, and asks for measures to mitigate this issue.

    Deployment of digital euro

    MEPs say public trust is necessary for a successful rollout of the digital euro and want the ECB to demonstrate its benefits before legislators, rather than the ECB governing council, take the decision on its introduction. They insist that a digital euro must co-exist with physical cash, which “should remain widely available at all times”. Financial stability concerns and potential changes in the structure of the financial sector resulting from the introduction of a digital euro must also be taken into account by the ECB, MEPs say.

    Call for a new “geopolitics plan”

    For the first time, MEPs ask the ECB to draft a Geopolitics plan 2025-2030 to understand better the implications of war and conflict on price stability.

    Parliament also wants the ECB to assess how climate change affects its ability to maintain price stability. The institution should use the available tools to ensure banks take financial and external risks, including climate and geopolitical risks, seriously, the resolution says.

    MEPs insist that price stability remains the ECB’s primary goal and warn that over-reaching on secondary objectives “touches on the independence of the ECB”.

    Debate with Christine Lagarde

    During the plenary debate on Monday, MEPs clashed with each other on the issue of how market neutral ECB policy should be and the extent to which price stability should determine the ECB’s actions. A number of MEPs also argued the ECB would focus more on the needs of ordinary people, while others said that in today’s volatile world the ECB needed to be better prepared to address geopolitical shocks.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the escalation of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo – B10-0102/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    B10‑0102/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the escalation of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo

    (2025/2553(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to other UN human rights treaties and instruments,

     having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,

     having regard to the UN Charter, the Hague conventions and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court,

     having regard to the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 and the additional protocols thereto,

     having regard to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women of 18 December 1979),

    –  having regard to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child of 20 November 1989,

    –  having regard to the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the region, signed in Addis Ababa on 24 February 2013,

     having regard to UN Security Council Resolution 2738 (2024) of 27 June 2024 on renewal of measures on arms embargo against the Democratic Republic of the Congo imposed by Security Council resolution 2293 (2016) and extension of the mandate of the Group of Experts Established pursuant to Resolution 1533 (2004) until 1 Aug. 2025,

    –  having regard to the UN Security Council Midterm report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo, submitted in accordance with paragraph 6 of UN Security Council Resolution 2738 (2024), of 27 December 2024,

    –   having regard to the UN Security Council press statement on the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo of 26 January 2025,

    –   having regard to the statement of UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk on the human rights situation in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo of 7 February 2025,

    –   having regard to the Nairobi Process, launched in April 2022, aimed at facilitating a peaceful solution to the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) through inclusive dialogue and negotiations,

    –   having regard to the Luanda Process, launched in July 2022, aimed at finding peace between the DRC and Rwanda under Angolese mediation,

    –   having regard to the conclusions of the Joint Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) of 8 February 2025,

    –   having regard to the Social Pact for Peace and Living Well Together in the DRC and the Great Lakes Region, launched by the Catholic and Protestant churches of the DRC,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas the advance, since 2022, of the March 23 Movement (M23) rebel group, in cooperation with the politico-military Alliance Fleuve Congo, has led to the occupation of large parts of the province of North Kivu, and they are presently advancing towards Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu;

    B. whereas, by 30 January 2025, the M23 rebels had taken the city of Goma, capital of North Kivu, and at least 3 000 people had been killed in the city’s streets; whereas the present situation causes a humanitarian crisis and the M23 group has in the past been accused of various and numerous war crimes, including the use of rape as a weapon of war;

    C. whereas this is the fifth wave of war that has destabilised the DRC since the 1997 fall of Mobutu Sese Seko – following, specifically: 1) the five-year occupation (1998–2003) of large parts of the DRC by the armies of Rwanda and Uganda, 2) the occupation of Bukavu (May–June 2004) by the rebels led by Jules Mutebutsi and Laurent Nkunda, 3) the attack on Goma (October 2008) by the National Congress for the Defence of the People, 4) the occupation of Goma by M23 in November 2012;

    D. whereas three decades of systematic interference and destabilisation of the region have claimed millions of lives, as well as causing the forcible displacement of 7 million people within the DRC;

    E. whereas on 21 January 2025, the UN reported 52 cases of rape since the resurgence of the open conflict;

    F. whereas several soldiers from the UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the SADC Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC) have lost their lives in the conflict against the Rwanda-backed M23;

    G. whereas peace, stability and sustainable economic progress in Africa are impossible without peace and stability in the DRC;

    H. whereas the 80 million hectares of agricultural land available in the DRC could feed approximately two billion people, but as a result of the ongoing war, many Congolese people now go hungry;

    I. whereas a report by the UN Group of Experts on the DRC dated 12 October 2012 already noted that ‘the Government of Rwanda continues to violate the arms embargo by providing direct military support to the M23 rebels, facilitating recruitment, encouraging and facilitating desertions from the armed forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and providing arms, ammunition, intelligence and political advice’ and that ‘the.de facto chain of command of M23 includes Gen. Bosco Ntaganda and culminates with the Minister of Defence of Rwanda, Gen. James Kabarebe’;

    J. whereas following its military defeat in 2013, M23 signed a pledge on 12 December 2013 to renounce the rebellion and transform itself into a political party; whereas in 2017, however, several hundred armed members of M23 surreptitiously returned from Rwanda and Uganda to Congolese territory, and from June 2022 they launched an intense offensive in North Kivu after capturing the border town of Bunagana;

    K. whereas no fewer than six reports by the UN Group of Experts on the DRC were published between 2022 and 2024 with detailed information about the support from Rwanda to M23 of more than 4 000 soldiers, armoured vehicles, drones, surface-to-air missiles and equipment;

    L. whereas despite three decades of destabilisation, violations of international law including of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC, the EU and the United States continue to treat Rwanda as a privileged partner, fostering military and trade cooperation as well as ensuring high amounts of foreign aid;

    M. whereas the Rwandan Government claims that the root cause of the M23 rebellion is the continued presence in the eastern DRC of the remnants of the genocidal forces of 1994, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), and discrimination against Tutsis in the DRC;

    N. whereas although experts highlight that hate speech and violence against the Congolese Tutsi community are real and need to be dealt with firmly, they have found little evidence of either a sudden increase in such violence or of an imminent threat to Rwanda from the FDLR just before the re-emergence of M23 in November 2021;

    O. whereas the DRC is rich in natural resources, and notably possesses up to 60 % of the world’s cobalt reserves and 60 to 80 % of the world’s coltan reserves, and the World Bank has described the DRC as potentially one of the richest economies on the continent and an engine of economic growth in Africa;

    P. whereas the Congolese rainforest is the second-largest tropical rainforest in the world after the Amazon rainforest, and is of crucial importance due to its unique biodiversity, its role in global carbon storage and its influence on the climate;

    Q. whereas the Commission has repeatedly emphasised the importance of securing access to African critical raw materials in order to support Europe’s green transition, reflecting an EU strategy to ensure a sustainable and diversified supply of essential minerals, crucial for EU multinational corporations;

    R. whereas under the EU’s Global Gateway initiative, Rwanda is set to receive over EUR 900 million in investment, part of which will be allocated to initiatives on critical raw materials;

    S. whereas already in April 2022, non-governmental organisation Global Witness quoted mining industry sources estimating that smuggled minerals account for up to 90 % of certain minerals, like tantalum, exported from Rwanda;

    T. whereas since the re-emergence of M23, the UN Group of Experts on the DRC noted, in their letter to the President of the UN Security Council of 31 May 2024, an unprecedented rise in coltan exports recorded by Rwanda, including a 50 % increase from 2022 to 2023;

    U. whereas consequently, Rwanda exported more coltan than the DRC in 2023;

    V. whereas nevertheless on 19 February 2024 the Commission announced that it had concluded a Memorandum of Understanding on Sustainable Raw Materials Value Chains with the Government of Rwanda, with the objective of ensuring a sustainable supply of raw materials for the EU and to mobilise ‘funding for deployment of infrastructure required for the development of raw material value chains’;

    W. whereas approximately two months after the conclusion of the Memorandum of Understanding, M23 rebels occupied the largest coltan mine in the Great Lakes region in Rubaya;

    X. whereas the UN Group of Experts on the DRC observed, in their mid-term report of 27 December 2024, that M23 has established ‘a parallel administration controlling mining activities, trade, transport and the taxation of minerals produced’ and that ‘at least 150 tons of coltan’ were fraudulently exported to Rwanda monthly and mixed with Rwandan production, leading to the largest contamination of mineral supply chains with ineligible ‘3T’ minerals – tin, tantalum and tungsten – recorded in the Great Lakes region;

    Y. whereas equally, in February 2024, the Government of Poland concluded controversial agreements on the provision of advanced military technology, including military drones and anti-drone systems, to Rwanda in an apparent violation of the criteria laid down in the Council Common Position 2008/944/CFSP of 8 December 2008 defining common rules governing control of exports of military technology and equipment;

    Z. whereas the Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) has so far obtained EUR 40 million from the European Peace Facility supporting its deployment in Mozambique, notwithstanding allegations of the involvement of the RDF in violations of international law and human rights, and notwithstanding concerns that this money may be used to wage war in the DRC or to reinforce RDF capacities to do so, as part of the money finances the purchase of equipment;

    AA. whereas recent developments and the presence of Rwandan soldiers in DRC territory seems to indicate that international support for, and cooperation with, the Rwandan armed forces and the government have encouraged Rwandan involvement in the plunder of the DRC’s critical raw materials;

    AB. whereas without foreign support, Rwanda would lack the military and economic power to durably destabilise the DRC;

    AC. whereas the current crisis therefore needs to be seen as part of a long series of attempts by foreign powers, including the United States and European countries, to lay their hands on the strategic resources of the region at the behest of their multinational corporations and geostrategic interests;

    AD. whereas sustainable peace and stability in the region will be brought about by the African countries and peoples themselves, including the involvement of regional organisations; whereas the Catholic and Protestant Churches of the DRC have launched an initiative called the ‘Social Pact for Peace and Living Well Together in the DRC and the Great Lakes Region’, which aims to bring peace to the region; whereas regional organisations are setting up processes such as the Luanda Process, the Nairobi Process and the roadmap proposed at the recent SADC-EAC Summit;

    1. Strongly condemns the ongoing violations of international law, international humanitarian law and human rights by M23 and the RDF in the eastern provinces of the DRC;

    2. Expresses its full solidarity with the people in the DRC, especially in the North Kivu and South Kivu provinces, suffering from the ongoing violations;

    3. Reiterates its support for the principles of the UN Charter including respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, which are principles of international law applicable everywhere and must be respected by all;

    4. Urges Rwanda to immediately withdraw all its forces from the DRC and stop supporting the M23 rebels; calls for a halt to EU imports of minerals labelled as of Rwandan origin, until the RDF and M23 withdraw from DRC territory;

    5. Reiterates that peace, stability and economic progress in the DRC is not only of crucial importance to the Congolese people, but to all peoples in Africa and the world; recalls that the first victims of conflict are women and girls, victims of rape and sexual violence as weapons of war;

    6. Calls on the Commission and the Member States to deliver on commitments in regard to the security and safety of internally displaced people in the DRC, including their access to healthcare and basic services in a rapidly deteriorating situation;

    7. Calls for the EU-Rwanda Memorandum of Understanding on Sustainable Raw Materials Value Chains to be rescinded immediately, as well as for all military cooperation with Rwanda to be halted, including through the European Peace Facility, until Rwanda ends its illegal support of armed groups and fully respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC;

    8. Calls for a reassessment of planned investments in critical raw materials under the EU’s Global Gateway to ensure that these does not contribute to or facilitate the plunder of natural resources from the DRC;

    9. Calls on the Commission and the Member States to fully support national and regional initiatives, such as the initiative of the Congolese Catholic and Protestant churches and the Luanda Process;

    10. Calls on the Commission and the Member States to work on investment strategies with the DRC that empower both the country and its people to tackle current challenges and to foster peace, infrastructure, education and self-determination;

    11. Calls on the Commission to rethink its investment initiatives in the Global South, developing an approach that is responsible, transparent and focused on addressing the region’s challenges rather than focusing on the interests of EU multinational corporations;

    12. Calls on the Commission and the Member States to reinforce their support of UN-led or UN-backed initiatives promoting the transparency of global supply chains, as well as supporting countries in harnessing their extractive industries for a people-centred and sustainable development process;

    13. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the European External Action Service, the African Union, the ACP-EU Council of Ministers, the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the Government and Parliament of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Government and Parliament of Rwanda.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Debates – Monday, 10 February 2025 – Strasbourg – Revised edition

    Source: European Parliament

    Verbatim report of proceedings
     403k
    Monday, 10 February 2025 – Strasbourg

       

    IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
    President

     
    1. Resumption of the session

     

      President. – I declare resumed the session of the European Parliament adjourned on 29 January 2025.

     

    2. Opening of the sitting

       

    (The sitting opened at 17:03)

     

    3. Statements by the President

     

      President. – First of all, regarding what happened on 29 January 2025, on behalf of this House, I want to extend my deepest apologies for the incident that took place on 29 January during the European Parliament’s solemn session on International Holocaust Remembrance Day.

    The interruptions during our guest’s speech, 92-year-old Corrie Hermann, and during the minute of silence for Holocaust victims were disgraceful. The gravity of such behaviour cannot be overstated. It is a dark and stark reminder of why remembrance is not just a symbolic act, but a fundamental duty that this Parliament – that we all – must uphold.

    The appropriate consequences shall be drawn after the relevant procedures are followed. I thank the services for their assistance in this regard, and I thank all of you for being present that day.

    Dear colleagues, this month marks three years since Russia launched its unprovoked, unjustified and illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Three years on, Ukraine remains resilient and this Parliament stands with Ukraine. Tomorrow, we are honoured to welcome Chairman Ruslan Stefanchuk of the Verkhovna Rada to mark this sombre anniversary. I ask you all to be present.

    Also, dear colleagues, last Tuesday we were devastated to hear of the horrific mass shooting at Risbergska school in Örebro, the worst in Sweden’s history. This was a senseless act of violence that claimed innocent lives, shattering families and scarring communities. Europe mourns with those who have been lost and our thoughts are with their loved ones, with all those who have been injured and with the people of Sweden in this moment of profound sorrow.

    Hatred and violence have no place in Europe. The values that unites us – peace, democracy and the dignity of human life – will always prevail.

    I now invite you to join me in observing one minute of silence in memory of the victims.

    (The House rose and observed a minute’s silence)

     

    4. Approval of the minutes of the previous sittings

     

      President. – The minutes and the texts adopted of the sittings of 23 January and 29 January are available.

    Are there any comments? I see that is not the case.

    Then the minutes are approved.

     

    5. Penalties

     

      President. – First of all, pursuant to Rules 10 and 183 of the Rules of Procedure, and after taking into account the observations of the Member concerned, I have decided to impose a penalty on Grzegorz Braun.

    At the sitting of 27 November 2024, Mr Brown repeatedly used offensive and discriminatory language in the framework of the debate of the recent legislation targeting LGBTQI persons.

    This penalty consists of the forfeiture of his entitlement to the daily subsistence allowance for a period of two days, as well as a temporary suspension from participation in all the activities of Parliament for a period of two days on which Parliament meets, starting from today, 10 February 2025, without prejudice to his right to vote in plenary and subject to strict compliance with the Members’ standards of conduct.

    The Member concerned has been notified of these decisions and has not launched an internal appeal with the Bureau pursuant to Rule 184. The penalties are therefore final.

     

    6. Composition of committees and delegations

     

      President. – The ECR, Greens/EFA and ESN groups and non-attached Members have notified me of decisions relating to changes to appointments within committees and delegations.

    These decisions will be set out in the minutes of today’s sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement.

     

    7. Negotiations ahead of Parliament’s first reading (Rule 72)

     

      President. – The AFET and BUDG Committees have jointly decided to enter into interinstitutional negotiations, pursuant to Rule 72(1) of the Rules of Procedure.

    The report, which constitutes the mandate for the negotiations, is available on the plenary webpage and its title will be published in the minutes of the sitting.

    Pursuant to Rule 72(2), Members or political groups reaching at least the medium threshold may request in writing by tomorrow, Tuesday 11 February, at midnight that the decision be put to the vote.

    If no request for a vote in Parliament is made within the deadline, the committees may start the negotiations.

     

    8. Negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading (Rule 73)

     

      President. – The IMCO Committee has decided to enter into interinstitutional negotiations ahead of the Council’s first reading, pursuant to Rule 73 of the Rules of Procedure.

    The position adopted by Parliament at first reading which constitutes the mandate for those negotiations is available on the plenary webpage, and its title will be published in the minutes of the sitting.

     

    9. Signature of acts adopted in accordance with the ordinary legislative procedure (Rule 81)

     

      President. – I would like to inform you that, together with the President of the Council, I shall, on Tuesday, sign one act adopted under the ordinary legislative procedure, in accordance with Rule 81 of Parliament’s Rules of Procedure.

    The title of the act will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

    I would also like to inform the House that I have received three requests for points of order.

    I will give the floor in the order that we have received them, first with Petras Auštrevičius. Please quote the rule under which you are making the point of order.

     
       

     

      Petras Auštrevičius (Renew). – Madam President, dear colleagues, taking the floor under Rule 164, and while appreciating our Wednesday debate on the need for targeted support to EU regions bordering Russia, Belarus and Ukraine, let me draw your attention to the great action which happened last weekend once the Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian energy was finally synchronised with the European continental energy ring.

    And this is the way we have to go and streamline, cutting down our decades‑long dependencies with eastern countries and synchronising into the single market, whatever it takes, economic, energy or whatever. So, our talk on Wednesday will be about this, about achievements and what we can do together.

     
       



     

      Stefano Cavedagna (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho un richiamo al regolamento ai sensi dell’articolo 202 del nostro regolamento del Parlamento europeo.

    Infatti oggi è il 10 febbraio e in Italia, dalla legge 92 del 2004, celebriamo il Giorno del ricordo, che tutela l’onore dei martiri delle foibe e degli esuli di Istria, Fiume e Dalmazia, condannati a morte ed esiliati per colpa delle brigate comuniste del dittatore Tito jugoslavo. Se vogliamo pacificare, dobbiamo ricordare tutte le vittime del comunismo e anche queste, che hanno toccato in particolare il mio paese, e ricordare i martiri delle foibe.

    Per la prima volta ci sarà una esposizione qui a Strasburgo.

     

    10. Order of business

     

      President. – We now come to the order of business. The final draft agenda, as adopted by the Conference of Presidents on 5 February pursuant to Rule 163, has been distributed.

    With the agreement of the political groups, I wish to put to the House the following proposals for changes to the final draft agenda.

    For today, Monday, Parliament statement on the situation in Sweden in the midst of the recent mass shooting in Örebro, with one round of political group speakers, is added as the first point.

    For tomorrow, a formal sitting with an address by Ruslan Stefanchuk, Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, is added at 12:00. As a result, the voting session will start at 12:30.

    For Thursday, the order of debates will change as follows. The debate on ‘EU-Mercosur trade agreement’ will be taken as the first point on the agenda, whereas the debate on ‘Threats to EU sovereignty through strategic dependencies and communication infrastructure’ will be the second point.

    If there are no objections, then these changes are approved.

    We will move now to a change requested by a political group. For Wednesday, the ESN Group has requested that a Commission statement on ‘Condemning all politically motivated violence, in particular the slingshot attack in Germany and other violent attacks in Europe’ be added as the third point in the afternoon. As a consequence, the sitting would be extended to 23:00.

    I give the floor to Christine Anderson to move the request on behalf of the ESN Group.

     
       

     

      Christine Anderson, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – (Beginn des Redebeitrags bei ausgeschaltetem Mikrofon) … die Tagesordnung gerne um einen Punkt erweitern, unter dem sich dieses Haus geeint gegen jedwede politische Gewalt aussprechen kann. Anlass ist ein Angriff auf einen unserer Wahlkämpfer am Samstag, der mittels einer Zwille mit einer Stahlkugel beschossen wurde. In Hannover haben 250 Angreifer einen Wahlstand umzingelt. Nur mühsam konnte die Polizei mit Schutzschilden die Menge noch in Schach halten. Später zog der Mob dann weiter und bedrohte einen Stand der CDU. Ein Mitglied der CDU berichtete, er habe Angst um seine Parteimitglieder gehabt.

    Liebe Kollegen, Gewalt im Wahlkampf dürfen wir nicht tolerieren. Lassen Sie uns also mit einer Debatte gemeinsam ein Zeichen gegen jede Form von Gewalt setzen! Das sind wir unserer Demokratie schuldig. Lassen Sie uns demonstrieren, dass dieses Haus vereint gegen jede Form politischer Gewalt steht, egal, von wem sie ausgeht, und egal, gegen wen sie sich richtet! Vielen herzlichen Dank!

     
       


       

    (The sitting was briefly suspended)

     
       

       

    PRÉSIDENCE: YOUNOUS OMARJEE
    Vice-Président

     

    11. Resumption of the sitting

       

    (La séance est reprise à 17h19)

     

    12. Situation in Sweden in the midst of the recent mass shooting in Örebro (debate)



     

      Heléne Fritzon, för S&D gruppen. – Herr talman! En vanlig tisdag på en vanlig skola i Sverige, ett utbildningscenter för vuxna. Så förvandlas denna vanliga dag till en av de mörkaste dagarna i Sveriges historia. En svensk ung man skjuter besinningslöst inne på en skola. Han dödar tio människor, flera av dem med utländsk bakgrund.

    I dag, efter detta massmord, är det många med annan bakgrund i Sverige som känner rädsla och otrygghet. Och det är ett misslyckande för vårt samhälle, i Sverige, i Europa och i världen, när våld och splittring släcker människors liv. Eller som vår drottning i Sverige, drottning Silvia, uttryckte det när hon var i Örebro. Vart tog det fina Sverige vägen?

    Ord spelar roll. Det måste vi veta, inte minst i den offentliga debatten. Vi har alla ett ansvar. Hat och hot hör inte hemma här. För en skola, en helt vanlig dag, det ska vara en plats som är trygg. En plats som möjliggör människors drömmar om framtiden.

    Våra tankar finns i dag med alla de drabbade. Hos mamman i Örebro som inte kom hem till sina barn. Våra tankar finns med alla dem som stängdes in på skolan i skräck och hörde och såg skjutningar och blod. Och hos alla dem som gjorde en fantastisk insats med att rädda människors liv. Nu är vi i en tid när vi behöver komma samman. Så stort tack till alla er som står tillsammans med oss i Sverige i vår sorg.

     
       

     

      Sebastiaan Stöteler, on behalf of the PfE Group. – Mr President, dear colleagues, the recent tragic mass shooting in Örebro, Sweden has left us all in mourning. Eleven lives taken in an act of senseless violence that left many others injured remind us of the fragility of peace in our societies.

    This incident is not just a Swedish issue: it’s a European one. It underscores the urgent need for comprehensive security measures, vigilant community involvement and a reassessment of our policies on public safety. We must stand with Sweden, offering our solidarity and support, but also demand accountability and action.

    Tomorrow, we call upon European leaders to prioritise the safety of our citizens. We need policies that protect our schools, our public spaces and our communities from such tragedies. We need a Europe where our children can learn in safety, where our citizens can live without fear. But today, Mr President, our thoughts are with the victims, their families and the entire Swedish community. Today, we mourn with Sweden.

     
       


     

      Abir Al-Sahlani, för Renew gruppen. – Herr talman! Mitt Sverige är i sorg och i chock. Förra veckan hände den värsta masskjutningen i svensk historia. Tio människor fick sätta livet till. En lärare, vars dröm var att hjälpa andra uppnå sina drömmar. En mamma, som aldrig kom hem till sina fyra barn, och en personlig assistent, som var älskad och som skulle gifta sig nu till sommaren.

    Den gemensamma nämnaren mellan dessa är att de hade sina rötter någon annanstans än i Sverige. Varje människa hade drömmar, en historia de kom ifrån och en framtid som togs ifrån dem.

    Jag besökte Örebro i fredags för att hedra offren, för att lägga ljus och blommor utanför skolan och för att visa att även Europa står tillsammans med örebroarna och hela Sverige i vår sorg. Jag möttes av en bottenlös sorg, av ilska, av många frågor, men framför allt också av oro. Många föräldrar undrar hur de kan släppa iväg sina barn till skolan. De undrar själva om de kan få vara utanför. Många känner sig inklämda mellan rasismen och våldsbrotten.

    Många är frågorna och därför är det otroligt viktigt att polisen får gå till botten med vad som låg bakom. För vi behöver få riktiga svar.

    Jag möttes också av ett enat civilsamhälle i Örebro. Moskéerna och kyrkorna hade öppnat sina portar och var en varm famn för de som sökte stöd. Rädda barnen, Röda korset, socialtjänsten och ungdomsgårdarna var alla öppna där och fanns som stöd och hjälp för alla de som sökte. Jag vill rikta ett innerligt och varmt tack till polis, räddningstjänst och vårdpersonal som var där på plats och som fortfarande är där och hanterar situationen.

    Jag är ganska omskakad själv, för det här kunde ha varit mina föräldrar som hade varit där på plats. Det är exakt de här människorna det här våldet berör. Vi har en utmanande och svår tid framför oss i Sverige, men vi kan använda den för att tillsammans bygga Sverige. Ett Sverige för alla.

     
       



     

      René Aust, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Ich möchte in dieser schwierigen Stunde den Angehörigen mein Beileid ausdrücken und garantieren und versichern, dass wir in dieser schwierigen Stunde an der Seite des schwedischen Volkes stehen und ihm unsere Solidarität aussprechen möchten. Wir möchten dankbar sein für diejenigen, die in den ersten Minuten mutig waren, als Polizisten in diese Schule gegangen sind und versucht haben, Schlimmeres zu verhindern. Und natürlich den Rettungskräften, die unmittelbar den Verletzten geholfen haben, damit es nicht noch mehr Opfer gab.

    Ich kann nur hoffen, dass alle Hintergründe dieser Tat aufgeklärt werden und dass mögliche Mitwisser auch dafür bestraft werden, falls es welche geben sollte. Ich möchte Schweden eines wünschen: Sie waren lange Jahrzehnte dafür bekannt, dass Sie eines der sichersten Länder dieser Erde sind, und ich hoffe, dass Schweden auf diesen Weg wieder zurückfindet. In diesem Sinne: Alles Gute den Hinterbliebenen, und dem schwedischen Volk unsere Solidarität!

     
       

     

      Le Président. – Je remercie l’ensemble des collègues pour la très grande dignité de cette discussion et la charge émotionnelle très forte qui dit combien nous sommes solidaires avec tout le peuple suédois.

     

    13. European Central Bank – annual report 2024 (debate)


     

      Anouk Van Brug, rapporteur. – Voorzitter, mevrouw Lagarde, Europa was ooit een continent van stabiliteit, waar hard werken werd beloond, waar je spaargeld groeide en waar je plannen kon maken voor de toekomst. Je kon iedere maand een deel van je salaris opzijzetten voor een groter doel — een huis, een pensioen of een welverdiende vakantie. Dankzij een fatsoenlijke rente kwam dat doel stap voor stap dichterbij.

    Maar die zekerheid is verdwenen. Steeds meer mensen kunnen niet meer rondkomen. Niet omdat ze niet hard werken, maar omdat het leven onbetaalbaar wordt. Sparen voelt als luxe, terwijl het voorheen een vanzelfsprekendheid was. Geld dat opzij werd gezet, verdampt. Want terwijl lonen achterblijven, stijgen de prijzen van boodschappen, energie en woningen tot onhoudbare hoogten.

    De Europese Centrale Bank had als belangrijkste taak de prijsstabiliteit te bewaken. Maar toch werden we de afgelopen jaren verrast door torenhoge inflaties. Hoe kon dit gebeuren? Wat ging er mis? Ja, de Russische invasie in Oekraïne heeft een grote rol gespeeld. Opeens werden energieprijzen onvoorspelbaar, raakten toeleveringsketens verstoord en schoten voedselprijzen omhoog. Maar deze crisis was niet de eerste schok voor onze economie. En zij zal ook niet de laatste zijn.

    Ik zeg niet dat de ECB stil heeft gezeten, maar de vraag is: waren we wel voorbereid? Terwijl de ECB druk bezig was met het onderzoek naar klimaat en duurzaamheid — belangrijke thema’s, zonder twijfel — werden andere risico’s onderschat, vooral geopolitiek. Oorlog en conflict.

    Mevrouw Lagarde, waarom had de ECB geen scenario’s klaarliggen voor een geopolitieke schok als deze? Waarom stonden we niet paraat om de gevolgen voor de inflatie en de economie te verzachten? Dit is namelijk geen hypothetische discussie. Vandaag is het de oorlog in Oekraïne die de economie onder druk zet. Maar wat is het morgen? Morgen kan het zomaar iets anders zijn. Want wat als de spanningen rond Taiwan escaleren en de wereldwijde chipleveranties opdrogen? Of wat als de Verenigde Staten binnenkort nieuwe handelsbeperkingen opleggen aan Europese bedrijven? Wat als de energieprijzen opnieuw omhoogschieten door geopolitieke instabiliteit in het Midden‑Oosten?

    De ECB moet niet alleen reageren op crises, maar moet ze voor zijn. We kunnen het ons niet veroorloven om keer op keer verrast te worden, terwijl de inflatie opnieuw door het dak schiet en miljoenen Europeanen daar de prijs voor betalen. Want laten we niet vergeten wie de uiteindelijke rekening betaalt. Dat zijn de gewone mensen thuis: de hardwerkende Nederlander, de jonge Europeanen die hun eerste huis proberen te kopen of de gepensioneerden die hun spaargeld langzaam zien verdampen. Zij verwachten leiderschap. Zij verwachten dat wij, als beleidsmakers, en u, vanuit de ECB, vooruitdenken en niet achter de feiten aan lopen.

    Dus ik vraag u, mevrouw Lagarde, om geopolitieke risico’s net zo serieus te nemen als klimaatverandering, om scenario’s te ontwikkelen, om voorbereid te zijn op de volgende economische schok, zodat we niet opnieuw verrast worden, zodat we niet opnieuw onze koopkracht laten wegslippen. Want uiteindelijk gaat dit niet over cijfers, rentepercentages of inflaties. Dit gaat over mensen, dit gaat over hun dromen en dit gaat over hun toekomst.

    Europa moet weer een continent worden waar mensen vol vertrouwen vooruit kunnen kijken, waar hard werken weer loont, waar sparen opnieuw mogelijk is en waar je plannen kunt maken en die ook echt kunt waarmaken. Dat is de opdracht. Dat is de verantwoordelijkheid, en de tijd om die verantwoordelijkheid te nemen, die is nu.

     
       

     

      Christine Lagarde, President of the European Central Bank. – Honourable Vice-President of the European Parliament, Commissioner Albuquerque, honourable Members of the European Parliament, Madam rapporteur, all of you, good afternoon, it’s an absolute pleasure to be back here, in the European Parliament, to discuss your draft resolution on the ECB’s annual report.

    At the ECB, we are deeply committed to dialogue, transparency and accountability. In particular, we are very keen on how we communicate with the people of Europe, who we consider very highly and we treat very seriously in their aspirations. Also, obviously, because you are representatives of the European people, we are very keen to make sure that we communicate with all of you as much as possible. In fact, in the last parliamentary term – for those of you who were Members of Parliament in the last parliamentary term – we interacted with this Parliament more frequently than in previous terms, the record shows.

    At the same time, it’s not just about us being accountable to you, it’s also the opportunity to hear your views and, through you, the views of European members and European people. Your debate and resolution are an important pillar of the ECB’s accountability framework and a key channel for you to share your views with us – and I can assure you that we listen and we pay great attention. For instance, next week will mark the 10th anniversary since the ECB started publishing the accounts of the Governing Council’s monetary policy meetings, and that was a major step in order to enhance our monetary policy communication and one that you, Parliament, had advocated for ten years ago. We have done that ever since, and we were followed through by other central banks around the world as a result.

    This year’s draft resolution covers key issues that are central to the ECB’s mandate and the future of the euro area, including our response to inflation, the digital euro and the ECB’s role in supporting the EU’s broader economic policies. It also reflects the dynamic challenges we face in Europe today, and I look forward to hearing you thoughts on all of these issues and having a constructive dialogue with you.

    But, before we do that, let me first outline our view on the current economic situation, explain what our monetary policy stance is and also address the broader economic challenges we are facing and what implications they have for our monetary policy.

    When I look at the euro area economy today, I can attest that it grew – but it grew modestly – in 2024. While output stagnated in the fourth quarter of 2024, it was still 0.9 % higher than in the last quarter of 2023. Surveys indicate that manufacturing continues to contract while services activity is expanding. Consumer confidence – you will hear more about that – is still fragile and, despite rising real incomes, households are hesitant to spend more.

    And yet, the conditions for a recovery remain in place. A solid job market and higher incomes should strengthen consumer confidence and allow spending to rise and consumer consumption to be a driver of growth. More affordable credit should boost consumption and investment over time. Exports should also allow and support the recovery as global demand rises, although in that respect it’s obviously conditional upon changes and developments that we will observe in international trade policies.

    Inflation stood at 2.5 % in January and has recently developed broadly in line with staff projections. Core inflation – that is, taking out energy and food – has remained at 2.7 % in recent months, reflecting a sideways movement in both services and goods inflation. Wage growth is moderating as expected, although it remains elevated, while at the same time profits are partially buffering the impact of wage increases on inflation.

    Inflation is set to return to our 2 % medium-term target in the course of 2025, this year, with risks on both the upside and the downside. It’s clear that greater friction in global trade would make the euro area inflation outlook more uncertain.

    In total, the ECB has lowered interest rates by 125 basis points since last June, and the deposit facility rate, which is the rate through which we steer the monetary policy stance, now stands at 2.75 %. At our last meeting in January, we decided to lower our key interest rates by another 25 basis points, based on an updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the underlying inflation and its dynamics, as well as the strength of monetary policy transmission. In particular, the disinflation process in the euro area is well on track. Most measures of underlying inflation suggest that inflation will settle at around our targets on a sustained basis. And while financing conditions continue to be tight, our recent interest rate cuts – 125 basis points – are gradually making borrowing less onerous for both corporates and households.

