NewzIntel.com

Category: Politics

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: REACTION: Westminster WASPI compensation vote

    Source: Scottish Greens

    28 Jan 2025 Equality

    WASPI women deserve justice.

    More in Equality

    The House of Commons has voted in favour of WASPI compensation by 105 votes to zero, with MPs from the Tories and Labour government refusing to vote.

    Reacting to the news, Scottish Greens Social Justice spokesperson Maggie Chapman said:

    “This is great news. I am delighted that MPs have joined the Scottish Parliament in calling on the Labour government to properly compensate the WASPI women who have been so unfairly treated by our political system.

    “The fact that Labour and the Tories even failed to turn up and vote shows exactly what is wrong with Westminster’s ruling elite. We need radical change to put people and planet first: the same old and tired rhetoric from Starmer won’t cut it.

    “It’s clear that the consensus in Holyrood and Westminster is clear: Labour must pay up for the mistreatment of the WASPI women.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julius A. Amin, Professor of History, University of Dayton

    What began in late 2016 as a peaceful protest by lawyers and teachers in Cameroon’s North West and South West regions quickly turned violent and developed into what’s become known as Cameroon’s anglophone crisis.

    The protest was instigated by perceived marginalisation of Cameroon’s anglophone region, which makes up 20% of the nation’s 29 million people.

    The conflict has resulted in immense destruction and casualties. Cameroon’s military responded to the protest with arrests and torture. Voices that called for complete secession of the anglophone regions from the Republic of Cameroon gained momentum.

    They created a virtual Ambazonia Republic and an interim government in exile, and vowed to fight back. They formed a military wing, Ambazonia Self-Defence Force, which attacked and disrupted economic and social services in the region.

    As of October 2024, over 1.8 million people have needed humanitarian assistance. Over 584,000 have been internally displaced. Over 73,000 have become refugees in next-door Nigeria. Over 6,500 have been killed.

    Read more: Cameroon: how language plunged a country into deadly conflict with no end in sight

    And the conflict still rages.

    One possible avenue that could be pursued to end the impasse is mediation, with help from other countries. But the Cameroonian government has repeatedly rebuffed intervention from organisations such as the African Union, arguing that the conflict is an internal affair.

    It also ended a government-sponsored mediation by the Swiss in 2022.

    It is clear to me, as a historian who has studied Cameroon foreign policy for the past three decades, that Cameroon’s leadership will not look to external actors to help solve their crisis.

    Founding leader Ahmadou Ahidjo, and later his successor Paul Biya, did not respond to external pressure to address issues. Cameroon’s diplomatic relations are based on respect of national sovereignty and nonintervention in each other’s internal affairs.

    My research shows that the Cameroonian leadership rejects outside intervention on issues it regards as within its sovereignty and internal affairs.

    Removing Cameroon from aid programmes such as the United States Agency for International Development programme and the African Growth and Opportunity Act has not deterred its leaders.

    An understanding of this background is crucial in the search for solutions to the ongoing anglophone crisis.

    Read more: Cameroon spends 90% of Chinese development loans on its French region: this could deepen the country’s divisions

    Use of force

    In the 1960s, Ahidjo used brutal force against a nationalist organisation called the Maquisard. His presidency was characterised by murders, imprisonments and torture.

    Political rivals were imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Biya, who served in Ahidjo’s government, learned that repressive measures work. As president, he used similar tactics against rivals and the opposition.

    But the use of force as a response to the anglophone protest was a miscalculation. The Biya regime failed to see the crisis in its context of changing times, misunderstood the sources of the conflict, and misread the role of social media in protest activities in the 21st century.

    The crisis originated from a series of grievances: poverty, unemployment, political and economic neglect of the anglophone region, failure to treat French and English as equal languages in the country, and disrespect and disregard of English-speaking Cameroonians.

    At the beginning protesters were generally peaceful, but things changed in 2017. Biya stated that Cameroon was being hijacked by “terrorists masking as secessionists” and vowed to eliminate them.

    To anglophone leaders it was a formal declaration of war, and the message spread quickly on social media. The Biya team did little to slow or stop its spread, and anglophones inside and outside the country accepted the message as fact. It mobilised the region. And few took the time to read the full text of his remarks.

    The brutality of the war on both sides intensified. Everything had all happened so quickly, and most did not anticipate the intensity of the violence.

    Read more: Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle

    Resistance to outside intervention

    In its diplomatic relations, Cameroon has a long history of protecting what it sees as its own business.

    One example was in 1992, after the US administration criticised Biya for electoral fraud. The Cameroon government fired back. Biya withdrew Cameroon’s ambassador from Washington DC, and informed the US ambassador that America should stay clear of Cameroon’s internal affairs.

    In 2008, tension erupted again when Biya changed Cameroon’s constitution to eliminate presidential term limits. The US ambassador criticised the move in the Cameroonian press. Again, Cameroonian officials pushed back, asking the ambassador not to interfere in the nation’s internal politics.

    America’s disposition towards the anglophone crisis has been one of non-interference. Other major powers have responded similarly, asking both sides to end the violence.

    The Cameroon government has rebuffed initiatives from Switzerland and Canada, both friendly to the country, publicly stating it asked no nation to mediate.

    The rejection of the Swiss initiative was surprising, given that Biya spends much time in that country. Unlike the Swiss plan, in which conversations began, the Canadian initiative did not even take off.

    Read more: Cameroon’s rebels may not achieve their goal of creating the Ambazonian state – but they’re still a threat to stability

    Looking ahead

    Measurable indicators show that the Biya regime is failing to end the anglophone crisis. The killings – including those of law enforcement officers – kidnaps, brutality and ransom demands are now normalised in the anglophone region, especially in rural areas.

    Biya’s Grand National Dialogue and National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism have failed to address the sources of the crisis. Locals dismiss them as a joke.

    People are exasperated by public service announcements about what the government has achieved. Their condition remains much worse than it was in the pre-crisis period.

    Ordinary people are focused on bread-and-butter issues and the desire for dignity and respect. But they don’t see it.

    Young Cameroonians need to see both anglophone and francophone residents at every level of government, on every rung of the business ladder, in every management position, at every school — even on every billboard advertisement.

    Only such a widespread and visible approach can convincingly challenge Cameroon’s pattern of discrimination and exclusion.

    The Biya regime must commit to doing that and not be distracted by supporters urging him to be a candidate in the upcoming presidential election.

    It is important to track and bring to justice the apparent sponsors of the killings in the country. This must be done while government keeps its promises to make things right for those living in the anglophone regions.

    Finally, given China’s investment in Cameroon, it can do more to engage the Biya regime on the anglophone crisis. Like Cameroon, China’s policy also stipulates a policy of nonintervention, but it has repeatedly changed course when its strategic interests are threatened.

    Major power status demands major responsibilities, and showing the will to stop chronic human rights violations remains an important obligation.

    – Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it
    – https://theconversation.com/cameroon-could-do-with-some-foreign-help-to-solve-anglophone-crisis-but-the-state-doesnt-want-it-244770

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Peace in Sudan: a fresh mediation effort is needed – how it could work

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Gerrit Kurtz, Peace and Conflict Researcher, German Institute for International and Security Affairs

    Intense fighting has ravaged Sudan since 15 April 2023. The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and its erstwhile comrades-in-arms, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, has created one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world. Famine, displacement and mass atrocities are wreaking havoc in the country.

    International mediation efforts have been lacklustre and fruitless. The United Nations security council has been preoccupied with other crises and blocked by its own divisions. The African Union has created diplomatic groups, a high-level panel and a presidential committee, none of which has been particularly active. It has been very slow in tackling the political process it wanted to lead.

    The US and Saudi Arabia convened several rounds of talks, first in Jeddah, then in Switzerland. The Sudanese Armed Forces delegation failed to turn up in Switzerland. The Rapid Support Forces expressed willingness to talk peace, while simultaneously committing sexual and gender-based violence on a massive scale. The Biden administration only lately slapped sanctions on the top leaders of both forces, Abdelfattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (also known as Hemedti).

    I have studied civil wars, mediation and peacebuilding for more than 12 years, with a focus on Sudan, including regular visits to the country and the region in the past five years. Based on this experience I have identified five reasons why mediation has failed. These are: the resistance of the conflict parties based on the dynamic nature of the war; continued military and financial aid by their external sponsors; as well as mediation attempts that were too narrow, not viewed as impartial, and lacking in coherence.

    Clearly, a new approach to mediation is needed, not simply a new mediator. Turkey has recently offered to lead talks between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the United Arab Emirates, the main backer of the Rapid Support Forces, but Egypt, Kenya and several multilateral organisations also keep looking for opportunities.

    Any new initiative will have to have certain components if it’s going to succeed:

    • political parameters, ideally set by a parallel civilian political process, of what might come next for Sudan should guide mediators

    • negotiations should take place in secret so that trust can be established

    • back channel communications networks must be established with potential spoilers without ceding undue legitimacy to them

    • a gender- and youth-inclusive approach

    • more effective international coordination

    • consistent pressure on the conflict parties and their external backers.

    Why previous mediation efforts failed

    Firstly, neither the Sudanese Armed Forces nor the Rapid Support Forces have shown significant willingness to stop hostilities.

    The military fortunes of the two sides has waxed and waned. As long as either side feels successful militarily, they are unlikely to commit to sincere negotiations. Outright military victory leading to control of the whole territory (and its borders) remains out of reach for all.

    Secondly, their respective allies have not shown any particular interest in peace.

    External actors have provided military support to the warring parties, and helped finance them. The UAE is the main sponsor of the Rapid Support Forces. The Sudanese Armed Forces cooperates with Egypt, Eritrea, Iran and Russia, for arms deliveries and training. The UAE promised the US to stop supporting the Rapid Support Forces, but the arms flows continued.

    Thirdly, some conflict management efforts were based on a flawed conflict analysis. There were attempts to organise a face-to-face meeting between Hemedti and Burhan, by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and the African Union. But the war is not primarily a contest of “two generals”. Neither Hemedti nor Burhan has full control of their forces. Nor is a renewed military government acceptable to large parts of Sudan’s vibrant civil society.

    Fourth, mediation efforts suffered because some of the parties saw them as lacking impartiality. Sudanese Armed Forces leaders don’t trust Kenya, whose President William Ruto is closely aligned with the UAE and has, until recently, allowed the Rapid Support Forces to conduct meetings and a press conference in Nairobi. Kenya was supposed to lead the Intergovernmental Authority on Development quartet of mediators, which never really got off the ground. Similarly, Sudan remains suspended from the African Union.

    Finally, there was a competition of mediation platforms, allowing the warring parties to shop for the most convenient forum for them.

    What a path to a ceasefire might look like

    International attention is currently focused on Turkish president Recep Erdogan, who has offered to mediate between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the UAE. The Sudanese Armed Forces has harshly criticised the UAE for its support to the Rapid Support Forces. The offer, then, is based on the assumption the UAE might actually cease that support.

    Any new approach should differ from previous efforts.

    • Mediators should provide a broad sense of political parameters for a post-war (interim) order, ideally with strong input from Sudan’s civilian groups. Those could include a conditional amnesty as well as assurances of personal safety for the top military leaders and of some stake in a transitional period, without promising any blanket impunity or renewed power-sharing.

    But international mediators should grant the warring parties political recognition and legitimacy only in exchange for feasible concessions.

    • Negotiations should take place in secret, allowing confidential exchanges between declared enemies. This is particularly important for the Sudanese Armed Forces given the rivalry among its leadership.

    • Back channel communications should be established to all actors with real constituencies in Sudan, without empowering them unnecessarily. Turkey is well-placed to reach out to senior members of the previous (Bashir) regime who have found exile there. They control large parts of the fighting forces on the side of Sudanese Armed Forces and could prove to be a major spoiler. The armed groups in the so-called “joint forces” would also need to feel somewhat included.

    • Mediators should find ways to include a broad array of civilian actors, in particular women and youth groups. Instead of only targeting “men with guns”, a peace process should be gender-inclusive.

    • Any lead mediator should keep other interested parties such as the EU, the UK, Norway, and the other countries and organisations already mentioned, informed and engaged.

    • Pressure should be kept up by the US, UK and EU on external backers of the two main warring parties, and target both military and financial flows. Policies, including further targeted sanctions, should be as aligned as possible.

    Preparing for a window of opportunity

    There’s no guarantee that the violence would cease even if these conditions were met. The main belligerents are likely to continue their current offensives. The Sudanese Armed Forces will try to oust the Rapid Support Forces from central Khartoum completely. The Rapid Support Forces will keep trying to take El Fasher, the only capital in Darfur not under their control.

    The impending re-capture of Khartoum by the Sudanese Armed Forces may provide an opportunity for a new round of talks, if it comes with consistent international pressure. Mediators should be ready to push for an end to the fighting.

    – Peace in Sudan: a fresh mediation effort is needed – how it could work
    – https://theconversation.com/peace-in-sudan-a-fresh-mediation-effort-is-needed-how-it-could-work-248330

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Wyden, Dexter Urge Trump to Make Good on Campaign Promises to Lower Food Prices for American Families

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Ron Wyden (D-Ore)
    January 28, 2025
    Washington, D.C. – U.S. Senator Ron Wyden and U.S. Representative Maxine Dexter today announced they have joined 19 legislative colleagues in a letter to Donald Trump urging him to take meaningful steps to lower grocery prices for American families.
    During his campaign, Trump repeatedly promised he would lower food prices “immediately” if elected. However, during his first week, none of the many executive orders he signed addressed any sort of plan to lower food costs.
    “Your sole action on costs was an executive order that contained only the barest mention of food prices and not a single specific policy to reduce them,” wrote the lawmakers. “You have tools you can use to lower grocery costs and crack down on corporate profiteering, and we write to ask if you will commit to using those tools to make good on your promises to the American people.”“To make food more affordable, you should look to the dominant food and grocery companies that have made record profits on the backs of working families who have had to pay higher prices,” continued the lawmakers. “If you are indeed committed to lowering food prices, we stand ready to work with you.”
    The lawmakers laid out six recommendations for executive actions to lower prices by encouraging competition and fighting price-gouging at each level of the food supply chain:

    Encourage the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) to prohibit exclusionary contracting by dominant firms in the food industry, making it harder for major retailers and food brands to shut out smaller suppliers and drive up prices at smaller stores.

    Encourage the FTC to issue guidance on potential violations of the Robinson Patman Act and Section 5 of the FTC Act within the food industry and take enforcement action where merited. 

    Work with the USDA to increase the number of government contract recipients that are very small businesses and to ensure that government contracting considers the long-term costs of food sector consolidation. 

    Help the Department of Justice (DOJ) and FTC scrutinize, and where appropriate, block mergers and acquisitions in the food and agricultural sectors.

    Encourage the DOJ to prosecute actors in the agricultural and food sectors for price-fixing and other anticompetitive behavior.

    Direct the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) and FTC to form a joint task force to investigate food price manipulation throughout the supply chain. 

    “Americans are looking to you to lower food prices. Instead of working to lower their grocery bills, however, you have used the first week of your administration on attempting to end birthright citizenship, pardoning individuals who attacked the U.S. Capitol on January 6, and renaming a mountain,” concluded the lawmakers. “We urge you to make good on your campaign promise to lower food prices for American families.”Read the full text of the letter here.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julius A. Amin, Professor of History, University of Dayton

    What began in late 2016 as a peaceful protest by lawyers and teachers in Cameroon’s North West and South West regions quickly turned violent and developed into what’s become known as Cameroon’s anglophone crisis.

    The protest was instigated by perceived marginalisation of Cameroon’s anglophone region, which makes up 20% of the nation’s 29 million people.

    The conflict has resulted in immense destruction and casualties. Cameroon’s military responded to the protest with arrests and torture. Voices that called for complete secession of the anglophone regions from the Republic of Cameroon gained momentum.

    They created a virtual Ambazonia Republic and an interim government in exile, and vowed to fight back. They formed a military wing, Ambazonia Self-Defence Force, which attacked and disrupted economic and social services in the region.

    As of October 2024, over 1.8 million people have needed humanitarian assistance. Over 584,000 have been internally displaced. Over 73,000 have become refugees in next-door Nigeria. Over 6,500 have been killed.



    Read more:
    Cameroon: how language plunged a country into deadly conflict with no end in sight

    And the conflict still rages.

    One possible avenue that could be pursued to end the impasse is mediation, with help from other countries. But the Cameroonian government has repeatedly rebuffed intervention from organisations such as the African Union, arguing that the conflict is an internal affair.

    It also ended a government-sponsored mediation by the Swiss in 2022.

    It is clear to me, as a historian who has studied Cameroon foreign policy for the past three decades, that Cameroon’s leadership will not look to external actors to help solve their crisis.

    Founding leader Ahmadou Ahidjo, and later his successor Paul Biya, did not respond to external pressure to address issues. Cameroon’s diplomatic relations are based on respect of national sovereignty and nonintervention in each other’s internal affairs.

    My research shows that the Cameroonian leadership rejects outside intervention on issues it regards as within its sovereignty and internal affairs.

    Removing Cameroon from aid programmes such as the United States Agency for International Development programme and the African Growth and Opportunity Act has not deterred its leaders.

    An understanding of this background is crucial in the search for solutions to the ongoing anglophone crisis.



    Read more:
    Cameroon spends 90% of Chinese development loans on its French region: this could deepen the country’s divisions

    Use of force

    In the 1960s, Ahidjo used brutal force against a nationalist organisation called the Maquisard. His presidency was characterised by murders, imprisonments and torture.

    Political rivals were imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Biya, who served in Ahidjo’s government, learned that repressive measures work. As president, he used similar tactics against rivals and the opposition.

    But the use of force as a response to the anglophone protest was a miscalculation. The Biya regime failed to see the crisis in its context of changing times, misunderstood the sources of the conflict, and misread the role of social media in protest activities in the 21st century.

    The crisis originated from a series of grievances: poverty, unemployment, political and economic neglect of the anglophone region, failure to treat French and English as equal languages in the country, and disrespect and disregard of English-speaking Cameroonians.

    At the beginning protesters were generally peaceful, but things changed in 2017. Biya stated that Cameroon was being hijacked by “terrorists masking as secessionists” and vowed to eliminate them.

    To anglophone leaders it was a formal declaration of war, and the message spread quickly on social media. The Biya team did little to slow or stop its spread, and anglophones inside and outside the country accepted the message as fact. It mobilised the region. And few took the time to read the full text of his remarks.

    The brutality of the war on both sides intensified. Everything had all happened so quickly, and most did not anticipate the intensity of the violence.



