Category: Politics

  • MIL-OSI USA: Financial Times: Elizabeth Warren demands information on PE firms’ lobbying efforts for tax breaks

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Massachusetts – Elizabeth Warren

    June 25, 2025

    US Senator Elizabeth Warren has demanded that some of the country’s biggest private investment groups give up information about their lobbying efforts to secure tax breaks in Donald Trump’s spending bill, as debate intensifies about the landmark legislation’s winners and losers.

    The senator from Massachusetts, one of the leaders of the Democrats’ liberal wing, called on Blackstone, KKR, Apollo Global Management, Bain Capital and Thoma Bravo to provide details on any lobbying and political contributions intended to maintain “special-interest tax loopholes.”

    “It is deeply troubling that private equity firms are subsidised through the tax code to juice their profits, exacerbating the industry’s disastrous, rippling effects across multiple industries,” she wrote on Tuesday, giving the five firms until July 2 to respond.

    Read the full story here.

    By:  Eric Platt, Antoine Gara
    Source: Financial Times



    Previous Article

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Great British Energy permanent CEO appointed

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    Great British Energy permanent CEO appointed

    Dan McGrail’s appointment brings world-class private sector experience to publicly-owned clean power company.

    • Dan McGrail appointed as the permanent CEO of Great British Energy, after holding interim role 

    • appointment of interim CEO to permanent position brings world-class private sector experience to Great British Energy 

    • leadership will help the company drive forward the government’s Plan for Change and clean energy superpower mission

    Dan McGrail has been appointed as the permanent Chief Executive Officer of Great British Energy, a company owned by the British people, to help drive forward the government’s Plan for Change and make the UK a clean energy superpower. 

    His appointment brings world-class private sector experience to Great British Energy, with the former Chief Executive of RenewableUK and CEO of Siemens Engines now leading the UK’s publicly-owned clean power revolution.  

    Under his stewardship as interim CEO for the last 4 months, he has helped rapidly set up the company. This includes announcing £1 billion for Great British Energy to invest in clean energy supply chains such as electric cables and floating offshore wind platforms to ensure the clean energy revolution is built here in Britain. 

    Meanwhile hundreds of schools and hospitals are already set to benefit from lower bills thanks to Great British Energy investment into rooftop solar. Around 200 schools and 200 hospitals will install solar panels that could power classrooms and hospital operations, with hundreds of millions in savings to be reinvested in schools and the NHS

    This follows the appointment in January of five new non-executive directors to join Chair Juergen Maier on the company’s start-up board, bringing a wide range of experience across different sectors, with knowledge on workplace rights, building UK supply chains and driving investment in clean energy.  

    Energy Secretary Ed Miliband said: 

    Dan has been a visionary leader as Great British Energy’s interim CEO, and will bring world-class private sector experience to our publicly-owned clean power company 

    Great British Energy is at the heart of our clean power mission and Plan for Change and is investing in clean energy supply chains to create manufacturing jobs here in Britain.  

    I look forward to working with Dan to unleash the benefits of clean energy, driving growth and new jobs in communities.

    Great British Energy CEO Dan McGrail said: 

    It is a privilege to take on the CEO role permanently and lead Great British Energy from our Aberdeen HQ at such a pivotal moment. 

    We are already delivering for British people, with schools and hospitals set to benefit from cheaper energy bills. 

    We will now focus on scaling up as Britain’s publicly owned energy company, making strategic investments that drive forward the government’s clean power mission and give people a stake in clean energy. 

    RenewableUK’s Deputy Chief Executive Jane Cooper said: 

    We wish Dan all the very best in his crucial role leading Great British Energy, which he has spent the last few months setting up so successfully. Although he will be greatly missed by everyone at RenewableUK, his leadership skills and vision, backed by a highly capable team, have left us in the strongest possible position to thrive as we continue to expand our membership and champion the sector. Great British Energy’s ambitious plans to invest in vital new renewable energy projects, including an initial £300 million in offshore wind, will help to create tens of thousands of new jobs all over the country in innovative industries with world-class supply chains which we are proud to represent.  