    We are determined to ensure that inflation stabilises at our 2 % medium-term target. We will follow a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance, and we are not pre-committing to any particular path.

    So let me now turn to the broader economic environment and its implications for monetary policy. Europe has faced – and you know that – a series of unprecedented challenges in recent years, each with its own far reaching impact, and probably more far reaching than we could all anticipate when they hit our radar screen. From the COVID-19 pandemic to surging energy prices and the geopolitical upheaval caused by Russia’s unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine, we have navigated our way through a storm of supply shocks, predominantly. Is that it? Probably not, because as we look ahead, notably because of geopolitical developments, the frequency of these shocks is likely to remain high.

    While we have weathered these crises, the past few years have also revealed missed opportunities and underinvestment in areas such as the digital transformation and the green transition, and the uncertainty surrounding trade and economic policy continues to weigh on consumption and on investment. As a result, and as was very well highlighted by the respective reports of Enrico Letta and Mario Draghi, Europe finds itself lagging behind international competitors in both productivity and growth.

    In a world driven by shifting global dynamics and rapid technological change, Europe must strike that delicate balance between achieving strategic autonomy and preserving its openness to the global economy. As President von der Leyen and I highlighted in a recent article, Europe’s response to these challenges must be bold and strategic. While the outlook may seem daunting, the prospects are more promising than they might appear.

    One of Europe’s first priorities should be to deepen the internal market. By removing the very barriers that we impose upon ourselves – barriers that actually operate almost like internal tariffs – we can unlock economies of scale, encourage innovation and reduced costs for consumers and producers alike. We are already home to a wealth of ideas and innovators. Our challenge is to transform these ideas into technologies that effectively fuel economic growth. To do so, we need to reduce unnecessary administrative burdens and foster an innovation-friendly environment.

    Another critical area is enhancing Europe’s autonomy in payments, which form the backbone of our economy and our single currency. At present, a few foreign – foreign – providers dominate Europe’s payments landscape. Yes, there are a few Member States that have their own respective payment system, but overall it is dominated by foreign players, leaving us vulnerable to external pressures. As we face an increasingly digital future, we must prepare the ground for a digital euro. This will ensure the resilience and public good nature of our payment systems. It will also provide a platform for private innovation in digital payments – private innovation that banks can take the initiative of.

    With substantial substantial savings at its disposal, Europe must channel more resources into private investment and scale up financing to support its innovators. A genuine capital market union designed for citizens and businesses alike will be instrumental in that respect. I have advocated that for years and so have you. But we need to make sure that it comes through as a reality, not as an aspiration.

    More broadly, investment must be the cornerstone of Europe’s economic transformation. The focus must be on investing in physical and digital infrastructure, research and development, and green technologies. These are not optional but essential investments required to drive productivity and guarantee Europe’s competitiveness on the global stage. In addition, they will address our energy dependence and help us meet our climate goal – both pressing imperatives.

    In this regard, we welcome the European Commission’s Competitiveness Compass as a concrete roadmap for action, which will also support the ECB in maintaining price stability by reducing Europe’s susceptibility to supply shocks.

    Having said that, the European Central Bank is not standing still. We are committed to learning from the experiences of recent years. As part of the ongoing assessment of our monetary policy strategy, we are preparing for the risk of an increasingly volatile future. We are taking stock of a changed inflation environment and economic context. We are also focusing on the implications for monetary policy, our experiences with our evolving policy toolkit, our reaction function and how to better deal with risk and uncertainty in policy setting and communication. While the ECB continuously evaluates and adapts its economic models – a topic raised in your resolution, I know that – assessing new analytical needs will be one component of this assessment.

    So, in conclusion, the challenges facing Europe are immense, but solutions are within our reach. Our opportunity lies in more and better Europe.

    As Konrad Adenauer said 70 years ago, ‘European unity was the dream of a few. It became the hope for many. Today it is a necessity for all of us’. This sentiment, and I quoted him, rings true today more than ever.

    To jointly tackle Europe’s challenges, I’m counting on Parliament’s commitment. Within its mandate, the ECB will play its part. Ever since the introduction of the euro, the ECB has continuously adapted to changing economic environments to fulfil its mandate. And we will remain fully committed to delivering on this very mandate. We are equally committed to maintaining our active and meaningful dialogue with all of you, as Members of the European Parliament, and I thank you for your attention.

     
       


     

      Maria Luís Albuquerque, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, President Lagarde, honourable Members, it is a pleasure to discuss the draft report on the ECB Annual Report prepared by the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. I would like to thank the rapporteur Ms Anouk Van Brug and the members of the Committee.

    The assessment of the ECB’s activities by the European Parliament is an important part of the democratic accountability of the ECB. The Commission welcomes the ECB’s monetary policy measures, which have helped to keep inflation expectations anchored, and have contributed to the disinflationary processes over the last two years. The Commission acknowledges the ECB’s strong commitment and decisive action to ensuring price stability.

    Last year, the EU economy resumed moderate growth amidst a further abatement of inflationary pressures; unemployment remained very low, and employment reached record levels. Overall, the EU economy has shown remarkable resilience amidst the series of severe shocks. This is in no small measure thanks to our collective policy actions, including those of the ECB. Looking ahead, and in line with the ECB, the Commission expects inflation to return to around 2 % in the course of the year. GDP growth is set to pick up as private consumption gains strength and investment recovers from a weak performance in 2024.

    At the same time, the European economy suffers from a series of structural breaks on its competitiveness, holding back our growth and threatening our future prosperity. As the world has entered an era of harsh geostrategic competition, boosting our competitiveness and productivity has become even more urgent. This requires urgent action on several fronts.

    To steer the work, two weeks ago, the Commission proposed a competitiveness compass. It is centered on three transformational imperatives: closing the innovation gap, a joint roadmap for decarbonisation and competitiveness, and reducing excessive dependencies and increasing security. These enablers are complemented by action on horizontal enablers, such as completion of the single market, simplification, promotion of skills and quality jobs, better coordination of policies and financing. Over the next weeks and months, the Commission will roll out a series of policy initiatives to implement the strategy. The Commission looks forward to working closely with Parliament to deliver on them.

    A key foundation for a competitive economy is economic stability. Therefore, in line with the calls in your report to ensure sound fiscal policies, we have proceeded swiftly with the implementation of the new economic governance framework. We approved the medium‑term plans for 21 Member States. Those plans contain commitments for prudent fiscal policies, as well as reforms and investments in line with our EU priorities. Now, the time for delivery has come to bring deficits and debt down where they are too high.

    Overall, the implementation of the EU Member States’ plans will result into a slightly contractionary fiscal stance in 2025, which is appropriate following a long period of expansion.

    Honourable Members, our challenges are numerous. The actions we need to take are ambitious and urgent. Together with the support of this House and underpinned by the crucial policies of the ECB, we will be able to improve our competitiveness, secure our social market economy and build our future prosperity.

     
       

     

      Markus Ferber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Frau Kommissarin! Frau Präsidentin, liebe Christine Lagarde! In der Vergangenheit war der Jahresbericht zur Europäischen Zentralbank oft ein hartes Stück Arbeit. Und in schwierigen Verhandlungen ist manchmal auch die klare Linie abhandengekommen. Dieses Mal ist es anders. Und dafür möchte ich auch im Namen unseres Verhandlungsführers Marco Falcone, der Berichterstatterin und dem gesamten Verhandlungsteam ganz herzlich danken.

    Der Bericht gibt ein klares Bekenntnis zum Ziel der Preisstabilität, das immer der Fixstern des Handelns für die EZB sein sollte. Daraus folgen die Kernprinzipien wie das der monetären Dominanz und der Marktneutralität. Der Aspekt der Marktneutralität ist für uns als EVP-Fraktion von ganz besonderer Bedeutung. Denn für uns ist entscheidend, dass die Europäische Zentralbank in ihren geldpolitischen Entscheidungen den Wettbewerb und die Marktmechanismen nicht verzerrt. Das mag hier in diesem Haus nicht jedem gefallen, denn so mancher will die EZB gern für politische Ziele einspannen. Aber das ist nicht ihre Aufgabe. Im Sinne eines fairen Wettbewerbs und einer effizienten Kapitalallokation sollten wir deswegen der Versuchung widerstehen. Deswegen ist das Prinzip der Marktneutralität so entscheidend. Ich freue mich, dass wir dieses Mal endlich einen Text gefunden haben, der hoffentlich alle Seiten entsprechend berücksichtigt.

    Neben der Geldpolitik haben wir uns auch mit dem digitalen Euro beschäftigt. Hier liegen zwar Vorschläge auf dem Tisch, aber diese Vorschläge lassen noch viele Fragen offen. Und auf die müssen wir im Gesetzgebungsverfahren Antworten finden. Wir sollten auch in diesem Jahresbericht keine Vorfestlegungen treffen. Das gilt aber auch für die Europäische Zentralbank, die akzeptieren muss, dass momentan der Gesetzgeber der Herr des Verfahrens ist und nicht die Europäische Zentralbank. Es handelt sich nämlich nicht nur um eine reine geldpolitische Entscheidung, sondern um eine politische Entscheidung von großer Tragweite. Und das sollten wir in aller Ruhe hier in diesem Haus miteinander diskutieren. Ich bitte Sie wirklich, diesen Passus sehr intensiv zu lesen, auch Ihrem Stellvertreter mitzugeben, der sich hier besonders engagiert. Dann sind wir auf dem richtigen Weg.

     
       

     

      Evelyn Regner, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin Lagarde! Sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin Albuquerque! Die Europäische Zentralbank ist viel mehr als nur eine Bank: Sie ist das Rückgrat unserer Wirtschaftspolitik, Stütze der Europäischen Union. Ihre Geldpolitik bestimmt unsere wirtschaftliche Zukunft, und wer ihr die Hände bindet, blockiert den Fortschritt, gefährdet den sozialen Frieden und stellt sich gegen die gemeinsame Verantwortung.

    Preisstabilität ist der Kern, um nicht zu sagen die heilige Kuh der Geldpolitik. Doch Geldpolitik geht weit über die bloße Preisstabilität hinaus. Daher hat die Europäische Zentralbank auch zwei Mandate, und das zweite Mandat umfasst die Verantwortung für den Wohlstand der Menschen, für Arbeitsplätze, Innovation und auch für Chancengleichheit. In einer Zeit, in der der Klimawandel und soziale Ungleichheit immer mehr auf die Menschen niederprasseln, ist das zweite Mandat der Europäischen Zentralbank dadurch dringlicher denn je.

    Wir Sozialdemokratinnen und Sozialdemokraten stehen fest an der Seite der EZB, denn ihre Rolle ist unverzichtbar – auch im Kampf gegen den Klimawandel. Tatsächlich: Preisstabilität und Klimaschutz sind untrennbar miteinander verbunden. Denn die Klimakrise bedroht Menschen, bedroht unseren Planeten und die Wirtschaft gleichermaßen, und wer das nicht begreift, der lebt in einer Illusion. Leider gibt es noch immer Kräfte in diesem Haus, die die EZB auf eine marktneutrale Linie zwingen wollen, als ob dies ein unantastbares Dogma wäre. Aber wir wissen: Marktneutralität ist kein Naturgesetz, sondern maximal ein von Menschen erdachtes Konzept, das uns im Klimakampf im Stich lässt. Diese Politik der Marktneutralität würde die Probleme der Menschen und des Planeten verschärfen, statt Lösungen zu bringen.

    Die Erkenntnis also, dass Klimawandel, soziale Gerechtigkeit und Preisstabilität eng miteinander verknüpft sind, muss uns den Leitfaden geben, wie Geldpolitik zu gestalten ist. Denn nur eine nachhaltige und gerechte Wirtschaft kann langfristige Stabilität für uns alle gewährleisten.

     
       

     

      Sebastiaan Stöteler, namens de PfE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, mevrouw Lagarde, ik spreek vandaag ten behoeve van mijn delegatiegenoot Zijlstra, die schaduwrapporteur op dit dossier was en helaas vandaag wegens ziekte niet kan spreken.

    Toen de Europese Centrale Bank op 1 juni 1998 door Wim Duisenberg boven het doopvont van het Verdrag van Maastricht werd gehouden, dachten we allemaal dat we een centrale bank zouden hebben die tot doel had het prijspeil stabiel te houden. Zo staat het ook nog steeds in het mandaat.

    Bijna dertig jaar later blijkt daar echter weinig van over te zijn. Volgens cijfers van het CBS bedraagt de Nederlandse inflatie sinds 2020 ongeveer 20 %. Gevolg: bijna nergens in de EU is alles zo snel zo duur geworden als in Nederland. De mensen komen steeds moeilijker rond. Door de hoge inflatie van afgelopen jaren verdampte ongeveer 30 miljard EUR aan Nederlands spaargeld, maar konden failliete eurolanden wel hun staatsschuld weginflateren.

    Dit perverse systeem moet gestopt worden. De Nederlandse spaarder, gepensioneerde en ondernemer worden belazerd door een centrale bank die enkel oog heeft voor de belangen van ministers die hun overheden onverantwoord geleid hebben en begrotingen niet op orde krijgen. Het wordt tijd dat de Europese Centrale Bank de mensen die sparen, werken en ondernemen weer in het vizier heeft en niet langer straft, maar beloont. Dat zo’n koerswijziging wellicht het faillissement van een of meerdere eurolanden betekent, is een spijtige zaak, maar het mag geen argument zijn om de Nederlander verder financieel uit te roken.

     
       

     

      Denis Nesci, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Presidente Lagarde, oggi ci troviamo a discutere il rapporto annuale della BCE, un documento che fornisce una panoramica sulle politiche monetarie adottate, sull’attività di vigilanza e sulle altre funzioni svolte dal Sistema europeo di banche centrali.

    In qualità di relatore ombra del gruppo ECR, ho lavorato affinché il testo mantenesse un approccio pratico, bilanciando l’indipendenza della BCE con la necessità di garantire una politica monetaria efficace.

    Il rapporto affronta temi come la politica monetaria, l’euro digitale, gli obiettivi secondari della BCE e il rafforzamento del ruolo internazionale dell’euro e sottolinea l’importanza della stabilità dei prezzi nella lotta all’inflazione, fondamentale per un ambiente favorevole a investimenti, crescita e occupazione.

    Riguardo all’euro digitale, si chiarisce che dovrà affiancare il contante senza sostituirlo, garantendo la privacy ai cittadini. Si evidenzia inoltre la necessità di maggiore trasparenza nella gestione delle obbligazioni societarie e di un approccio equilibrato nella decarbonizzazione.

    Infine, chiediamo alla BCE di intensificare il dialogo con i parlamenti nazionali e di collaborare strettamente con gli Stati membri su un programma di educazione finanziaria, strumenti fondamentali per aumentare la consapevolezza e la preparazione di consumatori e imprese.

    È cruciale che la BCE adotti un approccio più pragmatico e improntato al buon senso, sempre con l’obiettivo di salvaguardare le famiglie, le imprese e i consumatori. Solo con politiche che riflettono una comprensione concreta delle sfide quotidiane, la BCE potrà rafforzare ulteriormente la fiducia nell’euro e migliorare l’efficacia delle sue azioni, promuovendo un equilibrio tra la stabilità economica e il benessere dei nostri cittadini.

     
       

     

      Gilles Boyer, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, Madame la rapporteure, Madame la Présidente Lagarde – merci pour votre présence et pour vos propos –, nous pensons que la Banque centrale européenne doit pouvoir réagir avec la souplesse nécessaire, en respectant évidemment le mandat établi par les traités, pour assurer la stabilité monétaire au sein de notre Union.

    Le principe de neutralité de marché a donc toute sa place dans la politique monétaire de la Banque centrale européenne, mais nous devons l’appliquer avec intelligence et avec flexibilité, comme tout ce que nous faisons. Il faut permettre à la Banque centrale européenne de réagir aux changements économiques et sociétaux, a fortiori lorsqu’ils sont systémiques, comme c’est souvent le cas en ce moment.

    La réalité s’impose à nous. Je prends l’exemple des accords internationaux que nous avons pu conclure, tels que l’accord de Bâle sur la régulation du système bancaire. Lorsque nos partenaires dans les autres juridictions décident de ne pas appliquer les règles mondiales décidées en commun et créent une situation de concurrence déloyale, nous devons pouvoir réévaluer nos positions pour nous assurer que nos banques soient toujours en mesure de financer nos PME, les ménages européens et les transitions vertes et numériques qui sont si essentielles. Le tout, évidemment, dans le cadre d’un système financier sécurisé.

    Ce sera un des enjeux de ce mandat européen, ici. Notre Union européenne s’est beaucoup tournée vers elle-même, et à juste titre, par le passé. Elle doit à présent regarder davantage vers l’extérieur.

     
       

     

      Rasmus Andresen, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die geldpolitische Debatte in diesem Haus ist in Teilen unehrlich und auch durch Widersprüche geprägt. Finanzstabilität ist 2025 etwas anderes als in den 90er- oder in den 2000er-Jahren. Deshalb muss sich auch die Arbeit der Zentralbanken weiterentwickeln. Wer zum Beispiel möchte, dass die Inflation sinkt und dass die Preise bezahlbar werden, muss sich mit den Ursachen auseinandersetzen. Und die Ursachen für die hohe Inflation in den letzten Jahren – zumindest in der Europäischen Union, im Euro-Währungsgebiet – sind die hohen Energiepreise und zum Teil auch die Profitgier. Denn einige Konzerne haben die Energiepreisexplosionen ausgenutzt und – während wir über Sanktionen gegenüber Russland beraten haben – ganz gut Kasse gemacht.

    Wer möchte, dass unsere Währung und unsere Wirtschaft stabil bleiben, der kann die Augen nicht vor der Klimakrise verschließen. Und wer möchte, dass wir in moderne Infrastruktur investieren, kann nicht ignorieren, dass auch hohe Zinssätze darauf einen Effekt haben. Es ist sehr schade, dass der aktuelle EZB-Bericht, über den wir morgen abstimmen, alle diese Fragen nicht befriedigend beantwortet, sondern – im Gegenteil – vor einem Großteil der Probleme die Augen verschließt. Es ist gut, dass die EZB in diesen Fragen viel weiter ist als einige Abgeordnete hier im Haus, denn es ist dringend notwendig. Und es wäre auch notwendig, sich damit auseinanderzusetzen, welche Rolle eigentlich die USA auch für die Geldpolitik in den nächsten Jahren spielen werden. Trump macht Geldpolitik, die vor allem im Interesse von Krypto-Milliardären ist. Das sollten wir nicht auch tun.

    Deshalb ist es wichtig, dass wir eine eigene Geldpolitik formulieren und dass wir uns über diese Fragen auseinandersetzen. Dazu sind wir Grüne bereit. Und wir freuen uns, Frau Lagarde, dass wir das auch in den nächsten Jahren mit Ihnen und Ihrem Team weiter tun werden.

     
       

     

      Jussi Saramo, The Left-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, jokaisesta ostoksestani menee siivu amerikkalaiselle kartellille. Suurin osa korttiostoksista – kännykälläkin tehdyistä – tehdään Visan ja Mastercardin kautta. Oikeaa kilpailua ei ole, vaikka yksityinen monopoli tai kartelli on kaikkein huonoin tapa järjestää pakolliset asiat.

    Miksi eurooppalaiset yrittäjät joutuvat tilittämään osan myynnistään yhdysvaltalaiselle duopolille, joka sanelee hinnat? Samalla Trump uhkaa meitä tulleilla, veronkierrolla, jopa sotilaallisella hyökkäyksellä. Yhteiskunnan perusjärjestelmät eivät voi olla arvaamattoman valtion hybridisodan uhan alla. Nyt on laitettava tavallisten eurooppalaisten kuluttajien ja pienyrittäjien etu pankkien ja Yhdysvaltain suurvaltapolitiikan edelle.

    Digieuro, oikein tehtynä, lisäisi Euroopan itsenäisyyttä parantamalla maksujärjestelmämme kestävyyttä ja palauttamalla julkisen vaihtoehdon maksamiseen. Vastustan käteisestä luopumista, mutta jos ja kun kauppiaat, pankit ja markkinat ajavat käteisen alas, on meillä oltava tulevaisuudessakin julkinen rahan muoto. Kuluttajien lisäksi digieurosta hyötyisivät erityisesti kauppiaat, joiden neuvotteluasema suhteessa maksunvälittäjiin paranisi lisävaihtoehtojen myötä. Oikein tehtynä digieuro myös vapauttaisi tavalliset pienituloiset ihmiset pankkien pakkoasiakkuudesta. Tähän ei tunnu olevan vielä poliittista tahtoa, mutta tulevaisuudessa digieuro voisi olla paljon, paljon enemmän kuin mihin konservatiivit ovat olleet valmiina.

    Tämänvuotinen mietintö Euroopan keskuspankin toimista on valitettavasti puutteellinen muutenkin kuin digieuron osalta. Siinä ei oteta riittävässä määrin huomioon, että keskuspankin asettama korkotaso on edelleen liian korkea monelle euroalueen jäsenvaltiolle, kuten omalle kotimaalleni Suomelle. Mietintö on pettymys myös ilmastotoimien ja vihreän siirtymän suhteen. Se jopa vaatii EKP:ta jarruttelemaan ilmastonmuutoksen vastaisissa toimissa. Modernilla keskuspankilla on oltava muitakin tavoitteita kuin hintavakaus. Keskuspankit voivat – ja niiden täytyy – tukea työllisyyttä ja siirtymää kohti kestävää taloutta.

     
       

     

      René Aust, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren, unsere Währung muss sicher sein! Denn nur eine stabile Währung sichert den Wohlstand unserer Bürger. Eine stabile Währung schützt Wohlstand und Kaufkraft. Sie sorgt dafür, dass Preise berechenbar bleiben, dass sich Arbeit lohnt und jeder auch morgen noch genauso viel oder mehr für sein Geld bekommt wie bisher.

    Die Europäische Zentralbank hätte den Auftrag, genau das zu gewährleisten. Doch seit Jahren verfolgt sie andere Ziele: Finanzierung von Staatsschulden; sie griff in die Wirtschafts- und Sozialpolitik von Nationalstaaten in den Zeiten der Troika ein; und jetzt macht sie sogar Klimapolitik. Die Folgen spüren wir alle: Ersparnisse schrumpfen, Investitionen gehen zurück.

    Landsleute und Bürger Europas! Wir brauchen keine Experimente der EZB mit unserem Geld. Wir brauchen Verlässlichkeit! Deshalb ist jetzt ein klarer Kurs nötig: Das Eurosystem muss reformiert werden; die Stimmgewichte im EZB-Rat müssen sich an der Kapitalbeteiligung orientieren, Deutschland hat heute eine Stimme wie auch Malta – das muss verändert werden; TARGET2-Salden müssen jährlich mit Werten wie Gold, Bitcoin oder handelbaren Wertpapieren ausgeglichen werden; keine Schuldenpolitik durch die Hintertür, die EZB darf weder direkt noch indirekt Schulden der Staaten finanzieren.

    Das Mandat der EZB muss wieder gelten, und zwar wortgetreu! Eine solide Geldpolitik schützt Einkommen und Vermögen, sie gibt den Menschen Sicherheit, sie hält unsere Wirtschaft stark. Es braucht klare Regeln und eine Zentralbank, die sich an ihren Auftrag hält! Dafür ist Präsidentin Lagarde die Falsche.

     
       

     

      Fernando Navarrete Rojas (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, President Lagarde, I want to begin by recognising the successful job the ECB has done under your leadership in ensuring price stability amid major shocks. A soft landing is now within reach – well done.

    Dear colleagues, this recognition, however, should not blur our judgement on the digital euro initiative. We all agree on the need to digitally proof the single currency, but does this require giving citizens a direct access to the ECB balance sheet, thus facilitating bank runs? Can untested safeguards like holding limits withstand political and financial stress? Should an innovation be led by the private sector? Is a digital euro based on central bank money the best solution to our dependencies in the payment area?

    Regardless of our answers, the potential issuance of a digital euro would be one of the most consequential decisions in financial policy. It will have far‑reaching consequences beyond monetary policy in areas like financial stability, innovation in payments and citizens’ privacy, just to name a few.

    Dear colleagues, regardless of our standing on the substance, the only thing we cannot do as parliamentarians is to relinquish our duty by a massive delegation of power in these domains. Don’t you think it is for us, co‑legislators, to co‑decide if and when the conditions for the issuance of a digital euro are met? I do think so, not least because I truly believe in central bank independence when conducting monetary policy.

     
       

     

      Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, señora presidenta, un placer tenerla aquí y aprovechar este debate que tenemos cada año no solamente para discutir los detalles del informe que votamos mañana, sino para hablar de política monetaria y de la actividad del Banco Central Europeo.

    Y yo creo que, a la vista de los indicadores, de las estimaciones, de los datos que conocemos, hay aún margen para reducir los tipos de interés, y creemos que por ahí debemos ir porque las tasas de crecimiento además están muy muy apagadas en el conjunto de la Unión Europea.

    Pero créanme que en ese margen para reducir tipos de interés hay una notable incertidumbre —hablaba usted de ella previamente—, y no es otra que el nuevo Gobierno de Donald Trump en Estados Unidos y la guerra arancelaria que parece que hemos iniciado. Yo creo que es importante ser contundente: creo que es importante que Europa refuerce su autonomía estratégica y responda con fuerza, y hay instrumentos para hacerlo que pueden no entrar en colisión con el objetivo de estabilidad de precios, y hay muchos.

    Pero, hablando de autonomía estratégica, yo quiero decir también a la Comisión y al BCE que mi Grupo, el Grupo de Socialistas y Demócratas, está preparado para negociar el euro digital y esperamos avanzar en los próximos meses, y que, además, si queremos mejorar la autonomía estratégica, tenemos que garantizar la seguridad de nuestro sistema bancario europeo. Y cuando otras jurisdicciones como la estadounidense parece que retrasan sine die la implementación de Basilea, yo creo que en Europa tenemos que empezar a hablar de revisar los regímenes de equivalencia de los bancos estadounidenses: no podemos compartir una carrera de reducción de la regulación en la supervisión.

     
       

     

      Pierre Pimpie (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, je vous le dis, le mal est fait. La BCE a déversé sur les marchés des milliers de milliards d’euros. C’était le fameux assouplissement quantitatif. Tel un dealer, elle a pendant des années donné le goût de l’argent gratuit, de la facilité, de l’absence d’efforts, pour mieux ferrer ses clients.

    Des pays comme la France sont devenus drogués, dans l’incapacité de se passer du roulement de la dette. Ils ont renoncé à leur souveraineté financière en contrepartie de doses d’argent de plus en plus létales.

    Désormais, la BCE cesse d’acheter les dettes souveraines sur le marché secondaire. Le sevrage risque de s’avérer critique. Le piège se referme. Les États sont devenus dépendants de la BCE. L’argent gratuit est devenu très cher et la crise financière s’annonce plausible, sinon probable, dans les prochains mois. J’augure que le drogué suppliera son dealer de lui fournir une injection redoublée.

    Quel cynisme de la part de l’Europe de Francfort, qui appelle à la rigueur budgétaire après avoir prôné la relance à toute berzingue! Comme tout dealer responsable de l’addiction de ses clients, la BCE devra rendre des comptes.

     
       


     

      Engin Eroglu (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin Lagarde! Sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin! Vielen Dank, Frau Lagarde, dass Sie wieder bei uns im Haus sind. Ich freue mich sehr, immer wieder mit Ihnen hier oder im Ausschuss diskutieren zu können. Denn ich denke, der Austausch in so schwierigen Zeiten ist wirklich von Bedeutung und wichtig.

    Frau Lagarde, ich möchte auf den aktuellen Bericht eingehen – aber das bezogen auf ein Interview von Ihnen, das ich am 31. Januar in der Financial Times lesen durfte. Herzlichen Glückwunsch zu diesem tollen Interview! Sie haben es gemeinsam mit Frau von der Leyen geschrieben oder gegeben.

    Da ist genau das Problem, Frau Lagarde, Sie hören es hier von vielen Kollegen: die Marktneutralität, die Preisstabilität. Viele unserer Kollegen im Haus, die wirkliche Experten für Finanzen sind, haben das Gefühl, dass irgendwo die Neutralität unserer EZB verloren gegangen ist – und dass Sie eine gefährliche Nähe zur Kommission und zu Staatschefs haben. Deswegen halte ich es wirklich für schwierig, dann ein gemeinsames Interview zu lesen, obwohl Sie, und da möchte ich Sie ausdrücklich loben, Frau Lagarde – die Punkte, die Sie in dem Interview benannt haben, sind genau richtig. Sie haben gesagt, wir müssen die Überregulierung im Bankensektor abbauen. Die Antwort ist sehr simpel. Hier in diesem Haus der große Fehler: Taxonomie und ESG – eine völlige Überregulierung des Bankensystems. Dann haben Sie zu Recht bemängelt, dass die Unternehmen nicht ausreichend Finanzmittel zur Finanzierung unserer Unternehmen herausgeben. Ja, harte Eigenkapitalquote runter, das ist die Antwort darauf. Dann ein anderer Punkt: die Energiepreise. Natürlich sind die Energiepreise viel zu hoch. Die Antwort darauf: Wir brauchen mehr fossiles Gas von so vielen Anbietern wie möglich.

    Frau Lagarde, meine inständige Bitte: Kommen Sie zur Neutralität zurück und hören Sie nicht auf den linken Teil dieses Hauses. Eine Marktneutralität infrage zu stellen bedeutet, den Euro kaputt zu machen und damit unsere Demokratie an die Wand zu fahren.

     
       

     

      João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Lagarde, a sua política de combate à inflação a partir do Banco Central Europeu é errada, é injusta e tem de ser alterada. É errada porque quer combater a inflação, esmagando o poder de compra do povo em vez de intervir nos preços. É injusta porque arruína a vida dos trabalhadores e das pequenas e médias empresas, mas garante lucros escandalosos aos bancos e aos grupos económicos. A rapidez da subida das taxas de juro não foi a mesma na descida, e a situação é insustentável. As famílias continuam sufocadas com os custos do crédito à habitação. As pequenas e médias empresas enfrentam dificuldades com o aumento dos custos do crédito, mas o custo de vida não para de aumentar porque os grupos económicos continuam a fixar os preços «à Lagardère» como bem querem e lhes apetece. Os lucros dos bancos em 2024 renderam aos seus acionistas 123 mil milhões de EUR de dividendos. Só em Portugal, em 2024, os maiores grupos económicos e financeiros tiveram 32 milhões de lucros por dia. Senhora Lagarde, mude de política porque com esta política arruína a vida do povo. O caminho certo e justo é o da rápida descida das taxas de juro para aliviar as famílias e as pequenas e médias empresas. O caminho certo e justo é o do combate à inflação, com medidas de controlo, fixação ou tabelamento de preços, sobretudo de bens essenciais, cujos preços aumentaram de forma especulativa nos últimos anos. É esse o desafio que lhe fazemos.

     
       

     

      Rada Laykova (ESN). – Mr President, the term inflation originates from price inflation or monetary inflation, the latter referring to an increase in the money supply. Price inflation inevitably follows monetary inflation. Yet, this report does not mention monetary inflation, not even once. Instead, it falsely attributes price increases solely to external factors, such as energy markets and the war in Ukraine. But inflation in the Eurozone is fundamentally driven by monetary policy, and the only institution controlling the money supply is the ECB.

    In the ECON Committee, we have observed continued support from some political groups for expansionist monetary policies, primarily to finance deficit spending. Instead of ensuring price stability, the ECB is now expected to counterbalance consequences of unsustainable EU economic policies by printing more money. This approach not only contradicts the ECB statute but also risks worsening the economic situation.

    The ECB was created with a single mandate: price stability. Yet today, it has expanded its role to include climate change, economic redistribution and even global peace efforts. Can an institution struggling to fulfil its core responsibility effectively take on such additional tasks?

    Rather than relying on continuously monetary expansion, the EU should focus on addressing its economic policy failures, excessive regulations and the unintended consequences of self‑sanctioning. Europeans are increasingly aware of these issues, and they’re questioning the policies that have led to economic uncertainty and the declining value of the euro. They understand exactly where the responsibility lies – within the ECB and this very institution.

     
       

     

      Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, as taxas de juro estão a descer, mas, mais do que anúncios e notícias, as famílias precisam de sentir um alívio real no custo de vida. Há dois anos, com taxas de inflação acima dos 10 %, só podíamos estar apreensivos. Hoje, esse tempo parece longínquo, mas temos de evitar triunfalismos. A inflação estabilizou, sim, mas ainda está acima do objetivo de médio prazo; e, numa Europa que queremos que cresça em conjunto, não podemos ter taxas de inflação de 1 % num país e de 5 % noutro. Temos de crescer juntos e para isso também temos de agir juntos.

    O que também me parece longínquo, mas que recordamos bem, foi o alinhamento da extrema‑esquerda e da extrema‑direita contra decisões de política monetária do Banco Central Europeu. E também nos recordamos bem da cedência dos socialistas a essa pressão mediática. Como sempre, as eleições estiveram à frente do sentido de responsabilidade. Já nós, estamos onde sempre estivemos, no respeito pela independência do Banco Central. Com opiniões, é certo, mas sem ceder à tentação de mentir às pessoas sobre os poderes de umas e outras instituições europeias. A minha opinião não é de agora: a política monetária tem de se normalizar, mas os efeitos das descidas têm de chegar mais rapidamente ao bolso das famílias. E, por outro lado, não podemos esperar tudo do Banco Central Europeu e não fazer a nossa parte, assumindo reformas que teimam em não sair dos relatórios. As pessoas já não precisam de mais anúncios, precisam das consequências desses anúncios. Do BCE espera‑se independência e deste Parlamento espera‑se ação.

     
       

     

      Aurore Lalucq (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, les moments de crise sont de vrais révélateurs: révélateurs de la qualité des personnes, de leur courage, de leur intégrité, de leur fiabilité ou non, révélateurs des lignes politiques et des valeurs profondes qui nous animent, des moments où les masques tombent. Et nous sommes exactement dans l’un de ces moments.

    Si les démocrates critiquent, parfois débattent, se débattent, les populistes attaquent toujours. Ils attaquent à la fois la démocratie, les institutions et in fine la souveraineté. Notre monnaie, notre banque centrale n’y échapperont pas. Or, c’est bien sur la Banque centrale européenne que nous avons pu compter à chaque crise. C’est bien la Banque centrale européenne qui anticipe les crises. Et nous, allons-nous les anticiper un jour?