    Read more:
    Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle

    Resistance to outside intervention

    In its diplomatic relations, Cameroon has a long history of protecting what it sees as its own business.

    One example was in 1992, after the US administration criticised Biya for electoral fraud. The Cameroon government fired back. Biya withdrew Cameroon’s ambassador from Washington DC, and informed the US ambassador that America should stay clear of Cameroon’s internal affairs.

    In 2008, tension erupted again when Biya changed Cameroon’s constitution to eliminate presidential term limits. The US ambassador criticised the move in the Cameroonian press. Again, Cameroonian officials pushed back, asking the ambassador not to interfere in the nation’s internal politics.

    America’s disposition towards the anglophone crisis has been one of non-interference. Other major powers have responded similarly, asking both sides to end the violence.

    The Cameroon government has rebuffed initiatives from Switzerland and Canada, both friendly to the country, publicly stating it asked no nation to mediate.

    The rejection of the Swiss initiative was surprising, given that Biya spends much time in that country. Unlike the Swiss plan, in which conversations began, the Canadian initiative did not even take off.



    Read more:
    Cameroon’s rebels may not achieve their goal of creating the Ambazonian state – but they’re still a threat to stability

    Looking ahead

    Measurable indicators show that the Biya regime is failing to end the anglophone crisis. The killings – including those of law enforcement officers – kidnaps, brutality and ransom demands are now normalised in the anglophone region, especially in rural areas.

    Biya’s Grand National Dialogue and National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism have failed to address the sources of the crisis. Locals dismiss them as a joke.

    People are exasperated by public service announcements about what the government has achieved. Their condition remains much worse than it was in the pre-crisis period.

    Ordinary people are focused on bread-and-butter issues and the desire for dignity and respect. But they don’t see it.

    Young Cameroonians need to see both anglophone and francophone residents at every level of government, on every rung of the business ladder, in every management position, at every school — even on every billboard advertisement.

    Only such a widespread and visible approach can convincingly challenge Cameroon’s pattern of discrimination and exclusion.

    The Biya regime must commit to doing that and not be distracted by supporters urging him to be a candidate in the upcoming presidential election.

    It is important to track and bring to justice the apparent sponsors of the killings in the country. This must be done while government keeps its promises to make things right for those living in the anglophone regions.

    Finally, given China’s investment in Cameroon, it can do more to engage the Biya regime on the anglophone crisis. Like Cameroon, China’s policy also stipulates a policy of nonintervention, but it has repeatedly changed course when its strategic interests are threatened.

    Major power status demands major responsibilities, and showing the will to stop chronic human rights violations remains an important obligation.

    Julius A. Amin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it – https://theconversation.com/cameroon-could-do-with-some-foreign-help-to-solve-anglophone-crisis-but-the-state-doesnt-want-it-244770

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Peace in Sudan: a fresh mediation effort is needed – how it could work

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Gerrit Kurtz, Peace and Conflict Researcher, German Institute for International and Security Affairs

    Intense fighting has ravaged Sudan since 15 April 2023. The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and its erstwhile comrades-in-arms, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, has created one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world. Famine, displacement and mass atrocities are wreaking havoc in the country.

    International mediation efforts have been lacklustre and fruitless. The United Nations security council has been preoccupied with other crises and blocked by its own divisions. The African Union has created diplomatic groups, a high-level panel and a presidential committee, none of which has been particularly active. It has been very slow in tackling the political process it wanted to lead.

    The US and Saudi Arabia convened several rounds of talks, first in Jeddah, then in Switzerland. The Sudanese Armed Forces delegation failed to turn up in Switzerland. The Rapid Support Forces expressed willingness to talk peace, while simultaneously committing sexual and gender-based violence on a massive scale. The Biden administration only lately slapped sanctions on the top leaders of both forces, Abdelfattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (also known as Hemedti).

    I have studied civil wars, mediation and peacebuilding for more than 12 years, with a focus on Sudan, including regular visits to the country and the region in the past five years. Based on this experience I have identified five reasons why mediation has failed. These are: the resistance of the conflict parties based on the dynamic nature of the war; continued military and financial aid by their external sponsors; as well as mediation attempts that were too narrow, not viewed as impartial, and lacking in coherence.

    Clearly, a new approach to mediation is needed, not simply a new mediator. Turkey has recently offered to lead talks between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the United Arab Emirates, the main backer of the Rapid Support Forces, but Egypt, Kenya and several multilateral organisations also keep looking for opportunities.

    Any new initiative will have to have certain components if it’s going to succeed:

    • political parameters, ideally set by a parallel civilian political process, of what might come next for Sudan should guide mediators

    • negotiations should take place in secret so that trust can be established

    • back channel communications networks must be established with potential spoilers without ceding undue legitimacy to them

    • a gender- and youth-inclusive approach

    • more effective international coordination

    • consistent pressure on the conflict parties and their external backers.

    Why previous mediation efforts failed

    Firstly, neither the Sudanese Armed Forces nor the Rapid Support Forces have shown significant willingness to stop hostilities.

    The military fortunes of the two sides has waxed and waned. As long as either side feels successful militarily, they are unlikely to commit to sincere negotiations. Outright military victory leading to control of the whole territory (and its borders) remains out of reach for all.

    Secondly, their respective allies have not shown any particular interest in peace.

    External actors have provided military support to the warring parties, and helped finance them. The UAE is the main sponsor of the Rapid Support Forces. The Sudanese Armed Forces cooperates with Egypt, Eritrea, Iran and Russia, for arms deliveries and training. The UAE promised the US to stop supporting the Rapid Support Forces, but the arms flows continued.

    Thirdly, some conflict management efforts were based on a flawed conflict analysis. There were attempts to organise a face-to-face meeting between Hemedti and Burhan, by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and the African Union. But the war is not primarily a contest of “two generals”. Neither Hemedti nor Burhan has full control of their forces. Nor is a renewed military government acceptable to large parts of Sudan’s vibrant civil society.

    Fourth, mediation efforts suffered because some of the parties saw them as lacking impartiality. Sudanese Armed Forces leaders don’t trust Kenya, whose President William Ruto is closely aligned with the UAE and has, until recently, allowed the Rapid Support Forces to conduct meetings and a press conference in Nairobi. Kenya was supposed to lead the Intergovernmental Authority on Development quartet of mediators, which never really got off the ground. Similarly, Sudan remains suspended from the African Union.

    Finally, there was a competition of mediation platforms, allowing the warring parties to shop for the most convenient forum for them.

    What a path to a ceasefire might look like

    International attention is currently focused on Turkish president Recep Erdogan, who has offered to mediate between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the UAE. The Sudanese Armed Forces has harshly criticised the UAE for its support to the Rapid Support Forces. The offer, then, is based on the assumption the UAE might actually cease that support.

    Any new approach should differ from previous efforts.

    • Mediators should provide a broad sense of political parameters for a post-war (interim) order, ideally with strong input from Sudan’s civilian groups. Those could include a conditional amnesty as well as assurances of personal safety for the top military leaders and of some stake in a transitional period, without promising any blanket impunity or renewed power-sharing.

    But international mediators should grant the warring parties political recognition and legitimacy only in exchange for feasible concessions.

    • Negotiations should take place in secret, allowing confidential exchanges between declared enemies. This is particularly important for the Sudanese Armed Forces given the rivalry among its leadership.

    • Back channel communications should be established to all actors with real constituencies in Sudan, without empowering them unnecessarily. Turkey is well-placed to reach out to senior members of the previous (Bashir) regime who have found exile there. They control large parts of the fighting forces on the side of Sudanese Armed Forces and could prove to be a major spoiler. The armed groups in the so-called “joint forces” would also need to feel somewhat included.

    • Mediators should find ways to include a broad array of civilian actors, in particular women and youth groups. Instead of only targeting “men with guns”, a peace process should be gender-inclusive.

    • Any lead mediator should keep other interested parties such as the EU, the UK, Norway, and the other countries and organisations already mentioned, informed and engaged.

    • Pressure should be kept up by the US, UK and EU on external backers of the two main warring parties, and target both military and financial flows. Policies, including further targeted sanctions, should be as aligned as possible.

    Preparing for a window of opportunity

    There’s no guarantee that the violence would cease even if these conditions were met. The main belligerents are likely to continue their current offensives. The Sudanese Armed Forces will try to oust the Rapid Support Forces from central Khartoum completely. The Rapid Support Forces will keep trying to take El Fasher, the only capital in Darfur not under their control.

    The impending re-capture of Khartoum by the Sudanese Armed Forces may provide an opportunity for a new round of talks, if it comes with consistent international pressure. Mediators should be ready to push for an end to the fighting.

    Gerrit Kurtz is also a non-resident fellow with the Global Public Policy Institute and a member of the Forum New Security Policy of the Heinrich Böll Foundation.

    – ref. Peace in Sudan: a fresh mediation effort is needed – how it could work – https://theconversation.com/peace-in-sudan-a-fresh-mediation-effort-is-needed-how-it-could-work-248330

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How people will be ringing in the year of the snake

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sijing Lu, Assistant Professor in Translation and Transcultural Studies, University of Warwick

    SeventyFour/Shutterstock

    Lunar new year is the most important traditional festival for the Chinese people, symbolising unity, prosperity and hope for the future. It is, however, celebrated all over Asia and in the diaspora.

    Unlike, the new year that is celebrated only on December 31 and January 1, lunar new year celebrations begin the month before and end days after the start of the new year.

    In the Chinese tradition, new year celebration begins on the eighth day of the 12th lunar month with the Laba festival (腊八节). On this day, it is customary to eat Laba congee, a porridge which is also known as “eight-treasure congee” because it’s often made with eight or more ingredients. This year the Laba festival fell on January 7.

    The biggest day in this period of celebration is, of course, new year, which this year falls on January 29.

    According to historical records, the Chinese people have been celebrating the lunar new year for over 4,000 years. Around 2,000BC, Shun, an ancient Chinese leader, ascended to the throne and led his followers in a worship ceremony to honour heaven and earth.

    This day was regarded as the beginning of the year, corresponding to the first day of the first lunar month. This event is believed to mark the origin of the lunar new year.

    During this festival, people typically express their hopes for prosperity and health in the coming year through family reunions and ancestor worship. Communities also host traditional activities to celebrate, such as lion dances, the giving of red envelopes, and putting up of spring couplets (pairs of poems written on red paper with black or gold characters), all of which symbolise good fortune and abundance.

    The traditional Chinese lunar new year reunion dinner includes many symbolic dishes. For example, eating fish represents abundance, dumplings symbolise reunion and wealth, and rice cakes signify progress and success.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    But this day isn’t the end of celebrations. Instead, new year is celebrated up until the 15th day of the first lunar month when the lantern festival (元宵节) is celebrated. This festival coincides with the first full moon of the lunar year. On this day reconciliation, peace and forgiveness are sought.

    To celebrate, people will cover their houses with colourful lanterns, often with riddles written on them. Children will go out and try to solve these to win small gifts. There might be lion and dragon dances as well as parades and fireworks. People eat small glutinous rice balls, known as yuanxiao or tangyuan. The round shape symbolises wholeness and unity within the family.

    This year’s lantern festival – and the end of lunar new year celebrations – is on February 12. By this time, we will be well into 2025, which is the year of the snake.

    The year of the snake

    The year of the snake holds profound meaning and special significance in Chinese culture. The animal symbolises wisdom, spirituality, elegance and renewal.

    In Chinese traditions, the snake is also considered a “small dragon” and has a unique presence. Many scholars believe that the basic form of the dragon has evolved from the snake, with the snake’s body forming the main structure of the mythical beast.

    In ancient art, images of dragons and snakes often overlap, with motifs that appear simultaneously dragon-like and snake-like being very common.

    In ancient China, the snake was regarded as a mysterious and powerful creature. Its strong reproductive ability symbolised a continuous lineage and abundant offspring, while its ability to shed its skin and renew itself represented life and longevity. This process of renewal and rebirth highlighted the snake’s connection to cycles of growth and the passage of time.

    Beyond its physical traits, the snake was also revered for its intelligence and adaptability, often being portrayed as a creature of wisdom and strategy.

    These qualities have translated into cultural beliefs about people born in the year of the snake. For instance, for those born in this year, the snake’s flexibility and patience are seen as representing wisdom in problem-solving and overcoming challenges.

    Sijing Lu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How people will be ringing in the year of the snake – https://theconversation.com/how-people-will-be-ringing-in-the-year-of-the-snake-248468

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Southport attacks: why the UK needs a unified approach to all violent attacks on the public

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barry Richards, Emeritus Professor of Political Psychology, Bournemouth University

    The conviction of Axel Rudakubana for the murder of three young girls in Southport has prompted many questions about how the UK handles violence without a clear ideological motive. This case has also shown up the confusion in this area, and made clear the need for a basic reframing of how we understand murderous violence against the public today.

    The home secretary may be right to keep Prevent focused on violent Islamist and extreme right-wing terror. Yet there needs to be a complementary but distinct strategy to protect against another Southport-style attacker.

    The prime minister, Keir Starmer, has come rather late to his observation that the nature of terrorism has changed. Over four years ago it was becoming clear that the “terrorist” threat was increasingly coming from those with no clear and consistent attachment to any specific ideology, let alone any terrorist organisation.

    This is borne out in the latest data on referrals to the Prevent counter-terrorism scheme. “Mixed, unstable and unclear” ideologies – when added to school massacre fixations and incel cases – outrank both extreme right-wing and Islamist categories.

    Rudakubana had an al-Qaida-linked document in his possession, and had claimed to be a victim of racism. But overall his motive was not at all ideological, but is to be found in his mental ill-health.

    Want more politics coverage from academic experts? Every week, we bring you informed analysis of developments in government and fact check the claims being made.

    Sign up for our weekly politics newsletter, delivered every Friday.

    All the evidence presents him as a profoundly damaged individual who harboured an overwhelming need to inflict deathly violence, unconnected with any political aim. His choice of young children as victims is probably also of psychological significance.

    Thus it may not be quite right to say, as the home secretary Yvette Cooper and others have, that Prevent “failed”. A cluster of agencies do seem collectively to have failed here. But Prevent was not designed to deal with apolitical and apparently random attacks on people unknown to the perpetrator.

    What has failed is the conceptual frame underlying the UK’s counter-terrorism approach, which sees terrorism simply as an ideologically-driven response to the world. This understands it as basically different from attacks which are apparently not ideologically-driven, and so are seen as more idiosyncratic and psychological, like school massacres (though these have come to fall within Prevent’s remit).

    Internal drivers of violence

    However, it is also true that many of those who do have conventional terrorist aims are also driven by forces in their internal worlds.

    While often not given a psychiatric diagnosis, many people who have carried out attacks appear to have been emotionally dysfunctional. Evidence for this goes back at least as far as 9/11, to the personality of the ringleader Mohamed Atta. It has since been accumulating in what is known of many convicted attackers, including those with lengthy ideological rationales, such as Anders Breivik.

    The emergence of “incel” terror has further blurred the distinction between those with an apparent ideological rationale and those with obvious psychological problems.

    At the psychological level, there is no clear separation between lone actor ideological attackers and those who are supposedly non-ideological. Common to all is some disturbance within the self, one requiring the enactment of lethal violence.

    Ironically, the clear presence of psychological factors can also be seen – at a different level – in some of the people involved in the violent riots which occurred in response to the Southport murders. These were, in considerable part, the creation of online agitators, extreme right-wing activists and their bussed-in followers.

    But some who took part were more casual joiners of the riots. These were people of no fixed ideological abode who were drawn by the excitement of the occasion and the opportunity to attack the police and other symbols of social order. The same psychological motive may be attributed to the “Maga tourist” element among the January 2021 invaders of the Capitol building in Washington DC.

    Protecting the public

    Such problems of group-based violence in public spaces may be amenable to primarily political and policy solutions (albeit very difficult ones to achieve). However, individuals who may suddenly erupt into violence, ideological or not, are even more difficult to identify, assess, monitor and contain.

    The first step towards better protecting the public should be to recognise the psychological drivers of all such attacks. These include a preoccupation with grievance, often linked to a powerful sense of humiliation and psychological defences against that. For example, the hypermasculinity and fantasied omnipotence of Islamic State.

    It is necessary, for various reasons, to retain the legal category of terrorist attacks. But it should be a subcategory of a more inclusive approach that covers all violent attacks on the public.

    Where there is little or no consistent ideological element, the term terrorism, which has political connotations, should not be employed. Violence that doesn’t aim to promote a political objective would be better described as the infliction of terror on innocent members of the public, as a form of revenge upon the world or as an expression of hatred. Other political terms such as “radicalisation” and “extremism” may also be inappropriate or confusing when applied to such cases.

    A conceptual framework which makes that distinction, while also recognising the common psychological ground of the draw towards violence, would allow for more effective interventions.

    Prevent could continue its work (with much-needed improvements) to minimise ideologically rationalised attacks. But it would be coordinated with a complementary national agency that oversees and supports local services in identifying and managing people like Rudakubana. The face-to-face client work of both prongs would be guided and overseen by forensic psychiatrists and psychotherapists.

    There will be more people in both sub-categories coming along with very weak control of their violent impulses. They will need skilful management that understands the drivers of profound disturbance.

    Barry Richards does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Southport attacks: why the UK needs a unified approach to all violent attacks on the public – https://theconversation.com/southport-attacks-why-the-uk-needs-a-unified-approach-to-all-violent-attacks-on-the-public-248185

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The US stock market does better under Democrat presidents than Republicans – here’s what the data shows

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Whiteley, Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex

    The US has been experiencing a long “bull” stock market, that is rapid growth in stock prices, although this week tech stocks tumbled over the future prospects for US-built AI.

    But could the market hit a significant downturn during Trump’s second term in the White House? At first sight this seems unlikely because it did well during his first term, from 2016 to 2020 (see chart below). However, long term trends in the US stock market reveal a pattern suggesting that stock prices might be quite vulnerable during his second term.

    The Nobel prize-winning economist, Robert Shiller, who studies financial markets thinks that the US stock market has peaked, and future returns will be much more modest than in recent history although he does not suggest that a crash is on the horizon.

    The market under different presidents

    Shiller’s data makes it possible to look at the relationship between who is the president and stock prices since 1925. By examining the performance of the stock market over that period we can identify the extent to which eight Democrat and nine Republican presidents have influenced the growth of the market.

    Changes in stock prices during Republican presidents 1925 to 2024:

    The chart shows the percentage changes in the Standard and Poor’s monthly stock price index (which gives a snapshot of the market), corrected for inflation, during the incumbencies of Republican presidents since January 1925.