    Dan will be based in Scotland, working from the Aberdeen headquarters, on a permanent contract with Great British Energy. He took up the post of interim CEO of Great British Energy in March on secondment from RenewableUK.

    Updates to this page

    Published 7 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: Rep. Loudermilk on Passage of the Senate Amendment to H.R. 1 – One Big Beautiful Bill Act – U.S. Representative Barry Loudermilk

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Barry Loudermilk (R-GA)

    One Big Beautiful Bill Act (Reconciliation) Passes the U.S. House

    The One Big Beautiful Bill Act (H.R. 1) will be signed into law by President Trump on July 4th

    Washington, D.C. (July 3, 2025) | Rep. Barry Loudermilk (GA-11) issued the following statement after the U.S. House passed the Senate amendment to H.R. 1 – One Big Beautiful Bill Act (Reconciliation bill):

    “Congress has passed the long-discussed Big, Beautiful, Bill Act, and delivered the American people a huge victory. This legislation addresses many of the legislative priorities that President Trump promised to Americans during his campaign for President. Although the bill is not perfect, as none are, nor does it include several provisions of the original House version, I voted in favor of the largest tax cut in history, ending the Biden-era invasion of our southern border, and reducing wasteful and abusive spending of taxpayer dollars.

    “Americans are tired of having a government that they are afraid of, and want a government they can be proud of. This Reconciliation package scales back the size and scope of federal agencies, cuts red-tape, brings more accountability, and cuts fraud, waste, and abuse. This bill is a good start, but Congress still has a lot of work to do; as we must continue to move back to a government that is small in size, limited in scope, and dedicated to preserving the rights and liberties of the American people.

    “Last November, voters gave the President and Congress an unprecedented mandate to govern, and to tackle the very challenges that this bill addresses. With this historic legislation, Americans will be keeping more of their hard-earned money and paying less for food and fuel, while enjoying a level of safety not seen in years, as our southern border becomes more secure. With President Trump’s signature, the Big, Beautiful, Bill will usher in the Golden Age of America and put our great country back on the path to prosperity.”

    Click here to read the full bill text

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Why are we so obsessed with bringing back the woolly mammoth?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Rebecca Woods, Associate Professor, Institute for the History & Philosophy of Science & Technology, University of Toronto

    A photograph of a steppe mammoth on display at the Australian Museum in Sydney. (Unsplash/April Pethybridge), CC BY

    In just the last several months, de-extinction — bringing back extinct species by recreating them or organisms that resemble them — has moved closer from science fiction to science fact. Colossal Biosciences — an American for-profit de-extinction startup headed by geneticists George Church and Beth Shapiro — announced two major achievements almost back-to-back.

    In the first, scientists spliced part of the woolly mammoth’s genome into mice to create “woolly mice,” incredibly cute pom-pom like rodents sporting coats that express the genes of long-extinct woolly mammoths.

    Reuters reports on the woolly mice developed by Colossal Biosciences.

    Just a few weeks later, Colossal announced an even bigger achievement, claiming to have brought back the dire wolf, a contemporary of the woolly mammoth who, like their Ice Age proboscidean co-travellers, last roamed the Earth roughly 10,000 years ago.




    Read more:
    Colossal Bioscience’s attempt to de-extinct the dire wolf is a dangerously deceptive publicity stunt


    Mammoth popularity

    Woolly mammoths are at the forefront of these controversial de-extinction efforts. Despite a deep bench of more recently extinct species — the dodo, the moa, passenger pigeons, the bucardo, quagga, thylacine, aurochs and a whole host of others — readily available to take centre stage in de-extinction efforts, woolly mammoths figure prominently in de-extinction stories, both scientific and popular.