    Nous devons défendre la Banque centrale européenne et notre monnaie, nos piliers institutionnels de souveraineté en leur donnant deux outils. Le premier outil est l’euro numérique – je ne comprends pas ce que nous attendons, chers collègues –, le second, le budget pour prendre le relais de la politique monétaire.

    J’attends de nous que nous soyons responsables, que nous ne soyons pas populistes. Faisons bien attention à ce que nous disons sur la Banque centrale européenne et l’euro dans le moment actuel.

     
       

     

      Angéline Furet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame Lagarde, le rapport 2024 de la Banque centrale européenne confirme une réalité alarmante: sous prétexte de résilience et de stabilité, la BCE a continué d’imposer des politiques monétaires qui étouffent nos économies nationales. Elle a persisté à maintenir des taux directeurs élevés, pénalisant nos PME et nos agriculteurs, déjà fragilisés par des réglementations environnementales absurdes et un marché unique asphyxiant.

    Pire, ce rapport ignore l’essentiel: la souveraineté des États. La BCE, inféodée à la vision fédéraliste, instrumentalise la politique monétaire pour renforcer le pouvoir bruxellois au détriment des nations. Quand elle évoque une approche fondée sur les données, elle oublie les données humaines: chômage, désindustrialisation et détresse rurale qui frappent la France. Au nom de la transition verte, elle encourage des investissements pharaoniques dans des technologies inaccessibles à nos territoires, tandis que nos paysans croulent sous les normes et les coûts énergétiques.

    La compétitivité de l’Europe? Un leurre, quand nos entreprises sont étouffées par des prix de l’énergie structurellement plus élevés qu’ailleurs. Nous devons refuser cette fuite en avant technocratique. La France a besoin de retrouver le contrôle de sa politique économique, de sa monnaie et de son destin.

    Plutôt que de suivre aveuglément les dogmes de Francfort, exigeons une BCE au service des peuples, pas des idéologies.

     
       

     

      Bogdan Rzońca (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Prezes! W imieniu ECR chciałem bardzo jednoznacznie powiedzieć, że ten dokument, który przygotował Parlament, jest lepszy niż dokumenty z poprzednich lat.

    Jako ECR uważamy, że Europejski Bank Centralny powinien przede wszystkim brać pod uwagę podstawowe parametry gospodarcze poszczególnych państw. Wtedy jego interwencje będą bardziej wiarygodne. I jeśli jest coś nadzwyczajnego, to oczywiście tak, EBC powinien pomagać. Europejski Bank Centralny musi być odporny na ideologię – absolutnie się z tym zgadzamy. Tak zwany zdrowy rozsądek naprawdę jest bardzo, bardzo potrzebny w działaniach tego banku. Nie powinno być preferencji żadnych firm, żadnych branż. Tylko czysta gospodarka i czyste interwencje banku właśnie w obszary kryzysowe.

    Jeśli chodzi o cyfrowe euro, to tu potrzeba więcej informacji, więcej rozmów, więcej debat na ten temat, ale prawdziwa wolność gospodarcza jest zawsze przy użyciu wolnych środków, żywej gotówki – i tego nie możemy blokować. Nie wolno bać się Stanów Zjednoczonych, należy brać stamtąd najlepsze rozwiązania. Wtedy Unia Europejska też będzie lepsza.

     
       

     

      Alexander Jungbluth (ESN). – Herr Präsident! Wenn man die Ausführungen heute hört, dann klingt das so ein bisschen, als hätte man ein Meisterwerk der Preisstabilität im EU-Währungsgebiet geschaffen. Aber ist es das wirklich? Nein, es ist ein Blendwerk, das die eigentlichen Versäumnisse dieser Institution verschleiern soll.

    Die EZB agiert längst als politischer Akteur und nicht als unabhängiger Hüter der Preisstabilität. Man möge sich fragen, wie das Ziel der Inflationsbekämpfung bei 2 % gelingen soll, wenn die EZB Märkte durch endlose Anleihenkäufe manipuliert. Damit wird keineswegs die Inflation gezähmt, sondern das Prinzip der Marktwirtschaft mit Füßen getreten. Wer zahlt am Ende die Zeche? Es sind unsere Sparer, es sind unsere Rentner.

    Ein weiteres Kapitel in diesem Trauerspiel ist der digitale Euro, angeblich eine Ergänzung zum Bargeld, doch in Wahrheit der perfekte Hebel zur totalen Überwachung und Kontrolle. Es ist nichts weiter als eine neue Dimension des staatlichen Eingriffs in das selbstbestimmte Leben der Bürger der Europäischen Union.

    Darüber hinaus verstrickt sich die EZB in zweifelhafte Projekte, die wie green bonds daherkommen. Man spricht von Klimaschutz, doch was steckt wirklich dahinter? Ein versteckter Umverteilungsmechanismus, bei dem unsere Bürger die Kosten für unhaltbare Schulden anderer Länder tragen sollen! Es ist ein Bruch europäischer Verträge, und es ist eine klare Beugung des geltenden Rechts.

     
       

     

      Dirk Gotink (PPE). – Voorzitter, president, commissaris, de afgelopen jaren hebben mensen in heel Europa koopkracht ingeleverd door de ongekende inflatie. Covid, de Russische invasie, het hakt er allemaal heel hard in, in het spaargeld, de pensioenen en in de algemene bestaanszekerheid. Dat merken mensen iedere dag door de hoge energieprijzen en de voedselprijzen. Deze inflatie in de eurozone is hardnekkig.

    Tegelijkertijd zie ik een Europese economie die niet vooruit te branden is door een tekort aan innovatie en een overschot aan detailwetgeving. U noemde het al: de barrières op de interne markt zijn nog veel te groot. Denk aan de territoriale leveringsbeperkingen waardoor onze boodschappen iedere dag te duur zijn in de supermarkten.

    Daarbij komt vergrijzing. Hoe gaan wij de zorgkosten en pensioenen financieren in de komende jaren, zeker in landen waar de pensioenen worden betaald uit de lopende begroting? Hoe houdbaar is dat op de lange termijn?

    En als klap op de vuurpijl hebben we Trump die op het punt staat om een waanzinnige handelsoorlog te ontketenen waardoor het dagelijks leven van honderden miljoenen mensen duurder kan worden. Dat zijn gewoon ordinaire Trump‑belastingen.

    In deze cocktail van onzekerheid heeft de ECB een sleutelrol om de inflatie te beteugelen en de randvoorwaarden te scheppen voor stabiele economische groei. Dat is haar oorspronkelijke mandaat. Ik zou dan ook de ECB en ook de Commissie willen oproepen om aan dat oorspronkelijke mandaat te hechten. Ook wil ik graag collega van Brug complimenteren voor het degelijke verslag dat zij hierover heeft geschreven.

     
       

     

      Matthias Ecke (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Frau Präsidentin Lagarde! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Inflationsraten im Euro-Währungsgebiet sind gesunken, von einem Rekordhoch von 10,6 % auf nun nahe 2 %. Das ist erst einmal ein wichtiges Signal der Stabilität in Europa und eine gute Nachricht für Millionen von Menschen. Denn gerade wer ein kleines oder mittleres Einkommen hat, der musste unter der Kostenexplosion der letzten Jahre besonders leiden. Inflation ist nicht nur eine ökonomische Frage, sondern auch eine soziale Frage. Und deswegen ist es richtig, den Kampf gegen die Inflation nicht allein der EZB zu überlassen.

    Die von Olaf Scholz geführte deutsche Bundesregierung zum Beispiel hat das erkannt und hat mehr gegen steigende Preise unternommen als alle anderen Regierungen in der EU – mit Energiepreisbremsen, Entlastungspaketen und einem günstigen Deutschlandticket. Das war klug und richtig. Als Sozialdemokraten sagen wir auch deutlich: Preisstabilität ist wichtig, aber reicht allein nicht aus. Die EZB muss auch zur wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Entwicklung der EU beitragen. Umso mehr freue ich mich, dass unsere diesbezüglichen Forderungen jetzt Gehör gefunden haben und der Bericht entsprechend angepasst wurde, was den Bereich secondary mandate angeht. Mit Trumps Politik der Willkür-Zölle drohen uns nun allerdings neue Preissteigerungen und Krisen. Wir erwarten, dass die EZB ihrer Verantwortung für Europas wirtschaftliche Entwicklung auch dabei gerecht wird.

     
       

     

      Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, την τελευταία τετραετία στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση καταγράφηκαν εξαιρετικά υψηλά επίπεδα πληθωρισμού, με αποτέλεσμα να μειωθεί η αγοραστική δύναμη των σταθερών εισοδημάτων, των αποταμιεύσεων και των συντάξεων, στρεβλώνοντας την αποτελεσματική κατανομή των πόρων με αρνητικό αντίκτυπο στην οικονομική σταθερότητα. Μπορεί ο πληθωρισμός, σύμφωνα με την έκθεση να έχει υποχωρήσει, όμως οι επιπτώσεις ακόμα παραμένουν βαθιά χαραγμένες στους πολίτες.

    Παραδείγματα: πρώτον, η αύξηση των τιμών ενέργειας με αλυσιδωτές επιπτώσεις στην οικονομία. Δεύτερον, τα υψηλά επίπεδα πληθωρισμού επηρεάζουν δυσανάλογα τα νοικοκυριά με χαμηλότερα εισοδήματα, τα οποία ξοδεύουν μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό του προϋπολογισμού τους σε είδη πρώτης ανάγκης, δημιουργώντας αναπόφευκτα συνθήκες δυσπραγίας, φτώχειας και κοινωνικού αποκλεισμού.

    Ως εκ τούτου, επιβάλλεται προσοχή και καλός σχεδιασμός για το μέλλον, με πολιτικές που δεν θα θυσιάζουν τους πολίτες στον βωμό των συμφερόντων των τραπεζών, όπως το 2013 που από άλλη θέση κλέψατε τα χρήματα των καταθέσεων των Κυπρίων πολιτών. Τέλος, αναφορικά με το ψηφιακό ευρώ, υπογραμμίζω τη θέση μας ότι πρέπει να χρησιμοποιηθεί ως συμπλήρωμα του χαρτονομίσματος και σε καμία περίπτωση ως αντικατάστασή του.

     
       

     

      Kinga Kollár (PPE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Örömmel olvasom az EKB-jelentésben, hogy Európa visszatért az alacsony infláció világába. Így lehetőség nyílik a kamatok csökkentésére, ami olcsóbb lakás- és vállalati hiteleket jelent.

    Ez jó hír Európának. Azonban ki kell jelenteni, hogy Magyarországon a különutas gazdaságpolitika kudarcot vallott a vásárlók kezelésében. Ennek az árát pedig az emberek fizették meg. Öt év alatt 81%-kal emelkedett az élelmiszerek ára, az inflációt csak 13%-os rekord alapkamattal sikerült valamelyest megfékezni.

    Miközben az állam évek óta rekordmagas hiány mellett működik, tollvonással töröltek kritikus állami beruházásokat. Nem jut elég forrás kórházakra, az iskolákra, az utakra és vasútfejlesztésre.

    Az Orbán-rezsim kegyeltjeinek persze továbbra is nyitva vannak az állami pénzcsapok, így jutott például méregdrága irodaházakra. És a választási költekezés még csak most fog kezdődni Magyarországon.

    Pedig a túlköltekezés hatalmas kamatteherrel párosul. Csak tavaly a kormány 4000 milliárd forintot költött kamatokra, többet mint a teljes egészségügyre.

    Ezért minden magyar ember érdekében és nevében felszólítom a magyar kormányt, hogy ne gyermekeink és unokáink terhére próbálják megtartani hatalmukat.

    Megalázó szavazatvásárlás helyett a Tisza hazahozza az uniós forrásokat, és magyarok millióival együtt épít egy modern, békés és élhető Magyarországot.

     
       

     

      Carla Tavares (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Presidente Lagarde, Senhora Comissária Maria Luís Albuquerque, no artigo que assinou há duas semanas no Financial Times, com a Presidente Ursula von der Leyen, assegurou que está pronta para fazer tudo o que seja necessário para trazer a Europa de volta. Essa foi a atitude que salvou o euro em 2010 e evitou uma crise financeira durante a COVID. Nessas crises, o BCE soube apoiar as políticas gerais da União, tal como está escrito no seu mandato secundário. É preciso desistir dos dogmas. Não podemos combater a inflação de forma cega ou deixar que a neutralidade de mercado seja um princípio escrito na pedra. Precisamos de ação e resultados. Por exemplo, ter uma coordenação mais próxima da política monetária e orçamental da União ou usar o mandato secundário para sermos mais ambiciosos nas políticas e instrumentos monetários. O atual clima de incerteza nos Estados Unidos abre também uma oportunidade para reforçarmos a promoção internacional do euro como uma alternativa credível ao dólar e avançarmos mais rapidamente no euro digital. Como refere no seu texto no Financial Times, em que me revejo, há muito em jogo. Não podemos mais desperdiçar as nossas forças com desvantagens autoimpostas.

     
       

     

      Regina Doherty (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, President Lagarde, we are here today discussing the ECB annual report. At times of enormous uncertainty, following on from Canada, Mexico and China, President Trump is threatening the EU with steep new tariffs. Billions of euros of investments and thousands of jobs depend on the trade between Europe and the United States. I have heard the concerns from people and businesses in Dublin about how America may soon be closed for business.

    European Member States, including my own, have strong historic, cultural and huge economic links with the United States, and we need to do everything we can to preserve this, and ensure that EU‑US relationships remain functional. Yet there are those who would have us turn away from one of our closest historic allies. And this literally would be the definition of cutting off your own nose to spite your face.

    President Lagarde, I want to welcome your words in the Financial Times recently with President von der Leyen, where you highlighted the need for Europe to be better at helping businesses to grow and thrive. We need to see the reforms to boost competitiveness and innovation.

    I also want to welcome the work that has taken place to bring down inflation by the ECB. This is why the ECB can now reduce our interest rates, which is very welcome. But for this to continue, all the Member States must be prudent. The time for talk is over and the time for action absolutely is now.

     
       


     

      Angelika Winzig (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Frau Kommissarin! Frau Präsidentin Lagarde! Krieg, Energiekrise, unzuverlässige Lieferketten und steigende Lebensmittelpreise haben in den letzten drei Jahren für die Europäerinnen und Europäer zu einem massiven Kaufkraftverlust geführt. Und eines darf man auch nicht außer Acht lassen: Sie haben in einigen Mitgliedstaaten auch zu politischen Veränderungen geführt.

    Während die US-Notenbank frühzeitig gehandelt hat, hatte man den Eindruck, die EZB hat zu lange gezögert – mit spürbaren Folgen für die europäische Wirtschaft und für die Bürgerinnen und Bürger. Eine Währung ist nur so stark wie die Wirtschaft, die hinter ihr steht. Daher muss Europa seine Wettbewerbsfähigkeit steigern, um den Euro langfristig abzusichern. Weniger Bürokratie, mehr Innovationen, gezielte Investitionen für Wirtschaft und Banken braucht es jetzt dringend, um nachhaltiges Wachstum zu sichern.

    Auch Sie, Frau Präsidentin, werden dazu einen entscheidenden Beitrag leisten. Nur mit echten Reformen sichern wir Europas wirtschaftliche Zukunft und sorgen dafür, dass Wohlstand nicht nur ein Versprechen bleibt, sondern für alle Europäerinnen und Europäer auch spürbar ist.

     
       



       

    Interventions à la demande

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisară, doamna Lagarde, am văzut că ați fost felicitată de colegi și am fost foarte atentă la ce ați spus dumneavoastră. Între altele, ați criticat gospodăriile că nu cheltuie mai mult. Doamna Lagarde, știți câți oameni sunt în sărăcie? Cum să cheltuiască mai mult când nu știu ce se întâmplă, când n-au suficienți bani, decât să-și plătească lumina, curentul?

    Din punctul meu de vedere, BCE n-a făcut cât ar trebui să facă, din punctul de vedere al politicii monetare, din punctul de vedere al presiunii care e suportată de cei mai săraci, de fapt, inflația, dobânzile. Știți cât e dobânda în țara mea, în România? Cum? IMM-urile sunt spulberate.

    Deci, din punctul meu de vedere, dumneavoastră sunteți responsabili. Ați spus că veniți la întâlniri cu noi. Foarte bine, dar aveți niște specialiști pe salarii foarte mari acolo. Ei trebuie să facă politica monetară. Ei trebuie să ne asigure existența și rezistența în piața internă a economiei, până la urmă, pentru a putea să fim în competiție globală.

     
       

     

      Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Posėdžio pirmininke, gerbiama Europos Centrinio Banko pirmininke ponia Lagarde, komisare. Suprantama, didelis pasiekimas, kad suvaldyta infliacija, be galo didelis pasiekimas, kad garantuotas euro stabilumas. Be galo svarbu toliau atkreipti mums visiems dėmesį į be galo sudėtingą tarptautinę aplinką. Jungtinių Amerikos Valstijų dabartinė administracija grasins tarifais. Komisija Jean’o-Claude’o Junkerio laikais jau turėjome patirtį, kaip atremti Trumpo tarifų karą. Dabar taip pat reikia galvoti apie tai. Reikia būtinai galvoti apie kuo didesnes pastangas kurti bankų sąjungą Europos Sąjungoje. Priešingu atveju mes labai nesuvaldysime bankų nesąžiningos veiklos. Reikia paskatinti skaitmeninio euro įvedimą, ir tai reikia daryti ypatingai greitai, nes šiuo atveju mes turime atremti mums gresiančias tikrai tarifų karų, kainų karų situacijas. O tuo tarpu bendros pastangos Europos Centrinio Banko ir nacionalinių bankų turi būti stiprinamos.

     
       


     

      Siegbert Frank Droese (ESN). – Herr Präsident! Madame Lagarde, ich hatte Ihrem Bericht gelauscht, und ich muss ehrlich sagen, ich hatte Mühe, nicht einzuschlafen.

    Wenn wir zu unserem wichtigsten Partner, den USA, schauen: Dort gibt es Aufbruch, dort wird aufgeräumt, dort wird gerade das goldene Zeitalter ausgerufen. Die USA bereiten gerade ihren Platz in der neuen Welt des 21. Jahrhunderts. Lagardes Bericht fehlt jede positive Vision für die Zukunft Europas: kein Wort zum Ende des Green Deals durch Donald Trump, kein Wort dazu, dass BlackRock, Vanguard – große Investoren – in Zukunft nicht mehr in grünen Klimairrsinn investieren werden.

    Ein bisschen Resilienzgedöns, ein bisschen Digitalisierungsblabla und Wettbewerbsappelle sind zu wenig. Madame Lagardes Rede war blutleer und hoffnungslos. Es kann einem damit nur angst und bange werden um die Zukunft Europas.

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident! Liebe Menschen Europas, heute haben wir hier über die Europäische Zentralbank gesprochen. Und ja, auch im Namen der Partei des Fortschritts muss ich sagen: Kritik ist berechtigt. Die EZB beeinflusst das Leben von Millionen von Menschen und muss sich auch solch einer Debatte stellen. Aber während ich hier aus der politischen Mitte dieses Hauses von den Moderaten konstruktive Vorschläge wahrgenommen habe, höre ich von den Extremen, die EZB sei voreingenommen, politisch motiviert gesteuert. Diese Behauptung ist nicht nur falsch, sie ist gefährlich. Aber diese Rhetorik passt ja zu Ihnen: Ja, alle sind miteinander verschworen, wollen es dem kleinen Mann schwer machen und erlauben sich auch noch, das Klima retten zu wollen.

    Ich sage Ihnen: Wer seine ganze Politik darauf aufbaut, das Vertrauen in die demokratischen Institutionen zu untergraben, ist kein Demokrat. Frau Lagarde, ich habe 26 meiner 27 Lebensjahre mit der EZB gelebt. Sie wissen, da ist immer noch Luft nach oben. Aber weiter so!

     
       

       

    (Fin des interventions à la demande)

     
       

     

      Maria Luís Albuquerque, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, I am pleased to see that there is a significant convergence in the views of our three institutions on many aspects of the report. As already mentioned in my introductory remarks, the EU has high ambitions and urgently needs to regain competitiveness. This requires massive investments and, hence, financing.

    Open, deeper and more integrated capital markets will be key to improve the competitiveness of the EU economy. This is why we will present a savings and investments union strategy in the coming weeks. The savings and investments union will leverage the enormous wealth of European savers to create growth in Europe. Fundamentally, greater liquidity pools and the EU markets operating at a greater scale are absolutely necessary if we want to see stronger economic growth, compete internationally and finance our political ambitions. There is simply no other way.

    As a last point, let me also recall the importance of making progress on the digital euro, given the challenges we face in terms of innovation and global competition. Today, Europeans increasingly pay digitally, and this trend will continue, reflecting the digitalisation of our societies. But, at this moment, we don’t have a European offer that allows for digital payments across the EU and for all the use cases. In fact, Europeans mainly rely on a few non-European providers, as was mentioned here today.

    The Commission stands ready to support efforts to accelerate the negotiations. It is equally important to progress on the proposal for the legal tender of cash. These regulations will safeguard the acceptance and availability of cash for our citizens. Also here, the Commission stands ready to support the ongoing discussions on this, so that we can make swift progress.

     
       

     

      Christine Lagarde, Présidente de la Banque centrale européenne. – Madame la Commissaire, en ayant pris note de vos observations…

    Let me now move back to English, but I thought a little bit of French would not hurt, because you are still around, Mr Vice-President, although you’re leaving – that’s okay.

    So let me tackle three points that I would like to address in response to your many, many questions, and with gratitude for some of your candid points, some of your documented points, but certainly some that you have expressed with great passion. And I’m very attentive and very sensitive to it.

    Let me just make a few points about the mandate under which we operate, so a little bit about how we took the fight against inflation and finished with the digital euro – and I think that I will have tried to focus on those areas where you have really yourself tried to target your questions.

    So, on my first point, I am constantly reminded of the mandate that we have under Article 127 of the Treaty we know – at the European Central Bank at all levels of the institution – that our primary objective is price stability. There is no debate about that. We also know that there is a second paragraph, which refers to secondary objectives, which have to do with your economic objectives and how we can support those objectives. But this second article is very specific and starts with ‘without prejudice to price stability’. So it goes without saying that price stability is the driving force, and that alternative options have to be without prejudice to that driving force of our action. Price stability is what is guiding us.

    Now, I would like to just mention, because this has been also raised and many of you have actually raised it, this issue of market neutrality. And you, Madam rapporteur, focused some of the remarks and some of the points in the resolution on this aspect, and I am delighted that you could reach a consensus as to exactly what the report would say.

    But I just want to mention the fact that market neutrality has not always been absorbed invariably, and there have been moments in the history of the ECB, prior to my time, when market neutrality was derived from because it was necessary and appropriate in order to deliver on price stability. What we are doing when we pay attention in particular to the externality of the risk of climate change, is that we are looking after and securing the balance sheet of the ECB to make sure that the risks, which are not otherwise reflected by market mechanisms, can actually be embedded into our management of the portfolio. Now, this, in many ways, is a story of the past because, as you know, we are no longer in the business of purchasing assets and in particular not purchasing corporate assets anymore.

    A few points about the fight against inflation, because many of you have actually mentioned this – one of you actually said that we had done a good job and, you know, those are moments when you enjoy the minute and a half that was given to I think it was Mr Navarrete, who actually said that he was satisfied with the work that we had done. And yes, we did take the fight against inflation and, as your resolution report indicates, we could have started earlier. We started effectively signalling that we were going to take action in December 2021 and then we took very vigorous action by actually raising interest rates by 450 basis points in a fast, robust way, and more so than any time before. And we have now seen the result of it. One of you mentioned that we went from a high of 10.6 % in October 2022, which was the highest reading that we had on an average basis, not on a per country basis, I know, because some Member States have much higher and have had much higher inflation, but on average we went from that 10.6 % in October 2022 to 2.5 % now in January. So I’m not saying that the fight is over because we need to get to the target that we have, but we have closed the gap significantly by taking robust and rapid measures.

    And you cannot compare one central bank to the other. The circumstances are different. The fundamentals of the economy are different. The rates of inflation suffered by different countries are different. And the tools that are available are different as well. But, you know, I don’t take huge satisfaction about what we have done, but I think that for all European compatriots, certainly there has been a difference. Does it mean to say that prices have gone down? No. And the level of prices is something that is very different from inflation. Prices have gone up, their level has stayed high. And the inflation that we are now trying to keep under control, hopefully at 2 % in the course of 2025, that is the measure by which the level continues to go up in a relatively modest way and the one that we have defined as our price stability objectives.

    Let me now touch on a point that many of you have addressed, and that is the issue of the digital euro. Let me preface that with the fact that the digital euro is not intended to replace cash – absolutely not. Cash is around, will be around, no question about it. So much so that we are currently – as you may have seen – working on the new face of our European banknotes so that the euro will have a more relatable aspect to it, so that a European – and non-European for that matter – using the euro will actually appreciate the aspects that embody Europe, whether it is by way of reference to culture or by way of reference to nature. The jury is still out as to what it will end up being, but certainly cash will be around.

    Some of you have mentioned that the digital euro is a tool of our European sovereignty, and I would beg you to keep that in the back of your mind when you have that debate in Parliament. Many of you have called for that debate. I heard honourable Member of Parliament Ferber mention that. I have heard an honourable Member Navarrete referring to the debate and calling for it, actually. I have heard many other Members ask for that debate to take place. So please, as quickly as is possible, let us have that debate, because the digital euro is a necessary tool of this sovereignty. It’s not the only one. It needs to operate at retail level, at wholesale level, and it needs to be combined so that we have solidity of payment infrastructure, as well as the tools that will enable us to effect payment on a cross-border basis.

    The issues that have been referred to as issues to be debated – financial stability, innovation, privacy, threshold – all of that needs to be debated. Do not assume that it is something that the European Central Bank will decide from the main building sitting on the River of Main in Frankfurt. No, we are waiting for you and the ball is in your camp. I very much hope that the honourable rapporteur will actually mandate as many of goodwill around the table as possible in order to move that debate. I would very much dislike to see myself in this position in a year’s time, still arguing that the digital euro is an instrument of our sovereignty. A lot of things are going to happen between now and a year from now. We should not underestimate the geopolitical movements, fractures, cracks and divides that we might be seeing in the future.

    For that, we should be equipped with the digital currency that will help the defence of our sovereignty – and I turn to you who didn’t find me very passionate about the future, but you’re not listening to me really. Doesn’t matter. I passionately believe that we have, internally in Europe, barriers that we have imposed upon ourselves that we can remove, whether it is in the goods circulation equivalent of 40 % custom duties that we impose on ourselves, as opposed to 15 % inside the United States, or 110 % equivalent of custom duties that we impose on ourselves on services. We have the tools at hand to be more productive, which will lead to better competitiveness. So I’m very passionate about that. But my real passion is to deliver on our mandate, which is price stability for all our citizens.

     
       

       

    IN THE CHAIR: SOPHIE WILMÈS
    Vice-President

     
       

     

      Anouk Van Brug, rapporteur. – Voorzitter, vandaag spreekt de Europese politiek met een duidelijke stem. De ECB toont een sterke ambitie op het gebied van klimaatverandering, maar lijkt de impact van geopolitieke spanningen op inflatie te onderschatten. Wij roepen u daarom op: neem geopolitiek serieus.

    De wereld verandert snel. Oorlog en conflict hebben de afgelopen jaren keer op keer laten zien hoe ze inflatie kunnen aanwakkeren en onze economie kunnen ontwrichten. De energiecrisis die volgde op de Russische invasie in Oekraïne was geen incident, maar een waarschuwing. Geopolitieke instabiliteit zal de komende jaren een grote rol blijven spelen in de economie.

    Daarom is het essentieel dat de ECB scenario’s ontwikkelt en voorbereid is op toekomstige crises. Want wanneer je hard werkt in Nederland, moet je leuk kunnen leven en je geen zorgen hoeven maken over een nieuwe rekening of een wasmachine die kapotgaat. Het is tijd om de geldzorgen van de mensen thuis serieus te nemen. Dit is mogelijk wanneer de ECB geopolitieke risico’s serieus neemt, maar ook haar eigen rol scherp bewaakt.

    Echte onafhankelijkheid betekent: geen politiek bedrijven. De ECB heeft één taak: prijsstabiliteit handhaven. Dit vereist strikt marktneutraal beleid zonder dat de ECB politieke keuzes maakt in haar opkoopprogramma’s en andere instrumenten. De ECB mag zich niet laten leiden door politieke druk of ideologische agenda’s — dat ondermijnt haar geloofwaardigheid en effectiviteit.

    Wij vragen u dan ook: behoud de neutrale rol van de ECB. Laat de financiële markten functioneren zonder onnodige verstoringen en zorg ervoor dat de ECB onafhankelijk blijft in daden, niet alleen in naam. Alleen zo kunnen we inflatie effectief bestrijden en de koopkracht van ons allemaal beschermen.

     
       

     

      President. – The debate is closed.

    The vote will be held tomorrow.

     

    14. Escalation of gang violence in Sweden and strengthening the fight against organised crime (debate)


     

      Maria Luís Albuquerque, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, the horrendous attack in Örebro – one of the worst attacks in Swedish history – has shocked as all to the core. And I would like to express my heartfelt condolences to the families and friends who lost their loved ones. Such attacks have no place in Europe.

    The first thing European citizens expect from us is protection. That is also true when it comes to the topic of today’s debate: gang violence. Gang violence is not only a big threat to life and security; it is a huge threat to democracy and society too, and it is part of the bigger structures of organised crime infiltrating our legal economies and processes.

    As outlined by President von der Leyen at the beginning of this mandate, there can be no hiding place for organised crime in Europe, either offline or online. The threat to our internal security by organised crime networks is unprecedented and increasingly visible. And it is not only an impression that we get following the news – the figures speak for themselves. Last year, Europol identified 821 high-risk criminal networks active in the EU. Nearly 90 % of them have infiltrated the legal economy, running businesses, investing in real estate. They are strong and operate freely across borders, including online. They are active in drug trafficking, fraud, property crime, migrant smuggling, and trafficking in human beings. To avoid prosecution, these groups are increasingly recruiting young people to perpetrate even violent crimes.

    Most of this violence is directly linked to organised crime and drug trafficking. Drug-related violence has spread from secluded port areas to the streets of Swedish cities, as criminal organisations fight for control over distribution networks. Innocent bystanders are often caught in this violence, underscoring the urgency of action.

    We see similar patterns across Europe: drug markets in Brussel’s streets, gang wars in Germany and France, threats to port workers in the Netherlands, drug-related killings in Spain and the Western Balkans. This is a global phenomenon that needs to be tackled through stronger cross-border cooperation within the EU and with third countries. Drugs are now Europe’s most lucrative criminal market, worth EUR 31 billion annually, and 70 % of organised crime groups use corruption to enable their crimes.

    The Commission will put forward an EU strategy against corruption. Money is the lifeblood that drives and sustains all these criminal activities. Our response to organised crime must be clear: disrupt their finances, take down their bankers and brokers, tackle the infiltration in the legal economy and disrupt their corrupt networks.

    Since last spring, we have new confiscation rules to eliminate the profits of criminal groups. We need to follow the money to get to those who are behind the crimes. Any investigation should pursue arrests and asset recovery as two sides of the same coin. With Eurojust we need to enhance judicial cooperation within the Union and beyond its borders. The rapid transposition of the new Asset Recovery Directive will provide stronger tools to confiscate illicit profits. It will also strengthen the asset recovery offices to identify, trace and freeze criminal assets.

    The Commission will step up the fight against serious and organised crime with the forthcoming European internal security strategy. The strategy will cover all forms of organised crime online and offline. We plan to involve all stakeholders in a ‘whole of society’ approach to be more effective in dismantling high-risk criminal networks and their ringleaders. We will propose to revise the rules to fight organised crime, starting with an updated definition of ‘organised crime’ and strong investigative tools. The strategy will build on the serious and organised crime threat assessment that Europol will present in the spring. We will enhance Europol support to Member State investigations, especially in areas where the authorities need it the most. We will strengthen Frontex to ensure it can protect our borders in all circumstances.

    As regards the online dimension, online service providers have a duty to protect their users online. We will continue to strongly enforce the Digital Services Act, which establishes effective measures for tackling illegal content and mitigating societal risks online. And we will continue to step up our efforts in disrupting the recruitment of young people online by organised criminal gangs. Next year we will also set out the framework for an EU critical communication system to strengthen internal security and preparedness.

    We know that many of the threats to our internal security originate from outside the EU. Security within the Union cannot be achieved without targeted and comprehensive external action through third country partnerships that also benefit our security. The strategy will also address cross-cutting security challenges and hybrid threats such as border management, the weaponisation of migration, and countering sabotage and espionage.

    Honourable Members, as one of the first deliverables of the new internal security strategy, the Commission will launch a new EU action plan against firearms trafficking with more pressure on criminal markets and safeguarding the illicit market. Illicit firearms feed organised crime within the EU, and are regularly used by lone actors. The EU already has rules on the illegal possession and acquisition of firearms and rules on the legal import, export and transit of firearms. However, there are no EU rules on the definition of criminal offences and penalties on firearms-related crimes. This has to change.

    The fight against drug trafficking must also remain a top priority. For this, it is paramount to tackle the constant inflow of drugs to our continent, mainly through our ports. Over 90 million containers are processed yearly in EU ports. Only a small percentage are inspected, leaving room for criminal exploitation. Sweden, as a major maritime destination and transit country is not immune to this threat. We will build on the work set out in the EU roadmap and the EU Ports Alliance to dismantle criminal business models and to shut down supply routes. Currently, 33 ports, including Helsingborg, Gothenburg and Stockholm are members, and the list is growing.

    The challenges facing the Union are increasingly complex, interconnected and transnational. This means that we need to approach security in an integrated way, taking all relevant threats, including hybrid ones, into consideration. Internal security is our shared responsibility, and we want the forthcoming strategy to be also the Parliament’s strategy. We count on your cooperation to make rapid progress on our common agenda.