    The average increase in stock prices for Republican presidents was 25%. But the thing that stands out in the chart is that three major crashes in the stock market also took place under these Republicans incumbents.

    The first of these, known as the Wall Street Crash, occurred on October 28 1929 when Herbert Hoover was president. This was the trigger event for the Great Depression of the 1930s and resulted in a fall of 64% in the stock market during his presidency.

    His reaction to the crash (when share values fell dramatically) was to do nothing in the belief that the economy would eventually recover on its own. This cost him the 1932 presidential election when Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected for the first time. He was subsequently elected a record four times, thanks to his New Deal policies for dealing with the crisis.



    Read more:
    DeepSeek: how a small Chinese AI company is shaking up US tech heavyweights

    The second crash occurred during Richard Nixon’s incumbency. He would have been impeached by Congress had he not resigned in August 1974 following the revelations of the Watergate scandal.

    This occurred when the White House employed burglars to break into the Democrat party headquarters in the Watergate building in Washington DC. Once Nixon’s attempt to spy on his opponents became public he was forced to resign and overall the stock market fell by 47% during his incumbency.

    The third crash occurred in December 2007 when George W Bush was the president. It had its origins in the deregulation of the financial sector which had occurred in the US after Ronald Reagan became president in 1980. Lax financial regulations led to ever increasingly risky assets and trading practices on Wall Street starting in the real estate market.

    US stock market opens.

    The crisis spread rapidly throughout the world’s financial system and a recession of the scale of the 1930s was only averted by prompt action by the Federal Reserve chairman, Ben Bernanke, who worked with political leaders in other countries such as UK prime minister Gordon Brown to stabilise the system. The stock market fell by 45% during Bush’s period of office.

    Many factors are at work to explain this, but the overriding fact is that Republicans are less likely to regulate the financial sector, or across the board, than Democrats. Their voters are more likely to be optimistic about the prospects for the economy, and therefore to take risks when investing in the stock market, when a Republican is in the White House.

    Changes in stock prices during Democratic presidents 1925 to 2024:

    The second chart shows changes in stock prices during the incumbencies of eight Democratic presidents during this period. It is very different from the Republican chart, since, of those presidents shown, only Jimmy Carter left office with the stock market lower than when he arrived, and that by a modest 13%.

    Bill Clinton was the most successful president, achieving an increase of 151% during his two terms in the White House. Overall, the stock market rose by an average of 51% during Democrat incumbencies, more than twice the size of the Republican increases.

    These results are surprising given that the Republicans are the traditional party of big business and so might be expected to be good for the stock market.

    Donald Trump has promised to increase tariffs on imports from the rest of the world, particularly those from China. In addition, there is a burgeoning budget deficit caused by the gap between spending and taxation.

    Most economists think these policies will create inflation and slow growth.

    Many investors are currently quite nervous about a possible recession after the long bull market of the last few years. The drop in the price of tech stocks this week confirms this. One effect of this has been to cause a rise in yields on US Treasury long-term bonds, reflecting fears of further inflation.

    Recent comparative research shows that countries can pay a high price for populist economic policies. So, it would be well worth Trump studying the history of US stock markets rises and falls, if he wants to avoid a severe economic downturn during his second term.

    Paul Whiteley has received funding from the British Academy and the ESRC.

    – ref. The US stock market does better under Democrat presidents than Republicans – here’s what the data shows – https://theconversation.com/the-us-stock-market-does-better-under-democrat-presidents-than-republicans-heres-what-the-data-shows-246652

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the looming federal election could mean for the Bank of Canada’s independence

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Andrew Allison, Philosophy PhD Student, University of Calgary

    The independence of central banks from the democratic process has been a bedrock of economic policy for decades. The Bank of Canada is no exception, maintaining distance from elected officials to ensure monetary policy is free from political pressures.

    However, a clear division between central bank and government could be tested with Mark Carney, former governor of both the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England who’s running for leadership of the Liberal Party and, in turn, the role of prime minister.



    Read more:
    Mark Carney might have the edge as potential Liberal leader, but still faces major obstacles

    His bid raises concerns about how central bank independence might be perceived under a Carney-led government. Could his tenure as a central banker result in the Bank of Canada’s independence being clawed back? After all, he has demonstrated his ability to manage monetary policy at the highest levels.

    The answer, if we want to preserve the economic benefits of central bank independence, is clear: the Bank of Canada’s independence must be preserved. And Carney, who has championed the importance of politically neutral monetary policy, would likely agree.

    Incentives, not ignorance

    The idea that central banks should operate independently of the democratic process is a widely held view among economists and central bankers. This is largely because there is an extremely low likelihood of elected officials committing to implement monetary policy that produces low inflation and stable prices.

    If elected officials controlled monetary policy, incumbent governments would be tempted to “juice” the economy with “loose money” by reducing the interest rates right before elections.

    In the short run, this would reduce unemployment, raise wages and potentially boost the chances of incumbent governments being re-elected. But, in the long run, citizens would pay the price in the form of inflation.

    With repeated political interference, market entities would no longer react to injections of loose-money by investing in capital and labour and low interest rates would no longer produce the desired short-term benefits of more jobs and higher wages. But inflation would still persist. As economist Garrett Jones puts it, it would be “all hangover, no buzz.”

    Empirical evidence bears this out. Central banks that with greater independence tend to have more price stability and less inflation.

    This is why governments delegate monetary policy to independent central banks. Central bankers are able to implement monetary policy without the temptation to manipulate the economy for electoral gain.

    It’s worth noting that the need for central bank independence is not exclusively due to politicians’ ignorance about managing monetary policy. Rather, it’s because the electoral incentives they face prevents them from being trusted to pull the levers of monetary power effectively.

    This principle applies even to someone like Carney. If he were to become prime minister, he would face the same incentives as all other incumbent governments. Despite his expertise, he would still need independent central bankers to ensure monetary policy remains insulated from the political cycle.

    Central bank independence in Canada

    Central bank independence is not a binary, but exists on a spectrum. When studying the effects of independence, central banks are usually scored on a number of indicators, including whether central bankers can be fired by elected officials, how long central bankers’ terms are, and the extent to which they can be instructed by democratically elected bodies.

    Widespread support for central bank independence among economists only began in the mid-1980s. Prior to that, central banks often gained their independence due to political and legal circumstances, rather then a deliberate attempt to adhere to a principle of independence. Both the Federal Reserve and the Bank of Canada have this in common.

    The independence of the Bank of Canada had a tumultuous 25 years after its establishment in 1935. When pressed, finance ministers could not answer whether they or the Bank of Canada were ultimately responsible for the country’s monetary policy, often giving conflicting answers.

    It would not be until 1961 that this uncertainty would come to a head during the Coyne Affair. Prime Minister John Diefenbaker wanted James Coyne, governor of the Bank of Canada at the time, fired for embarrassing his government and taking a hefty pension. The House of Commons passed a one-line bill that fired Coyne, but the Senate refused to pass it. Coyne resigned the next day.

    After the Coyne Affair, central bank independence grew into the de facto status quo. In 1985, the Bank of Canada Act was passed, setting some limits on the power of the governor and their responsibility to the finance minister. As a result, Canada’s central bank independence falls somewhere in the middle of the spectrum compared to other wealthy, western nations.

    Carney on central bank independence

    In 2022, Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre threatened to fire the governor of the Bank of Canada, Tiff Macklem, if he became prime minister.

    While the Bank of Canada Act does permit this through a formal procedure, setting the precedent that cabinets can and will fire governors could undermine central bank independence. It would risk making central bankers more beholden to the political aims of incumbent governments and more likely to produce inflationary monetary policy.

    Compared to Poilievre, Carney is the conservative choice, likely aiming to maintain the status quo by leaving central bankers alone. During and after his time as a central banker, Carney has favoured central bank independence. And, as it stands, it doesn’t appear that he’s changed his mind now that he’s running for Liberal leader.

    So, what would a Carney government mean for the Bank of Canada’s independence? Likely, not much — and from a monetary economic perspective, that’s a good thing. Preserving the status quo would ensure the Bank of Canada remains insulated from political interference, allowing it to focus on long-term price stability.

    Andrew Allison receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

    – ref. What the looming federal election could mean for the Bank of Canada’s independence – https://theconversation.com/what-the-looming-federal-election-could-mean-for-the-bank-of-canadas-independence-247886

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Israel UNRWA ban will undermine Gaza ceasefire, Security Council hears

    Source: United Nations 4

    Peace and Security

    The implementation of new laws banning the UN Palestine refugee agency, UNRWA – set to take effect on Thursday – will heighten instability and deepen despair in the occupied Palestinian territory, the Security Council has heard.

    Briefing ambassadors in New York on Tuesday, UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini warned that the laws passed in October last year jeopardize the lives of millions of Palestinians and risks undermining the fragile ceasefire in Gaza.

    They require that UNRWA cease its activities in the territory of the State of Israel – including the occupied West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem as the Knesset defines it, in defiance of international law – as well as restricting any Government contacts with the agency or anyone acting on its behalf.

    “Curtailing our operations now – outside a political process, and when trust in the international community is so low – will undermine the ceasefire. It will sabotage Gaza’s recovery and political transition,” Mr. Lazzarini said.

    He called for a “decisive intervention” by Council to support peace and stability in the occupied Palestinian territory and the broader region.

    Disastrous consequences

    Mr. Lazzarini further stressed that the full implementation of the Knesset legislation will be “disastrous”.

    In Gaza, undermining UNRWA’s operations would compromise the international humanitarian response, he said, adding that it would also degrade the capacity of the United Nations just when humanitarian assistance must be scaled up.

    “This will only worsen the already catastrophic living conditions of millions of Palestinians.”

    UN Photo/Manuel Elías

    Philippe Lazzarini, Commissioner-General of UNRWA, briefs the Security Council.

    Unique role

    UNRWA was established by the UN General Assembly to provide humanitarian and other essential services to Palestine refugees until a political solution is reached. Read our explainer on how the Gaza war has impacted UNRWA services, here.

    Mr. Lazzarini emphasised that its work cannot simply be transferred to other entities, as its scale and trusted relationship with communities are unmatched.

    “The Agency’s mere presence brings stability amid profound uncertainty,” he said. “Undermining UNRWA will sabotage Gaza’s recovery and any prospects for peace.”

    In East Jerusalem, where the Knesset legislation calls for the immediate expulsion of UNRWA, 70,000 patients and 1,000 students will lose access to health and education services.

    Mr. Lazzarini also noted that the legislation coincides with plans to expand illegal settlements on the land currently used by the Agency.

    Financial and political challenges

    Compounding these threats are severe financial constraints, with key donors reducing or suspending contributions.

    Mr. Lazzarini appealed for urgent funding to sustain UNRWA’s operations, warning that its lifesaving work could abruptly end without sufficient resources.

    He also highlighted a disinformation campaign spearheaded by Israeli authorities that falsely accuses the Agency of supporting terrorism. Such propaganda, he said, undermines UNRWA’s neutrality and puts its staff at risk.

    Call to action

    In conclusion, Mr. Lazzarini urged Security Council members to push back against the Knesset legislation, ensure continued funding for UNRWA, and advocate for a genuine political pathway to address the plight of Palestine refugees.

    “UNRWA was always meant to be temporary,” he said.

    “A fair and lasting political solution would allow the Agency to conclude its mandate, ensuring that its vital services are handed over to a functioning Palestinian state.”

    More updates to come…

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: NEA President: Trump’s funding freeze hurts students, communities, and public schools

    Source: US National Education Union

    By: Eric Jotkoff

    Published: January 28, 2025

    National Education Association President Becky Pringle released the following statement responding to the Trump Administration’s federal funding freeze:

    “Parents and educators know America’s students need more opportunities to succeed, and we need to invest in our public schools where 90% of students — and 95% of students with disabilities — learn.

    “Creating chaos is not leadership. The unprecedented, illegal, and reckless decision by the Trump administration to freeze federal funding will hurt students, communities, and public schools – especially students in lower-income communities who benefit most from federal funding.

    “This is a move straight from the extreme Project 2025 playbook and will have an immediate and devastating impact on millions. Students will lose access to learning opportunities if Head Start programs are shuttered. Parents will be cut off from childcare services they depend on so they can go to work and provide for their families. Students will go hungry if school meals are taken away. And the dream of higher education will be further out of reach as institutional aid for programs is affected. These are the real people impacted.

    “Educators won’t be silent as anti-public education politicians hurt our students, our families, and our communities across America. Together with parents and allies, we will continue to organize, advocate, and mobilize for the public schools our students deserve – no matter their race, place, or background.”

    -###-

    The National Education Association is the nation’s largest professional employee organization, representing more than 3 million elementary and secondary teachers, higher education faculty, education support professionals, school administrators, retired educators, students preparing to become teachers, healthcare workers, and public employees. Learn more at www.nea.org

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Microsoft is celebrating its 50-year anniversary. Check out our press pack, history timeline and more

    Source: Microsoft

    Headline: Microsoft is celebrating its 50-year anniversary. Check out our press pack, history timeline and more

    Frequently asked questions

    How is the company celebrating its 50th anniversary? 

    Microsoft is commemorating our 50-year anniversary by celebrating the achievements of our employees, customers, and partners that have dreamt, built, and used Microsoft technology as a force for good, while also looking ahead to the future. 

    Microsoft recognizes that our success and growth globally would not have been possible without the support of the place we call home, the Puget Sound. We are honoring and awarding 50 local changemakers with $50,000 grants each to support the important work they do to address the needs of the region. Read more about the One Future, One Sound initiative. 

    What were Microsoft’s biggest accomplishments over the last 50 years? 

    Over the past five decades, Microsoft has driven innovation that has transformed the way that society uses technology both at work and at home, from revolutionizing personal computing with MS-DOS and Windows, and bringing the joy and community of gaming to everyone on the planet with Xbox, to driving the future of cloud computing with Azure, and AI transformation with Copilot and our AI platform. We are proud of our employees, past and present, who have seized the opportunity to reinvent our company as tech paradigms shift, to stay relevant and earn the trust of our customers and partners. 

    For more information on the company’s key milestones, explore this timeline of Microsoft’s journey. 

    How has the company’s mission evolved? 

    The heart of Microsoft’s mission has always been about empowering people through technology, and this will continue as we look to the future.  

    In its beginnings, Bill Gates and Paul Allen articulated an ambitious vision for Microsoft and the industry, “a computer on every desk and in every home.” In 2002, the mission changed “to enable people and businesses throughout the world to realize their full potential,” which was later expanded to include creating technology that transforms the way people learn, work, play, and communicate. In 2015, CEO Satya Nadella evolved Microsoft’s mission “to empower every person and every organization on the planet to achieve more.” 

    What has Microsoft learned over the past 50 years that drives the company today? 

    As a platform company, we’ve learned that we do well when the world does well. That is embodied in our mission, our business model, our practices and our culture. Our cultural journey is ongoing and adaptive, and over the last decade, we’ve grounded ourselves in a Growth Mindset culture. Internally, this has helped our employees embrace challenges, be curious, learn from failures, and continuously seek improvement. Externally, this cultural transformation has enabled Microsoft to better understand and meet our customers’ needs and work to earn their trust every day. 

    We also believe deeply in the power of partnership and that no one person, company, or government can solve the world’s problems alone. This insight drives Microsoft’s approach to partnerships, collaboration, openness, and transparency, rooted in bringing people and organizations together to tackle challenges.  

    What is Microsoft focused on for the next 50 years? 

    As we look to the future, our mission remains to empower every person and organization, and our success hinges on how we harness AI and other technologies to amplify human achievement and create positive change for society.  

    The innovations we’re developing today will define the next five decades. And we remain focused on translating innovation into enduring value for our customers.   

    We are also recommitting ourselves to the framework that has made us successful – investing in our people, living up to our mission, earning the trust of our customers and the countries we operate in, innovating responsibly, prioritizing fundamentals with security above all else, and building products where the world can benefit.

    MIL OSI Economics –

  • MIL-OSI Economics: The value of AI: How Microsoft’s customers and partners are reinventing how they do business today

    Source: Microsoft

    Headline: The value of AI: How Microsoft’s customers and partners are reinventing how they do business today

    Organizational leaders in every industry around the world are evaluating ways AI can unlock opportunities, drive pragmatic innovation and yield value across their business. At Microsoft, we are dedicated to helping our customers accelerate AI Transformation by empowering human ambition with Copilots and agents, developing differentiated AI solutions and building scalable cybersecurity foundations. At Microsoft Ignite we made over 100 announcements that bring the latest innovation directly to our customers and partners, and shared how Microsoft is the only technology leader to offer three distinct AI platforms for them to build AI solutions:

    1. Copilot is your UI for AI, with Copilot Studio enabling low-code creation of agents and extensibility to your data.
    2. Azure AI Foundry is the only AI app server for building real-world, world-class, AI-native applications.
    3. Microsoft Fabric is the AI data platform that provides one common way to reason over your data —no matter where it lives.

    All three of these platforms are open and work synchronously to enable the development of modern AI solutions; and each is surrounded by our world-class security offerings so leaders can move their AI-first strategies forward with confidence.

    As we look ahead to what we can achieve together, I remain inspired by the work we are doing today. Below are a handful of the many stories from the past quarter highlighting the differentiated AI solutions our customers and partners are driving to move business forward across industries and realize pragmatic value. Their success clearly illustrates that real results can be harnessed from AI today, and it is changing the way organizations do business.

    To power its industrial IoT and AI platform, ABB Group leveraged Microsoft Azure OpenAI Service to create Genix Copilot: a generative AI-powered analytics suite aimed at solving some of the most complex industrial problems. The solution helps customers analyze key functions in their operations —such as asset and process performance, energy optimization and emission monitoring — with real-time operational insights. As a result, customers are seeing up to 35% savings in operations and maintenance, and up to 20% improvement in energy and emission optimization. ABB also saw an 80% decrease in service calls with the self-service capabilities of Genix Copilot.

    Serving government healthcare agencies across the US, Acentra Health turned to Microsoft to help introduce the latest AI capabilities that maximize talent and cut costs in a secure, HIPAA-compliant manner. Using Azure OpenAI Service, the company developed MedScribe — an AI-powered tool reducing the time specially trained nursing staff spend on appeal determination letters. This innovation saved 11,000 nursing hours and nearly $800,000, reducing time spent on each appeal determination letter by about 50%. MedScribe also significantly enhanced operational efficiency, enabling nurses to process 20 to 30 letters daily with a 99% approval rate.