    Woolly mammoths featured prominently in the imagery of Revive & Restore, a “genetic rescue” conglomerate of scientists and futurists headed by tech-guru Steward Brand; in 2021, Colossal “established ownership” over woolly mammoth revival. Colossal’s own logo visualizes CRISP-R, the gene-splicing technology that facilitates de-extinction, and the signature spiralled tusks of Mammuthus primigenius.

    In popular culture, woolly mammoths have been a source of fascination for the last several centuries. Thomas Jefferson famously held out hope that live mammoths would be found beyond the frontier of American colonialism in the late-1700s, while early excavations of American mastodons were major events in the early 1800s. American painter Charles Willson Peale captured the first such excavation in oils, and later capitalized on that mastadon’s skeleton in his Philadelphia museum.

    More recently, Manny the mammoth featured in the ongoing Ice Age animated film franchise, first launched in 2002.

    Climate icons

    At the same time, woolly mammoths have also become an emblem of the contemporary climate crisis. During the recent wave of defacing famous artwork in order to draw attention to the climate crisis, environmental activists painted the (fortunately artificial) tusks of the Royal B.C. Museum’s woolly mammoth model bright pink.

    In a 2023 publicity stunt, the Australian cultured-meat startup, Vow, unveiled a mammoth meatball produced out of the woolly mammoth’s genome with sheep DNA as filler. Not for sale, the mammoth meatball was scorched before an audience at the Dutch science museum, Nemo.

    The stunt was intended to call attention, again, to the plight of the Earth’s climate, the unsustainability of industrialized food systems and the potential for lab-grown meat to square this particular circle.

    Model animals

    For a creature that no human being has ever seen live and in the flesh, woolly mammoths certainly get a lot of media exposure. How did this long-extinct species become the emblem of contemporary extinction and de-extinction?

    People have been interacting with the remains of woolly mammoths for hundreds of years. Dig a hole deep enough almost anywhere in the northern hemisphere, and you are apt to come across the bones or maybe the tusks of extinct mammoths or mastodons.

    In early modern Europe, mammoth fossils were famously interpreted as the bones of unicorns and giants before being recognized as belonging to elephant-like creatures around 1700. Only around 1800 were mammoths recognized as a distinct and extinct species of proboscidea.

    Elsewhere in Arctic regions, especially Siberia, Indigenous Peoples were familiar with mammoth remains preserved by permafrost. As rivers and their tributaries surged during annual thaws, whole carcasses of mammoths (and woolly rhinos) were sometimes exposed.

    Local peoples who came across these remains, apparently recently dead but belonging to creatures they never saw walking the Earth’s surface, surmised that they were great burrowing rodent-like animals that tunnelled through the ground and perished if they accidentally came into contact with atmosphere.




    Read more:
    Ancient DNA suggests woolly mammoths roamed the Earth more recently than previously thought


    Around the Arctic, including in Alaska, permafrost prevented the fossilization of mammoth tusks as well as bodies, and this ice ivory was — and remains — an important element of Arctic economies, carved locally and exchanged into historically regional, and now global, markets.

    Continued relevance

    Despite their association with the distant past, woolly mammoths have long resonated with modern human cultures as their fossilized or preserved body parts entered economic practices and knowledge systems alike. But as the extinction of once numerous species like the passenger pigeon, the American bison and African elephant began to loom over the late 19th century, woolly mammoths took on new meanings in the context of modern extinction and emergent understandings of human evolution.

    A mural by by paleoartist Charles R. Knight depicting wooly mammoths, displayed at the American Museum of Natural History.
    (United States Geological Survey)

    Revolutions in geology, archeology, paleontology and related disciplines were changing long-held assumptions about the origin of humankind.

    Narratives of the rise of “man the hunter” arose in natural history institutions such as the American Museum of Natural History and the Field Museum in Chicago. These origin stories were explicitly connected to the presumed extinction of woolly mammoths and their evolutionary relatives, the mastodons.