     
       


     

      Evin Incir, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, politics must join forces across party lines to break the cycle of violence. This painful reality is the reason why I decided to engage in politics 25 years ago. Since then, the situation has unfortunately only worsened. More children have become both victims and perpetrators to violence.

    Last year alone, 44 people lost their lives to shootings, and, alarmingly, the number of children under 15 suspected of involvement in murder cases surged by 200 % in comparison to the year before in Sweden. Just in the first month of this year, we witnessed 33 bombings. The perpetrators are nowadays so young that the term ‘child soldiers’ has become a buzzword. Gang violence is creeping down in age, instilling fear in our neighbourhoods and robbing children of their childhood. No one should wake up to a sound of a bomb, instead of a gentle ring of a clock. And let’s be clear – no one is born a child soldier.

    Our actions as lawmakers matter. The current Swedish right‑wing and far‑right Government looks to Denmark’s hard gang laws – like visitation zones and harsh penalties – but neglects the essential ingredient of Denmark’s success: social investments in schools and communities. A school that provides every child with the opportunity to succeed is our most powerful weapon against gang recruitment. It is also absurd that criminals in 2025 can start businesses and exploit the Swedish welfare system, while the parties in government and their supporters in Sweden Democrats are watching.

    Where is the crisis commission that we have asked for? Also, the EU has an important role in putting an end to the cross‑border gang crime, which poses a serious threat to all our Member States. According to Europol, 70 % of gangs in the EU operate in at least three countries simultaneously. I’m glad that the conservative EPP Group has woken up and realised the importance of acting, but yet they have only presented what they call ‘European security pact against organised crime’, which is more or less a copy paste of former Commissioner Ylva Johansson’s ‘EU roadmap to fight organised crime and drug trafficking’.

    Instead of creating new titles on existing measures, we social democrats demand a specific strategy against recruitment, with a coordinator working alongside European authorities such as Europol and Eurojust to prevent children and young people from falling into the claws of the gangs. Politics must unite across party lines, and so must other parts of the society, such as the social media platforms.

    We therefore need an EU anti‑organised crime law, including addressing the social media platforms responsibilities. It is unacceptable that these platforms are exploited for recruiting child soldiers. Tech giants must be held accountable. Their platforms are today’s modern streets and squares. It is about time for the society to get as organised as organised crime. The society must always be stronger than organised crime.

     
       

     

      Fabrice Leggeri, au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, la Suède, autrefois un modèle de sécurité en Europe, est aujourd’hui gangrenée par la violence de gangs. Fusillades en pleine rue, explosions criminelles, quartiers entiers sous l’emprise de mafias: ce chaos est le résultat direct d’années de laxisme migratoire et d’un aveuglement idéologique coupable.

    Les chiffres parlent d’eux-mêmes. En 2023, la Suède a enregistré 53 homicides liés aux guerres de gangs, un taux parmi les plus élevés d’Europe. 76 % des membres des principaux gangs sont des immigrés ou des enfants d’immigrés. Cette criminalité, alimentée par l’immigration massive et l’échec total de l’intégration, transforme des pans entiers du pays en zones de non-droit.

    Même le ministre suédois de la justice reconnaît aujourd’hui que cette violence prendra plus d’une décennie à éradiquer. Après des années de laxisme, le gouvernement suédois tente désormais de sauver les meubles en envisageant l’expulsion des criminels étrangers. Car la responsabilité de ce fiasco sécuritaire est politique.

    Il faut rappeler que c’est la famille politique d’Ylva Johansson, ancienne commissaire européenne aux affaires intérieures, qui a gouverné la Suède en appliquant cette politique d’ouverture migratoire sans contrôle. Cette même commissaire, qui expliquait, il y a encore quelques mois, que l’Europe n’a pas de problème d’immigration, porte une lourde responsabilité dans cette catastrophe sécuritaire.

    Nous devons tirer les leçons de cet échec suédois et être fermes. Ce qu’il faut à présent, c’est une impunité zéro pour les criminels étrangers et une expulsion immédiate. Il nous faut un véritable réarmement juridique et matériel des forces de l’ordre. L’Union européenne n’a plus le choix, elle doit mettre fin à l’immigration massive qui nourrit l’échec de l’intégration et alimente cette violence.

    La Suède est un avertissement. Si nous n’agissons pas maintenant, la France, par exemple, connaîtra le même destin. Ce que nous attendons aujourd’hui, c’est une Europe qui protège ses peuples, pas une Europe du chaos migratoire et du laxisme sécuritaire.

     
       

     

      Charlie Weimers, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, broken shards of glass hang like jagged teeth from a shattered window, the frame barely holds. Inside colourful children’s posters decorate the walls. A criminal threw an explosive device into a child’s bedroom. One man was injured. This isn’t fake news – this is a daily occurrence. This is last night in Sweden.

    Gang criminals have vowed in secret chats to make 2025 the worst year ever for bombings. Only Albania has more gun deaths than Sweden. Albania!

    A few years ago, Sweden’s former security chief admitted: ‘We are in a low‑intensity civil war’. Yet Swedish media still plays word games. ‘Gate explodes in Nacka’. Did the gate self-destruct? ‘Missed shooting in Växjö’: a miss because the bullet hit the wrong innocent?

    Meanwhile, the Swedish Social Democrats are criticising the tough measures that we in the liberal conservative majority in Sweden are taking against criminality, like visitation zones. Well, go have a debate with your own party that suggested that half of Stockholm was to be done a visitation zone. ‘Flip‑flop’ is what it’s called.

    Now, this is what the EU must do. Acknowledge that this is the result of uncontrolled immigration. Accept that we must secure the border. And yes, as the EPP finally has joined our stance, to limit free movement of criminals under Schengen. Act decisively to deport the illegals, fake asylum seekers and terrorist sympathisers. It must be done today. It should have been done yesterday.

     
       




     

      Alexander Sell, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Schießereien, Vergewaltigungen, Bombenterror: Wer das Ergebnis linker Politik sehen möchte, muss nach Schweden schauen – jeden Tag Bombenanschläge durch afrikanische Banden, jedes Jahr 10 000 schwedische Frauen vergewaltigt, Malmö gefährlicher als Bagdad.

    Die Gewalt in Schweden ist das Ergebnis linker Migrationspolitik. Das haben die Wähler dort begriffen und unsere Kollegen von den Schwedendemokraten in die Regierung gewählt – trotz jahrelanger Beschimpfungen durch Politik und Medien. Die Propaganda wirkt nicht mehr. Die schwedischen Wähler haben den Ernst der Lage erkannt. Aus Schaden wird man klug.

    In der Regierung setzen die Schwedendemokraten jetzt das Programm um, für das in Deutschland nur die AfD steht: Grenzkontrollen, Sachleistungen, Remigration. Und zwar in Koalition mit den Christdemokraten. Wir müssen von den Schweden lernen. Auch in Berlin, Hamburg oder Duisburg gibt es Stadtteile, die von kriminellen Banden beherrscht werden: jeden Tag zwei Gruppenvergewaltigungen, allein in Berlin zehn Messerstechereien täglich.

    Wir müssen das ändern. Wir brauchen den Mut der Schweden in deutschen Wahllokalen. Am 23. Februar gilt: Schluss mit Feigheit und Brandmauer. Es ist allerhöchste Zeit.

     
       

     

      Lena Düpont (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Frau Kommissarin! Über 70 % der kriminellen Netze arbeiten grenzüberschreitend. Sie verdingen sich in Menschenhandel, Drogenhandel, Geldwäsche – zunehmend gewaltbereiter und brutal. Sieben der zehn gefährlichsten Netzwerke in Europa – im Übrigen 55 insgesamt an der Zahl – umfassen mehrere Nationalitäten. Acht von zehn arbeiten unter dem Deckmantel legaler Unternehmen. Organisierte Kriminalität war und ist immer eine immense Gefahr für unsere Ordnung, unseren Rechtsstaat, für unsere Wirtschaft, unsere Gesellschaft.

    Genauso wie diese Netzwerke jedes Schlupfloch, jede Möglichkeit nutzen, müssen auch wir das tun. Unsere Antwort muss koordiniert, unmissverständlich und vor allen Dingen unnachgiebig sein. Entziehen wir ihnen über die Arbeit der AMLA mit der Beweislastumkehr und der Konfiszierung von Vermögen endlich die finanzielle Grundlage. Unsere Sicherheitsbehörden müssen alle verfügbaren Instrumente zur effizienten Datenanalyse und -verknüpfung an die Hand bekommen. Zoll, Polizei, Dienste, Justiz, unsere Joint Investigation Teams brauchen Zugang zu allen für sie relevanten Informationen und Datenbanken. Sie sind nicht nur integraler Bestandteil einer Sicherheitsunion, sie stehen zugleich an vorderster Stelle, um unser Leben und unser Eigentum zu schützen. Wir müssen ihnen im Gegenzug Schutz gewährleisten. Das allein wird aber nicht reichen. Mit der Internal Security Strategy, mit der Preparedness Strategy, dem Whitepaper on Defence werden wir die nächsten Schritte gehen müssen, um diese, unsere Europäische Union gegen Bedrohungen und hybride Attacken von innen und außen abzusichern. Eine widerstandsfähige Demokratie wartet nicht auf Angriffe. Sie antizipiert sie, passt sich an und antwortet entschlossen. Das und nicht weniger müssen wir leisten.

    Ein letzter Kommentar zu meinem Vorredner: Am 23.2. wird jede Stimme für die AfD in Deutschland eine verlorene Stimme sein. Es wird keine Koalition geben.

     
       

     

      Sandro Ruotolo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nello scorso mese in Svezia c’è stata in media un’esplosione al giorno. Ma non è un caso isolato, è un campanello d’allarme per tutta l’Europa.

    Io penso che lo Stato debba intervenire prima, sottraendo i nostri ragazzi alla manovalanza del crimine, alla morte civile. Ci sono poi i social network, moltiplicatori del disagio. Pensiamo all’omicidio di Salwan Momika, famoso per aver bruciato una copia del Corano in pubblico e ucciso a gennaio durante una diretta su TikTok.

    Lo Stato deve esserci prima, l’Europa deve esserci prima della violenza e noi dobbiamo esserci prima che sia troppo tardi. Servono investimenti nelle nostre periferie economiche, sociali, culturali.

     
       

     

      András László (PfE). – Madam President, ‘that we do not have control over the wave of violence is quite obvious’. This is a quote from the Swedish Prime Minister and a damning confession. Migrant gang wars have been plaguing Sweden for years now, and bomb attacks surged to a level comparable only to failed states. Citizens are scared and outraged for a reason.

    Who is to blame? The current government’s responsibility is limited in this mess. This is the fault of left‑wing elites who allowed mass immigration and adhered to the open borders ideology of George Soros. The EU’s migration policy is madness. More and more countries refuse to apply the rules. They bring chaos, violence, death and the breakdown of rule of law.

    Even in Sweden, even if you are one of the wealthiest and most respected nations on earth: Swedes, this may happen. Swedes simply deserve better. Yet the European Commission is still looking to punish those who defend our common external borders, like my country, Hungary.

    We need zero tolerance regarding illegal immigration. We need to support all the countries that defend our external borders, and we need to remove all illegals from the EU, and we need to severely punish all violent criminals. Gang warfare in European cities is un‑European. The European Commission’s weakness on border protection is anti-European. We need to make Europe great again. We need to make European borders secure again.

     
       

     

      Nicolas Bay (ECR). – Madame la Présidente, les gangs criminels ravagent la Suède. Après des décennies d’irresponsabilité et de laxisme migratoire, la population suédoise paie aujourd’hui le prix du sang avec deux tristes records: le premier, c’est celui d’être le premier pays en termes de mortalité par arme à feu de toute l’Europe, le second, c’est d’avoir 20 % de sa population qui est étrangère, soit deux millions d’immigrés sur dix millions d’habitants.

    La Suède a récemment essayé de changer de cap sous l’impulsion de la droite conservatrice et des démocrates suédois. On a enfin un changement de cap et, désormais, on a le plus faible nombre de demandeurs d’asile depuis quarante ans en Suède. Mais, évidemment, la situation est dramatique, et la situation de la France n’est d’ailleurs pas meilleure que celle de la Suède.

    Aujourd’hui, au Parlement européen, le ministre de l’Intérieur, Bruno Retailleau, vient parler de la directive retour. La directive retour ne sera réellement utile et efficace pour les Européens, pour nos nations et pour nos peuples que si elle permet la simplification, la fluidification et la rapidité des expulsions: faire en sorte que tous ceux qui sont entrés par ruse, par effraction ou grâce au laxisme en Europe n’aient qu’une seule certitude, celle d’être tôt ou tard expulsés d’Europe, avec l’impossibilité d’y revenir.

     
       

     

      Abir Al-Sahlani (Renew). – Fru talman! Sverige skakas av det brutala gängvåldet. Barn som agerar drogkurirer, tonåringar som agerar torpeder och giriga gängledare vars hänsynslöshet och brutalitet inte har några gränser och som styr sina olagliga verksamheter utanför Sveriges gränser. Detta är sannerligen ett europeiskt problem.

    Från 1 januari till i dag har det skett 33 detonationer och sprängningar runt om i Sverige. Vi har en regering i Sverige som i valrörelsen lovade ett paradigmskifte. Vi kan tyvärr inget annat än konstatera att den nuvarande regeringens politik inte har lyckats.

    Det finns många saker som borde ha gjorts annorlunda, som borde ha gjorts tidigare. Inte minst borde politiken fokusera mer på att strypa nyrekryteringen till gängen. Vår första försvarslinje här är föräldrar, lärare, skolpersonal, socialsekreterare och fältassistenter. Det är skolan och det är vårt förebyggande arbete som kommer att avgöra om dessa gäng finns kvar i framtiden.

    Än så länge är de digitala plattformarna, där mycket av rekryteringen av dessa ungdomar sker, inte tvingade av lagen att ta bort innehåll som annonser där man rekryterar barn.

    Pratar man med tullen i Sverige så ser man ganska snabbt att de är underbemannade. De är i dag 200 personer. De skulle egentligen behöva vara 400 personer, och EU:s hamnallians har kritiserat Sverige just för detta underskott. Men i stället för att satsa mer på skolan och ge ungdomar ett alternativ, i stället för att satsa på att ha bättre tullarbete, mer personal och bättre maskiner, så har politiken kokats ner till en tävling i hårdare straff och hårdare tag mot invandrare. Migrationspolitiken är inte verktyget för att lösa gängvåldet.

    Och en fråga: Hur vet du att det är afrikanska gäng som håller på i Sverige? När var du senast i Bagdad? Vad är det här för skitsnack?

    (Talaren godtog en fråga (“blått kort”).)

     
       



     

      Saskia Bricmont (Verts/ALE). – Règlements de comptes, fusillades, assassinats se multiplient dans les rues européennes, de Stockholm à Bruxelles. Des scènes inimaginables qui font peur pour notre sécurité et celle de nos enfants. Le crime organisé affecte les communautés en profondeur. Il présente aussi un risque bien plus large pour nos démocraties et l’État de droit, tant par ses effets directs que par les réponses liberticides qui sont actuellement apportées.

    Aucun discours simpliste, belliciste ou xénophobe n’apportera les réponses qu’attendent légitimement nos concitoyens. Oui, nous devons être exemplaires, agir de manière coordonnée et systémique avec des moyens allant de la prévention à la répression, de nos communes à l’Union européenne.

    Poursuivons le travail de réseau ici, au niveau européen: renforçons la lutte contre la corruption en élargissant les compétences du Parquet européen. Montrons de l’ambition pour la directive anticorruption, Madame la Commissaire, et assurons des moyens, du niveau local au niveau européen. Développons également la coopération judiciaire internationale en faisant pression sur les États, comme Dubaï, qui accueillent les narcotrafiquants, en permettant aussi que soient conclus rapidement des accords de coopération entre Eurojust et les pays d’Amérique latine. Enfin, harmonisons la réponse européenne face au crime organisé par une réponse législative pénale européenne.

     
       

     

      Alvise Pérez (NI). – Señora presidenta, ¡anda!, pero si hoy toca hablar de la criminalidad récord en Suecia, ese Disneyland progresista que han convertido desde la Comisión Europea y desde el propio Gobierno en un polvorín de casi ciento cincuenta atentados terroristas en solo diez años.

    Antes este país exportaba muebles y pop depresivos y ahora exporta bombas terroristas y narcotraficantes, algunos a mi país, a España. ¡Qué cosas! Aunque en realidad no mintieron a nadie, nos vendieron el cuento de la integración, de la convivencia y de la prosperidad, y lo han cumplido: integración del crimen, convivencia con el miedo y prosperidad para las mafias y para algunos políticos que se aprovechan de eso. Pero, bueno, no hay problema, porque en Suecia —lo han anunciado hace poco— han encontrado la solución mágica, que es pagar hasta treinta mil euros a los inmigrantes para que se larguen de su país. Es decir, primero los trajeron a Europa con cheques y ayudas, luego les concedieron barrios enteros y ahora les pagan para irse. Suecia, más que un país, parece una agencia de viajes para criminales. ¿El siguiente paso cuál es? ¿Repartir vales de avión para la vuelta a Kabul? ¿Un todo incluido en Somalia con dinero de los europeos?

    Y mientras tanto la Unión Europea sigue con su plan maestro, que es importar más problemas, prohibir que se hable de ellos y subvencionar a las ONG que los alimentan. Esta no es la Europa que a los españoles nos prometieron y no queremos formar parte de ella.

     
       

     

      Ana Miguel Pedro (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, de Estocolmo a Paris, de Berlim a Bruxelas, assistimos à ascensão de cartéis de crime organizado que operam como verdadeiros grupos terroristas. E, perante isto, a Europa tem sido, demasiadas vezes, lenta e hesitante. A liberdade de circulação, um dos pilares fundamentais da União Europeia, tem sido instrumentalizada para facilitar o tráfico de seres humanos, narcotráfico, contrabando e lavagem de dinheiro. Sabemos que mais de 70 % das redes criminosas operam além-fronteiras e que sete em cada dez das mais perigosas envolvem cidadãos de múltiplas nacionalidades. Em primeiro lugar, estas organizações devem ser reconhecidas como uma ameaça direta à segurança nacional e combatidas com as mesmas medidas aplicadas ao terrorismo. Segundo, precisamos de reforçar a cooperação europeia. O crime não conhece fronteiras, e a nossa resposta também não pode conhecer. Nenhum criminoso pode encontrar refúgio apenas porque mudou de país. Defendemos o alargamento de poderes para a confiscação de ativos e a restrição da circulação de grupos criminosos, incluindo a imposição de proibições de entrada e limitações para cidadãos condenados por crimes graves. É igualmente urgente reforçar o mandado de detenção europeu e reforçar o combate ao tráfico ilegal de armas que alimenta esta escalada de violência. A Europa assenta na liberdade e no Estado de direito. Sem segurança, a liberdade é apenas um conceito vazio, esmagado pelo medo e pela violência. Não podemos aceitar que a nossa resposta seja tímida quando os criminosos agem sem medo.

    (A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       



     

      Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, debatimos en esta sesión plenaria el incremento de la criminalidad organizada en Suecia, pero, en realidad, estamos hablando de un síndrome que recorre toda Europa: en primer lugar, la criminalidad organizada es la criminalidad de nuestro tiempo. En segundo lugar, sube el número de adolescentes —menores de edad— en la comisión de esos delitos, reclutados por las mafias. Y, en tercer lugar, la técnica de reclutamiento consiste en Instagram y en las redes sociales.

    No está pasando eso en todos los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea, no cabe ninguna demagogia —como la que utilizó, por cierto, la derecha contra el Gobierno socialdemócrata sueco— cuando lo cierto es que, bajo el Gobierno de la derecha sueca apoyado por la extrema derecha, esa criminalidad no ha hecho sino incrementarse.

    Por tanto, la receta está a la vista: el incremento de la cooperación policial y judicial especializada. En segundo lugar, aprovechar todo el caudal de experiencia de Eurojust y de Europol para confiscar no solamente las armas de fuego, sino también los beneficios ilícitamente obtenidos y su blanqueo. Y, en tercer lugar, la especialización digital en la lucha contra esta criminalidad: pruebas digitales y, por tanto, incremento de la tecnología en la eficacia contra el delito.

    Y —no puedo evitar mencionarlo— hay que combatir también la segregación, la exclusión de la que proviene la desigualdad, de la que proviene el incremento de la criminalidad.

     
       

     

      Mathilde Androuët (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, la Suède, autrefois l’un des pays les plus sûrs d’Europe, est aujourd’hui ravagée par la violence des gangs issus de l’immigration. En 2023, la Suède a recensé 363 fusillades liées à des règlements de comptes, causant 53 morts. Le taux d’homicides par arme à feu y atteint quatre tués par million d’habitants, contre 1,6 en moyenne en Europe. Aucun autre pays du continent européen n’a connu une hausse aussi vertigineuse. De la violence criminelle, fusillades, attentats à l’explosif, corruption, fraude sociale et proxénétisme, toute la panoplie du crime est assurée avec des exécutants recrutés parfois dès l’âge de douze ans.

    Les autorités suédoises l’admettent elles-mêmes: cette explosion criminelle est le fruit de décennies d’aveuglement migratoire et de communautarisme majoritairement islamiste. En vingt ans, la population étrangère est passée de 2 % à 15 %. Un bouleversement qui a favorisé la montée de bandes ethniques comme Foxtrot, Asir ou le réseau syrien, gangrenant jusqu’aux tribunaux et étendant leur menace jusqu’au Danemark, la Norvège ou la Finlande. Une situation comparable à bien d’autres pays européens, dont la France avec sa DZ mafia, où la loi du crime remplace la loi du droit et de la justice.

    Face à cette menace, la Suède amorce enfin un tournant avec l’expulsion de criminels étrangers, la déchéance de nationalité pour les délinquants binationaux ou encore le durcissement de l’asile.

    L’Europe doit prendre exemple de ce réveil politique post-traumatique. Appliquons un contrôle strict des frontières nationales comme européennes, ayons une double frontière, et amorçons la fin du laxisme généralisé, la tolérance zéro face à la délinquance. Ne laissons plus les mafias s’emparer des institutions, de vies humaines. Agissons avant qu’il ne soit trop tard.

    (L’oratrice accepte une question carton bleu)

     
       


     

      Mathilde Androuët (PfE), réponse carton bleu. – Je suis quelque peu désarçonnée par votre réponse politique qui consiste donc à investir dans les écoles, ce qui est une réalité éducative, mais qui n’enraiera aucunement la violence importée. Parce que je pense qu’on parle d’un des pays où le niveau d’investissement et de soins apportés à la croissance des enfants est important – c’est le cas, je pense, en Suède. En l’occurrence, tous les chiffres parlent d’eux-mêmes et montrent – pas uniquement en Suède d’ailleurs, mais partout en Europe – que, oui, cette violence est largement importée, ne vous en déplaise. Je sais.

     
       

     

      Paolo Inselvini (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, qualcuno evidentemente ha bisogno di occhiali nuovi, perché ciò che sta accadendo in Svezia, come ciò che sta accadendo nelle città di tutta Europa, ha reso chiaro come le lenti ad alta gradazione ideologica della sinistra facciano vedere una realtà che non esiste.

    La realtà è che le gang, le violenze, gli stupri e lo spaccio di droga sono ormai all’ordine del giorno in tutta Europa, e questo a causa del perbenismo, del buonismo e dell’immigrazionismo della sinistra.

    È arrivato il momento, quindi, di mettersi gli occhiali della verità. Bisogna bloccare l’immigrazione incontrollata, combattere ogni droga e sostenere le forze dell’ordine, una strada, infatti, che il governo Meloni in Italia sta cercando di seguire da tempo.

    Infatti, tutti gli europei chiedono la libertà di poter vivere le proprie città, la libertà di essere sicuri.

     
       

     

      Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew). – Madam President, Madam Commissioner, let me begin by expressing my deepest condolences with the families and friends of the shooting in Sweden and, of course, to the Swedish people as a whole.

    The far right of this Chamber has only one solution for fighting organised crime: let’s close our borders and take back our country. But here comes a reality check. Criminals are laughing at your obsession with closing borders. For them, it’s just a line. It’s the point where they can shake off the national police. They operate extremely efficiently across borders, using bribes, laundering money through your beloved cryptocurrency, trafficking in weapons and recruiting new – very often very young – members for their gangs.

    Stop misleading Europeans with your naive idea of sovereignty and invest instead in our EU police and justice cooperation. At the beginning of the 20th century, when the American government was fighting their own criminal gangs, the Mafia, they tried closing state borders in and demonising migrants. You know, Mr Inselvini, those Italians, they were really bad. And to the colleagues from PiS: the Poles? Very bad. No good.

    Well, that did not work. But you know what worked? Founding the FBI. That did the trick. What Europe needs is a truly operational Europol. A European FBI with reinforced means, with oversight and with accountability. Also, Eurojust and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office urgently need more competences, as they have shown to be extremely effective and instrumental in fighting organised crime.

    Commission, absent Council, step up to the challenge. Give our common security the priority it needs. And to my colleagues, if you are really serious about fighting crime, then you will support every single effort in this House at European level. And if you’re not, then you’re just interested in creating clickbait for your socials and I suggest you sit this one out.

    (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

     
       




     

      Lukas Sieper (NI). – Madam President, the people of Europe, the title of this debate is, in my humble opinion, all wrong. As many colleagues have pointed out, the problem that we are facing is not a Swedish one – it is European, with a strong worldwide aspect to it.

    Just last week, the Ambassador of Ecuador told us that it’s the Albanian mafia being in control of the cocaine shipping out of the port of Guayaquil in Ecuador. Albanian mafia in Ecuador. Let that sink in for a moment. It is always drug-trafficking gangs that enact the worst violence, and these gangs do not fight about the market of Sweden, of Italy or of Luxembourg – they fight about Europe. And so there can only be a European solution.

    We need to strengthen Europol and let it take over some responsibilities from the national police forces. We need to expand funding for the European Union Drugs Agency, and we need to legalise or criminalise the same drugs in the same countries all over Europe. Only if we start tackling this European issue as such, we will stand a chance.

     
       

     

      Alice Teodorescu Måwe (PPE). – Fru talman! “Låt oss spränga och skjuta, grabbar!” “Vi gör 2025 till historiens bästa med sprängningar!” Det skriver gängkriminella i kanaler där morduppdrag läggs ut på entreprenad till köande barnsoldater. Under 28 januaridagar utsattes Sverige för 32 sprängningar, utöver de 18 skjutningarna som också ägde rum.

    Det som nu sker saknar motstycke i västvärlden, och det liknar närmast ett inbördeskrig som ingjuter skräck och skadar tilliten till staten och mellan människor. Friheten för den skötsamma majoriteten kan bara återerövras genom att den kringskärs för den kriminella minoriteten. EPP-gruppens Stockholmsdeklaration pekar ut vägen: stärk Frontex, Europol och den europeiska åklagarmyndigheten. Skärp penningtvättslagstiftningen och underlätta möjligheten att beslagta kriminellas tillgångar. Begränsa, också preventivt, den fria rörligheten för gängmedlemmar.

    Gängkriminaliteten har inte uppstått i ett vakuum. Den är konsekvensen av politiskt pådrivna samhällsförändringar, oftast från vänster, av värderingskonflikter och kravlös integrationspolitik. Det är politikens uppgift att vid sidan av repressiva åtgärder adressera att varje samhälle behöver en grundläggande uppsättning värderingar, ett etiskt minimum. Dessa grundläggande, icke valbara, värderingar är förutsättningen för att människor ska vilja, och välja att, skapa – i stället för att spränga – det samhälle som de har fått till låns. Den som drivs av andra ambitioner har inget i Sverige att göra.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, doamnă comisară, stimați colegi, discutăm un lucru trist și nu e prima dată. Vreau să transmit condoleanțe celor care și-au pierdut copiii, nu numai în Suedia. Să ne amintim ce a fost de Crăciun în Germania, ce a fost recent în Bruxelles. Doamnă comisară, cred că trebuie să ne asumăm să spunem adevărul: nu s-a gestionat bine democrația. Democrația nu înseamnă să renunțăm la securitate. Din contră, cred că securitatea trebuie să sporească.

    Atunci, haideți să vedem ce facem, pentru că sunt state care au legiferat, de exemplu, consumul de droguri. Toate au legătură: drogurile, armele. Am reglementat aici regimul armelor. Și? Ce s-a întâmplat? Toată lumea are armă acasă, toată lumea scoate arma și trage în copii, la școală sau pe stradă. Deci, dacă nu ne asumăm să schimbăm regulile – democrația nu înseamnă haos, democrația înseamnă ordine, democrația înseamnă și responsabilități, nu numai drepturi.

    Nu avem curajul să spunem acest lucru, de teamă să nu ne spună cumva cetățenii că, vezi Doamne, nu suntem democratici. Eu așa înțeleg democrația: să sporească securitatea, dreptul omului de a fi singur în casa lui, pe stradă, în orașul lui.

     
       

     

      Pascale Piera (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, une criminalité organisée hors de contrôle, des fusillades, du racket, des activités criminelles en tout genre, partout, sans qu’aucune part du territoire ne soit désormais épargnée. C’est une véritable descente aux enfers pour la Suède, alors que la moyenne européenne des tués par balle est de 1,6 par million d’habitants, elle est de quatre tués en Suède. 363 fusillades en 2023, dix morts en une seule fusillade, il y a six jours.

    Le Premier ministre suédois a le courage de regarder les choses en face. Cette situation est la lourde rançon que paie la Suède à une politique d’ouverture migratoire irresponsable.

    Aujourd’hui, c’est 200 gangs issus de l’immigration qui font la loi, de l’Afrique subsaharienne, des Turcs, des Kurdes, un réseau syrien, partout c’est la loi de la mafia qui s’installe, s’introduisant dans toutes les sphères de la société. Les méthodes de recrutement sont vertigineuses: les garçons de 15 à 20 ans cherchent eux-mêmes des mineurs de 12 à 15 ans, les filles sont séduites avant d’être prostituées. Il est temps de regarder les choses en face.

    Ces vingt dernières années, la Suède a vu la part de sa population non occidentale passer de 2 % à 15 %. Voici le fruit d’une politique migratoire aveugle et pour finir criminelle.

    Le gouvernement suédois se donne dix ans pour gagner la bataille. Et nous, en France ou ailleurs, partout où la criminalité est omniprésente, où en serons-nous dans dix ans?

     
       

     

      Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Szanowni Państwo! Kiedy w 2015 roku Angela Merkel włączała piąty bieg w ramach realizacji tej idiotycznej polityki multi-kulti, ogłaszając Herzlich Willkommen i otwierając szeroko granice europejskie, ówczesny lider opozycji w Polsce, szef mojej partii Jarosław Kaczyński przestrzegał Europę, odwołując się do przykładów właśnie w Sztokholmie, kiedy powiedział o ponad 50 strefach szariatu, do których to stref nie ma wejścia szwedzka policja i szwedzkie prawo, rozległ się krzyk od Sztokholmu, bo interweniował ówczesny ambasador Szwecji w Polsce, przez Strasburg po Brukselę. A nieodrodny uczeń Angeli Merkel, ówczesny szef Rady Europejskiej Donald Tusk straszył tych, którzy nie będą przyjmować nielegalnych imigrantów karami.

    Proszę państwa, dzisiaj wszyscy jesteśmy z ofiarami tych zbrodni, jesteśmy z obywatelami Szwecji. Chcemy, aby nasze dzieci bezpiecznie wracały ze szkół do swoich domów. Ale nie wygramy z tym przestępstwem, jeżeli będziemy nadal sparaliżowani polityczną poprawnością i strachem przed nazywaniem rzeczy po imieniu. Nawet w tym, co powiedziała Pani Komisarz, nie sposób się z nią nie zgodzić, tak, wzmacniajmy prawo. Ale co zrobiliśmy z policją? Pamiętacie obrazki brytyjskich policjantów klękających przed osiłkami, którzy dewastowali ulice Londynu? Zwolniliście szefa Frontexu za to, że wspierał rząd polski przed wpuszczaniem nielegalnych imigrantów do Polski. Hipokryci o was powiedzieć to mało.

     
       

     

      Loránt Vincze (PPE). – Madam President, Commissioner, reality cannot be ignored anymore. From France, all the way up to Sweden, there are more and more terrorist street shootings linked to drug and human trafficking and gang-related assassinations. More and more innocent victims and ruined lives. These are criminal acts, predominantly involving individuals and groups with a migration background.

    How did we get there? We know the answer: the pretence that cultural differences are irrelevant, the illusion of an inclusive society, procedures granting fast track citizenship, the tolerance of illegal migration.

    In reality, tens of thousands of second-generation EU citizens of migrant backgrounds have become socially marginalised and pushed to the periphery. From there, for many of them, it was only a short step towards religious radicalisation or organised crime.

    We do not have years to correct the mistakes of past decades. The safety of citizens in Sweden, in Belgium, in France must be ensured today. Law enforcement must be strengthened both in numbers and weaponry. Investigative procedures must be accelerated. Criminal gangs must be dismantled. Migrants in irregular situations must be returned, and the EU can and shall assist through coordination.

    (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

     
       


     

      Loránt Vincze (PPE), blue-card answer. – Well, I believe that for the EU it is important to find the right way for coordination, institutional and financial support, for cross-border law enforcement.

    Yes, education is important, but it’s equally important the environment in which those children live. We know, unfortunately, in many western European societies, parallel societies, parallel neighbourhoods grew up. That made it impossible for children to be integrated in those societies and they went on the road of radicalisation and they were reached out by criminal gangs.

    This is something we need to tackle and it will not be easy. National efforts and coordination, both are extremely important.

     
       

     

      Silvia Sardone (PfE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non avete il coraggio di dire che è l’immigrazione irregolare ad aver causato la diffusione di gang criminali sempre più pericolose in Europa.

    Svezia, Germania, Belgio, Francia, Italia: ci troviamo sempre più reti di delinquenza, che spesso coinvolgono giovanissimi che sono protagonisti di risse, spaccio, vandalismi e persino omicidi e attentati.