    To ease challenges for small farmers, Romanian agribusiness group Agricover revolutionized access to credit by developing MyAgricover. Built with help from partner Avaelgo, the scalable digital platform utilizes Microsoft Azure, Azure API Management and Microsoft Fabric to automate the loan process and enable faster approvals and disbursements. This has empowered small farmers to grow their businesses and receive faster access to financing by reducing loan approval time by 90 percent — from 10 working days to a maximum of 24 hours.

    Building on its status as a world-class airline with a strong Indian identity, Air India sought ways to enhance customer support while managing costs. By developing AI.g, one of the industry’s first generative AI virtual assistants built on Azure OpenAI Service, the airline upgraded the customer experience. Today, 97% of customer queries are handled with full automation, resulting in millions of dollars of support costs saved and improved customer satisfaction — further positioning the airline for continued growth.

    BMW Group aimed to enhance data delivery efficiency and improve vehicle development and prototyping cycles by implementing a Mobile Data Recorder (MDR) solution with Azure App Service, Azure AI and Azure Kubernetes Service (AKS). The solution achieved 10 times more efficient data delivery, significantly improved data accessibility and elevated overall development quality. The MDR monitors and records more than 10,000 signals twice per second in every vehicle of BMW’s fleet of 3,500 development cars and transmits data within seconds to a centralized cloud back end. Using Azure AI Foundry and Azure OpenAI Service, BMW Group created an MDR copilot fueled by GPT-4o. Engineers can now chat with the interface using natural language, and the MDR copilot converts the conversations into KQL queries, simplifying access to technical insights. Moving from on-premises tools to a cloud-based system with faster data management also helps engineers troubleshoot in real time. The vehicle data covered by the system has doubled, and data delivery and analysis happen 10 times faster.

    Coles Group modernized its logistics and administrative applications using Microsoft Azure Stack HCI to scale its edge AI capabilities and improve efficiency and customer experience across its 1,800 stores. By expanding its Azure Stack HCI footprint from two stores to over 500, Coles achieved a six-fold increase in the pace of application deployment, significantly enhancing operational efficiency and enabling rapid innovation without disrupting workloads. The retailer is also using Azure Machine Learning to train and develop edge AI models, speeding up data annotation time for training models by 50%.

    Multinational advertising and media company Dentsu wanted to speed time to insights for its team of data scientists and media analysts to support its media planning and budget optimization. Using Microsoft Azure AI Foundry and Azure OpenAI Service, Dentsu developers built a predictive analytics copilot that uses conversational chat and draws on deep expertise in media forecasting, budgeting and optimization. This AI-driven tool has reduced time to media insights for employees and clients by 90% and cut analysis costs.

    To overcome the limitations of its current systems, scale operations and automate processes across millions of workflows, Docusign created the Intelligent Agreement Management (IAM) platform on Azure. Using Azure AI, Azure Cosmos DB, Azure Logic Apps and AKS, the platform transforms agreement data into actionable insights to enhance productivity and accelerate contract review cycles. IAM also ensures better collaboration and unification across business systems to provide secure solutions tailored to diverse customer needs. For example, its customer KPC Private funds reported a 70% reduction in time and resources dedicated to agreement processes.

    Emirates Global Aluminium (EGA) transformed its manufacturing operations by leveraging a hybrid environment with Azure Arc, Azure Stack HCI and Azure Kubernetes Service. This digital manufacturing platform resulted in 86% cost savings for AI image and video analytics and a 13-fold improvement in AI response times. The seamless hybrid cloud architecture has enhanced EGA’s operational efficiency and agility, supporting its Industry 4.0 transformation strategy.

    EY collaborated with Microsoft to enhance the inclusivity of AI development using Azure AI Studio. By involving neurodivergent technologists from EY’s Neuro-Diverse Centers of Excellence, they improved the accessibility and productivity of AI tools, resulting in more inclusive AI solutions, fostering innovation and ensuring that AI tools unlock the potential of all users. With an estimated 20% of the global workforce identifying as neurodivergent, inclusive AI solutions are crucial for maximizing creativity and productivity. Neurodivergent EY technologists also collaborated with Microsoft developers to make Azure AI Foundry more inclusive and help all users work productively to create innovative AI solutions.

    Colombian household appliance manufacturer Haceb integrated AI to optimize processes, reduce costs and improve service quality. Using Microsoft Copilot Studio and Azure OpenAI Service, the company created a virtual technical support assistant, saving its 245 technicians 5 minutes per visit — a total of 5,000 minutes saved daily. This AI solution has enhanced efficiency and boosted customer satisfaction by allowing for faster issue resolution. Haceb’s AI adoption has also empowered employees, boosted productivity and positioned the company as a leader in AI innovation in Colombia.

    To better serve its global patients, Operation Smile — in collaboration with partner Squadra — leveraged Azure AI, Machine Learning and Microsoft Fabric to develop an AI-powered solution to predict surgical outcomes and optimize resource allocation. This innovation resulted in a 30% increase in surgical efficiency, a 90% reduction in translation errors and improved patient outcomes. Additionally, report generation is now up to 95% quicker, and repeated medical events have decreased by 15%, enabling Operation Smile to provide better care to more children worldwide.

    Ontada — a McKesson business dedicated to oncology data and evidence, clinical education and point-of-care technologies — needed a way to generate key insights across 150 million unstructured oncology documents. Using Microsoft Azure AI and Azure OpenAI Service, Ontada developed a data platform solution called ON.Genuity to provide AI-driven insights into the patient journey, enhance patient trial matching and identify care gaps. The company also implemented large language models to target nearly 100 critical oncology data elements across 39 cancer types, enabling the company to analyze an estimated 70% of previously inaccessible data, reduce processing time by 75% and accelerate product time-to-market from months to just one week.

    As the UK’s largest pet care company, Pets at Home sought a way to combat fraud across its retail operations — particularly as its online business continued to grow. Working closely with its fraud team, it adopted Copilot Studio to develop an AI agent that quickly identifies suspicious transactions. The agent autonomously gathers relevant information, performs analysis and shares it with a fraud agent to enable a manual, data-intensive investigative process while ensuring a human remains in the loop. With this low-code agent extending and seamlessly integrating into existing systems, the company’s fraud department can act more quickly; what used to take 20 to 30 minutes is now handled by the AI agent within seconds. The company is identifying fraud 10 times faster and is processing 20 times more cases a day. Now, the company can operate at scale with speed, efficiency and accuracy — with savings expected to be in the seven figures as it continues to build more agents.

    Revenue Grid, a technology company specializing in sales engagement and revenue optimization solutions, partnered with Cloud Services to modernize its data infrastructure and develop a unified data warehouse capable of handling unstructured, semi-structured and structured data. By migrating to Microsoft Fabric, Revenue Grid can now deliver data-powered revenue intelligence, driven by a unified platform, elastic scalability, enhanced analytics capabilities and streamlined operations. Revenue Grid has reduced infrastructure costs by 60% while enhancing its analytical capabilities to improve real-time data processing, empowering sales teams with accurate and diverse data. 

    To better manage and integrate employee data across diverse regions and systems, UST built a comprehensive Employee Data platform on Microsoft Fabric. In under a year, UST migrated 20 years of employee data with all security measures to enhance data accessibility and employee productivity. The Meta Data Driven Integration (MDDI) framework in Fabric also helped the company cut data ingestion time by 50% so employees can focus more on analysis than preparation. As a result of this implementation, the company has seen an increase in collaboration and innovation from employees, helping put its values into action.

    The Microsoft Commercial Marketplace offers millions of customers worldwide a convenient place to find, try and buy software and services across 140 countries. As a Marketplace partner, WeTransact is helping independent software vendors (ISVs) list and transact their software solutions — and find opportunities for co-selling and extending their reach to enterprise customers through development of the WeTransact platform. Powered by Azure OpenAI Service, the platform is changing the way partnerships are being built by using AI pairing to facilitate a “plug and play” reseller network. More than 300 ISVs worldwide have joined the Microsoft Commercial Marketplace using the WeTransact platform, cutting their time to publish by 75%.

    The opportunity for AI to create value is no longer an ambition for the future — it is happening now, and organizational leaders across industries are investing in AI-first strategies to change the way they do business. We believe AI should empower human achievement and enrich the lives of employees; and we are uniquely differentiated to help you accelerate your AI Transformation responsibly and securely. Choosing the right technology provider comes down to trust, and I look forward to what we will achieve together as we partner with you on your AI journey.

    Tags: AI, Azure, Azure AI, Azure AI Foundry, Azure AI Studio, Azure Arc, Azure OpenAI Service, Azure Stack HCI, Copilot, Copilot Studio, Microsoft Fabric, Microsoft Ignite 2024

    MIL OSI Economics –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Revisiting the Africa-Paris Declaration: Progress, Challenges and the Road Ahead for African Energy

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    PARIS, France, January 28, 2025/APO Group/ —

    The Africa-Paris Declaration, forged during the 2024 Invest in African Energy (IAE) Forum in Paris, was a pivotal moment in Africa’s quest for sustainable energy solutions. Aimed at strengthening the continent’s energy transition while addressing the urgent issue of energy poverty, the declaration set ambitious targets for expanding access to clean, affordable and reliable energy. With the 2025 edition of the forum approaching, now is the time to reflect on the progress made since the Africa-Paris Declaration and assess how these initiatives are shaping Africa’s energy future.

    Increased Engagement in Africa

    In the months following the declaration, international investors, development banks and private equity firms have shown a steadfast interest in the African energy market. A key milestone was the launch of the Africa Energy Bank by the African Export-Import Bank and APPO, marking the creation of a first-of-its-kind institution designed to fund and facilitate energy initiatives across the continent. Several final investment decisions were successfully closed, including Shell’s $5.5 billion Bonga North deepwater project. Additionally, strategic partnerships, including new PSCs signed by Panoro Energy in Equatorial Guinea and BW Energy in Gabon, highlight how international collaborations are accelerating energy development and creating new opportunities for exploration and production. This increased engagement is key to addressing the financing gap that has long hindered the growth of Africa’s energy sector.

    Natural gas continues to play a central role in Africa’s energy strategy as a transitional fuel. The Africa-Paris Declaration underscored its importance as a bridge between traditional energy sources and renewable energy. Over the past year, significant strides have been made in natural gas exploration and LNG exports. Notable developments include Senegal’s Greater Tortue Ahmeyim LNG reaching its first gas production, the Republic of Congo’s first LNG exports to Italy from the Congo LNG project, Nigeria’s UTM FLNG receiving its construction license, and Angola’s Sanha Lean Gas Connection project achieving first gas, among others. These initiatives are not only crucial for advancing Africa’s energy transition, but also serve as powerful drivers of economic growth by creating jobs and advancing infrastructure development.

    Meanwhile, countries like South Africa, Egypt and Morocco are at the forefront of wind and solar energy development, with momentum expected to build as they meet renewable energy targets and explore new growth opportunities. These investments are driving a shift toward cleaner, more sustainable energy in Africa, though challenges remain. High costs of renewable technologies and insufficient grid infrastructure continue to hinder expansion, underscoring the need for more investment in off-grid and mini-grid solutions.

    Investment Gaps Persist 

    Despite these advancements, Africa still faces significant investment challenges. The financing gap for large-scale energy projects remains substantial and while the private sector has become more engaged, many projects still struggle to secure the necessary capital. In particular, the cost of financing remains high due to the perceived risks associated with energy investments in Africa. This is where continued efforts to de-risk investments and foster public-private partnerships are critical to unlocking the continent’s full energy potential. Institutional capacity continues to be a challenge for many African countries. While progress has been made in improving regulatory frameworks, there is still a need for clearer policies, streamlined permitting processes and better enforcement of regulations. Governments must continue to strengthen their institutions to effectively implement energy projects and create an enabling environment for both local and international investors.

    With the IAE 2025 forum just months away, industry stakeholders have an opportunity to reflect on the progress made since the Africa-Paris Declaration and determine next steps for the continent’s energy future. The forum serves as a platform for government officials, industry leaders and financial institutions to renew commitments, share success stories and address ongoing challenges. While the road to universal energy access and a sustainable energy future is long, the declaration has set the framework for a collective effort that can lead to meaningful change. With the right investments, regulatory frameworks and political will, Africa can emerge as a global leader in energy innovation and sustainability.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Armenia and Azerbaijan are at loggerheads again – here’s why tensions are rising

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Svante Lundgren, Researcher, Lund University

    Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev, has launched a fierce verbal attack on Armenia, which he has called a fascist state. “Fascism must be destroyed,” he said in an interview on local TV networks on January 7. “Either the Armenian leadership will destroy it, or we will.”

    This rhetoric is strongly reminiscent of baseless claims used by Vladimir Putin about Ukraine to justify Russia’s invasion. He has claimed that Ukraine must be “denazified”.

    There are also reports that Azerbaijan’s acquisition of advanced Israeli weapons have increased recently, according to Israeli journalist Avi Sharf, national security, cyber and open source intelligence editor at Israeli news outlet Haaretz.

    Armenia and Azerbaijan have a long history of conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, a region within Azerbaijan until recently mainly populated by Armenians. The first war between them in the 1990s led to the establishment of a self-proclaimed Armenian republic, which no country recognised.

    Then, after a 44-day war in 2020, Azerbaijan took control over most of the enclave. The rest was conquered in September 2023, prompting Armenians living there (more than 100,000 people) to flee to Armenia.

    In the last few months Aliyev accused Armenia of preparing a “war of revenge”. Since its devastating defeat in the second Karabakh war in 2020, Armenia has taken steps to strengthen its defences. Among other things, it has made significant arms purchases from France. This has also provoked Aliyev to criticise France and its president, Emmanuel Macron.

    But, although Armenia has been trying to reduce Azerbaijan’s military advantage through reforms in the army and arms purchases, the country is still militarily inferior to its neighbour. Any military confrontation is likely to result in an early defeat for Armenia.



    Read more:
    Future of Russian gas looking bleak as Ukraine turns off taps and Europe eyes ending all imports

    The argument from Azerbaijan is clearly that if there is conflict in the region, it will be part of an Armenian “preparation for a war”. Baku suggests that therefore the responsibility for any conflict would lie with Armenia and those who arm the country (in particular, France). It’s possible that this rhetoric is intended to legitimise some kind of military action.

    Because of escalating tension in the past few years, Armenia invited the European Union to monitor the border between the countries. This was to help address Azerbaijani accusations that Armenia was preparing for war, and to monitor, and prevent, shootings along the border.


    Peter Hermes Furian/Shutterstock

    Over the past two years Azerbaijan has denied these unarmed EU observers permission to operate on its territory, so they were only able to work from the Armenian side. It has also strongly condemned the EU for this mission.

    The EU monitors have been in place since February 2023, and should be due to withdraw next month. Armenia has suggested the EU monitors continue but Baku has made clear it wants them removed.

    So, why might Azerbaijan want to reignite tensions with Armenia? One point of contention between them is access to the “Zangezur corridor”, a land connection between Azerbaijan and its autonomous republic, Nakhichevan,.

    Long-running regional conflict

    Azerbaijan has long demanded access to, and control of, this route. The natural corridor runs through Armenia’s Syunik region (in Azerbaijani “Zangezur”, hence the Zangezur corridor). Armenia has declared its willingness to open up transport connections throughout the region – including between Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan – but opposes a corridor through its territory that it does not control.

    The south Caucasus (the region including Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan) has long been an area that Putin sees as part of his sphere of influence. After the break-up of the Soviet Union, Russia tried to keep the region relatively calm, but in 2020 Putin allowed the war to continue until Armenia was defeated, before putting pressure on Aliyev to stop. Three years later, Azerbaijan took what was left of Nagorno-Karabakh while Russian peacekeepers looked on.

    Armenian concern over what it sees as Russian bias towards Azerbaijan has led Yerevan to increasingly turn towards the west. On January 14 2025, a “strategic partnership charter” was signed between Armenia and the US, which includes an economic and defence partnership, but whether the new Trump administration will want to build on, or even ignore, that relationship is not yet clear.

    In what is considered an important symbolic move Armenia is also currently negotiating with Russia over the removal of its Federal Security Service (FSB security service) guards along the Armenian border in an attempt to reduce reliance on Moscow for its security. Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan said in 2024 that the nation would pull out of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization in another move that signals Armenia’s increasingly fragile relationship with Moscow.

    Will there be a war?

    The EU has meanwhile strengthened relations with Armenia.

    While Azerbaijan may have escaped international fallout over the attack on Nagorno-Karabakh in the autumn of 2020, and over the ethnic cleansing of the enclave’s Armenian population in 2023. But if a new war led to a large-scale attack on Armenia it would unlikely to be ignored by the west.

    Despite the west’s minimal reactions to Azerbaijani incursions across the Armenian border in May 2021 and September 2022, in 2025 there is more international focus on the region and on the potential consequences of ignoring what’s going on around Russia’s borders.

    Although military intervention from the west is unlikely, the possibility of sanctions against Azerbaijan could be enough of an incentive for Aliyev to try to maintain the peace.

    Svante Lundgren does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Armenia and Azerbaijan are at loggerheads again – here’s why tensions are rising – https://theconversation.com/armenia-and-azerbaijan-are-at-loggerheads-again-heres-why-tensions-are-rising-247533

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Omagh bombing: why a public inquiry is being held more than 25 years after the atrocity

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Peter John McLoughlin, Lecturer in Politics, Queen’s University Belfast

    The 1998 Good Friday agreement is commonly seen to have ended what were euphemistically termed “the Troubles” in Northern Ireland. However, just four months after the peace accord was signed, an attack on the town of Omagh resulted in the greatest loss of life in any single incident of the conflict.

    The bombing, on August 15 1998, killed 29 people and injured an estimated 220 more. Among those who lost their lives were nine children and a woman who was pregnant with twins.

    A group called “the Real IRA” claimed responsibility for the atrocity. It was one of the so-called “dissident” republican factions which broke away from the mainstream IRA after its political wing, Sinn Féin, turned toward peaceful politics. The Real IRA’s assault on Omagh was clearly intended to derail the Northern Ireland peace process and destroy the Good Friday agreement.

    It could be argued, however, that the bombing had the opposite effect. The atrocity encouraged Northern Ireland’s politicians to come together and redouble their commitment to the peace process.

    Public outcry over the attack also forced the Real IRA to announce a ceasefire. It later returned to violence, but widespread revulsion against the Omagh atrocity would undermine the support base that any dissident republican faction might draw upon.

    Political representatives of the Real IRA and other such groups have never been able to mobilise electoral support in the way that Sinn Féin was able to, in spite of its association with the IRA.