    These led to some of the most powerful expressions of mammoths in visual form, like the frescoes and paintings produced by renowned paleoartist Charles R. Knight.

    At the same time, cave paintings in France, Spain and elsewhere came to light in the early 20th century. For example, the 40,000-year-old frescoes at Rouffignac, France clearly depicting woolly mammoths were interpreted as further evidence of this deep and powerful historical connection.

    It is this connection — the association of the rise of modern humankind with the decline and extinction of the woolly mammoth — that feeds today’s continued fascination. Notions of human complicity in extinction stories have long been embedded in modern scientific understandings of woolly mammoths. It is no accident that woolly mammoths are so central to de-extinction projects and climate activism alike.

    Rebecca Woods received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    ref. Why are we so obsessed with bringing back the woolly mammoth? – https://theconversation.com/why-are-we-so-obsessed-with-bringing-back-the-woolly-mammoth-253432

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Enforcement webinar outlines best practice and improvements to casework timeframes

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    News story

    Enforcement webinar outlines best practice and improvements to casework timeframes

    The Planning Inspectorate recently hosted a webinar focusing on best practice in enforcement appeals, drawing more than 570 attendees, predominantly from local planning authorities across the country.

    Improving enforcement appeals timeframes 

    During the webinar, Claire Sherratt, Professional and Operations Lead at the Planning Inspectorate, outlined the progress made in reducing timeframes for enforcement appeals, particularly those proceeding by hearings and inquiries. 

    “We’ve made significant improvements to the time it takes to process enforcement appeals proceeding by hearings and inquiries,” she explained. 

    When the Planning Inspectorate receives an enforcement appeal now, an inspector is appointed at the outset. For inquiries, event dates are fixed for 17-20 weeks ahead, with a case management conference around week 8 to discuss procedural matters. For hearings, event dates are typically set 13-16 weeks ahead. 

    However, Claire acknowledged the ongoing challenge with written representation appeals, noting approximately 3,500 open cases in the system, with 35% over 52 weeks old.* 

    “We’re taking decisive action to address this backlog,” Claire explained. “Our aim is to have closed enough of the older cases that only a small percentage remain over 52 weeks by the end of March 2026.” 

    The Inspectorate is implementing several measures to tackle the backlog, including: 

    • no longer automatically linking planning and enforcement appeals, helping to concentrate on older cases 
    • exploring ways to allocate cases to inspectors differently based on the grounds raised in appeals 
    • prioritising the oldest cases first 

    Enforcement appeals best practice 

    The webinar also provided comprehensive guidance on enforcement notice requirements and appeals. Inspector Managers Jeanie Russell and John Murray shared practical advice, including: 

    • the importance of correctly identifying the boundaries of the land in an enforcement notice 
    • ensuring notice requirements match the allegations 
    • understanding the grounds of appeal and how they are considered 
    • the concept of planning units, and when they are relevant to enforcement action 
    • the differences between primary, incidental and mixed uses 
    • how to handle the time for compliance with enforcement notices 

    A key piece of advice for local authorities was to consider giving enough time before setting the effective date of an enforcement notice to allow for potential resolution through alternative schemes or conditions. 

    “An appeal should be the last resort,” Claire noted, encouraging ongoing discussions between parties to narrow the matters in dispute and produce statements of common ground where possible. 

    Watch: Best practice in enforcement appeals

    The full webinar recording and presentation slides are available on the Planning Inspectorate webinars page.  

    Our next webinar on Local Plans is scheduled for September – subscribe to our alerts to receive early access to register. 

    *These figures were shared as part of a public discussion and reflect the latest internal management information available at the time. They are not official statistics.

    Updates to this page

    Published 7 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Temporary removal of the unclaimed Estates list

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    News story

    Temporary removal of the unclaimed Estates list

    Due to an administrative issue we have temporarily removed the unclaimed Estates list from our website.