    Questa criminalità è figlia di anni di buonismo, di accoglienza indiscriminata, di finta integrazione, di porte aperte. Sono i danni collaterali delle politiche della sinistra, che ancora nega l’evidente correlazione tra immigrazione irregolare e criminalità. Periferie che diventano ghetti di degrado e insicurezza, territori che perdiamo e dove la polizia fa fatica ad entrare, zone in cui le leggi e le regole non esistono più.

    Quando capirete che chi spinge per più immigrazione mette a rischio la sicurezza dei cittadini europei?

    (L’oratrice accetta di rispondere a una domanda “cartellino blu”)

     
       

     

      Lukas Sieper (NI), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Illegale Migration führt zu Kriminalität. Man muss nicht mutig sein, um das zu sagen. Das bestreitet ja auch keiner. Aber glauben Sie nicht, dass, wenn man Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund, wenn man Geflüchtete nicht ghettoisiert hätte, in die Armut gedrängt hätte, in schlechte Stadtviertel gedrängt hätte, wenn man ihnen eine Arbeitserlaubnis gegeben hätte, wenn man sie als gleichwertige Mitglieder unserer Gesellschaft behandelt hätte, glauben Sie nicht, dass es dann weniger Kriminalität aus diesem Teil der Bevölkerung geben würde?

     
       

     

      Silvia Sardone (PfE), risposta a una domanda “cartellino blu”. – Guardi, io le dico quello che succede nel mio paese. Nel mio paese, chi arriva, chiunque arrivi come immigrato in regola, ha tutti i diritti che hanno i cittadini italiani. Quindi, non c’è una spinta da parte dello Stato a portare questa gente alla delinquenza.

    Però le faccio una domanda: se fosse vero quello che dice Lei, e quindi se avesse ragione la sinistra, perché in in Svezia, che è lo Stato del quale stiamo parlando, ha vinto il centro-destra, di fatto certificando il fallimento di anni di sinistra? Probabilmente perché i comunisti hanno sbagliato anche stavolta.

     
       

     

      Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Arvoisa puhemies, Ruotsi on ollut maa, jota monet katsoivat ihailevin silmin. Sittemmin tämä onnellinen ja vauras kansankoti on menty turmelemaan sellaiseksi, ettei sitä enää tunnista entisekseen. Täysin rajoittamattoman muuttoliikkeen on annettu pyyhkäistä Ruotsin yli hyökyaallon lailla. Se on turmellut naapurustoja no go -alueeksi, tehnyt katuja turvattomiksi sekä aikaansaanut räjähdysten ja ammuskelujen värittämän jengirikollisuusepidemian, joka ei Ruotsin hallituksen mukaan ole enää edes hallinnassa. Kuvitelkaa missä kaaoksessa maan pitää olla, että pääministeri joutuu toteamaan näin: “Tilanne ei ole enää hallinnassa”. Mutta alkavat ne silmät avautua nyt Ruotsissakin. Nimittäin, pääministerin mukaan, tiukennetun maahanmuuttopolitiikan linjan täytyy jatkua, jotta Ruotsi voi selviytyä. Siinäpä on ohje koko Euroopalle. Älkäämme toistako Ruotsin hirveää ihmiskoetta, vaan tiukentakaamme maahanmuuttolinjaa, jotta Eurooppa voi selviytyä.

     
       




     

      Verena Mertens (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die massive Bandengewalt, die wir seit einigen Jahren in Schweden erleben, ist alarmierend. Auch in anderen EU-Staaten nimmt die Waffengewalt zu, wie auch jüngst die Schüsse in Brüssel gezeigt haben.

    Diese Herausforderungen können wir nur europäisch lösen, denn organisierte Kriminalität macht nicht an Grenzen halt. Die Täter profitieren von der Freizügigkeit, weil unsere Strafverfolgungsbehörden an Grenzen und Nationalstaaten gebunden sind. Deshalb müssen wir die Strafverfolgungsbehörden in Europa besser vernetzen – untereinander, und mit Europol und Eurojust und der Europäischen Staatsanwaltschaft, die mehr Kompetenzen braucht.

    Die guten Projekte, die es schon gibt, müssen mehr werden, und viel größer. Denn nur mit Nadelstichen können wir nicht gegen die großen Krebsgeschwüre ankommen, die unser Europa krank machen. Die Strafverfolgungsbehörden müssen effizienter und endlich schlagkräftiger bei Ermittlungen werden, aber auch in der Justiz. Ein digitaler Durchsuchungsbeschluss ist essenziell, um die Drahtzieher zu fassen und Netzwerke zu zerschlagen. Wir brauchen mehr Zugang zu digitalen Daten, um die Hintermänner überführen zu können. In der Justiz brauchen wir effizientere Strafprozesse europaweit. Hier können wir die best practice voneinander lernen.

    Europa muss handlungsfähig bleiben. Unsere Freiheit darf nicht zur Schwäche werden. Sie muss unsere Stärke sein.

     
       

     

      France Jamet (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, la guerre des gangs qui ensanglante la Suède semble émouvoir aujourd’hui l’Union européenne. Ce qui surprend la classe politique, en fait, c’est que la Suède est un pays prospère, avec l’un des taux de criminalité les plus bas du monde. Mais c’est l’angélisme des Suédois qui les a conduits à une politique migratoire complètement folle, qui a fait exploser la criminalité organisée.

    Alors, on pourrait considérer ça comme un avertissement, comme à Bruxelles, à Dijon, à Berlin, en Italie, à Marseille, en Seine-Saint-Denis, à Montpellier: la liste est longue. Le temps de réaction aussi, d’ailleurs.

    Parce que, face à cela, nos gouvernants, sous la férule de l’Union européenne, ont pris le parti des criminels et des délinquants. Sclérosés par le politiquement correct, pétrifiés face aux juridictions européennes, ils ont pris le parti de regarder ailleurs. C’est le dévoiement de l’État de droit par l’Union européenne qui a sapé notre souveraineté dans nos territoires, nos prétoires, nos frontières, nos prisons, notre quotidien. Ce sont les dealers et les caïds qui imposent aujourd’hui leurs lois à coups de kalachnikov dans nos rues et jusque devant nos écoles.

    Alors oui, il est temps d’y mettre fin. Il est temps de défendre enfin la sécurité de nos compatriotes et leurs intérêts, avant ceux des criminels, des clandestins, en commençant par soutenir nos forces de police.

     
       

     

      Małgorzata Gosiewska (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Strzelaniny, zamachy, gwałty, gangi terroryzujące mieszkańców to codzienność Szwecji – jeszcze tak niedawno bezpiecznego kraju. To skutek polityki otwartych drzwi, którą przez lata prowadzili lewicowi politycy. Wszystkim, którzy sprzeciwiali się ówczesnej polityce imigracyjnej Unii Europejskiej, w tym mojemu ugrupowaniu, zarzucano ksenofobię. Przez osiem lat rządów Prawa i Sprawiedliwości skutecznie broniliśmy Polskę przed napływem uchodźców, w tym także tych ze wschodu ściąganych przez Łukaszenkę. Wtedy to obecny premier Donald Tusk, wasz pupil, straszył Polaków karami za nieprzyjęcie migrantów, a jego partyjni koledzy atakowali polską straż graniczną. To wszystko, aby uzyskać wasze wsparcie w wyborach, za które płaci teraz bezpieczeństwem Polski.

    Dziś biurokracja europejska przymusza mój kraj do przyjęcia migrantów. Tusk udaje, że nie ma na to jego zgody, ale wszyscy wiemy, że to zwyczajne oszustwo na potrzeby kampanii prezydenckiej. Wkrótce Polacy, podobnie jak Szwedzi, Niemcy, Francuzi, zaczną mierzyć się ze skutkami waszych szkodliwych decyzji. Chcecie rządzić światem, a ciągniecie Europę na dno.

     
       

     

      Lukas Mandl (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In Schweden gibt es eine Explosion der Bandenkriminalität unvorstellbaren Ausmaßes. Ich danke ausdrücklich Tomas Tobé und den anderen schwedischen Kolleginnen und Kollegen dafür, dass sie das auf die Tagesordnung des Europäischen Parlaments bringen.

    Schweden ist exakt gleich lang Mitgliedstaat der Europäischen Union, wie mein Heimatland Österreich das ist. Wir wissen in diesen 30 Jahren: Grenzüberschreitende Herausforderungen können wir nur gemeinsam europäisch lösen. Deshalb ist dieses Parlament der richtige Ort, an dem das diskutiert gehört. Das ist der europäische Familientisch, an dem das diskutiert, bearbeitet und selbstverständlich auch gelöst gehört.

    Ich möchte drei Kerben einschlagen für die Lösung. Erstens, den Problemen ins Auge zu sehen. Auch in dieser parlamentarischen Debatte haben wir die einen gehört, die die Bandenkriminalität ausschließlich auf die Migration zurückführen. Und wir haben die anderen gehört, die ausdrücklich gesagt haben, das hat mit Migration nichts zu tun. Selbstverständlich ist beides falsch. Mit illegaler Migration hat die Bandenkriminalität zu tun, und die Sanktion ist wichtig. Die über die Grenzen hinausgehende Zusammenarbeit der Polizei- und Strafverfolgungsbehörden ist wichtig.

    Aber nicht nur die Sanktion ist wichtig, auch die Prävention ist wichtig. Hier geht es um Werte, um zivilisatorische Werte, um Menschenwürde und Freiheitsrechte. Darum, dass jeder Mensch gleich viel wert ist und dass es nicht nur die Freiheit von einem Zwang gibt, sondern auch die Freiheit, um etwas zu tun und zu unternehmen im Leben.

    Zur Freiheit gehört auch die Verantwortung. Und das ist es, was sowohl Migrantinnen und Migranten als auch Ansässigen vermittelt werden muss.

     
       

     

      Nikola Bartůšek (PfE). – Paní předsedající, dámy a pánové, jedna bomba denně. Ano, tak taková je bilance útoků ve Švédsku za poslední měsíc. Převaděči, drogové gangy, organizovaný zločin zaplavili švédská města. Švédsko bývalo kdysi symbolem evropské prosperity. Idylická, bezpečná země s nízkou kriminalitou, proslulá svou spravedlivou politikou a rovností. To už ale neplatí. Švédsko se stalo obětí vlastní naivity a má druhou nejvyšší míru úmrtí způsobených střelnými zbraněmi.

    Toto je obrovské varování před tím, abychom zaplavili pracovní trh levnou pracovní silou, rádoby v dobré víře, a přitom to nazývali humanitární pomocí. S touto masovou levnou pracovní silou přichází k nám domů kriminalita a terorismus. Místo toho, aby Švédsko zůstalo nejbezpečnější zemí v Evropě, zažívá nejvíce teroristických útoků. Vždyť ani nevíme, kdo se nám po Evropě pohybuje. Je čas čelit pravdě. Tento experiment založený na masové migraci selhal. Buďme chytří a poučme se z chyb, než bude příliš pozdě. Společně musíme přestat zavírat oči, zavést přísnější tresty za násilné trestné činy, tvrdší opatření proti praní špinavých peněz a tvrdý zásah proti drogovým gangům. Vždy jde o bezpečnost našich občanů.

     
       


       

    PRESIDE: JAVI LÓPEZ
    Vicepresidente

     
       

     

      Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, Švedska, nekada poznata po svojoj sigurnosti, posljednjih godina suočava se s alarmantnim porastom nasilja i kriminala. Eksplozije, pucnjave i ubojstva postale su uobičajena pojava na ulicama Stockholma, Göteborga i Malmöa. Posebno zabrinjava porast broja mladih koji su počinitelji teških kaznenih djela. Broj počinitelja teških kaznenih djela sa smrtnim ishodom u dobnoj skupini od 15 do 20 godina gotovo se učetverostručio od 2014. E, sada, što se promijenilo u švedskom društvu unutar zadnjih deset godina, a što bi moglo biti uzrok ovakvog stanja? Možda, samo možda, sve skupa ima veze s velikim porastom imigracije u istom razdoblju. Hoćemo li zbog političke korektnosti izbjegavati raspravu o pravim problemima i nastaviti živjeti u oblacima? Kolegice i kolege, potreban je žestok odgovor na povećano nasilje koji mora uključivati zaustavljanje masovne imigracije, uvođenje strožih kazni za počinitelje kaznenih djela, jačanje policijskih ovlasti, ali i deportaciju ilegalnih migranata bez milosti. Trenutna švedska vlada djeluje u pravom smjeru, a mi trebamo postupati mnogo oštrije prema imigraciji i na razini EU-a. Dame i gospodo, ovo je pitanje opstanka Europe.

     
       

       

    Solicitudes incidentales de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»)

     
       

     

      Dariusz Joński (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Tematem debaty jest sytuacja w Szwecji, tymczasem politycy partii Kaczyńskiego z Polski wpadli na pomysł, aby po raz kolejny kłamać na tej sali. Dlaczego to robią? Bo w Polsce są wybory i myślą, że po raz kolejny mogą bezkarnie tutaj kłamać. Otóż tak na dobrą sprawę, jeśli ktokolwiek odpowiada za handlowanie bezpieczeństwem w Polsce, to byli politycy właśnie partii Kaczyńskiego. Jeden z ministrów spraw zagranicznych, który odpowiadał za politykę wizową, został złapany przez Centralne Biuro Antykorupcyjne. W tej sprawie jest komisja śledcza w polskim Sejmie i działa prokuratura, bo ktoś handlował wizami. Można było kupić tanio wizę między innymi z krajów afrykańskich, azjatyckich.

    Otóż to trzeba głośno mówić, bo mam dość tych kłamstw polityków partii Kaczyńskiego. I żeby przeciąć jakiekolwiek spekulacje. Donald Tusk razem z Urszulą von der Leyen w zeszłym tygodniu powiedzieli, że Polska nie będzie implementować paktu migracyjnego. Koniec, kropka. I wszyscy w Polsce i nie tylko w Polsce wiedzą dlaczego? Przyjęliśmy 2 miliony uchodźców z Ukrainy. Pomagamy jak mało kto. I dlatego Polska nie będzie implementować paktu migracyjnego.

     
       



     

      Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă (NI). – Domnule președinte, v-am auzit aici dând vina de la stânga la dreapta și de la dreapta la stânga. Cu tot respectul, au murit niște oameni, mor copii, mor tineri. Cred că singurul lucru care ne lipsește în toată Europa aceasta, ca și în întreaga lume, este educația, educația care lasă de dorit! Și cred că ar trebui să ascultați psihologii care nu sunt plătiți de dumneavoastră să vă spună cum copiii au nevoie de autoritate, au nevoie de reguli, au nevoie să fie și pedepsiți. Nu omorâți în bătaie, dar pedepsiți, cum am fost și noi. Au nevoie să li se traseze niște reguli, pentru că devin niște abuzatori când cresc.

    Aveți arme la liber? Da, migrația este foarte gravă, e o problemă gravă! V-ați gândit câte arme vin din Ucraina? Știți că prin Portul Constanța vin cele mai multe cantități de droguri, de când ați permis ucrainenilor să vină în Europa? Este raportul Organizației Națiunilor Unite, nu al meu! Cred că ar trebui să vă treziți și să începeți să schimbați învățământul, să opriți inclusiv ucrainenii să mai plece din Ucraina, să opriți finanțarea războiului și să încetați cu Interpolul și cu forțele de violență.

     
       

       

    (Fin de las intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»))

     
       

     

      Maria Luís Albuquerque, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, having listened to this debate, I think we all agree that we need to do a lot and fast. That is why, next month, the Commission will propose a comprehensive internal security strategy. It will be a strategic blueprint for the Commission’s security priorities. This long‑term planning will shape our approach to research, innovation, procurement and operational deployment, improving our joint fight against organised crime and drug trafficking. We will put all our energy into ensuring a stronger, more effective and better coordinated EU‑wide response to organised crime.

    We must put an end to this escalating threat and restore the control over our communities and our borders to protect the safety of citizens in Sweden and across the EU.

     
       

     

      El presidente. – Se cierra el debate.

     

    15. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: the need for the European Union to contribute to resolving the humanitarian crisis of persons missing in wars and conflicts (debate)


     

      Lukas Mandl, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, when a person goes missing and remains missing, not only is this person affected in one way or another, but many people around; friends and family, parents and children would be affected by that. It is a pity that we have to say today the absolute rule to avoid persons going missing also in armed conflict is not respected anymore. There are more and more missing persons. Particularly Ukraine is suffering; Ukrainian children, men and women are suffering. Especially, as we all know, children from Ukraine in a large number would be brought to Russia and maybe other places. We don’t know about their whereabouts. They go missing.

    The International Red Cross documents that more and more persons go missing. This is why, in the European Parliament, we time and again have to underline and emphasise the importance of human rights, of humanitarian law, and among humanitarian law rules, avoiding persons going missing is a major rule.

    Of course, also the migration routes which are caused by human trafficking, by smugglers, by organised crime, are places where persons go missing: 60 000 and more in Ukraine, 40 000 were documented by the Red Cross, nearly 30 000 only in the last years in the Mediterranean when it’s about illegal migration routes. There are also regimes on this planet who purposely use persons going missing against their own population. This is something that happens in North Korea. This is something that happens in the Iranian mullah regime. And this is something that’s also used against Europe when it comes to illegal migration, many times purposely. This is why it is so important to emphasise this issue and to bring it to the table of this very European Parliament.

     
       

     

      Costas Mavrides, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, in 2001, the European Court of Human Rights found Turkey guilty for a continued violation of a number of conventions and articles, specifically with regard to the whereabouts and faith of Greek Cypriot missing persons during the Turkish invasion of 1974. Since then, as the European Parliament, we condemn Turkey for its actions, specifically for the intentional removal of human remains in its efforts to cover up its regional crimes committed by the Turkish Army under state orders. Despite court decisions, Turkey refuses still today to provide crucial information, such as access to military archives and access to so-called military zones. This behaviour is simply an extension of the original crime 50 years ago, and this country remains in the accession process.

     
       

     

      Γεάδης Γεάδη, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας ECR. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, άρθρο 3 της Οικουμενικής Διακήρυξης Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων: «Κάθε άνθρωπος έχει δικαίωμα στη ζωή, στην ελευθερία και την προσωπική του ασφάλεια». Δυστυχώς όμως, η φρικαλεότητα του πολέμου δεν κάνει διακρίσεις. Χιλιάδες αγνοούμενοι μετά τη ρωσική εισβολή στην Ουκρανία, εκατοντάδες αγνοούμενοι και μετά την τρομοκρατική επίθεση της Χαμάς στο Ισραήλ.

    Στον μαύρο κατάλογο και η Κύπρος, που εδώ και 50 χρόνια βιώνει τις συνέπειες της τουρκικής εισβολής και της συνεχιζόμενης παράνομης κατοχής. Η τουρκική βαρβαρότητα άφησε πίσω της 1.619 αγνοούμενους σε ένα μικρό νησί όπως η Κύπρος. Άμαχοι, γυναίκες, γέροντες και μικρά παιδιά συμπεριλαμβάνονται στον μακρύ αυτόν κατάλογο των απαχθέντων.

    Η Τουρκία δεν συνεργάζεται. Κωφεύει στις διεθνείς εκκλήσεις, περιφρονεί την απόφαση του Ευρωπαϊκού Δικαστηρίου, αγνοεί το ψήφισμα 34/50 των Ηνωμένων Εθνών και αντ’ αυτού οργανωμένα μετακινεί οστά από τους ομαδικούς τάφους. Και γιατί να το πράξει άλλωστε, όταν υψηλόβαθμοι αξιωματούχοι της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, αντί να τη θέσουν ενώπιον των ευθυνών της με αυστηρότατες κυρώσεις, την χρηματοδοτούν αποκαλώντας της στρατηγικό εταίρο;

    Έχουμε χρέος απέναντι στις τραγικές φιγούρες, τις μάνες των αγνοουμένων που έφυγαν χωρίς να ξέρουν την τύχη του δικού τους ανθρώπου. Μόνο τότε θα μπορούμε να κοιτάζουμε στα μάτια τα τότε κοριτσάκια που σήμερα έγιναν μητέρες, γιαγιάδες και ακόμα ψάχνουν τι απέγινε ο δικός τους πατέρας.

     
       


     

      Mounir Satouri, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, derrière chaque disparition, il y a des familles et des communautés qui souffrent de l’incertitude quant au sort de leurs proches. Cependant, selon l’endroit où cela se passe dans le monde, le problème peut devenir secondaire pour la communauté internationale.

    Ces disparitions sont pourtant monnaie courante dans tous les conflits: c’est le cas des enfants ukrainiens arrachés à leur famille par le régime russe. C’est le cas des otages israéliens capturés par le Hamas. Mais c’est aussi le cas des milliers de civils palestiniens tués anonymement ou emprisonnés dans le secret. C’est le cas des familles séparées par la guerre ou des enfants enrôlés de force en RDC ou au Soudan. C’est le cas des fosses communes retrouvées en Ukraine, à Gaza, en RDC ou en Syrie.

    Notre indignation ne doit pas être sélective. Toutes ces horreurs sont proscrites par le droit international humanitaire. Les belligérants sont obligés d’empêcher les disparitions et de fournir des informations sur la mort ou la détention des personnes. Pourtant, c’est l’impunité qui règne et les familles des disparus continuent d’être dévastées.

    Peut-on espérer la paix si nous ne garantissons pas l’application du droit international par la justice?

    J’appelle donc à protéger les outils de justice internationale, au premier rang desquels la Cour pénale internationale, qui enquête en RDC comme au Soudan, qui a engagé des poursuites contre Vladimir Poutine, contre Benyamin Netanyahou ou les cadres du Hamas pour leurs crimes contre l’humanité. Les familles des disparus ont droit à la justice. C’est le seul chemin viable vers la paix.

     
       

     

      Γιώργος Γεωργίου, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, μου κάνει εντύπωση που κάποιοι βλέπουν αγνοούμενους μόνο στην Ουκρανία. Και για την Γάζα πάλι μιλάνε, αλλά δεν μας λένε ότι εκεί στη Γάζα οι αγνοούμενοι είναι μόνον οι Παλαιστίνιοι. Ούτε μας λένε για τους δεκάδες χιλιάδες αγνοούμενους που προέκυψαν από τα φασιστικά δικτατορικά καθεστώτα στην Ευρώπη.

    Είναι βέβαια και οι αγνοούμενοι στην Κύπρο. Δυστυχώς, για πολλές δεκαετίες το ζήτημα των αγνοουμένων της Κύπρου, ίσως η πιο τραγική πτυχή αυτού του προβλήματος, συνεχίζεται. Ο κατάλογος βέβαια είναι εμπλουτισμένος από Ελληνοκύπριους και Τουρκοκύπριους αγνοούμενους και ο πόνος για τις μανάδες, τα αδέλφια, τους συγγενείς είναι κοινός.

    Στηρίζεται βέβαια η Διερευνητική Επιτροπή των Αγνοουμένων από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, όμως αυτή η στήριξη δεν είναι αρκετή, διότι η Τουρκία συνεχίζει να προβάλλει εμπόδια, να δυσκολεύει και να παραπληροφορεί. Έτσι, οι ευθύνες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και της διεθνούς κοινότητας είναι σήμερα ακόμα πιο σημαντική προς την κατεύθυνση να πιεστεί η Τουρκία, να αναγκαστεί να ανοίξει τα στρατιωτικά της αρχεία, να δώσει πληροφορίες και στοιχεία για τους αγνοούμενους.

    Αναφέρομαι χαρακτηριστικά στην περίπτωση των αγνοουμένων της Άσσιας, του χωριού μου. Εκεί, ο τουρκικός στρατός εκτέλεσε εν ψυχρώ 70 ανθρώπους και τους έριξε σε ένα πηγάδι. Το ’96 τους μετακίνησαν σε ένα σκυβαλότοπο στο Δίκωμο. Εκεί βρίσκεται και ένας θείος μου, ο θείος μου Κλεάνθης. Θέλουμε πίσω τα οστά τους, να τους θάψουμε όπως αρμόζει στους νεκρούς. Δεν ζητάμε πολλά. Θέλουμε να δράσουμε τώρα. Το οφείλουμε στη μνήμη των θυμάτων. Το οφείλουμε στις οικογένειές τους που πρέπει να μάθουν την αλήθεια.

     
       

     

      Željana Zovko (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, govorit ću danas o univerzalnoj deklaraciji o ljudskim pravima u kontekstu rata, sukoba i geopolitičkih napetosti. Podsjećamo se da je nastala upravo u takvim okolnostima, kao odgovor na nepravdu, patnju i kršenje temeljnih prava.

    Agresija na Republiku Hrvatsku 91. godine donijela je nezamislivu patnju. Tisuće hrvatskih branitelja i civila bili su zatočeni, nestali ili nasilno odvedeni. Unatoč svim naporima i mjerama, i dalje se suočavamo s najtežim posljedicama rata. 1782 osobe i dalje se vode kao nestale. Nažalost, u Bosni i Hercegovini još se uvijek traga za 7608 osoba. Ova pitanja ne smiju ostati otvorena. Pravda za nestale ne može biti prepuštena zaboravu.

    Pozivam Srbiju i Crnu Goru da konačno preuzmu odgovornost, otvore arhive, podijele informacije i omoguće rješavanje sudbina onih koji su nepravedno nestali. Europska unija mora iskoristiti svoju pregovaračku moć i osigurati da se ovo pitanje stavi visoko na dnevni red pretpristupnih pregovora. Pristup Europskoj uniji podrazumijeva vrijednost istine, pravde i ljudskih prava i u tome ne može i ne smije biti kompromisa. Dok obitelji s neizmjernom boli još uvijek tragaju za svojim najmilijima, a njihovi domovi odzvanjaju najglasnijom tišinom, mi imamo odgovornost. Neprihvatljivo je da oni koji imaju informacije o nestalima i dalje šute. Otvorite arhive, bez toga nema zaključavanja pregovora.

     
       


     

      Antonella Sberna (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi, 10 febbraio, in Italia celebriamo il Giorno del ricordo, una giornata dedicata alla memoria delle vittime italiane delle foibe e delle centinaia di migliaia di persone costrette all’esodo dalle terre giuliano-dalmate, una ferita ancora aperta, perché molti di loro restano senza nome e molte famiglie senza una verità.

    Ma il dolore dei dispersi non è solo un ricordo del passato. Ancora oggi, in troppi conflitti, migliaia di persone scompaiono senza lasciare traccia. A Cipro, a cinquant’anni dall’invasione turca, oltre 2 000 persone risultano ancora disperse. Nei Balcani, durante le guerre degli anni ’90, sono molti i casi irrisolti, così come in Ucraina migliaia di bambini sono stati deportati, separati dalle loro famiglie, vittime di un’ingiustizia che segnerà intere generazioni.

    La tecnologia, a questo punto, può essere un alleato prezioso nella ricerca delle persone scomparse. L’uso del telerilevamento satellitare e della tecnologia LiDAR può aiutare a individuare fosse comuni e raccogliere prove fondamentali per identificare le vittime e restituire loro la dignità.

    L’Unione europea deve investire in queste tecnologie, ma oltre alla tecnologia serve la volontà politica. L’Unione europea deve farsi promotrice di meccanismi vincolanti per la ricerca delle persone scomparse, affinché nessun paese possa ostacolare la verità.

    Cari colleghi, il diritto alla verità non ha scadenza. Le famiglie di chi è scomparso continuano a cercare, senza scelta e senza tempo. È nostro dovere stare al loro fianco, trasformando i valori dell’Europa in azioni concrete.

     
       

     

      Hannah Neumann (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, ‘Bring out the dead dogs’. That’s how prison guards ordered inmates to carry out the bodies of those who died overnight in Sednaya Prison in Syria. What happened to those bodies? Nobody knows. For decades, the Assad regime has used forced disappearances as a tool of repression. More than 100 000 people have disappeared under his rule. Over 100 000 remain missing today. Now, for the first time in decades, there is a real chance to uncover the truth. Syrian experts are already on the ground, documenting crimes, exhuming mass graves, protecting evidence. But they need our support, financially and politically, to fund Syrian civil society working for truth, justice and reconciliation, to press Syria’s new rulers to make transitional justice a priority, to strengthen the UN mechanism on missing people, to ensure independent investigations. Because this is the only way to hold perpetrators accountable, to help families find out what happened to their loved ones, and to support Syrians rebuilding a country that heals its wounds and will be a free country for everyone.

     
       


     

      Fidias Panayiotou (NI). – Mr President, my uncle has been missing since the Turkish invasion of my country, Cyprus, in 1974. This had a huge impact on my family. My father was seven years old when he witnessed a suicide attempt by my grandmother because she couldn’t handle it. My uncle is one of the 2 000 Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots who had disappeared, mainly during the Turkish invasion in 1974 and the intercommunal fighting of 1964. The remains of these communities’ people are being searched for by communal committee, and by today half of them have been identified and returned to their relatives, who, unlike my grandmother, were lucky enough to live until that day of relief.

    I want to thank the European Union because it is the biggest funder of this committee, giving so far EUR 35 million. Please continue to fund this project, which not only brings peace to families like mine, but also encourages cooperation between the two communities of the island, increasing the chance of a potential solution to the Cyprus problem.

     
       

     

      Φρέντης Μπελέρης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Οικουμενική Διακήρυξη για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα ξεκαθαρίζει πως όλοι έχουν το δικαίωμα στην αξιοπρέπεια και τη δικαιοσύνη. Αλλά ποια αξιοπρέπεια, ποια δικαιοσύνη υπάρχει για εκείνους των οποίων η μοίρα παραμένει άγνωστη;

    Θέλω να επικεντρωθώ σε δύο κράτη, την Κύπρο, όπου πενήντα χρόνια μετά την τουρκική εισβολή, χιλιάδες οικογένειες αναζητούν τους οικείους τους, και την Αλβανία, όπου εξακολουθούν να αγνοούνται περίπου 6.000 άνθρωποι που χάθηκαν κατά τη διάρκεια της κομμουνιστικής θηριωδίας. Το ίδιο φαινόμενο έχει παρατηρηθεί και σε άλλες χώρες. Έχουμε λοιπόν την ηθική και πολιτική ευθύνη να βοηθήσουμε στην αποκατάσταση αυτής της αδικίας.

    Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο το 2015 έκανε το πρώτο βήμα, εγκρίνοντας ψήφισμα σχετικά με ομαδικούς τάφους αγνοουμένων στο χωριό Ορνίθι, στο κατεχόμενο τμήμα της Κύπρου. Ήρθε η ώρα να το ξανακάνουμε. Γιατί πίσω από κάθε αγνοούμενο υπάρχει μια οικογένεια, μια ιστορία και ατελείωτος πόνος. Πίσω από κάθε αλήθεια που δεν έρχεται στο φως υπάρχουν οι δικές μας ευθύνες.

     
       

     

      Leire Pajín (S&D).(inicio de la intervención fuera de micrófono) … aquí este debate, pero les invito a que sea un debate sincero, fuera hipocresías.

    Porque la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos es una declaración de paz para que todas las personas vivan libres e iguales en dignidad y derechos, y hay grupos en esta Cámara que diferencian las crisis humanitarias y también las víctimas: solo hay que ver lo que dicen o cómo responden a las víctimas de Gaza o de otras crisis; tampoco lo hacen en mi país donde tiempo después, mucho tiempo después de esa declaración, todavía sufríamos una larga dictadura llena de desapariciones y de muertes.

    Señorías, una Europa sin memoria es una Europa que no puede mirar al futuro ni a la convivencia en paz; una Europa sin memoria es aquella donde los jóvenes no saben lo que pasó ni lo que fue la conquista de la libertad. Por eso queremos una Unión Europea que garantice el derecho a la memoria, a la reparación y a la justicia en todo el mundo, también en España, y que impida la derogación de leyes de la memoria que condena a las víctimas a seguir en las cunetas.

    Por eso, dejémonos de hipocresía y luchemos por la memoria y la dignidad de todas las víctimas en el mundo, también en Europa y en España.

     
       

     

      Sebastian Everding (The Left). – Herr Präsident! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wie soll an vielen Stellen auf der Welt ein dauerhafter Frieden vermittelt werden, wenn Familien keine Antwort auf das Schicksal ihrer Angehörigen haben? Dies stellt eines der größten Hindernisse für die Heilung, Versöhnung und den Wiederaufbau von Gesellschaften dar.

    Die Zahlen sind dabei mehr als erschreckend, denn mehr als 71 000 Menschen in Afrika gelten als vermisst und rund 42 000 Menschen in der Ukraine. Dabei sind es wohlgemerkt nicht nur Soldaten, sondern auch viele Zivilisten. Aber wir müssen gar nicht so weit wegschauen, denn auch in Zentraleuropa werden rund 10 000 Menschen vermisst, deren sterbliche Überreste nach dem gewaltsamen Zerfall Jugoslawiens nie gefunden wurden.

    Die internationale Gemeinschaft und auch die EU müssen dringend Schritte ergreifen, um einen wirksamen Weg zur Klärung des Schicksals und Verbleibs vermisster Menschen zu finden. Denn ohne Fortschritte kann es aufgrund der Schmerzen, des Verlustes und der empfundenen Ungerechtigkeit keinen dauerhaften Frieden in vielen Regionen geben.

    Ich schließe mit den Worten von George Bernard Shaw, der sagt: Krieg ist ein Zustand, bei dem Menschen aufeinander schießen, die sich nicht kennen, auf Befehl von Menschen, die sich zwar kennen, aber nicht aufeinander schießen.

     
       


     

      Ana Catarina Mendes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, caros colegas, acabo de chegar de uma difícil missão a Palestina e a Israel, onde pude testemunhar a destruição, o desespero e as condições precárias nas quais tentam sobreviver milhares de pessoas, das quais muitas crianças. Gaza é uma das regiões com maior densidade populacional no mundo, que enfrenta há anos desafios diários devido às restrições sistémicas e aos recursos limitados. Desde o terrível ataque de 7 de outubro de 2023 que as condições pioraram ainda mais. Todas as guerras e conflitos, e este não é exceção, deixam também as marcas dos desaparecidos. As mães da Praça de Maio, na Argentina, as Mães de Sábado, na Turquia, livros e filmes como o recente Ainda Estou Aqui, sobre Rubens Paiva, no Brasil, mostram a desumanidade dos desaparecimentos e a apneia da procura de respostas em que os seus familiares mergulham durante décadas. Juntemos a isto a Síria, Chipre, a Ucrânia. Nos dias de hoje, a Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos pretende garantir que os seus apelos por verdade, justiça e pela não repetição da história sejam ouvidos. Lutemos pela memória para continuarmos a viver em liberdade, com respeito pelos direitos humanos.