    The Omagh bombing also aided the ability of Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams and others to steer mainstream republicans towards purely peaceful politics. The atrocity had shown the utter futility of violence.

    Adams’ condemnation of the attack provoked accusations of hypocrisy as he had previously defended IRA violence. Nonetheless, Adams continued to lead republicanism in ways that would cement its commitment to peaceful methods.

    The indiscriminate nature of the Omagh attack also helps explain the galvanising effect that it had on the peace process. People from both sides of the communal divide in Northern Ireland were killed, and from both sides of the Irish border. Two Spanish tourists also died visiting a region which the Good Friday agreement seemed to have made safe.

    The visit of Bill Clinton a month after the attack also brought global attention to Omagh. The US president had first visited Northern Ireland following the paramilitary ceasefires of 1994, receiving a rapturous reception when he turned on the Christmas lights in Belfast.

    But his return was as sombre as his first visit had been joyous. Despite this, the obvious sincerity of Clinton’s words and actions in Omagh would encourage the people and politicians of Northern Ireland to continue their efforts to build a peaceful society.

    Bill and Hillary Clinton visit the site of the Omagh bombing with Tony and Cheri Blair.
    Clinton Digital Library

    Unanswered questions

    More than 25 years on from the attack, they have largely succeeded in this endeavour. However, serious questions remain about the Omagh atrocity. Authorities in both parts of Ireland have been criticised for their response.

    In Northern Ireland, a former policing watchdog has argued that the security services failed to properly act on intelligence that might have prevented the attack.

    In the Irish Republic, where the bomb was constructed, the only person that was ever jailed over the attack would later see his conviction overturned. The latter ruling was also seen to result from the mishandling of evidence, this time by the Irish police.

    This explains why survivors and families of those killed and injured in the Omagh bombing have fought long and hard for an independent investigation into the attack. Neither the British nor the Irish government seemed eager to allow this, but legal action by members of the Omagh families led to a ruling by Belfast’s High Court in July 2021 which found it plausible that the attack might have been prevented by security services. This bolstered support for a public inquiry.

    Finally, in February 2023, the British government acceded and Lord Turnbull, a senior Scottish judge, was appointed to chair the investigation. The Irish government has not followed suit, but has committed to supporting the British inquiry.

    The inquiry officially opened in July of last year, but is only now beginning in earnest with a period of commemorative and personal statement hearings.

    Over four weeks, it will receive testimony from people who were injured, those who responded to the attack, or who were simply witnesses to the atrocity and its aftermath. Each submission will be read by Turnbull, and he has said that they will “inform the direction and approach of the Inquiry”.

    The inquiry begins

    There has, however, been some controversy regarding contributions to the investigation, and specifically that of a former British Army agent who infiltrated republican paramilitaries. This operative took legal action after being refused key status at the inquiry, a role which would have entitled him to make opening and closing statements, and to propose lines of questioning.

    He was instead granted witness status, and the inquiry will naturally be expected to examine evidence relating to information passed on to the police in the time leading up to the bombing.

    As a result, Turnbull has sought to assure those who might doubt the value of the investigation: “My inquiry may be the final opportunity to get to the truth of whether the bombing could have been prevented by the UK state.”

    Survivors and victims’ families will surely hope that this is the last time that that they will have to relive their trauma, and that the end result will indeed establish the truth as to what exactly the authorities knew about the Omagh attack. Then, the families may finally experience some closure, and be able to move on from what remains the deadliest attack in Northern Ireland’s history

    Peter John McLoughlin has received funding in the past from the AHRC, Leverhulme Trust, the Irish Research Council, and the Fulbright Commission. He is a member of Greenpeace.

    – ref. Omagh bombing: why a public inquiry is being held more than 25 years after the atrocity – https://theconversation.com/omagh-bombing-why-a-public-inquiry-is-being-held-more-than-25-years-after-the-atrocity-248192

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five reasons why vertical farming is still the future, despite all the recent business failures

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gail Taylor, Dean of Life Sciences, UCL

    Don’t believe the tripe. Amorn Suriyan

    Plant factories are failing, with multiple companies closing or going bankrupt in recent months. This includes the largest vertical farm on the planet, in Compton, Los Angeles.

    Owned by San Francisco-based startup Plenty, the farm opened in 2023 to grow salads in partnership with Walmart. It was mothballed at the end of 2024, with the company citing the rising cost of energy in California as a major problem.

    Despite raising over US$1 billion (£802 million) from investors, the company’s value has reportedly plummeted from US$1.9 billion to below US$15 million. It now aims to focus solely on strawberry production in Virginia.

    New York-based Bowery Farming also halted all operations in late 2024, having previously being valued at US$2.3 billion. Fellow American vertical farmers AeroFarms, Kalera and AppHarvest have similarly filed for bankruptcy in the past two years, as has the UK’s Growing Underground, among various others.

    Clearly these are major setbacks. Year-round illuminated greenhouses and stacked, controlled-environment warehouses for producing food have been hailed as a sustainable alternative to traditional farming, promising fresh food close to populations.

    This reduces the need for transportation, which together with other issues in traditional farming such as soil degradation and forest clearing see it contributing around 20% of the greenhouse gases that lead to planetary warming and climate change.

    Multiple new indoor-farming companies sprang into life in the past decade, driven by significant venture capital. They harnessed the latest in LED lighting and hydroponic and aeroponic growing systems, using land and water ten to 100 times more efficiently than in a field and with far fewer pesticides.

    Initially developed to grow leafy greens and microgreens, these farms have more recently turned to higher value produce including herbs, strawberries, tomatoes and grapes.

    Grow, baby, grow.
    Gorodenkoff

    Among the reasons for the business failures are rising energy costs; the fact that traditional farming is cheaper, making it hard to compete on price; and the fact that rising interest rates have made financing more expensive.

    Together with other challenges such as high energy consumption and finding enough skilled labour, many opponents are writing this sector off as a fad that is unlikely to ever make a big impact on food security.

    This ignores success stories, such as JFC and Grow-up Farms, which are regular suppliers to the UK supermarkets. But more broadly, there are various reasons why the critics are likely to be wrong:

    1. We’re still early

    Vertical farming has been proving itself by “learning by doing” for the past decade. Kicked off by Nasa space scientists seeking to grow food in hostile environments with zero gravity and heavy radiation, this field is still highly experimental.

    New technologies like this one often conform to the Gartner hype cycle, where big initial expectations are rarely met, leading to a trough of disillusionment. Following this, the benefits start to crystallise as new players enter the market and mainstream adoption begins.

    Vertical farming is only a very small proportion of total farming, but it looks very likely to flourish given the need to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions, and the threats to food security from climate change and population growth. In addition, the costs are likely to be reduced by the arrival of much more renewable energy at cheaper prices in years to come.

    2. Heavy plant demand is coming

    Society stands on the edge of an unprecedented transformation as it shifts away from fossil fuels. We’re going to move to a circular bioeconomy, in which green plants will be central as feedstocks for everything from aviation fuels to alternative proteins to vaccine production to plant-based plastics.

    All this means greater pressure on land resources for food production, and an enhanced need for vertically stacked agriculture that recycles water and nutrients and requires fewer chemicals.

    3. Science is on its side

    Unexpected scientific discoveries continue to drive vertical farming. For example, tunable wavelength LEDs have shown that certain spectral bands can affect crops profoundly.

    Far-red light, which is just beyond visible red light, promotes growth and flowering, raising lettuce yields by 30%, for example. Blue light can improve shelf-life and nutritional quality, even enhancing certain plant chemicals known to help prevent cancers.

    The significance of these discoveries has yet to be fully realised, but by the complete control of the farming environment that indoor farming makes possible, we will be able to more easily tailor food quality for the betterment of people and the planet.

    4. It’s horses for courses

    Growing leafy greens indoors in California, as Plenty did, was always going to be challenging. This is the state where they invented the iceberg lettuce, where wall-to-wall sunshine and even temperatures enable farmers to grow enough salad greens to supply the whole of the US.

    Contrast Singapore, where only 6% of fresh produce is locally grown. This has prompted the government to develop the “30 x 30” goal to supply 30% of nutritional needs by 2030, with vertical farming a key part of the strategy.

    Similarly the United Arab Emirates imports over 90% of its food, and is looking towards a future that includes vertical farming. The UK and much of northern Europe, where the outdoor growing season is short and land is limited, can also benefit from these technologies (and indeed, do already).

    It’s a different story in Singapore.
    PrasitRodphan

    5. Baby and bathwater

    Unlike the cutting-edge LED-illuminated, stacked warehouses, intensive hydroponic greenhouses have been operating commercially for decades. The Netherlands leads the way in supplying year-round fresh produce from these structures, and is now the second biggest food exporter in the world.

    Even in the UK, its common for such greenhouses to supply potted herbs, tomatoes and strawberries all year round.

    These are a half-way house to vertical farming, and are also likely to be in greater demand in the coming decades. They could well extend their reach to supply fresh nutritious food to places where food security may be particularly challenged, such as Africa, south Asia and the Middle East.

    Gail Taylor has received funding for research on vertical farming from the John B. Orr Endowment from the University of California, Davis and gift funding from the company, Plenty. Between 2021 and 2024 she was a member of the Scientific Advisory Board for the company Plantible Foods.

    – ref. Five reasons why vertical farming is still the future, despite all the recent business failures – https://theconversation.com/five-reasons-why-vertical-farming-is-still-the-future-despite-all-the-recent-business-failures-248270

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Tea ceremonies, pandas and xiangqi: the Chinese New Year festival in Moscow has begun

    Translartion. Region: Russians Fedetion –

    Source: Moscow Government – Government of Moscow –

    The Chinese New Year in Moscow festival has begun in the capital. It will last until February 9 and will unite two dozen venues, including Manezhnaya, Tverskaya and Bolotnaya squares, Kamergersky and Stoleshnikov lanes, Tverskoy Boulevard, Novy Arbat, VDNKh, Moscow Zoo and others. The festival is held as part of a cross-program dedicated to the mutual Years of Culture of Russia and China.

    The opening ceremony was attended by the Director of the Department of Information and Press, official representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Maria Zakharova, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the People’s Republic of China to the Russian Federation Zhang Hanhui and the Deputy Mayor of Moscow Natalia Sergunina.

    “We invite everyone to celebrate the New Year in Moscow once again, this time according to the Eastern calendar. The January holidays were a great success, and the New Year’s venues welcomed millions of visitors. In the next two weeks, we will also have a rich and interesting program. More than 400 events are planned – theatrical performances, master classes, lectures, film screenings and tea ceremonies. The central streets are decorated with light installations,” noted Natalia Sergunina.

    A bright discovery

    The festival opened with a procession of symbols of the outgoing and incoming year – a dragon and a snake. Participants set off from the monument to Kliment Timiryazev on Tverskoy Boulevard and reached Manezhnaya Square. Here a drum show was organized for the guests.

    “The festival’s events are aimed at getting Russians and Chinese to know each other’s customs and traditions better. Guests can expect a colorful program that will last 13 days. Last year, the festival was held for the first time, but already then it was visited by more than 700 thousand people. I think this year the record will be broken,” shared Maria Zakharova.

    In 2024, the holiday received many positive responses from city residents and tourists. Famous Chinese bloggers attended the event and told their subscribers about it. In total, their videos collected about 45 million views. Reports from the Russian capital were shown on China’s central television channel.

    “In 2024, a large-scale celebration of the Spring Festival was held for the first time in the center of the Russian capital. Russia also brightly celebrated Maslenitsa in Beijing, Xi’an and other Chinese cities, which was to the liking of the Chinese people. The holding of traditional holidays by China and Russia in each other’s countries contributes to further strengthening mutual understanding and ties between us. This year, the Chinese New Year in Moscow festival will be even larger and, I believe, will definitely attract even more Chinese tourists who will share the joy of this holiday with their Russian friends,” Zhang Hanhui emphasized.

    Immersive shows and tea ceremonies

    Manezhnaya Square, the festival’s central venue, will host performances featuring Chinese artists for two weeks. In festive pagoda-style chalets, visitors will be offered traditional cuisine, from Hong Kong waffles to Peking duck. Anyone can also play xiangqi, the Chinese equivalent of chess.

    On Tverskaya Square, Muscovites and tourists can expect tea ceremonies, culinary competitions and oriental music in a modern arrangement.

    At VDNKh, dance master classes will be held on the skating rink and themed excursions. During them, experts will talk about the similarities and differences in celebrating the New Year in Russia and China, about painting styles and the space programs of the two countries.

    The Moscow Zoo invites you to watch immersive shows and documentaries about its inhabitants, including the favorite of the capital’s residents – panda Katyusha. On February 1 and 2, admission will be free for all guests named Ekaterina or in a panda costume.

    More than 120 restaurants in the city will join the event’s gastronomic program. They will present special menus with authentic dishes prepared according to traditional Chinese recipes.

    You can view the event schedule and learn about the conditions for visiting individual venues in the online publication “Russpass-magazine”.

    Traditional lanterns and panda figurines: how the capital was decorated in honor of the Chinese New YearDragon on Ice, Guohua Painting, and Go: VDNKh to Celebrate Chinese New Year

    Guests from China

    Today, China is a confident leader among foreign countries in the number of travelers coming to Moscow. And their number is constantly growing. In just nine months of last year, 335 thousand people from the Celestial Empire visited the capital. For comparison: in all of 2023, 245 thousand Chinese guests came to Moscow.

    Many tourists choose independent travel, their share is up to 83 percent of all guests from China. This provides an additional economic effect, since they spend on average four to six times more than participants in tourist groups.

    In addition, the share of business tourism has more than doubled in five years: now every fifth tourist from China comes to the capital for business purposes.

    Chinese New Year Festival will become part of large-scale project “Winter in Moscow”, which unites over 1.9 thousand sites. City residents and tourists are invited to warm up with tea and hot buns, go skating, skiing and tubing, participate in master classes, watch ice shows and theatrical performances, and show concern for those who need it.

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    Please Note; This Information is Raw Content Directly from the Information Source. It is access to What the Source Is Stating and Does Not Reflect

    https: //vv.mos.ru/nevs/ite/149448073/

    MIL OSI Russia News –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: The UK urges Israel to ensure that UNRWA can continue its lifesaving operations: UK statement at the UN Security Council

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Statement by Ambassador James Kariuki, UK Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN, at the UN Security Council meeting on UNRWA.

    2022 to 2024 Sunak Conservative government“>

    This was published under the 2022 to 2024 Sunak Conservative government

    I want to offer my condolences again to all UN and humanitarian staff who have been killed in this conflict, including 273 members of your team, Philippe. 

    President, after 15 months of conflict, we now stand at a rare moment of hope for Palestinians and Israelis. Thanks to the tireless efforts of the United States, Qatar and Egypt we have a ceasefire deal that has seen seven hostages returned, reunited with their families and an end to the violence in Gaza that has claimed so many Palestinian lives.

    We cannot and must not forget the suffering that has brought us to this moment. Lives brutally cut short by Hamas. Men, women and children abducted from their families – many of whom are still being held while their loved ones suffer in anguish. 

    This conflict has also seen over 47,000 Palestinians killed. At least 35,000 children are thought to have lost one or both parents. And an estimated 20% of the population has been left with lifelong disabilities. 

    The levels of destruction in Gaza are beyond belief.

    We must turn the page on this cycle of violence. I want to highlight key actions to support this. 

    It is vital that we now see the release of all remaining hostages, and a sustained ceasefire to allow us to move from phase one of the agreement through to further phases. Only then can we achieve a lasting peace.

     We welcome reports that there has been an increase in humanitarian aid into Gaza. This needs to be sustained and complemented by much-needed supplies of commercial goods.  

    To support this vital effort, my Minister for Development has today announced a further $21 million in funding to ensure healthcare, food and shelter reaches tens of thousands of civilians and to support vital infrastructure across the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

    However, the implementation of Knesset legislation on UNRWA risks upending this humanitarian response as well as threatening the fragile and hard-won gains made through the ceasefire deal.

    The vital work of UNRWA in ensuring that Palestinians have access to education and healthcare must also be protected in Gaza as well as the West Bank and East Jerusalem. These represent the most fundamental of human rights.

    For this reason, the United Kingdom urges Israel, once again, to ensure that UNRWA can continue its lifesaving operations and provision of essential services across the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

    We call on Israel to work urgently with international partners, including the UN, so there is no disruption to this vital work. Israel is obligated under international law to facilitate humanitarian assistance by all means at their disposal. We stand ready to work alongside Israel, the UN and our partners to assist.

    We also call on UNRWA to continue to deliver their commitment to neutrality.  Implementation of reforms to strengthen their neutrality remains critical. We welcome UNRWA’s commitment to fully investigate any allegations against their employees and the continued implementation of the Colonna Report’s recommendations. We have earmarked over $1.2 million of our funding to UNRWA to support their implementation.

    President, the UK will play our full part in the coming days and weeks to seize the opportunity of this ceasefire for a better future. To ensure it leads to a credible pathway towards a two-state solution in which Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side in peace.