    (A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)

     
       



     

      François-Xavier Bellamy (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, 50 ans après l’invasion de Chypre par la Turquie, des centaines de Chypriotes sont encore aujourd’hui formellement portés disparus. Leurs familles n’ont pas seulement perdu ceux qu’elles aimaient, elles ont été privées de la vérité et, sans cette vérité, elles ne peuvent pas faire leur deuil. Ce n’est pas une abstraction. Notre collègue Fidias Panayiotou vient de nous donner un exemple très concret de ce que peuvent signifier dans une vie, dans la vie d’une famille, ces personnes qui manquent à l’appel.

    Chers collègues, je parlais moi-même avec un ami chypriote, il y a quelques semaines de cela, qui me disait: «Bien sûr, la guerre a été terrible, mais plus terrible encore, peut-être, aura été, après la guerre, d’être privés de savoir où sont ceux que nous avons perdus.»

    Aujourd’hui, nous avons un devoir, tous ensemble, et comme rapporteur de ce Parlement pour cette mission qui nous réunit, je veux travailler avec toutes les forces politiques de cet hémicycle, parce que si une question doit dépasser les clivages, c’est bien celle-là.

    Notre devoir, c’est de faire en sorte qu’enfin la Turquie coopère et qu’elle dise la vérité. Que nous puissions savoir enfin offrir à ces familles endeuillées la vérité à laquelle elles ont droit, parce que le temps passe et le temps court et, ce temps qui court, c’est celui des générations qui vont bientôt nous quitter et qui ont le droit de connaître le sort de ceux qu’elles ont aimés avant de partir.

    Cette urgence absolue, la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme l’a rappelée à de très nombreuses reprises. C’est à notre Parlement aujourd’hui de faire en sorte que la Turquie puisse enfin rentrer dans cette coopération dont nous avons tellement besoin, parce que la justice en dépend, la vérité en dépend, ainsi que le salut de ces familles dont nous parlons, qui est la cause qui nous réunit.

     
       

     

      Murielle Laurent (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, en 2024, le Comité international de la Croix-Rouge a annoncé que, pour le seul continent africain, plus de 71 000 personnes étaient portées disparues en raison des conflits armés, de la violence et du contexte migratoire, soit 75 % de plus qu’en 2019.

    Ces disparitions sont l’une des conséquences humanitaires les plus désastreuses et durables des conflits. Souvenons-nous que, derrière chaque personne disparue, beaucoup d’autres souffrent de l’incertitude et c’est inconcevable. Si cela avait lieu en Europe, il serait inimaginable de ne pas chercher les disparus, et en particulier les enfants.

    Il est urgent de parler de ces personnes, de reconnaître la souffrance, le désespoir des familles et d’attirer l’attention de l’Union européenne, de prévenir et de résoudre les disparitions des personnes, quelles que soient les circonstances.

    Enfin, je souhaite rappeler que de nombreux migrants disparaissent au cours de leur déplacement, trop souvent périlleux, vers l’Europe, ou une fois arrivés.

    Il est essentiel que l’Union européenne évalue l’impact de ses politiques migratoires sur le risque de disparition des migrants et facilite les opérations de secours en mer afin d’éviter les tragédies, qui font trop souvent la une de nos journaux.

     
       



     

      Maria Guzenina (S&D). – Mr President, right now, as we speak, thousands of Ukrainian children have been ripped from their homes, torn from the arms of their families, forcefully deported to Russia and Belarus, detained in Russian prisons, forced into adoption, stripped of their identities. These children are being erased. A grave violation of international law.

    Even in this room, I have heard Russian propaganda attempting to twist this horror into something it is not. Let me say this plainly: this is not a topic for propaganda. This is a moral line that demands the united will of the entire European Parliament. We must act. We must act now. The EU must impose sanctions against those responsible for these atrocities. And more than that, we must demand that these children, these stolen lives, are returned to their homes, to their families, to their loved ones. These children are not just numbers in a report; they are lives stolen. And we cannot, we must not let them be forgotten. So bring them home.

     
       

       

    Solicitudes incidentales de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»)

     
       


     

      Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Arvoisa puhemies, kun terroristijärjestö Hamas otti viattomia israelilaissiviilejä panttivangiksi, omaisten tuskan voi vain kuvitella. Ajattele, jos joutuisit itse miettimään taukoamatta, tuleeko itselle rakas ihminen koskaan takaisin, ja jos tulee, millaisia kauheuksia kokeneena. Samaa joutuvat miettimään lukuisat ja lukuisat perheet parhaillaan Ukrainassa. Käveleekö oma poikani enää koskaan tuosta kotiovesta? Jos ei kävele, millaiset mahtavat olla hänen viimeiset hetkensä?

    Kun me vahvistamme Euroopan turvallisuutta, oli kyse sitten puolustuksen ylösajosta tai terrorismin kitkemisestä, kyse ei ole vain poliittisista päätöksistä. Kyse on eurooppalaisten perheiden suojelusta. Kun Euroopalta tällaisten uhkakuvien edessä vaaditaan kovaa linjaa, vasemmisto yhä edelleen vastustaa. En voi käsittää, ja siksi kysyn, mikä teidän arvoissanne on oikein vialla?

     
       



     

      Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă (NI). – Domnule președinte, vorbiți de drepturile omului și sunteți instituția care le încalcă cel mai mult. Începând cu plandemia, ați distrus tot ceea ce înseamnă drepturile omului. Vorbiți de Israel, le luați apărarea, dar nu vedeți că au murit peste 45 000 de femei și copii.

    Vorbiți de Ucraina, dar de ce nu vorbiți, vă rog, de românii din Ucraina, peste un milion care sunt supuși exterminării de Zelensky, pe care dumneavoastră îl luați în brațe? Nu vedeți nici măcar că Ursula von der Leyen l-a sprijinit pe Președintele României, domnul Klaus Werner Iohannis, care are dosare pentru vânzare de copii.

    Vă anunț că astăzi, domnul Klaus Werner Iohannis, la presiunea politică, inclusiv a partidului meu, pe care îl conduc, S.O.S. România, și-a dat demisia. Ați încălcat dumneavoastră și ați permis încălcarea drepturilor omului, ați omorât oameni în pandemie, omorâți oameni, trimițând arme în Ucraina și vă bateți joc de tot ceea ce înseamnă, din Fâșia Gaza, palestinienii. Nu așa se face politică! Cu tot respectul, învățați să (…)

    (Președintele a retras cuvântul vorbitoarei)

     
       

     

      Γεώργιος Αυτιάς (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, πρέπει να κινηθούμε αποφασιστικά, με μέτρα κοινωνικά, γιατί χωρίς τον άνθρωπο, οι κοινωνίες δεν μπορούν να προχωρήσουν. Μισθοί, συντάξεις, ασφαλιστικό, ακρίβεια, στέγαση. Όλα αυτά, λοιπόν, απαιτούν από εμάς άμεση δράση, άμεση κινητοποίηση. Καμία κοινωνία δεν μπορεί να στηριχθεί, αν δεν έχει τον άνθρωπο μπροστά σε όλες τις δραστηριότητες.

    Παράλληλα, θα πρέπει να στηρίξουμε τους ανθρώπους οι οποίοι απειλούνται από την τεχνητή νοημοσύνη. Είναι οι συγγραφείς, είναι οι δημιουργοί, είναι οι καλλιτέχνες. Ζουν μια ανηλεή αντιγραφή στα έργα τους. Άπειρη προσοχή, λοιπόν, να κινηθούμε προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση. Να στηρίξουμε ανθρώπους, να στηρίξουμε τη γνώση, γιατί η κοινωνία δεν μπορεί να περιμένει άλλο.

     
       

     

      Carola Rackete (The Left). – Herr Präsident! Ich muss sagen, diese Debatte erfüllt mich auch mit wahnsinnig viel Wut, denn es gibt Tausende von Opfern, deren Überreste auf dem Boden des Mittelmeers liegen. Menschen auf der Flucht, die von der EU sterben gelassen wurden und die niemand gerettet hat, als sie noch gelebt haben.

    Diese Krise ist das Resultat der Abschottungspolitik, die in diesen Sälen entschieden wird. Eine Schande! Ich selber habe, als ich auf dem Schiff gearbeitet habe, doch wirklich so häufig der Küstenwache die Leichen gemeldet, und nie haben sie eigentlich Lust, die Leichen aufzunehmen, die DNA zu nehmen, die Leute zu identifizieren oder einfach die Leichen dann ordentlich zu beerdigen.

    Es gibt Tausende und Abertausende von Familien in Afrika, die ihre Verwandten suchen. Diese Leute hätten alle – alle – lebend gerettet werden können, wenn die EU sich zu einer vernünftigen Seenotrettungsmission, staatlich finanziert, entscheiden würde.

    Bedanken möchte ich mich hier wirklich und sehr ernsthaft bei den Hunderten und Tausenden von Freiwilligen des Roten Halbmonds in Tunesien und Libyen, die sich um die Leichen kümmern, die dort angeschwemmt werden.

     
       

     

      Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, μόνο στην Ουκρανία βλέπετε αγνοούμενους. Για τους χιλιάδες Παλαιστινίους στη Γάζα ούτε κουβέντα. Πενήντα ένα χρόνια, όμως, μετά από την τουρκική εισβολή και κατοχή στην Κύπρο, που και αυτή οδήγησε σε χιλιάδες νεκρούς, αγνοούμενους και εκτοπισμένους.

    Είναι απαράδεκτο μετά από τόσα χρόνια οικογένειες αγνοουμένων με τους συλλόγους τους σε Κύπρο και Ελλάδα να επωμίζονται το βάρος, όχι μόνο της απουσίας και απώλειας των ανθρώπων τους, αλλά να αναλαμβάνουν ευθύνες που βαρύνουν κράτη και κυβερνήσεις για τη συγκέντρωση στοιχείων, τη διακρίβωση της τύχης των αγνοουμένων πολιτών και στρατιωτών, παράλληλα με τη Διερευνητική Επιτροπή Αγνοουμένων.

    Η έρευνα αυτή υπονομεύεται από τη στάση του κράτους της Τουρκίας, που κρατά κλειστά τα στρατιωτικά αρχεία για τους χώρους ομαδικής ταφής των αγνοουμένων με αλλοιώσεις τόπων ταφής, μετακίνηση λειψάνων, εμποδίζοντας τις έρευνες. Να ανοίξει τώρα η τουρκική κυβέρνηση τα κρατικά και στρατιωτικά αρχεία. Να γίνει αποτελεσματική έρευνα στα κατεχόμενα για την ταυτοποίηση και απόδοση των λειψάνων, την αποζημίωση και στήριξη των οικογενειών των αγνοουμένων, μέχρι να διακριβωθεί και ο τελευταίος αγνοούμενος.

     
       

       

    (Fin de las intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»))

     
       

     

      El presidente. – Se cierra el debate.

     

    16. One-minute speeches on matters of political importance


     

      Branko Grims (PPE). – Gospod predsednik! V Sloveniji se že ves čas njenega članstva v Evropski uniji očitno zlorablja pravosodje za onemogočanje opozicije, zlasti SDS in njenega predsednika Janeza Janše. Najprej je bil to kafkovski proces Patria, potem sedaj absurdni proces Trenta, nekaj, za kar se je zgodilo pred dvajsetimi leti. Vedno to oživi pred naslednjimi volitvami. Sodnik Radonjić, ki je razgalil pritiske globoke države, je bil zaradi tega sam obtožen, privlečen v lisicah na sodišče in obsojen, čeprav je imel potrdilo zdravnika, da zaradi hude bolezni ni sposoben obrambe na sodišču. Evropsko komisijo sem obširno in argumentirano seznanil z vsemi temi očitnimi kršitvami človekovih pravic v pismih in intervjujih. Vendar Evropska komisija molči, in v pravu velja “Kdor molči, se strinja”. Zato jo pozivam, da pojasni, kako bo ukrepala, da bo tudi v Sloveniji zagotovljen pravni red in da bo vsakomur zagotovljeno pošteno sojenje. Bog vas živi, Bog živi Evropo, Bog živi Slovenijo!

     
       


     

      Philippe Olivier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, les carburants alternatifs sont l’illustration d’une certaine inconséquence de l’Union européenne. Vous édictez des règles, les imposez à nos filières, en l’occurrence l’aérien et le maritime, puis vous laissez le marché décider. Le résultat, ce sont des filières qui ne savent pas à quels procédés techniques se vouer, des infrastructures, par exemple dans les aéroports, dont vous ne vous préoccupez pas, mais surtout des filières de production qui profitent aux Chinois, comme par exemple la phase d’électrolyse pour certains carburants.

    Que dire des distorsions de subventions? Quand les USA subventionnent à 3 tout le secteur, vous, vous subventionnez à 0,5 en étant exagérément sélectifs.

    L’Europe doit rapidement sortir de sa naïveté et protéger ses industries émergentes en mettant en œuvre une protection économique. Sans cela, la révolution des nouveaux carburants surviendra, certes, mais hors de l’Europe, et surtout à son détriment.

     
       


     

      Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, ¿saben qué significa la palabra facha? Se lo explico. Vean los vídeos y fotografías del cónclave de fachas que se celebró en Madrid el fin de semana pasado: Abascal, Orbán, Le Pen, Wilders, Salvini, André Ventura. Lo peor de cada casa pagado por el Grupo Patriotas por Europa del Parlamento Europeo. Teorías conspiranoicas, negacionismo climático, discursos de odio contra la democracia y la Europa de los pueblos, contra los colectivos más vulnerables, contra el colectivo LGBTIQ+, contra nosotras, las mujeres. En definitiva, una exaltación y un ataque fascista y a la democracia. Fascismo que campa a sus anchas, que ya controla y marca la agenda en algunos Estados miembros de la Unión Europea. ¿Cuándo va Europa a despertar y parar este monstruo de fanatismo contra los derechos y libertades?

    En 2018 fui ponente de este Parlamento para la Resolución sobre el auge de la violencia neofascista en Europa, para pararles los pies y resistir contra esta nueva embestida. Esa Resolución decía claramente que no se debía exaltar el neofascismo. Poco ha hecho Europa para pararles; les lava la cara, sobre todo el PP español, que permite y blanquea esos cónclaves fachas.

    Recuerden la palabra, señores de allí: fachas. Que no se les olvide. Una peste para Europa.

     
       



     

      Hélder Sousa Silva (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, a segurança e a defesa finalmente tornaram‑se prioridades da nossa União. A segurança e a defesa, depois da alimentação e da água, estão na base da pirâmide das necessidades humanas. Sem segurança e defesa não há direitos sociais. E o investimento na defesa não é apenas uma despesa, tem um efeito multiplicador na economia, tal como a criação de emprego, na investigação científica e no desenvolvimento social. O reforço da defesa pode e deve ser financiado sem sacrificar o modelo social europeu, por exemplo, através de empréstimos europeus tipo PRR de maior envolvimento do Banco Europeu de Investimento, assim como de maior liberdade fiscal para os Estados-Membros. A diplomacia só é eficaz quando está apoiada numa capacidade de defesa credível. Países que não têm meios militares próprios tornam‑se dependentes da boa vontade de outros. Portanto, a Comissão Europeia não pode esperar até 2028 para agir, porque isso seria perder mais três anos e dar vantagem competitiva aos nossos adversários.

     
       


     

      Séverine Werbrouck (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, en ce moment même, plus de 450 navires de pêche sont bloqués à quai à cause de la brutale et irrationnelle reconduction de l’interdiction de pêche dans le golfe de Gascogne.

    En plus de pénaliser les pêcheurs qui ont déjà consenti à d’importants efforts, cette mesure a entraîné des pertes considérables pour l’ensemble des métiers à terre. Il est essentiel de rappeler qu’un emploi en mer génère trois à quatre emplois à terre: mareyeurs, mécaniciens, électriciens, forgerons maritimes, poissonniers dépendent directement de l’activité des bateaux. Sans indemnisation, ces professions subissent de lourdes pertes économiques avec des baisses de chiffre d’affaires sans aucune compensation.

    Les pêcheurs sont nos paysans de la mer. Ils ne demandent pas à vivre de subventions, mais à vivre de leur travail artisanal, à assurer leur rôle essentiel pour la souveraineté alimentaire et à transmettre leur savoir-faire aux générations futures. Ils appellent à des solutions pérennes, conciliant protection de la biodiversité et survie économique, plutôt qu’à des fermetures récurrentes et inefficaces qui mettent en péril de manière irréversible une filière qui fait notre fierté.

     
       

     

      Waldemar Buda (ECR). – Szanowni Państwo, wczoraj kanclerz Olaf Scholz przyznał w debacie z Friedrichem Merzem, że po prostu łamie prawo, to znaczy odsyła imigrantów, przewozi z własnego kraju do sąsiadów, w tym do Polski. W 2024 r. to było już kilkanaście tysięcy osób. To jest jawne i oczywiste łamanie przepisów, również europejskich. Dlatego z tego miejsca żądam reakcji Komisji Europejskiej.

    Dzisiaj pakt migracyjny jeszcze nie obowiązuje, w związku z tym nie można robić tego typu zabiegów w celu ratowania własnych obywateli, ponieważ my jako Polacy się z tym nie zgadzamy. Informacja o tym, że polski premier Donald Tusk wyraził na to zgodę, jest skandaliczna. I chciałbym państwa poinformować, że Donald Tusk nie ma zgody obywateli na tego typu działania, nie ma zgody na podpisanie paktu migracyjnego, czego już dokonał. I przygotowujemy w Polsce referendum, które pokaże sprzeciw wobec was, wobec Komisji Europejskiej, Niemców i wobec tego nierządu, który dzisiaj mamy w Polsce.

     
       

     

      Hannah Neumann (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, even loving your parents is a crime under the brutal rule of the Iranian regime. Nima was three years old when his mother, Sakharov laureate Nasrin Sotoudeh, was thrown into prison. Her crime? Defending women’s rights. Nima grew up visiting her through glass barriers. His father, Reza, held the family together while the regime tried everything to tear it apart. And now they have come for Reza to punish Nasrin for not wearing hijab. Nima, now 17, wanted to see his father in prison. But in Iran even that is a battle. When he protested the sudden cancellation of an in-person visit, they beat him up, smashed his head against the stairwell, ripped out his earring, left him handcuffed and bleeding. Nasrin screamed until she lost her voice. For years, Nasrin and Reza have tried to shield their children from the horrors of the regime, but in that moment it all collapsed. Yet Nasrin’s message is clear: she will not surrender. She will keep fighting for a future beyond this darkness. And we will stand with her. We will stand with Nima, with Reza, with the countless families shattered by this regime. Until the mullahs open the doors of Evin. Until no child goes up into the shadows of prison walls anymore. (The speaker concluded in a non-official language.)

     
       



     

      Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Domnule președinte, să cumpărăm local, să susținem producătorii și fermierii – asta spuneam în urmă cu câțiva ani, tot aici, în Parlamentul European. Între timp, am promovat o petiție aprobată de legislativul european, am interpelat comisia, am amendat legislația, am obținut fonduri europene suplimentare pentru fermierii și producătorii români și am îmbunătățit drepturile lucrătorilor din supermarketuri și ale celor care lucrează pentru platformele online.

    Extremiștii din România tăceau atunci și făceau cumpărături în magazine de lux. Nici acum nu vin cu vreo soluție viabilă, copiind și suindu-se pe un trend european pe care nici măcar nu îl înțeleg. Dincolo de gălăgia eurosugativelor suveraniste, avem responsabilitatea să ne concentrăm pe soluții: mai puțini intermediari, accesul micilor producători în supermarketuri, fără taxe de raft, susținerea brandurilor locale, mai puțină birocrație și subvenții mai mari pentru fermieri.

    Doar prin măsuri comune la nivel european putem să sprijinim micii fermieri. Să nu abordăm acest subiect cu populism! Să ne concentrăm pe soluții reale pentru oameni!

     
       

     

      Rody Tolassy (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Haïti sombre dans le chaos absolu. Cinq mille morts en un an, des corps mutilés, brûlés, des massacres ciblés, un État en ruine, livré aux gangs, qui contrôlent 80 % de Port-au-Prince. Et pourtant, des milliards d’euros ont été investis pendant des décennies de coopération. Pour quel résultat? Éducation en lambeaux, insécurité alimentaire, dignité humaine piétinée. L’échec total.

    Ce chaos déborde. Une bombe migratoire menace nos territoires et tout le bassin caribéen. La pression devient insoutenable. L’Union européenne peut-elle cautionner, continuer de se cacher derrière des discours creux et des programmes inefficaces? Où sont les résultats? Quelles actions concrètes allons-nous prendre pour garantir la sécurité et la survie du peuple haïtien?

    Nous devons rompre avec cette logique d’échec. Exigeons des résultats immédiats de la mission multinationale et agissons. Une mission de codéveloppement immédiate est indispensable pour stabiliser Haïti et lui offrir un avenir.

    L’heure est à l’action, pas au constat.

     
       


     

      Jaume Asens Llodrà (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, este fin de semana en Madrid ha habido un cónclave de ultras, lo mejor de cada casa de la internacional reaccionaria. También se ha emitido una serie documental de una periodista, Mònica Terribas, sobre el Opus Dei, organización a la que muchos de ellos pertenecen. ¿Y qué relación tiene una cosa con la otra? Pues que mientras en su particular cruzada religiosa contra las comunidades musulmanas han puesto otra vez el grito en el cielo contra estas, en cambio, han callado, no han dicho nada, frente a los abusos que ese documental ha puesto sobre la mesa: amenazas, coacciones, secuestros, explotación laboral y sexista, privación de la libertad, etcétera.

    Ese es el modus operandi de una organización que actúa en más de sesenta países como una secta peligrosa, como una organización criminal, y desde Europa no podemos quedarnos callados: debemos actuar y dar protección a las víctimas, que puedan ejercer su derecho a la verdad, a la reparación y a la justicia, como hicieron los menores abusados sexualmente por la Iglesia católica.

     
       

     

      Carola Rackete (The Left). – Herr Präsident! Vor sieben Monaten hat das Berliner Kammergericht eine Person, Maja T., nach Ungarn ausgeliefert, und letzte Woche hat dann das Bundesverfassungsgericht Majas Beschwerde darüber stattgegeben und festgehalten, dass die Auslieferung ein schwerwiegender Eingriff in Majas Grundrecht ist, der immer noch andauert. Explizit genannt wurde in der Begründung die unmenschliche Behandlung in Ungarn, die gegen die EU-Grundrechtecharta verstößt. Frankreich und Italien haben sich in ähnlichen Fällen gegen Auslieferungen nach Ungarn entschieden.

    Maja T. ist seit sieben Monaten in Isolationshaft, und schon 15 Tage sind laut UN Folter. In der Zelle gibt es Kakerlaken und Bettwanzen. Die Dokumente für das Gerichtsverfahren wurden nicht übersetzt. Ich selbst habe Maja schon zweimal besucht, und auch die Justizbeamten haben mir gesagt, dass die Haftbedingungen von oben angeordnet wurden – und zwar, denke ich, weil Maja eine antifaschistisch motivierte Tat vorgeworfen wird. Die Forderung von 24 Jahren Haft ist ebenfalls politisch.

    Ich fordere alle europäischen Mitgliedstaaten auf, keine Menschen mehr nach Ungarn auszuliefern, denn wir wissen ja, wie die Haftbedingungen dort sind. Die deutsche Bundesregierung fordere ich auf, Maja T. so schnell wie möglich zurückzuholen.

     
       

     

      Δημήτρης Τσιόδρας (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, όλοι αναγνωρίζουμε ότι ζούμε σε ένα καινούργιο γεωπολιτικό και οικονομικό περιβάλλον. Επίσης, συζητάμε για τις μεγάλες προκλήσεις. Παράλληλα, όμως, θα πρέπει να δούμε και τις ευκαιρίες. Η Ευρώπη πορεύτηκε πάντα μέσα από δυσκολίες.

    Είναι ευκαιρία, λοιπόν, για κοινές πολιτικές. Να δώσουμε απαντήσεις στα ερωτήματα των πολιτών. Γιατί, όσο δεν δίνουν αυτές τις απαντήσεις οι φιλοευρωπαϊκές δυνάμεις, δίνουμε τον χώρο σε ακραίες φωνές, οι οποίες θέλουν επιστροφή στο παρελθόν.

    Πρέπει να δούμε πρώτα από όλα το ζήτημα της ασφάλειας και της άμυνας. Πρέπει οι Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες να αισθάνονται ασφαλείς. Πρέπει να νιώθουν ότι υπάρχουν κοινά ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα, τα οποία προστατεύονται. Πρέπει να υπάρχει κοινή δέσμευση στην άμυνα και παράλληλα να νιώθουν ότι, με τις πολιτικές που εφαρμόζονται σε ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο, εξασφαλίζεται ένα καλύτερο μέλλον για αυτούς και τα παιδιά τους. Οι καιροί δεν περιμένουν και είναι η ώρα να δράσουμε αποφασιστικά τώρα.

     
       

     

      Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisară, politica energetică pe care a făcut-o Comisia Europeană – nu dumneavoastră, cea care a fost – este dezastruoasă. Efectele asupra competitivității, mai ales pentru întreprinderile mici și mijlocii, se văd acum. Doamna comisară, vă propun să discutați în Colegiul comisarilor, să faceți o adevărată politică energetică.

    Nu se poate să închidem întâi producerea de energie, înainte de a avea alternativă. Și este clar că s-a intrat în criză. Atât timp cât întreprinderile din Uniunea Europeană plătesc de trei, patru ori mai mult prețul energiei decât cele din Statele Unite sau din Asia, evident că nu mai sunt competitive, evident că sunt într-o competiție inegală, evident că sunt scoase din piață.

    Așadar, politica energetică a Uniunii Europene trebuie făcută în sensul susținerii producției industriale. Avem un program de reindustrializare a Uniunii Europene. Cum să-l facem cu aceste costuri? Cel care face producție știe că inputurile sunt importante pentru prețul final. Sper, de la această Comisie, că într-adevăr – din păcate, avem același dirijor, pe același președinte al Comisiei – dar sper să puneți, într-adevăr, o strategie energetică pentru a crește competitivitatea Uniunii Europene.

     
       

     

      Isabella Tovaglieri (PfE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l’industria dell’auto sta morendo sotto i colpi dell’estremismo green della Commissione europea e i responsabili sono seduti qui in quest’Aula.

    Invece di fare marcia indietro, però, vi siete inventati il dialogo strategico sull’automotive, che altro non è che fumo negli occhi e voi ne siete i primi ad essere consapevoli. Riunioni avvolte nella nebbia, lontane da occhi indiscreti, nessuna agenda pubblica, nessun obiettivo preciso. E come finirà? Ve lo dico io: in chiacchiere da bar, che servono solo a pulirvi la coscienza, più che a dare risposte concrete a uno dei settori più strategici dell’industria europea, che voi avete messo in ginocchio.

    Invece di tante inutili conferenze e riunioni segrete, fate l’unica cosa che vi chiedono i cittadini europei: cancellate lo stop ai motori tradizionali al 2035, mettete fine alla stagione dell’ideologia green e diamo inizio a quella del pragmatismo.

     
       

     

      Andi Cristea (S&D). – Domnule președinte, tehnologia informațională accelerează până la derapaje toate procesele sociale, politice, economice, cu care noi suntem obișnuiți. Ăsta este motivul pentru care astăzi, în același timp, lucrurile sunt mult mai bune decât erau în trecut, dar și mult mai rele.

    Domnule președinte, avem nevoie să echipăm cetățenii europeni cu modele mentale, cu instrumente cognitive care să le ofere posibilitatea să navigheze cu succes acest nou mediu informațional.

    Propunerea mea pentru Comisia Europeană și îndemnul meu este să folosim bani europeni, pentru programe europene de alfabetizare digitală, alfabetizare tehnologică și alfabetizare media – sunt singurele modalități prin care vom avea cetățeni pregătiți pentru ziua de mâine. Acesta este apelul meu și vă îndemn să acționați!

     
       

     

      Virginie Joron (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, grâce à Donald Trump, nous apprenons que la BBC est financée par les Américains, mais aussi par Bruxelles: 1,3 million de livres en 2023. Un chiffre invisible dans le système de transparence financière de la Commission, qui indique 39 millions d’euros payés à la chaîne anglaise depuis 2014.

    Pourquoi Bruxelles finance des médias? Est-ce que Reactive, un média europhile, peut critiquer la Commission s’il reçoit 36 millions d’euros de la part de la Commission?

    Pourquoi financer des médias étrangers?

    Pourquoi financer Internews, dont personne n’a jamais entendu parler, qui reçoit de l’argent de M. Soros ou de lobbys des vaccins? À Paris, leur bureau rue Jeanne d’Arc est désert. Pourtant, Bruxelles leur aurait versé 72 millions d’euros et les Américains, via USAID, près d’un demi-milliard de dollars. Sa présidente gagnerait près de 400 000 dollars par an et, l’année dernière, à Davos, elle a recommandé de démonétiser des sites d’information en développant des listes d’exclusion de publicités.

    La Commission doit nous expliquer et surtout doit cesser ces subventions occultes de contrôle des médias et de corruption potentielle.

     
       

     

      Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, cada semana que transcurre continúan llegando a Canarias esas embarcaciones frágiles, repletas de personas desesperadas que provienen del continente africano. Canarias es Unión Europea, pero continúan llegando también al Caribe las embarcaciones repletas de cadáveres de aquellos desdichados que no lo consiguieron.

    Y la lección de tanta tragedia es imperativa: urge que la Comisión acelere la plena aplicación de todas las leyes obligatorias para los Estados miembros que componen el Pacto sobre Migración y Asilo y, particularmente, que acelere la puesta en marcha del coordinador de la UE para la solidaridad, que permita una redistribución ordenada, justa, equitativa y solidaria de aquellas personas en situación muy vulnerable: mujeres con menores, mujeres víctimas de trata y de explotación de personas, y menores no acompañados, que requieren también en España solidaridad, impedida hasta la fecha por la oposición de la derecha.

    Urge una reforma legal que la haga posible, pero sobre todo urge que la Comisión exija a todos los Estados miembros el cumplimiento de sus obligaciones con el Pacto y diga con claridad que no es admisible que un jefe de Gobierno —como hemos oído esta semana a Donald Tusk en Polonia— diga que no va a aplicar el Pacto sobre Migración y Asilo, como si ignorase que el Derecho europeo es obligatorio en su primacía y en su eficacia directa para todos los Estados miembros.

     
       

     

      Valérie Deloge (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, un nouveau scandale éclabousse les institutions européennes. La Commission européenne a financé des ONG dites environnementales pour faire pression en faveur du pacte vert. Ce green deal, symbole de l’écologie punitive, veut imposer plus de normes, restreindre les agriculteurs et les entreprises et interdire les moteurs thermiques en 2035.

    Des millions d’euros d’argent public ont été utilisés via le programme LIFE et distribués à des lobbies. Objectif: influencer les décisions du Parlement européen et les députés, manipuler les débats et durcir la législation verte.

    Le commissaire à l’agriculture, M. Hansen, incarne cette dérive. Chargé de préparer une vision sur l’agriculture et l’alimentation, il consulte Greenpeace, WWF, BirdLife. Mais où sont les agriculteurs? Qui écoute ceux qui nous nourrissent?

    Pendant que ces groupes dictent la politique agricole, les vrais acteurs de terrain sont méprisés, ignorés. L’Europe n’a pas à être gouvernée par des lobbies qui ne produisent rien, mais qui veulent tout contrôler. Les amis de Mme Von Der Leyen, qui n’ont jamais semé un grain de blé, ni produit un litre de lait, n’ont pas à nous imposer leur utopie.

    Ce scandale rappelle d’autres affaires, comme le Qatargate ou les financements troubles d’associations islamistes proches des Frères musulmans. Stop, Bruxelles doit rendre des comptes! Le Parquet européen ainsi que les autorités antifraude doivent faire toute la lumière sur ces affaires. Nous ne lâcherons rien.

     
       


     

      Gabriela Firea (S&D). – Domnule președinte, dragi colegi, în România este cutremur politic. Președintele României și-a dat demisia și avem mai bine de trei luni de când agenda publică este ocupată doar de incertitudine. Însă nu trebuie să uităm adevăratul cutremur, mișcare telurică, ce ne poate lovi oricând.

    Nu vreau să induc panică, dar este un avertisment al specialiștilor: 7 din 10 români trăiesc în zone cu pericol seismic. Sunt copii care învață în școli nesigure, familii care dorm în blocuri fragile, pacienți care merg să se trateze în spitale pericol public. Și totuși, în ultimii 5 ani, în România și în București, unul dintre cele mai expuse orașe, aproape nimic nu s-a consolidat. În martie se împlinesc 48 de ani de la ultimul mare cutremur.

    Da, există un miliard de euro alocat, dar acești bani acoperă doar 55 de clădiri, adică doar 5 % din necesar. Birocrația sufocă măsuri vitale. Fondurile europene sunt insuficient folosite. Și să nu uităm cel mai important lucru: acești bani nu sunt pentru beton și pentru pereți, sunt pentru a proteja oamenii, sunt pentru viață.

    De aceea, fac un apel clar: Europa, care și-a asumat protecția cetățenilor săi, trebuie să acționeze acum: fonduri suplimentare, mecanisme simple, prevenție reală, iar autoritățile locale să folosească la maximum resursele financiare ale Uniunii Europene!

     

    17. Agenda of the next sitting

     

      El presidente. – La próxima sesión tendrá lugar mañana, martes 11 de febrero de 2025, a las 9.00 horas.

    El orden del día se ha publicado y está disponible en el sitio web del Parlamento Europeo.

     

    18. Approval of the minutes of the sitting

     

      El presidente. – El Acta de la presente sesión se someterá a la aprobación del Parlamento mañana al comienzo de la tarde.

     

    19. Closure of the sitting

       

    (Se levanta la sesión a las 22.08 horas).