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 28 January 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Veganuary momentum fades as participants struggle to maintain meat-free options beyond January Academics at the University of Aberdeen have compared attitudes and knowledge around sustainable eating – and willingness to reduce the amount of meat consumed – over a 10-year period. They found that although initiatives like ‘Veganuary’ were helpful in introducing people to alternative diets, this was not sustained in most of…

    Source: University of Aberdeen

    Academics at the University of Aberdeen have compared attitudes and knowledge around sustainable eating – and willingness to reduce the amount of meat consumed – over a 10-year period.
    They found that although initiatives like ‘Veganuary’ were helpful in introducing people to alternative diets, this was not sustained in most of those questioned.
    Overall awareness about the need for sustainable diets has improved since ‘Veganuary’ was introduced in 2013, but the same barriers to sticking to them persist, the researchers at the Rowett Institute found.
    And now they are stepping up efforts to understand why by recruiting volunteers willing to go meat-free a few days a week to take part in a detailed study.
    The report – titled Still Eating Like There’s No Tomorrow – is based on analysis of similar populations to those the team spoke to in 2013 to establish what, if anything, has changed in the last decade.
    They reported in 2023/14 that resistance to the idea of reducing personal meat consumption was common across all sociodemographic groups, with meat being seen as pleasurable, social, and traditional.
    The results from the current study suggest participants had a greater willingness to reduce meat consumption a decade on but that there is disparity in attitudes between socioeconomic groups, with those in areas of high deprivation less willing to reduce meat consumption.
    Emily Cleland, the lead author of the study undertaken by a team from the Rowett Institute, University of Aberdeen said: “Many of the barriers described towards reducing meat consumption have not changed over the decade between studies. 
    “This is important because of the urgent need to change diets to meet the targets set by the Climate Change Committee, which advises the UK and devolved governments.
    “With just over five years to go until the Climate Change Committee’s interim targets for a 20% reduction in meat consumption, it is vital to take stock of progress and identify barriers and enablers, which is the aim of this study.”
    Participants reported that campaigns such as ‘Veganuary’ were successful in reducing their meat consumption for a time-limited period but the ability to continue a meat-free dietary pattern throughout the rest of the year was questioned. Other initiatives such as ‘Meat free Mondays’ were deemed more attainable in terms of enjoyment and health, and having environmental benefit.
    “Our study shows that resistance to dietary change persists due to scepticism about how this would benefit the climate, cost concerns and the sensory appeal of meat,” she added.
    “The greater availability of plant-based alternatives to meat and campaigns such as ‘Meat-free Mondays’ show promising opportunities for change, but we require tailored interventions to overcome entrenched cultural and economic barriers.
    “It is therefore necessary to acknowledge the differing experiences and perceived barriers and facilitators from different groups to create interventions that address specific obstacles, making it easier for individuals to adopt more sustainable dietary practices and ultimately contribute to achieving environmental and public health goals.”
    The new study – led by report co-authors Dr David McBey and Dr Ben McCormick – is looking for anyone willing to reduce their meat consumption for three months.
    They will be asked to keep food diaries, fill in questionnaires and be interviewed about their eating habits during the trial period.
    Dr McBey says: “Eating less meat is important to help the planet and save resources, but it can be hard because of habits, traditions, or not having other options. Our study wants to find out what makes it tricky for people, so we can help them make changes more easily.”
    To sign up go to: Screening Questionnaire or contact lessmeat@abdn.ac.uk for more details.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Government opens discussions with Community Pharmacy England over 2025 to 2026 funding contract

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 2

    The consultation will set the future direction for the community pharmacy sector.

    The Department of Health and Social Care (DHSC) has entered into consultation with Community Pharmacy England (CPE) regarding the 2024 to 2025 and 2025 to 2026 funding contractual framework.

    The discussions will set the future direction for community pharmacy as it plays a vital role in supporting delivery of the reforms set out in the government’s Plan for Change.

    A letter signalling the start of the consultation was sent to CPE on Monday, 27 January 2025.

    Moving the focus of care from hospitals into the community is one of the 3 core shifts outlined in the 10 Year Health Plan, which will be published later this year. The government has previously outlined its ambition to make better use of pharmacists’ skills and training to deliver more services for patients within their local communities.

    Minister of State for Care, Stephen Kinnock said:

    Community pharmacists are at the heart of local healthcare, and they have a vital role to play as we shift from hospital to community, giving patients better access to care, closer to home, through our 10 Year Health Plan.

    We have inherited a sector that is suffering from years of underfunding and neglect, but we recognise the hard work pharmacists undertake every day to deliver for patients.

    I am committed to working closely with Community Pharmacy England to agree a package of funding that is reflective of the important support that they provide to patients up and down the country. I am confident that together we can get the sector back on its feet and fit for pharmacies and patients long into the future.

    Janet Morrison, Chief Executive of Community Pharmacy England said:

    We are relieved that discussions on the arrangements for community pharmacy are now commencing.

    Community Pharmacy England will consider very carefully if the proposals that the government is putting on the table address the severity of the funding crisis in community pharmacy.

    Everyone in community pharmacy shares the government’s ambition for a vibrant community pharmacy sector, playing a vital role in delivering long term health plans, but this can only be achieved if the sector is put on a sustainable financial footing.

    Amanda Doyle, National Director for Primary Care for NHS England, said:

    The NHS knows just how important pharmacies are to local communities – they offer people convenient care close to home which is a key ambition of the 10 Year Health Plan.

    We recognise that pharmacies are under pressure, and we are committed to working with the sector and government to ensure that patients can continue to receive high-quality care building on the exceptional work of teams over the past few years to develop and expand new services for patients.

    Updates to this page

    Published 28 January 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-Evening Report: As the ‘digital oligarchy’ grows in power, NZ will struggle to regulate its global reach and influence

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexandra Andhov, Chair in Law and Technology, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    The images of President Donald Trump at his inauguration surrounded by the titans of the global tech industry is a warning of what could come: a global digital oligarchy dominated by a tiny tech elite.

    Companies like Meta, Google, Microsoft, Amazon, X Corp, and OpenAI (all based in the United States) now operate beyond the control of most governments. Countries like New Zealand are increasingly struggling to keep these companies in check.

    In the past decade, New Zealand has taken several measures to curb the influence of powerful tech companies through voluntary agreements and tax legislation.

    But the digital age has fundamentally changed national sovereignty – the right of individual countries to decide the rules within their own borders.

    Big tech companies are gradually taking on functions traditionally reserved for government institutions. For example, these companies have begun to function as the arbiters of speech, controlling the visibility of certain ideas and comments.

    As recently as this month, Meta obscured searches for left-leaning topics including “Democrats”, later blaming the issue on a “technical glitch”.

    And as was widely covered in the media, Amnesty International released a report claiming that Facebook’s algorithms “proactively amplified” anti-Rohingya content in Myanmar, substantially contributing to human rights violations against the ethnic group.

    New Zealand’s attempts to regulate big tech

    A number of governments are now facing the question of how to temper the influence of these companies within their current legal frameworks.

    As New Zealand (among others) has discovered in the past decade, influencing the behaviour of these companies is easier said than done. It has repeatedly found itself struggling to effectively manage big tech’s impact on its society and economy.

    In 2018, for example, New Zealand’s Privacy Commissioner said Facebook had failed to comply with its obligations under the New Zealand Privacy Act. The company told the commission the Privacy Act did not apply to it.

    When the Christchurch terrorist attack was livestreamed on Facebook (owned by Meta), New Zealand authorities found themselves largely powerless to prevent the video’s spread across global platforms.

    This crisis prompted then-prime minister Jacinda Ardern to launch the Christchurch Call initiative aimed at combating online extremism by fostering collaboration between governments and tech companies.

    The goal was to develop and enforce measures such as improved content moderation, removal of extremist material, and the creation of safer online environments.

    While gaining support from more than 120 countries and tech companies, its effect depends on voluntary ongoing cooperation. Recent events suggest this ongoing cooperation is unlikely.

    In January, Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg announced plans to get rid of content moderation in the US and possibly elsewhere. Zuckerberg has also pushed back against European Union regulations, claiming the EU’s data laws censored social media.

    Taxing big tech

    In 2019, New Zealand proposed a 3% digital tax on big tech revenue. A similar measure was introduced by France in 2020 and by Canada and Australia last year.

    While these proposals signify important steps toward holding big tech accountable, their implementation remains uncertain.

    Although the relevant tax provisions have been adopted in New Zealand, the law includes clauses allowing tax collections to be deferred until as late as 2030.

    Meanwhile, big tech continues to push back aggressively against regulation in various ways. These have included threatening reduced services (such as the brief closure of TikTok in the US) to leveraging their relationships with the Trump government against other countries.

    Using competition regulation to rein in big tech

    In December 2024, the Australian government unveiled draft legislation on big tech to level the playing field.

    The proposed law seeks to foster fair competition, prevent price gouging, and give smaller tech and news companies a chance to thrive in a landscape increasingly dominated by global giants.

    The legislation would grant the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission the authority to investigate and penalise companies with fines of up to A$50 million for restricting competition.

    The targeted behaviour includes tactics such as restricting data transfers between platforms (for example, moving contacts or photos from iPhone to Android) and limiting third-party payment options in app stores.

    The proposed law aims to put an end to these unfair advantages, ensuring a level playing field where businesses of all sizes can compete and consumers have more choices.

    Democractic governance in the digital age

    The growing power of tech platforms raises critical questions about democratic governance in the digital age.

    There is an urgent need to reconcile the global influence of tech companies with local democratic processes and to create mechanisms that safeguard individual and national sovereignty in an increasingly digital world.

    Governments need to recognise these platforms are not immutable forces of nature, but human-created systems that can be challenged, reformed or dismantled. The same digital connectivity that has empowered these corporations can become the very tool of their transformation.

    Alexandra Andhov is conducting research on Big Tech Governance, funded by the Independent Research Fund Denmark under the Inge Lehmann Programme. The author is grateful for this support and wishes to acknowledge that the research was conducted entirely independently.

    – ref. As the ‘digital oligarchy’ grows in power, NZ will struggle to regulate its global reach and influence – https://theconversation.com/as-the-digital-oligarchy-grows-in-power-nz-will-struggle-to-regulate-its-global-reach-and-influence-247899

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Crapo Supports Bessent for Treasury Secretary

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Idaho Mike Crapo
    Washington, D.C.–The United States Senate today confirmed Scott Bessent to serve as Secretary of the U.S. Department of the Treasury by a bipartisan vote of 68-29.  In a speech on the Senate floor, U.S. Senate Finance Committee Chairman Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) highlighted Mr. Bessent’s qualifications and urged colleagues to support his nomination. 
    “Mr. Bessent is committed to restoring the prosperity and opportunity experienced under President Trump’s leadership,” Crapo said.  “I look forward to working closely with him to ensure we extend the policies that benefitted Americans of every income bracket and enabled families and businesses to get ahead.  If qualifications–and, I might add, character–are one’s test for supporting a nominee, voting to confirm Mr. Bessent is one of the easiest votes we could ever take.” 
    Mr. Bessent’s nomination was previously reported favorably out of the Senate Finance Committee by a bipartisan vote of 16 to 11. 

    Read Senator Crapo’s full remarks below:
    “I rise today to urge my colleagues to vote in favor of the confirmation of Mr. Scott Bessent, who has been nominated to serve as Secretary of the Treasury.
    “Over the weekend, the Senate voted with broad bipartisan support to advance Mr. Bessent’s nomination.  In fact, fifteen of my Democrat colleagues joined Republicans in advancing Mr. Bessent’s nomination.
    “Despite Mr. Bessent’s prolific experience and qualifications—which cannot be disputed—a few detractors frame their policy preferences as if these are compliance issues with respect to his taxes. 
    “Let me be clear: Mr. Bessent followed all applicable laws and met the Committee’s longstanding and rigorous diligence standard.  The Finance Committee has the most rigorous standard of vetting nominees of any committee in the Congress, including looking at their past tax returns and having tax experts come in and evaluate their tax returns with us.
    “His diligence matched that which has applied to nominees in previous administrations. 
    “Contrary to what you have heard, he provided extensive supporting material for all of the attacks on him, including more than 3,000 pages worth, and he and his staff spent countless hours with Republican and Democrat Senate Finance Committee members and staff going over all of these allegations and all of these claimed failures to pay taxes.  
    “He’s gone further by not only divesting all of his business ties, which is no small task, but by publicly committing that if there is any change in the law in the future on these policy arguments, that he would comply with those changes in the law.
    “Let me state this again, as clearly as it can be said, Scott Bessent paid his taxes.
    “I’ve heard it said twice on this floor that he did not pay his taxes.  Experts have gone over his tax returns, and he has complied with standard, prevailing interpretations of the tax code every time.
    “The issue here is that the IRS wants to change the interpretation of the tax code, but the IRS doesn’t get to decide what our tax code says.  Congress does, and Congress has not made the changes that the IRS wants to see.
    “Even in the face of that, arguing that he should have done what the IRS wanted him to do, in fact, they didn’t even say they wanted him to do it, they said it to other taxpayers, and other taxpayers have taken the IRS to court over this issue.  Mr. Bessent has said, if the IRS prevails and changes the tax code–the interpretation of the tax code–he will comply.
    “But the argument that he has not complied with long standing tax policy and interpretation is false, and I don’t know anybody who could go through a more rigorous standard than what we put him through in the Finance Committee.
    “As for the nominee, Mr. Bessent has worked for the last three decades as one of the sharpest minds in the global finance industry.  He has decades of academic, professional and leadership experience relevant to the position of Treasury Secretary.  
    “His performance at the Committee was stellar.  His background and training are tailor-made for this role, and he has the demeanor and character to be an effective Secretary.
    “Mr. Bessent is committed to restoring the prosperity and opportunity experienced under President Trump’s leadership. 
    “This includes ensuring that we avert an over-$4-trillion tax hike on the American people if the Trump tax cuts are allowed to expire, which he rightly described at his nomination hearing as a pass/fail exercise. 
    “There should be no question that we will extend these tax cuts.
    “I’ve also heard it argued on this floor here today that this is just a tax cut for rich billionaires.  The reality is that the vast majority of the tax cut goes to everyday people–to people making less than $400,000 a year.
    “The vast majority of those tax cuts go to people in the lower-and-middle income tax brackets. The tax cuts that we are talking about gave tax cuts to every single solitary income cohort in the tax code, and the greatest tax cuts went to those in the lower- and middle-income categories.
    “It would be terrible if we did not extend these tax cuts, and yet, Mr. Bessent is attacked for saying he supports extending these tax cuts.  It doesn’t make sense.  
    “I look forward to working closely with him to ensure we extend the policies that benefitted Americans of every income bracket and enabled families and businesses to get ahead.
    “I should also say that under this tax policy, when it was passed, the richest in America paid a greater percentage of the overall tax burden than they had before.  Yet he is attacked for wanting to extend these tax cuts that will hammer every single tax paying American if they are allowed to expire
    “If qualifications–and I might add, character–are one’s test for supporting a nominee, voting to confirm Mr. Bessent is one of the easiest we could ever take. 
    “In previous congresses, many of my Republican colleagues and I have voted for candidates we considered to be qualified to serve as Treasury Secretary, even when they were nominated by Democratic presidents and we disagreed with many of their policy positions.  
    “Mr. Bessent’s candidacy ought to enjoy similar bipartisan support and I encourage my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join with me in confirming his nomination.
    “He is the right person for this job, and I commend President Trump in making such an excellent selection.”

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI: Mattermost to Deliver AI-Powered Collaboration for Azure Secret and Top Secret Environments

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Palo Alto, California, Jan. 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — At the AFCEA West 2025 conference, Mattermost, the leading collaborative workflow platform for air-gapped edge operations, today announced its intent to develop an AI-ready platform for Azure Secret and Top Secret cloud environments. This initiative will leverage the power of Azure AI, including OpenAI’s GPT-4o, which recently received authorization for use in Microsoft’s Azure Government Top Secret cloud, as announced by Microsoft on January 16, 2025.

    Mattermost is purpose-built for disconnected, edge-based environments, enabling secure collaboration and workflow execution even in the most isolated and sensitive operations. This includes one-to-one and group messaging, file sharing, systems integration, automation, audio calling, and screen share. This new initiative will extend these capabilities to Azure’s air-gapped cloud environments, empowering defense and intelligence agencies to leverage the latest advancements in AI while maintaining the highest levels of security and compliance.

    Key Use Cases:

    • Out-of-Band Incident Response: Securely coordinate and manage incident response activities in disconnected environments. This is critical for maintaining communication and operational continuity when primary communications infrastructure may be breached or unavailable, especially in emergency situations to prevent data spillage of classified information to other platforms.
    • Red Team and Pen Test Workflows: Facilitate collaboration and information sharing for red teaming and penetration testing exercises within a protected, segregated environment designed to manage highly sensitive classified information about vulnerabilities in critical infrastructure.
    • DevSecOps in Classified Environments: Enable secure collaboration and automation for software development and security operations, including integrations with continuous integration/continuous delivery (CI/CD) platforms and popular developer infrastructure like on-premise versions of GitLab, GitHub Enterprise, Jira, Jenkins, and other similar platforms.
    • Mission Operations and Command and Control: Provide a reliable and secure platform for critical communications and coordination.

    Key Features and Benefits:

    • Secure Collaboration: Enables secure chat operations, file sharing, audio calling, and screen sharing, along with integration with legacy and custom systems, automation and customization, all within classified environments.
    • Workflow Automation: Streamlines repetitive tasks, boosts efficiency with secure workflows and digital playbooks, and speeds up the execution of standard operating procedures, training, and onboarding.
    • AI-Powered Assistance: Acts as a force multiplier to address talent and personnel shortages by leveraging Azure AI and OpenAI to provide real-time analysis, automated workflows, and intelligent insights, alleviating the stress of spreading mission-critical teams too thinly across responsibilities.
    • Integration with Microsoft Teams: Offers interoperability options with Microsoft Teams, allowing for collaboration across different security domains.
    • Compliance with Stringent Standards: Meets the rigorous security and compliance requirements of Intelligence Community Directive (ICD) 503. 

    “The material rise in geopolitical instability and the dramatic increase in global cyber threats, including adversarial use of AI and digital attack vectors, requires rapid augmentation of capabilities within air-gapped environments to more rapidly detect, analyze, and defend against new categories of threats,” said Corey Hulen, CEO of Mattermost Federal Inc. “This initiative represents a significant step forward in our commitment to providing the secure and innovative solutions required for mission success in this challenging environment.”

    About Mattermost:

    Mattermost is the leading collaborative workflow platform for air-gapped edge environments. We serve national security, government, and critical infrastructure enterprises, from the U.S. Department of Defense, to global tech giants, to utilities, banks and other vital services. We accelerate out-of-band incident response, DevSecOps workflow, mission operations, and self-sovereign collaboration to bolster the focus, adaptability and resilience of the world’s most important organizations.

    Our enterprise software and single-tenant SaaS platforms are built to meet the custom needs of rigorous and complex environments while offering a secure and unrivaled collaboration experience across web, desktop and mobile with channel-based messaging, file sharing, audio calling and screen share, with integrated tooling, workflow automation and AI assistance.

    For more information visit mattermost.com.

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI: Bybit Web3 Launches Telegram Mini Wallet to Simplify Wallet Creation for Web2 Users

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    DUBAI, United Arab Emirates, Jan. 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Bybit Web3, the Web3 division of Bybit, today announced the launch of its Telegram Mini Wallet, a significant step towards bridging the gap between Web2 and Web3. This innovative feature empowers users to seamlessly create and manage their Bybit Wallets directly within the popular Telegram messaging app, eliminating the need for separate app downloads and streamlining their Web3 journey. This integration reflects Bybit’s strategic commitment to simplifying access to blockchain technology for a broader audience, particularly Telegram’s active user base. 