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia – B10-0116/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Urmas Paet, Petras Auštrevičius, Malik Azmani, Dan Barna, Helmut Brandstätter, Benoit Cassart, Olivier Chastel, Engin Eroglu, Karin Karlsbro, Michał Kobosko, Ilhan Kyuchyuk, Nathalie Loiseau, Jan‑Christoph Oetjen, Marie‑Agnes Strack‑Zimmermann, Hilde Vautmans, Sophie Wilmès, Dainius Žalimas
    on behalf of the Renew Group

    B10‑0116/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia

    (2025/2522(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to its previous resolutions on Georgia, in particular its resolution of 9 October 2024 on the democratic backsliding and threats to political pluralism in Georgia[1], and of 28 November 2024 on Georgia’s worsening democratic crisis following the recent parliamentary elections and alleged electoral fraud[2],

     having regard to the joint statement by the Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Chair of the Delegation for relations with the South Caucasus and the Standing Rapporteur for Georgia of 29 November 2024 on the Georgian government’s decision to pause its accession to the European Union,

     having regard to the Association Agreement between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and their Member States, of the one part, and Georgia, of the other part[3],

     having regard to the Council conclusions of 17 December 2024 on Enlargement,

     having regard to the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas and Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos of 1 December 2024 on Georgia,

     having regard to the joint statement by the Foreign Ministers of France, Germany and Poland on 31 December 2024,

     having regard to Rules 136(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas at the end of November 2024, Irakli Kobakhidze announced the decision by Georgian Dream not to pursue the opening of EU accession negotiations and to reject EU financial support until 2028, thus violating Georgia’s Constitution; whereas part of this funding had, in reality, already been suspended by the Commission on account of Georgia not fulfilling the nine criteria for starting the accession process, as set out by the Commission communication of 8 November 2023 on EU Enlargement Policy (COM(2023)6900);

    B. whereas this announcement followed the parliamentary elections of 26 October 2024, which failed to meet international democratic standards and Georgia’s commitments as a participating state of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe; whereas Parliament strongly condemned widespread electoral violations, did not recognise the results of the elections, and called for new elections in an improved electoral environment;

    C. whereas the current Georgian regime, led by the Georgian Dream party and its founder, Bidzina Ivanishvili, has orchestrated an unconstitutional usurpation of power, systematically dismantling democratic institutions, undermining judicial independence and eroding fundamental freedoms, thereby deepening Georgia’s political and constitutional crisis; whereas this illegitimate consolidation of power has sparked massive grassroots protests, with hundreds of thousands of citizens peacefully demonstrating every evening throughout the country in support of democratic values and European integration;

    D. whereas the protests have been met with an alarming escalation of state violence, repression and democratic backsliding, with arbitrary detentions of activists, opposition leaders and journalists, and targeted violence by police and informal groups linked to Georgian Dream, and with over 50 political prisoners currently being detained; whereas civil society organisations and the Public Defender of Georgia report credible cases of torture and inhumane treatment without accountability;

    E. whereas riot police deliberately lacking force identification numbers have forcefully dispersed protesters with tear gas and water cannons; whereas numerous journalists reported being targeted and beaten, and having their equipment destroyed and personal items stolen; whereas dozens of protesters were brutally assaulted, and several hundred people were arrested; whereas Georgia’s Public Defender has revealed that 80 % of those detained reported experiencing violence and inhumane treatment at the hands of law enforcement officers;

    F. whereas independent media outlets, such as TV Formula, TV Mtavari and TV Pirveli, face severe operational and financial constraints due to the regime’s interference, while dozens of media representatives are being subjected to various forms of intense physical and psychological pressure; whereas Ivanishvili’s regime and its propagandists continue to disseminate anti-EU disinformation based on lies and conspiracies about the ‘Global War Party’ and ‘Deep State’;

    G. whereas Mzia Amaglobeli, director of the prominent independent media outlets Batumelebi and Netgazeti, was unlawfully arrested twice in January 2025 and is facing politically motivated charges that highlight the misuse of the justice system to suppress dissent; whereas the Public Defender has contested Amaglobeli’s pre-trial detention, citing insufficient evidence and procedural violations of Georgian law and European Court of Human Rights decisions; whereas Mzia Amaglobeli has been on hunger strike since her arrest, and her health has deteriorated, putting her life at risk;

    H. whereas on the night of 14 January 2025, Giorgi Gakharia, opposition leader of the For Georgia party and former Prime Minister, and Zviad Koridze, journalist and Transparency International activist, were physically assaulted by Georgian Dream officials in separate incidents at the same venue in Batumi;

    I. whereas on 2 February 2025, Nika Melia, a leader of the pro-European Akhali party, and Gigi Ugulava, the former mayor of Tbilisi, were arrested during the anti-government protests and subjected to physical violence in detention;

    J. whereas recent amendments by Georgia’s Parliament to the Criminal Code, to the Code of Administrative Offences and to the Law on Assemblies and Manifestations severely restrict freedoms of assembly and expression, expand police powers and introduce penalties for verbal insults of government officials, public servants and law enforcement officers, enabling widespread repression and further undermining democratic rights; whereas these measures, which impose disproportionately harsh punishments, are a direct attack on rights guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights and the Constitution of Georgia ;

    K. whereas new decrees criminalising road blockades aim to intimidate citizens and suppress peaceful assembly; whereas the de facto authorities have increased the maximum term of administrative detention to 60 days and have banned protests in indoor spaces; whereas Georgian Dream has announced plans to introduce new laws targeting media and civil society organisations;

    L. whereas on 14 December 2024, in a process lacking democratic legitimacy, the electoral college controlled by Georgian Dream elected former football player Mikheil Kavelashvili, the sole nominated candidate, as President of Georgia; whereas the EU and most Member States have not formally recognised this sham election; whereas President Salomé Zourabichvili left the presidential palace of her own volition while stating that she would remain in office until new elections are held;

    M. whereas Georgian Dream has announced its intention to introduce new restrictive measures in the coming months, such as a media law that would limit the possibility of receiving financial support from foreign sources, and other measures that include the removal of mandatory civil society participation from the public decision-making process, the further tightening of restrictions on civil society organisations through the adoption of another version of the ‘foreign agent’ law, forcing them to register foreign funds, the tightening of drug policy and legislation, and of juvenile justice, and the banning of civil servants from participating in international projects; whereas the intended education reform, in particular the ‘transformation’ of the university system, targets opposition-minded professors and students; whereas Georgian Dream’s propaganda falsely presents some of the proposed legislative changes as mirroring similar legislation in Western democratic countries;

    N. whereas from the very beginning of its activity, the current Georgian Parliament operates as a one-party (Georgian Dream) organ, which is incompatible with the essence of pluralistic parliamentary democracy; whereas at a plenary session on 5 February 2025, Georgia’s illegitimate parliament voted to strip 49 opposition members of parliament of their mandates, so as to remove their immunity and facilitate their arrest and prosecution, while the remaining parliamentary opposition party, Gakharia for Georgia, has remained in parliament but is boycotting parliamentary activities; whereas the same parliament established a commission to punish former ruling party United National Movement;

    O. whereas the Member States have agreed to suspend visa-free travel for Georgian officials holding diplomatic passports but failed to impose personal sanctions in response to the continued crackdown; whereas several Member States, including Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia and Czechia, have imposed bilateral sanctions on some Georgian politicians, judges and other officials responsible for the brutal crackdown on protesters, as well as violations of human rights and abuse of the rule of law;

    P. whereas oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, the Georgian Dream leader, who holds EU citizenship and owns properties and assets in the EU, wields considerable influence over Georgia’s economy and has played a defining role in the country’s democratic backsliding and in undermining its Euro-Atlantic orientation;

    Q. whereas the shift away from EU aspirations has coincided with a move towards Russia-aligned foreign policy and Russian-style laws; whereas there are reports of EU sanctions targeting Russia being circumvented through the Tbilisi Free Zone;

    R. whereas in December 2024, the United States sanctioned Bidzina Ivanishvili, alongside Georgia’s Minister of Internal Affairs Vakhtang Gomelauri and Deputy Head of the Special Tasks Department Mirza Kezevadze, for their involvement in brutal crackdowns on media representatives, opposition figures and protesters; whereas the UK and Ukraine imposed similar sanctions on high-level Georgian officials; whereas Ivanishvili, through hastily adopted laws tailored to his personal situation, is moving his offshore assets to Georgia in anticipation of further sanctions;

    S. whereas despite international condemnation, the illegitimate Georgian Government has awarded medals to officials involved in the crackdown;

    T. whereas the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has imposed conditions on the Georgian Dream regime including new elections and the release of political prisoners, prompting Georgia to suspend its participation in PACE;

    1. Condemns the violent repression of protesters, the media and opposition leaders; demands the immediate release of all detainees and an end to political persecution and torture, emphasising the need to uphold fundamental rights in line with Georgia’s Constitution and its international obligations;

    2. Recalls that the adoption of anti-democratic laws had effectively suspended Georgia’s EU integration process; demands the repeal of the legislation undermining the rule of law and a pluralistic democracy, including laws on the ‘transparency of foreign influence’ and on ‘family values and protection of minors’ and the newly adopted laws severely restricting the freedom of peaceful assembly and targeting the civil service; regrets the authoritarian illegal power grab of the current Georgian Dream regime and the betrayal of the Georgian people’s pro-European aspirations;

    3. Condemns the propaganda of Georgian Dream and its justification of repressive laws against civil society and independent media on the pretext that the same laws apply in democratic Western countries, and reiterates its call for the immediate repeal of anti-democratic laws;

    4. Reiterates its unwavering support for the Georgian people’s legitimate European aspirations and their desire for a prosperous and democratic country that upholds fundamental freedoms and human rights and guarantees an independent media and free and fair elections; notes that anti-government and pro-European protests in Georgia have continued for more than 70 consecutive days; urges the Georgian de facto authorities to protect citizens’ right to assemble, and to refrain from using unwarranted force against them;

    5. Reiterates its rejection of the legitimacy of the October 2024 elections and the subsequent Georgian Dream government; considers Georgia as a state captured by the illegitimate Georgian Dream regime; calls for the EU and its Member States, as well as national parliaments and interparliamentary institutions, not to recognise the legitimacy of the current Georgian Dream one-party parliament and the President, appointed on 14 December 2024; continues to recognise Salomé Zourabichvili as the legitimate President of Georgia and representative of the Georgian people; calls for the EU and its Member States to uphold this recognition and to fully support her efforts aimed at settling the current political and constitutional crisis in Georgia;

    6. Underlines that the settlement of the current political and constitutional crisis in Georgia can be achieved only by way of new, free and fair parliamentary elections, with the process conducted in an improved electoral environment by an independent and impartial election administration, under international observation;

    7. Calls for the EU and its Member States not to include Georgian officials in international meetings and to suspend high-level engagements until the political and constitutional crisis is resolved; calls for the EU and the Member States issue clear statements of non-recognition of the illegitimate authorities and call for new elections; welcomes PACE’s decision to challenge the credentials of Georgia’s parliamentary delegation due to democratic backsliding and human rights abuses;

    8. Calls for the immediate release of Mzia Amaglobeli from detention as well as a thorough investigation into the ill treatment she endured during and after her arrest;

    9. Condemns the politically motivated assaults on Giorgi Gakharia and Zviad Koridze and the arrests of and violence against Nika Melia and Gigi Ugulava as a concerning escalation of political violence, recognising them as part of broader efforts to intimidate opposition figures and undermine democratic processes in Georgia;

    10. Calls for the EU and all Member States to join the US and the UK in immediately imposing effective and comprehensive personal sanctions – at the EU level if possible, and otherwise on a bilateral and coordinated basis – on officials and political leaders in Georgia who are responsible for democratic backsliding, violations of electoral laws and standards, administrative abuses, violence and inhumane treatment, as well as on judges issuing politically motivated sentences, media propagandists and members of the business elite who tacitly or openly support the regime; reiterates its call for the EU and its Member States to impose sanctions on Bidzina Ivanishvili, his family and his companies and to strip him of honorific titles and orders for his role in the severe deterioration of the political process in Georgia;

    11. Emphasises that respect for fundamental rights is vital to the EU’s visa liberalisation benchmarks; reiterates its call on the Commission and the Council to review Georgia’s visa-free status, with the possibility of suspension if it is considered that EU standards on democratic governance and freedoms are not being upheld;

    12. Expresses alarm at the climate of intimidation and polarisation fuelled by Georgian Dream representatives; underlines that anything but the full restoration of Georgia’s democratic standards will entail a further deterioration of EU-Georgia relations and result in additional sanctions;

    13. Expresses its concern about recent announcements by Georgian Dream on introducing new legislation, such as a new media law, aimed at further tightening the rights and freedoms of civil society and independent media;

    14. Supports the Council’s decision to redirect funding from the Georgian authorities to civil society; urges the EU institutions responsible to accelerate the process of providing grants to civil society, grassroots movements and independent media, especially since slow EU processes and recently frozen support from the US Agency for International Development (USAID) are putting the activities of many civil society organisations and media channels at risk; calls for the EU and its Member States to increase their support to Georgian civil society and ensure it effectively benefits the media outlets currently threatened with closure;

    15. Reiterates its demand for the immediate and unconditional release of former President Mikheil Saakashvili on humanitarian grounds for the purpose of seeking medical treatment abroad;

    16. Calls on the President of the European Council to invite President Zourabichvili to represent Georgia at an upcoming European Council meeting and at the next meeting of the European Political Community;

    17. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Council, the Commission, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the de facto authorities of Georgia.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia – B10-0118/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Adam Bielan, Mariusz Kamiński, Rihards Kols, Małgorzata Gosiewska, Jadwiga Wiśniewska, Veronika Vrecionová, Ondřej Krutílek, Assita Kanko, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Joachim Stanisław Brudziński, Roberts Zīle, Michał Dworczyk, Alexandr Vondra
    on behalf of the ECR Group

    B10‑0118/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia

    (2025/2522(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to its previous resolutions on Georgia,

     having regard to Georgia’s status as an EU candidate country,

     having regard to the statement of 1 December 2024 by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas and Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos on Georgia’s decision to halt EU accession negotiations and to reject EU financial support until 2028,

     having regard to the European Council conclusions of 19 December 2024,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas the situation in Georgia has drastically worsened following the fraudulent parliamentary elections of 26 October 2024, which were condemned by the international community for severe vote manipulation, widespread voter intimidation and systemic suppression of democratic opposition, marking an alarming democratic regression;

    B. whereas the presidential election in Georgia on 14 December 2024 was the first to be conducted under the 2017 constitutional amendments; whereas the Georgian Dream party nominated Mikheil Kavelashvili as the sole candidate, and he was subsequently elected with 224 out of the 225 votes cast, in the absence of alternative candidates;

    C. whereas the Georgian Dream authorities, in a direct violation of the democratic will of its citizens, unilaterally suspended EU accession talks until 2028, disregarding the country’s constitutional commitment to European integration and effectively undermining Georgia’s sovereign Euro-Atlantic aspirations;

    D. whereas the ruling Georgian Dream authorities prioritise partnerships with China and Iran and share many similar views with the Russian Government, despite their publicly declared Euro-Atlantic aspirations;

    E. whereas all across Georgia, massive public demonstrations erupted in response to the decision of the Georgian Dream authorities and in protest against democratic backsliding and actions aimed at limiting fundamental freedoms;

    F. whereas on 5 February 2025, the Georgian Dream parliament terminated the mandates of 49 members of parliament from the Coalition for Change, Strong Georgia and the United National Movement parties, effectively leaving the parliament with only 101 of 150 members;

    G. whereas new legislation that came into effect in Georgia on 30 December 2024 imposes further arbitrary restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly;

    H. whereas journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, who was arrested on 12 January 2025 and faces four to seven years in prison for slapping a police officer, has been on hunger strike in solidarity with all political prisoners in Georgia;

    I. whereas the Georgian Dream authorities have used excessive force and arbitrary detentions against peaceful protesters; whereas on 2 February 2025, Georgian security forces violently suppressed peaceful demonstrations in Tbilisi, leading to the arrest of over 30 protesters, including leaders of the Georgian democratic political forces Nika Melia, Giorgi Ugulava and Elene Khoshtaria;

    J. whereas on 27 January 2025, the Council decided to suspend parts of the EU‑Georgia visa facilitation agreement for Georgian diplomats and officials, while ordinary Georgian citizens will continue to benefit from the visa exemption;

    K. whereas the United States suspended the US-Georgia Strategic Partnership in response to the Georgian Government’s democratic backsliding and it imposed personal sanctions on Georgian Dream officials, as well as on oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili;

    L. whereas on 29 January 2025, the Republic of Georgia withdrew its delegation from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe after the latter demanded new parliamentary elections, the release of political prisoners and accountability for perpetrators of violence;

    M. whereas Georgian Dream officials continue to employ anti-European and pro-Russian rhetoric, falsely accusing the Georgian democratic political forces, independent media and civil society of acting as ‘foreign agents’ while attempting to criminalise pro-European activism; whereas Georgian Dream’s narrative is that the West is trying to push Georgia back into a war with Russia;

    N. whereas Mikheil Saakashvili, who served as President of Georgia from 2004 until 2013 and is leader of the largest pro-Western political party, has been detained since October 2022, has been mistreated in prison and subjected to humiliating treatment during court hearings – actions that represent a clear and present threat to the integrity of Georgia’s democratic credentials; whereas repeated refusals to permit visits to him in prison have deprived him of essential access to legal counsel and family support, further exacerbating the inhumane conditions of his detention;

    1. Strongly condemns the Georgian Dream authorities’ anti-democratic actions, including its unilateral and unconstitutional decision to halt Georgia’s EU accession process until 2028, which directly contradicts the will of the Georgian people and serves the interests of external authoritarian actors; expresses deep regret that the ruling Georgian Dream party has abandoned its path toward European integration and NATO membership, while increasing Georgia’s vulnerability to external influence, particularly from the Kremlin; warns that Georgia’s continued backsliding on democratic governance, the rule of law and human rights will have direct and severe consequences on its EU accession prospects, including the suspension of financial assistance under the EU’s enlargement framework;

    2. Underlines that recent elections were neither free nor fair and were marred by widespread vote manipulation, including multiple voting and a lack of respect for the secret ballot, voter intimidation, vote buying and serious irregularities;

    3. Deeply regrets the cancellation of 49 mandates of members of parliament, which leaves the Parliament of Georgia with no alternative political forces and is a sign of the country’s further democratic backsliding;

    4. Demands immediate, free and fair parliamentary and presidential elections in Georgia, conducted under the full and transparent oversight of international bodies, including the EU, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, and other democratic institutions, to restore legitimate governance and uphold the democratic aspirations of the Georgian people;

    5. Strongly condemns the enactment of draconian legislation that imposes unjustified restrictions on freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly; calls on the Georgian authorities to immediately repeal these repressive laws and to release all political prisoners, including journalist Mzia Amaglobeli;

    6. Is alarmed by the continuous and highly disturbing cases of intimidation and violence against the Georgian democratic political forces, as well as by the threats of further repression voiced by Georgian Dream leadership, including oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, to outlaw the democratic pro-Western opposition and silence dissent;

    7. Demands an independent, transparent and impartial investigation into police brutality and the excessive use of force against peaceful demonstrators; calls for those responsible for human rights violations, including members of law enforcement and government officials ordering repression, to be held fully accountable;

    8. Stands in full solidarity with the Georgian people and Georgia’s vibrant civil society, which has traditionally played a very active and central role in bringing the country closer to the West, promoting democratisation and pushing for Euro-Atlantic integration in line with the desires of the Georgian people; deplores, in this regard, the growing anti-Western and hostile rhetoric of the Georgian Dream party’s representatives towards Georgia’s strategic Western partners, including the United States and the EU, including its MEPs and officials, and Georgian Dream’s promotion of Russian disinformation and manipulation;

    9. Is alarmed by the Georgian Dream government’s clear alignment with Kremlin-backed narratives, its growing economic and political ties with Russia, and its deliberate obstruction of Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic integration, which fundamentally contradicts the country’s constitutional and strategic priorities; condemns the strengthening of trade ties with Russia and the refusal to impose sanctions on Moscow, despite its creeping occupation of Georgian territory and its aggression against Ukraine;

    10. Welcomes the strong stance taken by international partners, including the United States, in condemning the Georgian Dream authorities’ anti-democratic actions and the suspension of key bilateral partnerships, such as the US-Georgia Strategic Partnership;

    11. Calls on the Commission to step up and broaden its support for civil society in Georgia, especially in the light of the increasingly draconian measures being imposed on the Georgian people;

    12. Reiterates its call on the Council and the EU’s democratic partners to impose immediate and targeted personal sanctions on Bidzina Ivanishvili and to freeze all his assets within the EU for his role in the deterioration of the political process in Georgia and for acting against the country’s constitutionally declared interests, including efforts to restore Russia’s sphere of influence over the country;

    13. Calls for the EU and its Member States to impose personal sanctions on the officials and political leaders in Georgia who are responsible for the democratic backsliding, including Irakli Kobakhidze, Mayor of Tbilisi Kakha Kaladze, Shalva Papuashvili and Irakli Garibashvili, Chair of the Georgian Dream party, and to extend these sanctions to judges passing politically motivated sentences;

    14. Welcomes travel bans on Georgian officials imposed by the EU, but underlines that suspending the visa liberalisation agreement with Georgia should be considered only after personal sanctions against members of the ruling party and dominant oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili are put in place;

    15. Supports the immediate suspension of all high-level diplomatic engagements with the Georgian Government until tangible democratic reforms are implemented, while maintaining and expanding direct EU support for Georgia’s civil society, independent media and pro-democratic opposition forces;

    16. Urges the Council to formally assess the implications of Georgia’s democratic decline on its EU candidate status and to make future accession talks conditional on the full restoration of democratic governance, media freedom and the rule of law;

    17. Calls for the suspension of all preferential trade agreements and financial assistance to the Georgian Government if it continues its authoritarian trajectory, ensuring that EU support is exclusively directed towards the Georgian people and civil society actors committed to democratic values;

    18. Calls on all pro-democratic political parties that have received support from the Georgian electorate to formalise their coordination and to create a unified structure that would represent the pro-European aspirations of the Georgian people domestically and abroad;

    19. Strongly reiterates its urgent demand for the immediate and unconditional release of former President Mikheil Saakashvili on humanitarian grounds so he can seek medical treatment abroad; emphasises that the Georgian Dream authorities bear full and undeniable responsibility for the life, health, safety and well-being of former President Mikheil Saakashvili and must be held fully accountable for any harm that befalls him;

    20. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the EU Member States, the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the President, Government and Parliament of Georgia.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Computer Modelling Group Announces Third Quarter Results and Quarterly Dividend

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    CALGARY, Alberta, Feb. 11, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Computer Modelling Group Ltd. (“CMG Group” or the “Company”) announces its financial results for the three and nine months ended December 31, 2024, and the approval by its Board of Directors (the “Board”) of the payment of a cash dividend of $0.05 per Common Share for the third quarter ended December 31, 2024.

    THIRD QUARTER 2025 CONSOLIDATED HIGHLIGHTS

    As a result of CMG Group’s acquisition of Sharp Reflections GmbH (“SR” or “Sharp”) on November 12, 2024, the Company’s operations are organized into two reportable operating segments represented by “Reservoir & Production Solutions” segment (“R&P”) which reflects the operations of CMG and includes the development and licensing of reservoir simulation software and “Seismic Solutions” segment (“Seismic”) represented by Bluware-Headwave Ventures Inc. (“BHV” or “Bluware”) and SR and includes the development and licensing of seismic interpretation software.

    Select financial highlights

    • Closed the Company’s second major acquisition, Sharp on November 12, 2024;
    • Generated total revenue of $35.8 million in the third quarter of fiscal 2025, compared to $33.0 million in the prior year’s quarter, reflecting a 1% decrease in R&P segment revenue and a 9% contribution from the Seismic segment, of which 6% was growth from acquisitions;
    • Operating profit increased to $11.2 million, an increase of 37% from the same period of the previous fiscal year, primarily due to increased software and professional service revenues and a decrease in operating expenses primarily driven by a decrease in stock-based compensation in the quarter as a result of the decrease in share price. Adjusted operating profit increased by 9% from the same period of the previous fiscal year, with the R&P segment decreasing by 5% and the Seismic segment increasing by 14%, of which 1% was contributed from the acquisition;
    • Adjusted EBITDA Margin was 39%, compared to 37% in the same period of the previous fiscal year with the R&P segment generating 42% and the Seismic segment generating 34% in Adjusted EBITDA Margin;
    • Net income during the period was $9.6 million, a 71% increase compared to the prior year’s quarter, primarily due to a increased operating profit and significant FX gains, partially offset by a change in the fair value of contingent consideration;
    • Earnings per share was $0.12, a 71% increase compared to the prior year’s quarter;
    • Funds flow from operations per share was $0.12, a 20% increase from the prior year comparative period. Reported Free Cash Flow of $0.11 per share, an increase of 22%, primarily due to increased funds flow from operations and a decrease in both capital expenditures and repayment of lease liabilities.

    THIRD QUARTER YEAR TO DATE 2025 CONSOLIDATED HIGHLIGHTS

    Select financial highlights

    • Closed the Company’s second major acquisition, Sharp on November 12, 2024;
    • Generated total revenue of $95.8 million for the third quarter fiscal 2025 year-to-date period, compared to $76.4 million in the prior year-to-date period, reflecting a 3% increase in the R&P segment revenue and a 22% contribution from the Seismic segment of which 21% was growth from acquisitions;
    • Operating profit decreased to $25.3 million, a decrease of 2% from the same year-to-date period of the previous fiscal year, primarily due to increased headcount and headcount related costs, increased acquisition costs, increased amortization of acquired intangible assets, and increased agent commissions as a result of increased revenues, partially offset by a decrease in stock-based compensation expense. Adjusted operating profit remained consistent with the prior year comparative period, with the R&P segment decreasing by 4% and the Seismic segment contributing an increase of 4%;
    • Adjusted EBITDA Margin was 35%, compared to 43% in the same period of the previous fiscal year with the R&P Segment generating 43% and the Seismic segment generating 15% in Adjusted EBITDA Margin;
    • Net income during the period was $17.3 million, a 9% decrease compared to the prior year-to-date period, primarily due to a decrease in operating profit, change in fair value of contingent consideration and increased income tax;
    • Earnings per share was $0.21, a 13% decrease compared to the prior year-to-date period;
    • Funds flow from operations per share was $0.29, a 15% decrease from the prior year-to-date period. Reported Free Cash Flow of $0.25 per share, a decrease of 22%, primarily due to decreased funds flow from operations and increases in both capital expenditures and repayment of lease liabilities.

    MANAGEMENT COMMENTARY

    The company has defined Organic growth to include CMG revenue and Adjusted EBITDA and BHV revenue and Adjusted EBITDA generated beginning on October 1, 2024.

    Third Quarter

    In the third quarter, total revenue grew by 8% from the prior fiscal year to $35.8 million, of which 2% was Organic growth and 6% was growth from acquisitions.

    Adjusted EBITDA Margin of 39% compared to 37% in the prior year period, with reductions in the Reservoir and Productions Solutions segment offset by increases in the Seismic Solutions segment.

    Net income for the quarter increased to $9.6 million, up from $5.6 million in the prior year period, supported by an increase in operating profit and significant foreign exchange rate gains. Free Cash Flow increased from $0.09 per share in the prior period to $0.11 per share, impacted by the increase in funds flow from operations. At December 31, 2024, the cash balance was $39.7 million, a decrease from $61.4 million at September 30, 2024 due primarily to the acquisition of Sharp Reflections.

    Reservoir and Production Solutions

    Total revenue declined by 1% with declines in Professional Services revenue partially offset by gains in Perpetual license revenue. Annuity/maintenance (“A/M”) revenue was flat compared to the third quarter of 2024 with decreases in the US, Canada and South America, offset by growth in the Eastern Hemisphere. Software revenue attributable to energy transition was 23% in the quarter, compared to 22% in the comparable prior year period. From a trend perspective, on a year-to-date basis, software revenue attributable to energy transition was 23% compared to 22% in the same period of the previous year.

    Operating profit in the segment for the third quarter increased to $7.0 million, from $5.9 million in the prior year period, driven by a reduction in stock-based compensation expense due to lower share price, partially offset by increased expenses, including acquisition related expenses, agent commission and other related fees, and other corporate costs. Adjusted EBITDA Margin in the quarter decreased to 42% from 44% in the prior fiscal year, due primarily to the slight decline in revenue and an increase in expenses.

    Maintaining our customary high renewal rates in the fourth quarter will be important for sustaining our current growth trajectory which, on a year-to-date basis, is below our expectation of low double-digits.

    Seismic Solutions

    Total revenue increased 26% of which 9% was Organic growth and 17% growth from acquisitions.

    A/M revenue increased 131% compared to the prior year period, of which 49% was Organic growth, due to an increase in licensing and the positive impact of foreign exchange rates. Growth from acquisitions was 82%. Annuity license fee increase of 12% Organic growth was also positively impacted by an increase in licensing and the positive impact of USD/CAD foreign exchange rates.

    Operating profit in the segment for the third quarter increased to $4.2 million from $2.3 million as a result of higher revenue and lower G&A expenses. Adjusted EBITDA increased to $4.8 million from $2.7 million, of which 6% is from acquisitions. Adjusted EBITDA Margin grew to 34% from 24% in the prior year. Contract renewals in the Seismic segment typically occur in the third and fourth quarters, resulting in Adjusted EBITDA fluctuation on a quarterly basis. As a result of annuity license fee revenue recognition being skewed towards the last two quarters of the fiscal year, Adjusted EBITDA is expected to be lower in the first and second quarters of the fiscal year. We would encourage shareholders to evaluate the Seismic Solutions segment revenue and profitability on a full-year basis.

    SUMMARY OF FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE

      Reservoir & Production
    Solutions
     
      Seismic Solutions
     
      Consolidated
     
     
    Three months ended December 31,
    ($ thousands, except per share data)
    2024   2023   2024   2023   2024   2023  
                             
    Annuity/maintenance licenses 17,706   17,625   2,746   1,189   20,452   18,814  
    Annuity license fee     4,303   3,846   4,303   3,846  
    Perpetual licenses 804   584       804   584  
    Total software license revenue 18,510   18,209   7,049   5,035   25,559   23,244  
    Professional services 3,181   3,594   7,033   6,169   10,214   9,763  
    Total revenue 21,691   21,803   14,082   11,204   35,773   33,007  
    Total revenue growth (1 %) 12 % 26 %     8 % 70 %
    Annuity/maintenance licenses growth (0 %) 13 % 131 %     9 % 21 %
    Cost of revenue 2,389   2,288   3,918   4,068   6,307   6,356  
    Operating expenses                        
    Sales & marketing 2,914   4,379   1,449   478   4,363   4,857  
    Research and development 4,656   5,337   2,684   1,916   7,340   7,253  
    General & administrative 4,743   3,890   1,803   2,434   6,546   6,324  
    Operating expenses 12,313   13,606   5,936   4,828   18,249   18,434  
    Operating profit 6,989   5,909   4,228   2,308   11,217   8,217  
    Operating Margin 32 % 27 % 30 % 21 % 31 % 25 %
    Acquisition related expenses 1,533   146   54   551   1,587   697  
    Amortization of acquired intangible assets 575   565   430   87   1,005   652  
    Stock-based compensation (82 ) 2,974   3     (79 ) 2,974  
    Adjusted operating profit (1) 9,015   9,594   4,715   2,946   13,730   12,540  
    Adjusted Operating Margin (1) 42 % 44 % 33 % 26 % 38 % 38 %
    Net income (loss) 5,496   3,918   4,110   1,692   9,606   5,610  
    Adjusted EBITDA (1) 9,003   9,583   4,821   2,689   13,824   12,272  
    Adjusted EBITDA Margin (1) 42 % 44 % 34 % 24 % 39 % 37 %
                             
    Earnings per share – basic & diluted                 0.12   0.07  
    Funds flow from operations per share – basic                 0.12   0.10  
    Free Cash Flow per share – basic (1)                 0.11   0.09  

       (1) Non-IFRS financial measures are defined in the “Non-IFRS Financial Measures” section.

      Reservoir & Production
    Solutions
     
      Seismic Solutions
     
      Consolidated
     
     
    Nine months ended December 31,
    ($ thousands, except per share data)
    2024   2023   2024   2023   2024   2023  
                             
    Annuity/maintenance licenses 52,257   50,673   5,832   1,196   58,089   51,869  
    Annuity license fee     4,552   4,004   4,552   4,004  
    Perpetual licenses 5,063   3,609       5,063   3,609  
    Total software license revenue 57,320   54,282   10,384   5,200   67,704   59,482  
    Professional services 9,843   10,338   18,216   6,568   28,059   16,906  
    Total revenue 67,163   64,620   28,600   11,768   95,763   76,388  
    Total revenue growth 4 % 21 % 143 %     25 % 43 %
    Annuity/maintenance licenses growth 3 % 15 % 388 %     12 % 18 %
    Cost of revenue 7,341   6,464   10,850   4,290   18,191   10,754  
    Operating expenses                        
    Sales & marketing 10,418   10,096   3,105   500   13,523   10,596  
    Research and development 15,170   14,040   6,843   2,032   22,013   16,072  
    General & administrative 12,276   10,776   4,447   2,483   16,723   13,259  
    Operating expenses 37,864   34,912   14,395   5,015   52,259   39,927  
    Operating profit 21,958   23,244   3,355   2,463   25,313   25,707  
    Operating Margin 33 % 36 % 12 % 21 % 26 % 34 %
    Acquisition related expenses 1,928   719   423   551   2,351   1,270  
    Amortization of acquired intangible assets 1,726   746   608   92   2,334   838  
    Stock-based compensation 3,057   5,370   3     3,060   5,370  
    Adjusted operating profit (1) 28,669   30,079   4,389   3,106   33,058   33,185  
    Adjusted Operating Margin (1) 43 % 47 % 15 % 26 % 35 % 43 %
    Net income (loss) 15,491   17,245   1,842   1,785   17,333   19,030  
    Adjusted EBITDA (1) 28,774   30,116   4,425   2,822   33,199   32,938  
    Adjusted EBITDA Margin (1) 43 % 47 % 15 % 24 % 35 % 43 %
                             
    Earnings per share – basic & diluted                 0.21   0.24  
    Funds flow from operations per share – basic                 0.29   0.34  
    Free Cash Flow per share – basic (1)                 0.25   0.32  

       (1)   Non-IFRS financial measures are defined in the “Non-IFRS Financial Measures” section.