    Key Features and Benefits of the Bybit Telegram Mini Wallet:

    • Simplified Onboarding: Allows users to create a Bybit Wallet easily within the Telegram interface.
    • Integrated Asset Management: Enables depositing, withdrawing, and managing crypto assets directly within Telegram.
    • Improved User Experience: Offers opportunities to participate in campaigns, engage with the Bybit ecosystem, and explore Web3 within Telegram.
    • Enhanced Accessibility: Aims to break down the barriers to entry for Web2 users and support broader blockchain adoption.

    “We’re thrilled to introduce the Telegram Mini Wallet — it’s a big step in our mission to bridge CeDeFi and become the gateway to everything on-chain,” said Emily Bao, Head of Spot and Web3. “By making wallet creation and management simpler, we’re opening the door for more people to experience the amazing possibilities of Web3. It’s all about making blockchain technology easy and accessible for everyone.”

    Exploring New Possibilities: Bybit Telegram Mini Wallet and FarmX Campaign

    The launch of the Telegram Mini Wallet aligns with the latest edition of FarmX, Bybit SpaceS’ flagship token farming initiative. This campaign features a prize pool exceeding $100,000, and an expanded selection of token rewards, including $PinEye, $FLOCK, and $USDT (via Tanssi).

    Over 20,000 users have already won USDT in previous FarmX campaigns, with more than 5,000 joining within 24 hours during a first-come, first-served event. One user earned around 50 USDT, demonstrating the potential rewards available. The upcoming campaign provides an expanded scope, featuring 50,000 slots available for users to claim potential rewards.

    The Telegram Mini Wallet addresses a common industry challenge: for many beginners, getting started with DeFi can be confusing, especially when it comes to choosing and setting up a Web3 wallet. By leveraging Telegram, a trusted platform familiar to millions, the Bybit Mini Telegram Wallet simplifies the process by allowing users to create and manage their Web3 wallet directly within the app. This seamless integration provides an easy and secure way for users to explore decentralized finance, offering a smoother introduction to owning and managing digital assets.

    Users can seamlessly connect via the Telegram Mini Wallet or their Bybit Wallet, streamlining their participation in FarmX. Moreover, holding or staking $TON unlocks exclusive perks, such as boosted rewards in the TON Pool, further enhancing the earning potential.

    Bybit’s Telegram Mini Wallet and FarmX campaign exemplifies its innovative approach to integrating social engagement with blockchain technology, empowering users with intuitive tools and generous rewards.

    #Bybit / #TheCryptoArk / #BybitWeb3

    About Bybit Web3

    Bybit Web3 is redefining openness in the decentralized world, creating a simpler, open, and equal ecosystem for everyone. We are committed to welcoming builders, creators, and partners in the blockchain space, extending an invitation to both crypto enthusiasts and the curious, with a community of over 130 million wallet addresses across over 30 major ecosystem partners, and counting.

    Bybit Web3 provides a comprehensive suite of Web3 products designed to make accessing, swapping, collecting and growing Web3 assets as open and simple as possible. Our wallets, marketplaces and platforms are all backed by the security and expertise that define Bybit as the world’s second-largest cryptocurrency exchange by trading volume, trusted by over 60 million users globally.

    Join the revolution now and open the door to your Web3 future with Bybit.

    For more details about Bybit Web3, please visit Bybit Web3.

    About Bybit

    Bybit is the world’s second-largest cryptocurrency exchange by trading volume, serving a global community of over 60 million users. Founded in 2018, Bybit is redefining openness in the decentralized world by creating a simpler, open and equal ecosystem for everyone. With a strong focus on Web3, Bybit partners strategically with leading blockchain protocols to provide robust infrastructure and drive on-chain innovation. Renowned for its secure custody, diverse marketplaces, intuitive user experience, and advanced blockchain tools, Bybit bridges the gap between TradFi and DeFi, empowering builders, creators, and enthusiasts to unlock the full potential of Web3. Discover the future of decentralized finance at Bybit.com.

    For more details about Bybit, please visit Bybit Press
    For media inquiries, please contact: media@bybit.com 
    For updates, please follow: Bybit’s Communities and Social Media
    Discord | Facebook | Instagram | LinkedIn | Reddit | Telegram | TikTok | X | Youtube

    Contact

    Head of PR
    Tony Au
    Bybit
    tony.au@bybit.com

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/663c0477-8b1e-44e7-a7f4-fdd6a69a6018

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI Video: Visit by EFTA parliamentarians

    Source: World Trade Organization – WTO (video statements)

    European Free Trade Association (EFTA) parliamentarians met with WTO Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala on 28 January 2025 to discuss the importance of a rules-based multilateral trading system. The meeting addressed EFTA’s commitment to global trade, the need for WTO reform, and the role of trade in improving living standards. Both parties emphasized the importance of maintaining a stable and predictable trading system in the current geopolitical context.

    Download this video from the WTO website:
    https://www.wto.org/english/res_e/webcas_e/webcas_e.htm

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ga2RXooYwyM

    MIL OSI Video –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Universal Periodic Review 48: UK Statement on Iran

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    UK Statement at Iran’s Universal Periodic Review at the Human Rights Council in Geneva. Delivered by the UK’s Human Rights Ambassador, Eleanor Sanders.

    Thank you, Mr President.

    The United Kingdom welcomes Iran’s engagement with the UPR.

    We have noted President Pezeshkian’s election campaign comments on human rights issues, including the negative implications of hijab enforcement and internet filtering.

    We remain deeply concerned about Iran’s failure to uphold its international legal obligations. In particular, its violent enforcement of mandatory veiling, intimidation of human rights defenders and journalists, and discrimination against minority groups. 

    We recommend that Iran:

    1. Guarantees all individuals, but especially those facing charges carrying the death penalty, a fair trial, consistent with obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Right, including access to a lawyer of their choosing.

    2. Grants access to Human Rights Council mandate holders, including the Special Rapporteur on Iran.

    3. Ratifies the UN Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

    Updates to this page

    Published 28 January 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Reappointment of Ofgem Chief Executive

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 2

    Jonathan Brearley reappointed as Chief Executive Officer of Ofgem.

    Energy Secretary Ed Miliband has today (14 January 2025) confirmed the reappointment of Jonathan Brearley as Chief Executive Officer of Ofgem.

    The reappointment will run from 1 February 2025 until 31 January 2030.

    The Secretary of State has also extended the terms of 2 non-executive directors – Myriam Madden to 31 March 2025 and Barry Panayi to 16 March 2027.

    Biographies

    Jonathan Brearley – Chief Executive Officer

    Jonathan Brearley was appointed as an executive member of the Ofgem Board in 2018. Jonathan became Ofgem’s Chief Executive Officer on 3 February 2020. This follows his previous appointment as Executive Director for Systems and Networks in April 2018.

    He has wide-ranging energy sector experience, having led Electricity Market Reform as the Director for Energy Markets and Networks at the Department of Energy and Climate Change (DECC).

    Prior to this, he was Director of the Office of Climate Change, a cross-government strategy unit focussed on climate change and energy issues, where he led the development of the Climate Change Act. Earlier in his career, Jonathan was a senior adviser in the Prime Minister’s Strategy Unit.

    Appointed: 3 February 2020
    Reappointed: 1 February 2025
    Term ends: 31 March 2025

    Myriam Madden – Non-Executive Director

    Myriam was appointed to the Ofgem Board in January 2020. She has held senior executive finance and operational positions in global technology companies, financial services in the UK, US and Europe, as well as the public sector. An experienced Executive Director, Myriam specialised in business transformation, operational restructuring and finance in both the private and public sectors.

    Myriam is a chartered management accountant and a Board member of the International Ethics Standards Board for Accountants (IESBA). She is a Board member of Home Group, chairman of their Scottish subsidiary, a board member of the Traverse Theatre and chairman of their Audit committee.

    Myriam previously served as a non-executive member of the Audit and Risk Assurance Committee of BEIS. She was also a Board member of the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants and President of the Chartered Institute of Management Accountants, both global accounting bodies.

    Appointed: 1 January 2020
    Extended: 1 February 2025
    Term ends: 31 January 2030

    Barry Panayi Madden – Non-Executive Director

    Barry was appointed to the Ofgem Board in March 2020. He specialises in data and digital transformation and has worked in data for the whole of his career. He is currently Chief Data and Insight Officer for John Lewis.

    Prior to John Lewis, Barry spent the majority of his early career at Ernst & Young helping to lead the data and analytics practice and has subsequently headed up data and digital teams in organisations such as Bupa, Virgin and Lloyds Banking Group.

    Appointed: 16 March 2020
    Extended: 1 February 2025
    Term ends: 16 March 2027

    Updates to this page

    Published 14 January 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI: Summit State Bank Reports Fourth Quarter 2024 Financial Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    SANTA ROSA, Calif., Jan. 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Summit State Bank (the “Bank”) (Nasdaq: SSBI) today reported a net loss of $6,605,000, or $0.98 loss per diluted share for the fourth quarter ended December 31, 2024, compared to net income of $1,901,000, or $0.28 per diluted share for the fourth quarter ended December 31, 2023. The current quarter’s results were impacted by expenses including a $6,646,000 provision for credit losses on loans and a $4,119,000 one-time non-cash impairment charge to write off the remaining balance of goodwill. The Bank has taken significant charge offs and provisions for credit losses in the fourth quarter of 2024 as a proactive step towards resolving its problem loans. The goodwill impairment was a result of the Bank’s stock price trading below book value and is a non-cash charge that does not impact the Bank’s cash flows, liquidity, or regulatory capital. The Bank ended the year with improved regulatory capital ratios and is focused on expanding net interest margin in 2025.

    For the year ended December 31, 2024, the Bank reported a net loss of $3,656,000, or $0.54 loss per diluted share compared to net income of $10,822,000, or $1.62 per diluted share for the year ended December 31, 2023. The 2024 net income loss was primarily attributable to annual provision for credit losses on loans totaling $7,958,000 and a one-time non-cash goodwill impairment expense of $4,119,000.

    Pre-tax, pre-provision net income before goodwill1 was $2,994,000 for the quarter ended December 31, 2024, compared to $2,122,000, $1,267,000, $1,955,000 and $2,643,000 for the quarters ended September 30, 2024, June 30, 2024, March 31, 2024, and December 31, 2023, respectively. “At the beginning of 2024, the Bank was negatively impacted by the ongoing strains that the high-interest rate environment put on our funding costs,” said Brian Reed, President and CEO. “By the fourth quarter of 2024, the Bank’s core operating results improved due to a lower cost of funds and improved noninterest income.”

    “The Bank continues to focus on maintaining strong capital levels and did that effectively in 2024 by strategically managing the balance sheet and suspending cash dividends.
    As such, the Board determined it will also suspend cash dividends in the first quarter of 2025 so that we can build capital, increase liquidity, and position the Bank to create long-term value for our shareholders.”

    “The largest negative impact on the Bank’s performance in 2024 was a result of the heightened level of non-performing assets,” said Reed. “We have been aggressively pursuing solutions to these problem loans and have reduced our non performing loans by $9,160,000 in the fourth quarter of 2024. We anticipate non performing loans will be further reduced by $18,187,000 in the first half of 2025 as a result of loan payoffs from the sale of collateral that is currently under contract to be sold.”

    “We are headed into 2025 feeling positive about our prospects subsequent to our significant progress in resolving problem loans. We continue to maintain our well capitalized status and sufficient liquidity after having realized successive quarters of improved net operating income results,” concluded Reed.

    Fourth Quarter 2024 Financial Highlights (at or for the three months ended December 31, 2024)

    • The Bank’s Tier 1 Leverage ratio increased to 8.92% at December 31, 2024 compared to 8.85% at December 31, 2023. This ratio remains above the minimum of 5% required to be considered “well-capitalized” for regulatory capital purposes.
    • The Bank has implemented numerous operating cost saving initiatives including an 8% reduction in force.
    • The Bank’s annualized loss on average assets and annualized loss on average equity for the fourth quarter of 2024 was 2.39% and 25.94%, respectively. The pre-tax, pre-provision return on average assets before goodwill1 and pre-tax, pre-provision return on average equity before goodwill1 in the fourth quarter would have been 1.08% and 11.76%, respectively.
    • Net income was a loss of $6,605,000 for the fourth quarter of 2024. Pre-tax, pre-provision net income before goodwill1 was $2,994,000 for the fourth quarter of 2024 compared to $2,122,000, $1,267,000, $1,955,000 and $2,643,000 for the quarters ended September 30, 2024, June 30, 2024, March 31, 2024, and December 31, 2023, respectively.
    • Collateral relating to two of the non performing loans is in contract to sell in the first half of 2025 and the expected proceeds represent 65% or $18,010,000 of the remaining $27,754,000 of non performing loans.
    • The allowance for credit losses to total loans was 1.50% after charging off $8,343,000 and recording a $6,646,000 provision for credit losses to replenish reserves on December 31, 2024.
    • The Bank maintained strong total liquidity of $435,409,000, or 40.8% of total assets as of December 31, 2024. This includes on balance sheet liquidity (cash and equivalents and unpledged available-for-sale securities) of $111,471,000 or 10.4% of total assets, plus available borrowing capacity of $323,938,000 or 30.3% of total assets.
    • The Bank has been strategically managing its loan and deposit portfolios to reduce risk in the balance sheet and improve capital ratios. The Bank has been successful in reducing the size of its balance sheet as noted below:
      • Net loans decreased $33,627,000 to $904,999,000 at December 31, 2024, compared to $938,626,000 one year earlier and decreased $12,368,000 compared to $917,367,000 three months earlier.
      • Total deposits decreased 5% to $962,562,000 at December 31, 2024, compared to $1,009,693,000 at December 31, 2023, and decreased 4% when compared to the prior quarter end of $1,002,770,000.
    • Book value was $13.61 per share, compared to $14.40 per share a year ago and $14.85 in the preceding quarter.

    Operating Results

    For the fourth quarter of 2024, the annualized loss on average assets was 2.39% and the annualized loss on average equity was 25.94%. This compared to an annualized return on average assets of 0.67% and an annualized return on average equity of 8.02%, respectively, for the fourth quarter of 2023. These ratios were negatively impacted during the fourth quarter of 2024 by a credit loss provision and one-time goodwill impairment. Without the impact from these items, the pre-tax, pre-provision return on average assets before goodwill1 and the pre-tax, pre-provision return on average equity before goodwill1 would have been 1.08% and 11.76%, respectively, for the three months ended December 31, 2024.

    For the year ended 2024, the loss on average assets was 0.37% and the loss on average equity was 3.69%. This compares to the return on average assets of 0.95% and return on average equity of 11.56%, respectively, for the year ended 2023.

    The Bank’s net interest margin was 2.88% in the fourth quarter of 2024 compared to its lowest quarterly net interest margin this year of 2.71% which occurred in the second and third quarters of 2024. The current net interest margin is also higher compared to the fourth quarter of 2023 of 2.85%. This was primarily attributable to the cost of deposits decreasing in the fourth quarter of 2024 to 2.87% compared to 3.05% during the preceding quarter. “We are starting to see an improvement in cost of funds in response to the Federal Reserve rate decreases. As CDs mature, we expect to see continued improvement in deposit pricing in the near future,” said Reed. “In addition, loan yields have started to improve as our existing loans have started to reprice.”

    Interest and dividend income decreased 1.0% to $14,935,000 in the fourth quarter of 2024 compared to $15,036,000 in the fourth quarter of 2023. The decrease in interest income is attributable to a $182,000 decrease in interest on investment securities and a $137,000 decrease in interest on deposits with banks offset by an increase of $214,000 in interest and fees on loans.

    Noninterest income increased in the fourth quarter of 2024 to $1,373,000 compared to $297,000 in the fourth quarter of 2023. The increase is primarily attributed to the Bank recognizing $857,000 in gains on sales of SBA guaranteed loan balances in the fourth quarter of 2024 compared to no gains on sales of SBA guaranteed loan balances in the fourth quarter of 2023.

    Operating expenses increased in the fourth quarter of 2024 to $10,200,000 compared to $5,483,000 in the fourth quarter of 2023. The increase is primarily due to a one-time non-cash impairment charge of $4,119,000 to write off the remaining balance of goodwill. In addition, the Bank recorded a $443,000 loss related to an external check fraud event during the fourth quarter of 2024. The Bank has filed an insurance claim related to this fraud loss and may be partially reimbursed by insurance at a later date.

    “We remain focused on enhancing revenue generation and driving significant cost efficiencies to improving our operational effectiveness. To date we have leveraged existing staff and technologies to reduce third-party expenses, eliminated raises and bonuses, reduced employee benefits Bank-wide, and reduced director fees.”

    Balance Sheet Review

    During 2024, the Bank strategically managed its loan and deposit portfolios to reduce risk in the balance sheet and improve capital ratios. As a result of the efforts, net loans decreased 4% to $904,999,000 and total deposits also decreased 5% to $962,562,000 as of December 31, 2024 compared to December 31, 2023.

    Net loans were $904,999,000 at December 31, 2024 compared to $938,626,000 at December 31, 2023, and decreased 1% compared to September 30, 2024. The Bank’s largest loan types are commercial real estate loans which make up 78% of the portfolio, “secured by farmland” totaling 9% of the portfolio, and 7% in commercial and industrial loans. Of the commercial real estate total, approximately 34% or $231,000,000 is owner occupied and the remaining 66% or $451,000,000 is non-owner occupied. The Bank’s entire loan portfolio is well diversified between industries including office space which totals $116,400,000.

    Total deposits were $962,562,000 at December 31, 2024 compared to $1,009,693,000 at December 31, 2023, and decreased 4% compared to the prior quarter end. At December 31, 2024, noninterest bearing demand deposit accounts decreased 8% compared to a year ago and represented 19% of total deposits; savings, NOW and money market accounts decreased 9% compared to a year ago and represented 49% of total deposits, and CDs increased 4% compared to a year ago and comprised 32% of total deposits.

    Shareholders’ equity was $92,261,000 at December 31, 2024, compared to $100,662,000 three months earlier and $97,678,000 a year earlier. The decrease in shareholders’ equity compared to a year ago was due to a reduction in retained earnings. At December 31, 2024 book value was $13.61 per share, compared to $14.85 three months earlier, and $14.40 at December 31, 2023.

    The Bank’s Tier 1 Leverage ratio continues to exceed the minimum of 5% necessary to be categorized as “well-capitalized” for regulatory capital purposes. The Tier-1 leverage ratio at the end of 2024 was 8.92%, an increase compared to 8.85% at the end of 2023.