    Q3 2025 Dividend

    Computer Modelling Group’s Board approved a cash dividend of $0.05 per Common Share. The dividend will be paid on March 14, 2025, to shareholders of record at the close of business on March 6, 2025.

    All dividends paid by Computer Modelling Group Ltd. to holders of Common Shares in the capital of the Company will be treated as eligible dividends within the meaning of such term in section 89(1) of the Income Tax Act (Canada), unless otherwise indicated.

    NON-IFRS FINANCIAL MEASURES AND RECONCILIATION OF NON-IFRS MEASURES

    Free Cash Flow Reconciliation to Funds Flow from Operations

    Free cash flow is a non-IFRS financial measure that is calculated as funds flow from operations less capital expenditures and repayment of lease liabilities. Free Cash Flow per share is calculated by dividing free cash flow by the number of weighted average outstanding shares during the period. Management believes that this measure provides useful supplemental information about operating performance and liquidity, as it represents cash generated during the period, regardless of the timing of collection of receivables and payment of payables, which may reduce comparability between periods. Management uses free cash flow and free cash flow per share to help measure the capacity of the Company to pay dividends and invest in business growth opportunities. 

       Fiscal 2023   Fiscal 2024   Fiscal 2025  
    ($ thousands, unless otherwise stated) Q4   Q1   Q2   Q3   Q4   Q1   Q2   Q3  
    Funds flow from operations 7,656   7,920   11,491   8,477   10,367   6,515   7,101   9,937  
    Capital expenditures(1) (1,707 ) (45 ) (51 ) (459 ) (95 ) (93 ) (236 ) (432 )
    Repayment of lease liabilities (553 ) (412 ) (412 ) (728 ) (803 ) (743 ) (769 ) (689 )
    Free Cash Flow 5,396   7,463   11,028   7,290   9,469   5,679   6,096   8,816  
    Weighted average shares – basic (thousands)  

    80,603

       

    80,685

       

    80,834

       

    81,067

       

    81,314

       

    81,476

       

    81,887

       

    82,753

     
    Free Cash Flow per share – basic 0.07   0.09   0.14   0.09   0.12   0.07   0.07   0.11  
    Funds flow from operations per share- basic 0.09   0.10   0.14   0.10   0.13   0.08   0.09   0.12  

       (1)   Capital expenditures include cash consideration for USI acquisition in Q4 2023.

    Free Cash Flow per share increased by 22% for the three months ended December 31, 2024, and decreased by 22% for the nine months ended December 31, 2024, as compared to the three and nine months ended December 31, 2023, respectively. The increase in Free Cash Flow for the three months ended December 31, 2024, primarily relates to an increase in net income and decrease in the repayment of lease liabilities relating to timing of payments as the BHV office lease in Houston concluded during the period. The decrease in Free Cash Flow for the nine months ended December 31, 2024, primarily relates to a decrease in net income and increase in repayment of lease liabilities compared to the prior year comparative period as a result of the acquisition of BHV.

    Adjusted EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA Margin

      Reservoir & Production
    Solutions
     
      Seismic Solutions
     
      Consolidated
     
     
    Three months ended December 31,
    ($ thousands)
    2024   2023   2024   2023   2024   2023  
    Net income (loss) 5,496   3,918   4,110   1,692   9,606   5,610  
    Add (deduct):                        
    Depreciation and amortization 1,460   1,449   807   106   2,267   1,555  
    Stock-based compensation (82 ) 2,974   3     (79 ) 2,974  
    Acquisition related expenses 1,533   146   54   551   1,587   697  
    Loss on contingent consideration 150         150    
    Income and other tax expense 2,497   1,805   1,065   702   3,562   2,507  
    Interest income (474 ) (982 ) (179 ) (2 ) (653 ) (984)  
    Foreign exchange loss (gain) (1,146 ) 701   (781 ) (59 ) (1,927 ) 642  
    Repayment of lease liabilities (431 ) (428 ) (258 ) (300 ) (689 ) (728 )
    Adjusted EBITDA (1) 9,003   9,583   4,821   2,689   13,824   12,272  
    Adjusted EBITDA Margin (1) 42 % 44 % 34 % 24 % 39 % 37 %

        (1)   This is a non-IFRS financial measure. Refer to definition of the measures above.

      Reservoir & Production
    Solutions
     
      Seismic Solutions
     
      Consolidated
     
     
    Nine months ended December 31,
    ($ thousands)
    2024   2023   2024   2023   2024   2023  
    Net income (loss) 15,491   17,245   1,842   1,785   17,333   19,030  
    Add (deduct):                        
    Depreciation and amortization 4,496   3,424   1,601   113   6,097   3,537  
    Stock-based compensation 3,057   5,370   3     3,060   5,370  
    Acquisition related expenses 1,928   719   423   551   2,351   1,270  
    Loss on contingent consideration 2,063         2,063    
    Income and other tax expense 5,913   6,288   2,381   740   8,294   7,028  
    Interest income (1,934 ) (2,434 ) (358 ) (4 ) (2,292 ) (2,438 )
    Foreign exchange loss (gain) (948 ) 752   (558 ) (59 ) (1,506 ) 693  
    Repayment of lease liabilities (1,292 ) (1,248 ) (909 ) (304 ) (2,201 ) (1,552 )
    Adjusted EBITDA (1) 28,774   30,116   4,425   2,822   33,199   32,938  
    Adjusted EBITDA Margin (1) 43 % 47 % 15 % 24 % 35 % 43 %

         (1)   This is a non-IFRS financial measure. Refer to definition of the measures above.

    Adjusted EBITDA Margin for the three and nine months ended December 31, 2024, was 39% and 35%, respectively, down from 37% and 43% during the period year comparative periods.

    The R&P segment’s Adjusted EBITDA Margin is 42% and 43% for the three and nine months ended December 31, 2024, respectively, compared to 44% and 47%, respectively for the three and nine months ended December 31, 2023. The decline in Adjusted EBITDA Margin for the three months ended December 31, 2024, is primarily due to a slight decline in revenue and increase in other corporate costs. The decline in Adjusted EBITDA Margin for the nine months ended December 31, 2024, is primarily due to an increase in headcount and headcount related costs and other corporate costs, partially offset by an increase in total revenues. Refer to the “Operating Expenses” section of this MD&A for further detail on the increase in operating expenses by category.

    The Seismic segment’s Adjusted EBITDA Margin for the three and nine months ended December 31, 2024, is 34% and 15%, respectively, compared to 24% for the three and nine months ended December 31, 2023. Seismic Adjusted EBITDA for the three months ended December 31, 2024, increased by 79%, of which 6% is due to growth from acquisitions. The increase in Seismic Adjusted EBITDA not related to growth from acquisitions for the three months ended December 31, 2024, is primarily due to higher revenues and lower G&A expenses. Seismic Adjusted EBITDA for the nine months ended December 31, 2024, increased by 57%, of which there was an 8% decline due to acquisitions. The increase in Seismic Adjusted EBITDA not related to growth from acquisitions for the nine months ended December 31, 2024, is impacted by the same reasons as the three months ended December 31, 2024. The decrease in Seismic Adjusted EBITDA due to decline from acquisitions for the nine months ended December 31, 2024, is primarily due to negative Adjusted EBITDA in the first six months of fiscal 2025, influenced by revenue recognition being skewed to the last two quarters of the fiscal year. Contract renewals in the Seismic segment typically occur in the third and fourth quarters, resulting in Adjusted EBITDA fluctuation on a quarterly basis. As a result of annuity license fee revenue recognition being skewed towards the last two quarters of the fiscal year, Adjusted EBITDA is expected to be lower in the first and second quarters of the fiscal year.

    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Financial Position

    UNAUDITED (thousands of Canadian $) December 31, 2024   March 31, 2024   April 1, 2023  
                 
    Assets            
    Current assets:            
    Cash 39,731   63,083   66,850  
    Restricted cash         194   142    
    Trade and other receivables 43,193   36,550   23,910  
    Prepaid expenses 2,267   2,321   1,060  
    Prepaid income taxes 647   3,841   444  
      86,032   105,937   92,264  
    Intangible assets 59,919   23,683   1,321  
    Right-of-use assets 28,969   29,072   30,733  
    Property and equipment 9,808   9,877   10,366  
    Goodwill 14,850   4,399    
    Deferred tax asset 97     2,444  
    Total assets 199,675   172,968   137,128  

    Liabilities and shareholders’ equity

               
    Current liabilities:            
    Trade payables and accrued liabilities 16,420   18,551   11,126  
    Income taxes payable 2,842   2,136   33  
    Acquisition holdback payable 7,214   2,292    
    Acquisition earnout 3,782      
    Deferred revenue 34,822   41,120   34,797  
    Lease liabilities 2,298   2,566   1,829  
    Government loan 299      
      67,677   66,665   47,785  
    Lease liabilities 35,144   34,395   36,151  
    Stock-based compensation liabilities 252   624   742  
    Government loan 1,169      
    Acquisition earnout   1,503    
    Acquisition holdback payable 1,213      
    Other long-term liabilities 213   305    
    Deferred tax liabilities 12,303   1,661    
    Total liabilities 117,971   105,153   84,678  

    Shareholders’ equity:

               
    Share capital 94,255   87,304   81,820  
    Contributed surplus 15,452   15,667   15,471  
    Cumulative translation adjustment 1,745   (367 )  
    Deficit (29,748 ) (34,789 ) (44,841 )
    Total shareholders’ equity 81,704   67,815   52,450  
    Total liabilities and shareholders’ equity 199,675   172,968   137,128  
                 

    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Operations and Comprehensive Income

      Three months ended
    December 31
      Nine months ended
    December 31
     
    UNAUDITED (thousands of Canadian $ except per share amounts) 2024   2023   2024   2023  
                     
    Revenue
    Cost of revenue
    35,773
    6,307
      33,007
    6,356
      95,763
    18,191
      76,388
    10,754
     
    Gross profit 29,466   26,651   77,572   65,634  
                     
    Operating expenses                
    Sales and marketing 4,363   4,857   13,523   10,596  
    Research and development 7,340   7,253   22,013   16,072  
    General and administrative 6,546   6,324   16,723   13,259  
      18,249   18,434   52,259   39,927  
    Operating profit 11,217   8,217   25,313   25,707  
                     
    Finance income 2,580   986   3,798   2,438  
    Finance costs (479 ) (1,086 ) (1,421 ) (2,087 )
    Change in fair value of contingent consideration (150 )   (2,063 )  
    Profit before income and other taxes 13,168   8,117   25,627   26,058  
    Income and other taxes 3,562   2,507   8,294   7,028  
                     
    Net income for the period 9,606   5,610   17,333   19,030  
                     
    Other comprehensive income:                
    Foreign currency translation adjustment 1,402   (453 ) 2,112   (449 )
    Other comprehensive income 1,402   (453 ) 2,112   (449 )
    Total comprehensive income 11,008   5,157   19,445   18,581  
                     
    Net income per share – basic 0.12   0.07   0.21   0.24  
    Net income per share – diluted 0.12   0.07   0.21   0.23  
    Dividend per share 0.05   0.05   0.15   0.15  

    Condensed Consolidated Statements of Cash Flows

      Three months ended
    December 31
      Nine months ended
    December 31
     
    UNAUDITED (thousands of Canadian $) 2024   2023   2024   2023  
                     
    Operating activities                
    Net income 9,606   5,610   17,333   19,030  
    Adjustments for:                
    Depreciation and amortization of property, equipment, right-
    of use assets
    1,262   890   3,763   2,686  
    Amortization of intangible assets 1,005   665   2,334   851  
    Deferred income tax expense (recovery) (150 ) 1,104   (228 ) 3,082  
    Stock-based compensation (641 ) 513   (855 ) 2,222  
    Foreign exchange and other non-cash items (1,295 ) (305 ) (857 ) 17  
    Change in fair value of contingent consideration 150     2,063    
    Funds flow from operations 9,937   8,477   23,553   27,888  
    Movement in non-cash working capital:                
    Trade and other receivables (3,827 ) (5,413 ) (1,981 ) (2,112 )
    Trade payables and accrued liabilities (645 ) 2,413   (3,712 ) 24  
    Prepaid expenses and other assets 85   (639 ) 193   (349 )
    Income taxes receivable (payable) 1,567   (181 ) 3,678   (1,432 )
    Deferred revenue 1,149   (4,214 ) (7,697 ) (9,351 )
    Change in non-cash working capital (1,671 ) (8,034 ) (9,519 ) (13,220 )
    Net cash provided by (used in) operating activities 8,266   443   14,034   14,668  
                     
    Financing activities                
    Repayment of acquired line of credit       (2,012 )
    Repayment of government loan (63 )   (63 )  
    Proceeds from issuance of common shares 2,395   1,783   5,124   2,996  
    Repayment of lease liabilities (689 ) (364 ) (2,201 ) (1,188 )
    Dividends paid (4,115 ) (4,059 ) (12,292 ) (12,140 )
    Net cash used in financing activities (2,472 ) (2,640 ) (9,432 ) (12,344 )
                     
    Investing activities                
    Corporate acquisition, net of cash acquired (27,071 ) 157   (27,071 ) (22,893 )
    Change in non-cash working capital   (517 )   (517 )
    Property and equipment additions (432 ) (459 ) (761 ) (555 )
    Repayment of acquisition holdback payable (2,130 )   (2,130 )  
    Net cash used in investing activities (29,633 ) (819 ) (29,962 ) (23,965 )
                     
    Increase (decrease) in cash (23,839 ) (3,016 ) (25,360 ) (21,641 )
    Effect of foreign exchange on cash 2,197   (26 ) 2,008   (26 )
    Cash, beginning of period 61,373   48,225   63,083   66,850  
    Cash, end of period 39,731   45,183   39,731   45,183  
                     
    Supplementary cash flow information                
    Interest received 653   986   2,292   2,438  
    Interest paid 479   444   1,421   1,394  
    Income taxes paid 2,128   1,071   7,853   5,429  

    CORPORATE PROFILE        

    CMG Group (TSX:CMG) is a global software and consulting company that combines science and technology with deep industry expertise to solve complex subsurface and surface challenges for the new energy industry around the world. The Company is headquartered in Calgary, AB, with offices in Houston, Oslo, Stavanger, Kaiserslautern, Oxford, Dubai, Bogota, Rio de Janeiro, Bengaluru, and Kuala Lumpur. For more information, please visit www.cmgl.ca.

    QUARTERLY FILINGS AND RELATED QUARTERLY FINANCIAL INFORMATION

    Management’s Discussion and Analysis (“MD&A”) and condensed consolidated interim financial statements and the notes thereto for the three and nine months ended December 31, 2024, can be obtained from our website www.cmgl.ca. The documents will also be available under CMG Group’s SEDAR profile www.sedarplus.ca.

    For investor inquiries, please contact:
    Kim MacEachern
    Director, Investor Relations
    cmg-investors@cmgl.ca

    For media inquiries, please contact:
    marketing@cmgl.ca

    Cautionary Note Regarding Forward-Looking Statements

    This press release contains “forward-looking statements”. Forward-looking statements can be identified by words such as: “anticipate”, “intend”, “plan”, “goal”, “seek”, “believe”, “project”, “estimate”, “expect”, “strategy”, “future”, “likely”, “may”, “should”, “will”, and similar references to future periods. Examples of forward-looking statements include, among others, statements we make regarding the benefits of the acquired technology, the ongoing development thereof; and the ability of data analytics to improve efficiency, cut costs and reduce risks.

    Forward-looking statements are neither historical facts nor assurances of future performance. Instead, they are based only on our current beliefs, expectations, and assumptions regarding the future of our business, future plans and strategies, projections, anticipated events and trends, the economy and other future conditions. Because forward-looking statements relate to the future, they are subject to inherent uncertainties, risks and changes in circumstances that are difficult to predict and many of which are outside of our control. Our actual results and financial condition may differ materially from those indicated in the forward-looking statements. Therefore, you should not rely on any of these forward-looking statements. Important factors that could cause our actual results and financial condition to differ materially from those indicated in the forward-looking statements are detailed in the companies’ public filings.

    Any forward-looking statement made by us in this press release is based only on information currently available to us and speaks only as of the date on which it is made. Except as required by applicable securities laws, we undertake no obligation to publicly update any forward-looking statement, whether written or oral, that may be made from time to time, whether as a result of new information, future developments or otherwise.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI USA: Fischer Reintroduces Legislation to Support Rural Hospitals

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Nebraska Deb Fischer
    Today, U.S. Senator Deb Fischer (R-Neb.) reintroduced legislation to support rural hospitals. The Supporting Access to Rural Community Hospitals Act of 2025 grants rural hospitals flexibility when choosing reimbursement models so that they can have greater financial sustainability.
    Currently, hospitals designated as Critical Access Hospitals (CAH) receive cost-based reimbursement for all services to address the needs of their rural communities. Hospitals in the Rural Community Hospital Demonstration (RCHD) program only receive cost-based reimbursement for some services, while maintaining a higher number of beds.
    Senator Fischer’s legislation grants RCHD hospitals an optional, one-time election period to designate themselves as a CAH and meet the necessary eligibility requirements. The bill gives these essential hospitals the opportunity to choose between these two beneficial federal programs and enables them to continue serving their communities. U.S. Representatives Mike Flood (NE-01) and Adrian Smith (NE-03) introduced identical companion legislation in the House.
    “Rural community hospitals ensure that every Nebraskan can access the health services they rely on, regardless of their zip code. Our legislation will help rural hospitals remain sustainable by giving them the option to choose the program that best suits their current needs. I look forward to working with my Nebraska delegation colleagues as we champion this legislation in both the Senate and the House,” said Senator Fischer. 
    “Rural community hospitals are the backbone of healthcare across vast areas of Nebraska and the country. By giving these hospitals the ability to determine their future in the Rural Community Hospital Demonstration program, these facilities will be able to better meet their needs and the needs of the communities they serve, while also still delivering quality care to patients. Providing this option to hospitals currently in the RCHD program has the potential to unlock additional funding, empowering hospitals to expand and improve the services they provide. I am grateful to my fellow Nebraska colleagues, Congressman Smith and Senator Fischer, for their willingness to help lead this effort,” said Congressman Flood.
    “Hospitals serving rural populations in Nebraska and across the country should operate under the Medicare reimbursement designations which best fit their needs and circumstances. This bill provides for commonsense regulatory flexibility ensuring such rural hospitals can best serve Nebraskans. I thank Rep. Flood and Sen. Fischer for working with me to advance this legislative solution,” said Congressman Smith.
    The full text of the legislation can be viewed here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Banking Sector – ASB half year result: Profit up 1% as economy moves toward recovery

    Source: ASB

    ASB has reported a cash net profit after tax (NPAT) of $716 million for the six months to 31 December 2024, an increase of 1% on the prior comparative period, as the economy moves towards recovery.  

    Statutory NPAT is $763 million, a 2% increase on the prior comparative period. The increase in profit reflects a 4% rise in operating income driven by increased lending volumes and favourable interest rate hedging, partially offset by an 8% rise in operating expenses. Home lending grew 5% and business and rural lending grew 2% on the prior comparative period. Margins across lending and deposits remained flat overall.

    Profitability, measured by return on equity, fell 0.6% on the prior comparative period. The increase in profit was more than offset by additional capital requirements, with the total capital ratio rising 80 basis points to 16.3%. During the period there was additional shareholder investment of $700 million, bringing total shareholder investment in ASB to $11.4 billion, supporting growth in New Zealand.

    Chief Executive Vittoria Shortt says ASB has supported its rural, personal and business customers through more than two years of extremely challenging economic conditions and is well positioned to continue backing them as the economy enters the early stages of recovery.

    “New Zealand has been through the most difficult economic cycle in a generation, and we need to be patient with what looks like a gradual recovery. With lower interest rates and inflation providing some relief, and export incomes looking up for a number of sectors, our focus remains on supporting customers and providing capital for the next phase of economic growth.”

    Opening doors for homeowners

    ASB has cut its one-year fixed home loan rate by a total of 1.65% and six-month rate by 1.35% since July 2024.

    “Falling interest rates bring very welcome relief for Kiwi borrowers, but we’re aware most are on fixed mortgages, and the benefit is yet to be felt by many households. Around 45% of our fixed home loan customers are expected to roll onto a lower rate by the end of June, and 70% by Christmas. Since April 2024, we’ve seen borrowers shift toward shorter terms, with close to half of our fixed mortgage customers choosing to fix for just six months.

    “ASB helped more than 23,000 customers build, refinance, buy or move house over the half year, including close to 5,500 first home buyers, with around 3,600 using their ASB KiwiSaver for deposits.

    “We’re backing the build of more warm, dry homes and making it easier for social housing providers to buy them. Since our Accelerated Housing Fund launched in November 2023, we’ve committed $165 million, supporting around 450 new homes for community, affordable and Māori housing.

    “We are continuing to develop new ways to enable Māori to secure lending for housing on Māori land, including supporting papakāinga shared living projects. Through our Accelerated Housing Fund, we’ve now committed $34 million for Māori-led housing developments.”

    Strengthening exports, innovation and New Zealand  

    “ASB provided more than $1 billion in lending to new business, rural and corporate customers over the half year, as we continue to back businesses to compete, scale and drive the growth that will underpin New Zealand’s economic recovery.

    “Our $30 million Clean Tech fund and $20 million ASB ACCESS food and fibre fund are accelerating exporters and innovators ready to grow, but lacking capital to do so. We’re partnering with these emerging business at an early stage, finding new ways to approach lending and unlock their potential. Our food and fibre capability within ASB is also expanding to better support this key sector.

    “Another area where ASB can make an impact on New Zealand’s future is supporting upgrades to infrastructure. We estimate $1 trillion in infrastructure investment is needed over the next 30 years, with energy one of the critical sectors requiring funding. Enabling investment in renewable energy will be an ongoing priority for us, as our research tells us we can help households, businesses and farmers to cut costs, reduce emissions and improve profitability,” says Vittoria.

    Customers also benefit from rate relief

    ASB has passed on Official Cash Rate cuts to more than 110,000 personal, business and rural customers holding variable loans. “The majority of our rural and business customers float some of their lending, so rate relief flows through quickly,” says Vittoria.

    “Farmers have been under pressure in recent years, with depressed commodity prices and increased on farm costs, but conditions are improving for some rural sectors, particularly dairy.

    “We expect dairy revenues to be around $5 billion higher for the 2024/2025 season compared with the season prior through a lift in milk price and production. Beef prices are also up year on year due to tight supply and the lower New Zealand dollar.

    “Our dedicated rural team made 5,000 farm visits this half year to understand the issues and opportunities customers are seeing and to help grow their businesses for the future.”

    Further $140 million to fight fraud, scams and financial crime

    “We are continuing to invest heavily in people, technology and awareness initiatives to protect Kiwi against fraud, scams, and cyber and financial crime and expect to spend another $140 million this financial year.”

    While the volume of online banking fraud and scam cases increased 16%, customer losses were down a third in the year to December 2024. ASB stopped $29 million in suspicious card transactions in 2024 and responded to 18,000 after-hours calls to its 0800 ASB FRAUD hotline in the first year of 24/7 operations. Across the half year ASB identified and took down around 100 fake ASB websites, to prevent further harm from bank impersonation, a significant source of scams and fraud.

    ASB worked with the banking industry to introduce Confirmation of Payee, giving customers an extra layer of reassurance when making payments.

    Supporting customers’ financial progress

    “It’s positive to see customers continuing to save and invest. Our KiwiSaver and Investment funds have performed strongly and together generated more than $1 billion in investment returns for customers this half. The new ASB Aggressive Funds have delivered more than 20% investment returns for our KiwiSaver and Investment fund customers since they launched in November 2023.”[1]

    More than 580,000 customers used ASB’s digital financial wellbeing tools such as Goal Planner and Support Finder in the past year. These features and ASB’s ongoing investment in leading digital services were recognised by CanStar, which awarded ASB Best Digital Bank for the third year in a row.

    Delivering open banking

    Vittoria says: “Our open banking infrastructure is in place and to encourage early-stage uptake we’re providing it free to third-party providers for the first 12 months. The security of customers’ information remains our top priority: as banking continues to evolve it is critical banks, fintechs, global tech companies and all of government work together towards a common goal of the safe and secure sharing of data.”

    Financial overview

    Compared to six months to June 2024 (cash basis)

    • Total lending increased $2.6 billion or 2% to $112 billion
    • Total customer deposits increased $2.3 billion or 3% to $85 billion
    • Impairment losses on financial assets decreased $43 million or 72% to $17 million

    Compared to the December 2023 prior comparative period (cash basis)

    • Total lending increased $4.0 billion or 4% to $112 billion
    • Total customer deposits increased $3.4 billion or 4% to $85 billion
    • Impairment losses on financial assets increased $7 million or 70% to $17 million
    • Net interest margin increased 9 basis points from 2.21% to 2.30%
    • Cost to income ratio increased 140 basis points to 40.7%

    Compared to December 2023 prior comparative period (stat basis)

    • NPAT increased 2% to $763 million
    • Return on equity decreased 60 basis points to 13.5%

    [1] Returns are net of fees but before tax. Past performance is not an indicator of future performance, see ASB’s website for more information.  Interests in the ASB KiwiSaver Scheme and ASB Investment Funds (Schemes) are issued by ASB Group Investments Limited a wholly owned subsidiary of ASB Bank Limited (ASB). For the Scheme’s product disclosure statements, see ASB’s website.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Australia: ROGS 2025: Government Funding for Private Schools Outpaces Public Schools

    Source: Australian Education Union

    The release of the Productivity Commission Report on Government Services 2025 (ROGS) highlights the growing disparity in government funding between public and private schools.

    “ROGS has shown once again that the gap in funding between public schools and private schools is increasing, with government spending in private schools outpacing government funding for public schools by 22% over the last decade,” said AEU Federal President, Correna Haythorpe.

    The data clearly shows the inequity that exists in school funding between the public and private sectors and reinforces the urgency of the current bilateral agreement negotiations between the Albanese Government and state and territory governments.

    “Resources delayed are resources denied. For too long, public schools have carried the burden of resource shortages, and yet public schools educate the vast majority of students with the greatest need.”

    The Productivity Commission Report On Government Services 2025 shows that private schools have received greater growth in real government investment than public schools over the last decade, in both total and per student funding.

    The report found that:

    • Over the last decade from 2012-13, total per student funding to public schools has increased by 24.5% at an average of 2.45% per year.
    • Private school per student government funding has increased by 30.2% over the last decade at an average of 3.0% per year – 1.22 times the rate of the public school increase.
    • Combined State/Territory and Commonwealth government funding to private schools has grown 22% faster than it has for public schools.

    Ms Haythorpe said that all governments have a fundamental responsibility to address the growing disparity in government funding between public and private schools.

    ROGS highlights the importance of the Albanese Government’s recent commitment to public schools to deliver full and fair funding of 100% of the Schooling Resource Standard (SRS) by 2034.

    “There must be bi-partisan support for full funding of public schools. We call on Leader of the Opposition, Peter Dutton to declare the Coalition’s position and commit to support for all public schools to be fully funded at 100% of the Schooling Resource Standard (SRS) by delivering a minimum 25 per cent from the Commonwealth,” Ms Haythorpe said.

    “We urge all governments to work together in the negotiations for new bilateral agreements with clear timelines that ensure this much needed funding is in public schools as soon as possible.”

    ENDS

    MEDIA CONTACT:

    Kylie Jensen – 0402 298 728

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Ernst Bill Pursuing $200 Billion in COVID Fraud Advances

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Joni Ernst (R-IA)

    WASHINGTON – The Senate Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship passed Chair Joni Ernst’s (R-Iowa) Complete COVID Collections Act to extend the life of the watchdog tasked with tracking down criminals who stole COVID relief designed for small businesses.
    Ernst led several of her Republican colleagues in introducing the bill after the Special Inspector General for Pandemic Recovery (SIGPR) warned its authority was expiring and con artists would get away with stealing more than $200 billion.
    “I will not allow fraudsters to get away with stealing hundreds of billions of dollars from taxpayers,” said Ernst. “We are going to recoup every cent and end the cycle in Washington of shrugging off a few billion here and a few hundred million there. That irresponsible mindset is why the federal government is more than $36 trillion in debt. I’m proud to lead this step forward to treat tax dollars like a family treats its budget instead of like a bottomless slush fund.”
    The bill is cosponsored by Senators Todd Young (R-Ind.), Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.), James Lankford (R-Okla.), Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.), and John Curtis (R-Utah).
    “Programs designed to provide relief to our small businesses were repeatedly taken advantage of, leaving small businesses hurting and taxpayers on the hook,” said Young. “I’m glad to see this effort to recover taxpayer dollars and protect Americans from fraud and abuse pass out of committee. I look forward to voting for this bill on the Senate floor.”
    “During the pandemic, small business owners in need of financial assistance were turned away because criminals, gang members, and drug traffickers stole money from the relief program,” said Blackburn. “This legislation would help ensure we recoup every penny of funding that was wrongly awarded to criminals who gamed the system.”
    “Family-owned businesses in Utah played the rules and used COVID-19 relief funds as intended, but bad actors exploited the system and defrauded taxpayers,” said Curtis. “By extending oversight authority over these programs, our legislation strengthens enforcement efforts and holds criminals accountable for stealing from the American people. I’m proud to see our bill pass out of the Small Business Committee.”

    Click here to view the bill text.
    Background:
    While SBA ran the relief programs on a “first come, first serve” basis, the money ran out quickly, and many qualifying businesses were turned away as felons, gang members, and drug traffickers raked in cash. Some swindlers uploaded pictures of Barbie dolls as photo identification on SBA loan applications that were approved.One alleged fraudster took home $8 million while nearly 2,000 struggling restaurants in Iowa were left empty-handed. Ernst detailed this in her report titled Small Business COVID-19 Fraud: Three Years Later State of Play – where she outlined the Biden SBA’s effort to discount the full extent of fraud and cast doubt on the legitimate estimates made by expert investigators.Ernst’s tireless advocacy forced the Biden administration to eventually take action to recover billions in COVID aid in January 2024.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Sullivan, Shaheen Reintroduce Bipartisan Bill to Counter Censorship in China and Promote Free Expression for Chinese Citizens

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Alaska Dan Sullivan

    02.11.25

    WASHINGTON—U.S. Senator Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska) and Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.), ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, reintroduced the Informing a Nation with Free, Open, and Reliable Media (INFORM) Act to improve access to independent information and advance freedom of expression for citizens in the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

    This legislation strengthens efforts at the U.S. Department of State and U.S. Agency for Global Media to develop technology to bypass PRC internet censorship, provide secure content-sharing tools for citizens, and support independent Mandarin language content and journalism. It also empowers citizen journalism and independent media outlets to produce and report on news throughout China.

    “One of Xi Jinping’s greatest weaknesses is that he is afraid of his own people,” said Senator Sullivan. “This legislation lays out a way to exploit this weakness and make the most of America’s greatest strategic advantage—our commitment to liberty. The CCP’s vast censorship apparatus—the ‘great firewall’—works to silence free expression and deny their citizens truthful information about the corruption of CCP leaders. Our INFORM Act gets around this firewall and allows the Chinese people to access information about their own government and connect with others across the globe who also yearn for freedom. I look forward to working with Congress and with the Trump administration to make this bill a reality.”

    “Chinese citizens are subjected to extreme government censorship and as economic and social conditions deteriorate inside the People’s Republic of China, they’re seeking independent news sources and, increasingly, more freedom from the excessive control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP),” said Ranking Member Shaheen. “As we work to counter the CCP propaganda and censorship efforts across the globe, it’s critical we also empower the Chinese people to access independent, unbiased information about their own country and the rest of world. Our bipartisan INFORM Act will help to accomplish exactly that.” 

    Key provisions of the INFORM Act include:

    1. Requiring the State Department and interagency to develop a comprehensive strategy for expanding information and engagement with Chinese citizens in the information space
    2. Improving the level of coordination among federal agencies to develop and disseminate timely and compelling Mandarin Chinese-language content that is otherwise blocked by the PRC government’s highly censored and restrictive internet ecosystem
    3. Increasing funding for media freedom programming, investigative journalism, and Mandarin Chinese-language content development initiatives, including by establishing and expanding a network of independent journalists or media companies that investigate and produce articles, reports, and other content related to real-time social, political, and economic events in the PRC
    4. Providing resources to the U.S. Department of State and the U.S. Agency for Global Media to further develop and innovate circumvention and secure content sharing tools for Chinese citizens to bypass the PRC’s stringent censorship regime and ensure that those tools are more effectively paired with access to independent and reliable information
    5. Strengthening diplomatic efforts to counter the lack of reciprocity with the PRC in the online information and public diplomacy space

    Full text of the legislation can be found here.

     

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Lee Introduces Bill to Cut American Tax Dollars from Funding NPR and PBS

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Utah Mike Lee

    WASHINGTON – Senator Mike Lee (R-UT) has introduced the Defund Government Sponsored Propaganda Act, which would end federal taxpayer funding of the Public Broadcasting Service and National Public Radio in light of longstanding concerns about their fairness and bias. The legislation has been introduced in the House of Representatives by Rep. Claudia Tenney (R-NY).

    “Americans have hundreds of sources of news and commentary, and they don’t need politically biased, taxpayer-funded media choosing what they should see and hear,” said Sen. Lee. “PBS and NPR are free to compete in the marketplace of ideas using donations, but their public subsidy should end.” 

    “As a former newspaper owner and publisher, I understand the vital role of balanced, non-partisan media,” said Rep. Tenney. “Unfortunately, these taxpayer-funded outlets have chosen advocacy over accuracy, using public dollars to promote a political agenda rather than report the facts. Under the influence of radical left-wing ideologues like Katherine Maher, PBS, and NPR no longer uphold the American principles of free thought and open discourse. Taxpayer dollars should not fund political propaganda disguised as journalism. The Defund Government Sponsored Propaganda Act ensures that federal funding is no longer used to perpetuate the blatant media bias that has overtaken these platforms.”

    You can read the bill text by clicking HERE.

    MIL OSI USA News