    Credit Quality

    “Our primary focus remains on managing asset quality and reducing portfolio risk,” said Reed. “To that end we charged off loans of $8,343,000 and recorded a $6,646,000 provision for credit losses to replenish reserves during the fourth quarter of 2024. Three credits represent 94% or $26,040,000 of our non performing loans and are “secured by farmland” which have been hit hard by the current environment. The bank holds a small portion of its total loans in this industry and actively monitors the performance of these loans. Collateral relating to two of these three non performing loans is in contract to sell in the first half of 2025 and represents 65% or $18,010,000 of the non performing portfolio. The remaining non performing loans are being reserved at current appraisal value less selling cost.”

    Non performing assets were $32,884,000, or 3.08% of total assets, at December 31, 2024. This compared to $41,971,000 in non performing assets at September 30, 2024, and $44,206,000 in non performing assets at December 31, 2023. Non performing assets include $5,130,000 for one other real estate owned loan at December 31, 2024 and September 30, 2024, compared to no other real estate owned loans at December 31, 2023.

    There were $8,343,000 in net charge-offs during the three months ended December 31, 2024, compared to no charge-offs during the three months ended September 30, 2024 and net recoveries of $9,000 during the three months ended December 31, 2023.

    For the fourth quarter of 2024, consistent with factors within the allowance for credit losses model, the Bank recorded a $6,646,000 provision for credit loss expense for loans, a $8,000 provision for credit losses for unfunded loan commitments and a $2,000 reversal of credit losses on investments. This compared to a $31,000 reversal of credit loss expense on loans, a $65,000 reversal of credit losses on unfunded loan commitments and a $31,000 provision for credit losses on investments in the fourth quarter of 2023.

    The allowance for credit losses to total loans was 1.50% on December 31, 2024, and 1.60% on December 31, 2023. The decrease is due to $9,690,000 in loan charge-offs offset with a provision for credit losses on loans of $7,958,000 and $91,000 reversal of credit losses on unfunded loan commitments recorded during the year ended December 31, 2024.

    About Summit State Bank

    Founded in 1982 and headquartered in Sonoma County, Summit State Bank is an award-winning community bank serving the North Bay. The Bank serves small businesses, nonprofits and the community, with total assets of $1.1 billion and total equity of $92 million as of December 31, 2024. The Bank has built its reputation over the past 40 years by specializing in providing exceptional customer service and customized financial solutions to aid in the success of its customers.

    Summit State Bank is committed to embracing the diverse backgrounds, cultures and talents of its employees to create high performance and support the evolving needs of its customers and community it serves. Through the engagement of its team, Summit State Bank has received many esteemed awards including: Top Performing Community Bank by American Banker, Best Places to Work in the North Bay and Diversity in Business by North Bay Business Journal, Corporate Philanthropy Award by the San Francisco Business Times, and Hall of Fame by North Bay Biz Magazine. Summit State Bank’s stock is traded on the Nasdaq Global Market under the symbol SSBI. Further information can be found at www.summitstatebank.com.

    Cautionary Note Regarding Preliminary Financial Results and Forward-looking Statements

    The financial results in this release are preliminary and unaudited. Final audited financial results and other disclosures will be reported in Summit State Bank’s annual report on Form 10-K for the period ended December 31, 2024 and may differ materially from the results and disclosures in this release due to, among other things, the completion of final review procedures, the occurrence of subsequent events or the discovery of additional information.

    Except for historical information, the statements contained in this release, are forward-looking statements within the meaning of the “safe harbor” provisions of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. Forward-looking statements are non-historical statements regarding management’s expectations and beliefs about the Bank’s future financial performance and financial condition and trends in its business and markets. Words such as “expects,” “anticipates,” “believes,” “estimates” and similar expressions or future or conditional verbs such as “will,” “should,” “would” and “could” are intended to identify such forward-looking statements. Examples of forward-looking statements include but are not limited to statements regarding future operating results, operating improvements, loans sales and resolutions, cost savings, insurance recoveries and dividends. The forward-looking statements in this release are based on current information and on assumptions about future events and circumstances that are subject to a number of risks and uncertainties that are often difficult to predict and beyond the Bank’s control. As a result of those risks and uncertainties, the Bank’s actual future results and outcomes could differ, possibly materially, from those expressed in or implied by the forward-looking statements contained in this release. Those risks and uncertainties include, but are not limited to, the risk of incurring credit losses; the quality and quantity of deposits; the market for deposits, adverse developments in the financial services industry and any related impact on depositor behavior or investor sentiment; risks related to the sufficiency of the Bank’s liquidity; fluctuations in interest rates; governmental regulation and supervision; the risk that the Bank will not maintain growth at historic rates or at all; general economic conditions, either nationally or locally in the areas in which the Bank conducts its business; risks associated with changes in interest rates, which could adversely affect future operating results; the risk that customers or counterparties may not performance in accordance with the terms of credit documents or other agreements due a decline in credit worthiness, business conditions or other reasons;; adverse conditions in real estate markets; and the inherent uncertainty of expectations regarding litigation, insurance claims and the performance or resolution of loans. Additional information regarding these and other risks and uncertainties to which the Bank’s business and future financial performance are subject is contained in the Bank’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the fiscal year ended December 31, 2023 and other documents the Bank files with the FDIC from time to time. Readers should not place undue reliance on the forward-looking statements, which reflect management’s views only as of the date of this release. The Bank undertakes no obligation to publicly revise these forward-looking statements to reflect subsequent events or circumstances.

    1Non-GAAP Financial Measures

    This release contains non-GAAP (Generally Accepted Accounting Principles) financial measures in addition to the results presented in accordance with GAAP. These Non-GAAP financial measures include pre-tax, pre-provision net operating income before goodwill, pre-tax, pre-provision return on average assets before goodwill (“ROAA”), and pre-tax, pre-provision return on average equity (“ROAE”) before goodwill. We believe the presentation of these non-GAAP financial measures, provides useful information to assess our consolidated financial condition and consolidated results of operations and to assist investors in evaluating our financial results relative to our history results and those of our peers.

    Not all companies use identical calculations or the same definitions of pre-tax, pre-provision net operating income before goodwill, pre-tax, pre-provision ROAA before goodwill and pre-tax, pre-provision ROAE before goodwill, so the presentation of these non-GAAP financial measures may not be comparable to other similarly titled measures used by other companies. These non-GAAP financial measures have inherent limitations, are not required to be uniformly applied, and are not audited. These non-GAAP financial measures should be taken together with the corresponding GAAP measure and should not be considered a substitute for the GAAP measure. Reconciliations of the most directly comparable GAAP measures to these non-GAAP financial measurements are presented below.

    Contact: Brian Reed, President and CEO, Summit State Bank (707) 568-4908

                         
        Three Months Ended
                         
        December 31, 2024   September 30, 2024   June 30, 2024   March 31, 2024   December 31, 2023
        (In thousands)
    Reconciliation of non-GAAP pre-tax, pre-provision income net of goodwill                
                         
    Net (loss) income   $ (6,605 )   $ 626     $ 928     $ 1,395     $ 1,901  
    Excluding provision for (reversal of) credit losses   6,652       1,294       (16 )     (85 )     (65 )
    Excluding (reversal of) provision for income taxes   (1,172 )     202       355       645       807  
    Pre-tax, pre-provision income (non-GAAP) $ (1,125 )   $ 2,122     $ 1,267     $ 1,955     $ 2,643  
                         
    Excluding goodwill impairment     4,119       –       –       –       –  
    Pre-tax, pre-provision income net of goodwill (non-GAAP) $ 2,994     $ 2,122     $ 1,267     $ 1,955     $ 2,643  
                       
                         
                         
        Three Months Ended
                         
        December 31, 2024   September 30, 2024   June 30, 2024   March 31, 2024   December 31, 2023
        (In thousands)
    Reconciliation of non-GAAP return on average assets                  
                         
    Average assets   $ 1,098,890     $ 1,098,469     $ 1,078,700     $ 1,087,960     $ 1,123,057  
    (Loss) return on average assets (1)     -2.39%       0.23%       0.35%       0.51%       0.67%  
                         
    Net (loss) income   $ (6,605 )   $ 626     $ 928     $ 1,395     $ 1,901  
    Excluding provision for (reversal of) credit losses   6,652       1,294       (16 )     (85 )     (65 )
    Excluding (reversal of) provision for income taxes   (1,172 )     202       355       645       807  
    Pre-tax, pre-provision income (non-GAAP) $ (1,125 )   $ 2,122     $ 1,267     $ 1,955     $ 2,643  
                         
    Excluding goodwill impairment     4,119       –       –       –       –  
    Pre-tax, pre-provision income net of goodwill (non-GAAP) $ 2,994     $ 2,122     $ 1,267     $ 1,955     $ 2,643  
                         
    Adjusted return on average assets (non-GAAP) (1)   1.08%       0.77%       0.47%       0.72%       0.93%  
                         
    (1) Annualized.                
                         
        Three Months Ended
                         
        December 31, 2024   September 30, 2024   June 30, 2024   March 31, 2024   December 31, 2023
        (In thousands)
    Reconciliation of non-GAAP return on average shareholders’ equity                
                         
    Average shareholders’ equity   $ 101,313     $ 99,962     $ 97,548     $ 97,471     $ 94,096  
    (Loss) return on average shareholders’ equity (1)   -25.94%       2.48%       3.82%       5.74%       8.02%  
                         
    Net (loss) income   $ (6,605 )   $ 626     $ 928     $ 1,395     $ 1,901  
    Excluding provision for (reversal of) credit losses   6,652       1,294       (16 )     (85 )     (65 )
    Excluding (reversal of) provision for income taxes   (1,172 )     202       355       645       807  
    Pre-tax, pre-provision income (non-GAAP) $ (1,125 )   $ 2,122     $ 1,267     $ 1,955     $ 2,643  
                         
    Excluding goodwill impairment     4,119       –       –       –       –  
    Pre-tax, pre-provision income net of goodwill (non-GAAP) $ 2,994     $ 2,122     $ 1,267     $ 1,955     $ 2,643  
                         
    Adjusted return on average shareholders’ equity (non-GAAP) (1)   11.76%       8.42%       5.21%       8.04%       11.14%  
                         
    (1) Annualized.                
                     
                   
    SUMMIT STATE BANK
    STATEMENTS OF INCOME
    (In thousands except earnings per share data)
                   
      Three Months Ended   Year Ended
      December 31, 2024   December 31, 2023   December 31, 2024   December 31, 2023
      (Unaudited)   (Unaudited)   (Unaudited)   (Unaudited)
                   
    Interest and dividend income:              
    Interest and fees on loans $ 13,623     $ 13,409     $ 53,574     $ 52,560  
    Interest on deposits with banks   655       792       2,060       4,410  
    Interest on investment securities   530       712       2,614       2,855  
    Dividends on FHLB stock   127       123       514       416  
    Total interest and dividend income   14,935       15,036       58,762       60,241  
    Interest expense:              
    Deposits   7,099       7,113       28,495       24,227  
    Federal Home Loan Bank advances   6       –       337       177  
    Junior subordinated debt   128       94       454       375  
    Total interest expense   7,233       7,207       29,286       24,779  
    Net interest income before provision for credit losses   7,702       7,829       29,476       35,462  
    Provision for (reversal of) credit losses on loans   6,646       (31 )     7,958       342  
    Provision for (reversal of) credit losses on unfunded loan commitments   8       (65 )     (91 )     (68 )
    (Reversal of) provision for credit losses on investments   (2 )     31       (22 )     58  
    Net interest income after provision for (reversal of) credit              
    losses, unfunded loan commitments and investments   1,050       7,894       21,631       35,130  
    Non-interest income:              
    Service charges on deposit accounts   225       219       926       872  
    Rental income   61       54       241       193  
    Net gain on loan sales   857       –       2,114       2,481  
    Net gain on securities   6       –       6       –  
    FHLB prepayment fee   –       –       –       1,024  
    Other income   224       24       865       631  
    Total non-interest income   1,373       297       4,152       5,201  
    Non-interest expense:              
    Salaries and employee benefits   3,429       3,044       15,639       15,399  
    Occupancy and equipment   413       386       1,761       1,713  
    Goodwill impairment   4,119       –       4,119       –  
    Other expenses   2,239       2,053       7,889       7,938  
    Total non-interest expense   10,200       5,483       29,408       25,050  
    (Loss) income before provision for income taxes   (7,777 )     2,708       (3,625 )     15,281  
    (Reversal of) provision for income taxes   (1,172 )     807       31       4,459  
    Net (loss) income $ (6,605 )   $ 1,901     $ (3,656 )   $ 10,822  
                   
    Basic (loss) earnings per common share $ (0.98 )   $ 0.28     $ (0.54 )   $ 1.62  
    Diluted (loss) earnings per common share $ (0.98 )   $ 0.28     $ (0.54 )   $ 1.62  
                   
    Basic weighted average shares of common stock outstanding   6,719       6,698       6,714       6,695  
    Diluted weighted average shares of common stock outstanding   6,719       6,698       6,714       6,698  
                                   
    SUMMIT STATE BANK  
    BALANCE SHEETS  
    (In thousands except share data)  
             
      December 31, 2024   December 31, 2023  
      (Unaudited)   (Unaudited)  
             
    ASSETS        
             
    Cash and due from banks $ 51,403   $ 57,789  
    Total cash and cash equivalents   51,403     57,789  
             
    Investment securities:        
    Available-for-sale, less allowance for credit losses of $36 and $58        
    (at fair value; amortized cost of $80,887 in 2024 and $97,034 in 2023)   68,228     84,546  
             
    Loans, less allowance for credit losses of $13,769 in 2024 and $15,221 in 2023   904,999     938,626  
    Bank premises and equipment, net   5,155     5,316  
    Investment in Federal Home Loan Bank (FHLB) stock, at cost   5,889     5,541  
    Goodwill   –     4,119  
    Other real estate owned   5,130     –  
    Affordable housing tax credit investments   7,484     8,405  
    Accrued interest receivable and other assets   19,269     18,166  
             
    Total assets $ 1,067,557   $ 1,122,508  
             
    LIABILITIES AND        
    SHAREHOLDERS’ EQUITY        
             
    Deposits:        
    Demand – non interest-bearing $ 185,756   $ 201,909  
    Demand – interest-bearing   193,355     244,748  
    Savings   47,235     54,352  
    Money market   226,879     212,278  
    Time deposits that meet or exceed the FDIC insurance limit   70,717     63,159  
    Other time deposits   238,620     233,247  
    Total deposits   962,562     1,009,693  
             
    FHLB advances   –     –  
    Junior subordinated debt, net   5,935     5,920  
    Affordable housing commitment   583     4,094  
    Accrued interest payable and other liabilities   6,216     5,123  
             
    Total liabilities   975,296     1,024,830  
             
    Total shareholders’ equity   92,261     97,678  
             
    Total liabilities and shareholders’ equity $ 1,067,557   $ 1,122,508  
             
     
    Financial Summary
    (In thousands except per share data)
                     
        As of and for the   As of and for the
        Three Months Ended   Year Ended
        December 31, 2024   December 31, 2023   December 31, 2024   December 31, 2023
        (Unaudited)   (Unaudited)   (Unaudited)   (Unaudited)
    Statement of Income Data:                
    Net interest income   $ 7,702     $ 7,829     $ 29,476     $ 35,462  
    Provision for (reversal of) credit losses on loans     6,646       (31 )     7,958       342  
    Provision for (reversal of) credit losses on unfunded loan commitments   8       (65 )     (91 )     (68 )
    (Reversal of) provision for credit losses on investments     (2 )     31       (22 )     58  
    Non-interest income     1,373       297       4,152       5,201  
    Non-interest expense     10,200       5,483       29,408       25,050  
    (Reversal of) provision for income taxes     (1,172 )     807       31       4,459  
    Net (loss) income   $ (6,605 )   $ 1,901     $ (3,656 )   $ 10,822  
                     
    Selected per Common Share Data:                
    Basic earnings per common share   $ (0.98 )   $ 0.28     $ (0.54 )   $ 1.62  
    Diluted earnings per common share   $ (0.98 )   $ 0.28     $ (0.54 )   $ 1.62  
    Dividend per share   $ –     $ 0.12     $ 0.28     $ 0.48  
    Book value per common share (1)   $ 13.61     $ 14.40     $ 13.61     $ 14.40  
                     
    Selected Balance Sheet Data:                
    Assets   $ 1,067,557     $ 1,122,508     $ 1,067,557     $ 1,122,508  
    Loans, net     904,999       938,626       904,999       938,626  
    Deposits     962,562       1,009,693       962,562       1,009,693  
    Average assets     1,098,890       1,123,057       1,091,047       1,142,790  
    Average earning assets     1,064,872       1,089,808       1,058,766       1,110,801  
    Average shareholders’ equity     101,313       94,096       99,082       93,621  
    Nonperforming loans     27,754       44,206       27,754       44,206  
    Other real estate owned     5,130       –       –       –  
    Total nonperforming assets     32,884       44,206       32,884       44,206  
                     
    Selected Ratios:                
    (Loss) return on average assets (2)     -2.39 %     0.67 %     -0.34 %     0.95 %
    (Loss) return on average shareholders’ equity (2)     -25.94 %     8.02 %     -3.69 %     11.56 %
    Efficiency ratio (3)     112.47 %     67.47 %     87.47 %     61.60 %
    Net interest margin (2)     2.88 %     2.85 %     2.78 %     3.19 %
    Common equity tier 1 capital ratio     10.19 %     9.90 %     10.19 %     9.90 %
    Tier 1 capital ratio     10.19 %     9.90 %     10.19 %     9.90 %
    Total capital ratio     11.94 %     11.75 %     11.94 %     11.75 %
    Tier 1 leverage ratio     8.92 %     8.85 %     8.92 %     8.85 %
    Common dividend payout ratio (4)     0.00 %     42.63 %     -51.81 %     30.05 %
    Average shareholders’ equity to average assets     9.22 %     8.38 %     9.08 %     8.19 %
    Nonperforming loans to total loans     3.02 %     4.63 %     3.02 %     4.63 %
    Nonperforming assets to total assets     3.08 %     3.94 %     3.08 %     3.94 %
    Allowance for credit losses to total loans     1.50 %     1.60 %     1.50 %     1.60 %
    Allowance for credit losses to nonperforming loans     49.61 %     34.43 %     49.61 %     34.43 %
             
    (1) Total shareholders’ equity divided by total common shares outstanding.        
    (2) Annualized.        
    (3) Non-interest expenses to net interest and non-interest income, net of securities gains.            
    (4) Common dividends divided by net (loss) income available for common shareholders.        
             

    The MIL Network –