    News story

    Due to an administrative issue we have temporarily removed the unclaimed Estates list from our website. Further details will follow as soon as possible.

    Updates to this page

    Published 7 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Landmark strategy to improve early years and family services

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    Landmark strategy to improve early years and family services

    Parents across the country to benefit from new plan to drive up the quality and accessibility of early years education and boost children’s life chances

    Early Education Minister, Stephen Morgan

    Hundreds of thousands of families in every corner of England will soon feel the benefits of a rebuilt early childhood support service that will give every child the chance to succeed, and every parent somewhere to turn for advice and support.

    The Best Start in Life strategy will see a fundamental step change in how the government drives up quality in early education, ensures places are available in every community, and restores crumbling family services for the next generation – as the government places £1.5bn of cash behind the reforms.

    Having a trained early years teacher can lead to better long-term life chances for children, with research showing settings with graduate staff score more highly on all quality measures.

    However, only one in ten nurseries have an early years teacher now, meaning action to restore fairness is needed after years of neglect.

    That’s why through a new incentive scheme, the government will fund tax-free payment of £4,500 to attract the very best talent and keep 3,000 more early years teachers in nurseries serving the 20 most disadvantaged communities in the country.

    The approach taken is just one first step toward raising standards in the most disadvantaged areas and ensuring every community has a fair chance to succeed – a crucial mission to drive real national renewal.

    The strategy will set out measures the government is considering to raise the quality and availability of places, strengthening partnerships between nurseries and schools to get children ready to enter reception.

    From next April Ofsted will inspect all new early years providers within 18 months of opening and move towards inspecting all providers at least once every four years, compared to the current six-year cycle.

    That’s why we are restoring crucial family services by delivering up to 1,000 Best Start Family Hubs across every local authority in England and scaling up the very best of early years education and care to get tens of thousands more children starting school ready to learn. 

    Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson said: 

    My driving mission is to make sure every child has the chance to succeed no matter their background – and this new strategy will help give our youngest children the very best start in life.

    The best way of reducing inequalities is by tackling them early: that’s why we’re joining up family support services through our Best Start Family Hubs, driving up quality in our early years system and strengthening support for children as they enter primary school.

    These aren’t luxuries. They are the essentials, and that is what this government will deliver as we fulfil our Plan for Change.

    The strategy sets out a number of other levers to raise the status and skills of educators – including through consulting on a new professional register for the early years, working with the sector to establish a career framework, and funding early learning interventions in English and maths.

    Today’s plan follows the announcement of a number of measures to support families, such as urgent action rolling out 30 hours government-funded childcare this September, thousands of places in school-based nurseries, and a record uplift of almost 50% to early years disadvantage funding.

    But the government wants to go further to make parenting easier. The strategy commits to designing and delivering a simpler system to make it easier for families to access early education and childcare, looking widely at the current support provided by different parts of government and taking account of the ongoing review of parental leave and pay. 

    The government will also look at how social investment – where positive outcomes for society are prioritised over profit – could be leveraged to create more quality childcare places in the communities where they are needed most.

    Sarah Ronan, Director, Early Education and Childcare Coalition said:

    Today marks a turning point in how we value early education. This strategy sets out a long-overdue vision for change and a new beginning for a system that has been under pressure for too long. 

    We welcome the Government’s commitment to work with families and the sector, and the focus on raising the status of the workforce. 

    Change won’t happen overnight but it starts today with a shared mission to give every child the best start in life.

    There will be new funding for partnerships between schools and local nurseries to strengthen transitions into school and break down barriers from day one, and every local authority will work with government to agree statutory targets to improve school readiness in their area.

    The strategy follows a record investment confirmed for early years entitlements next year, increasing to over £9 billion, with £400 million set aside over the next three years to improve quality in early years settings and reception classes and drive better outcomes for children.

    DfE media enquiries

    Central newsdesk – for journalists 020 7783 8300

    Updates to this page

    Published 7 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Alberta-Ontario MOUs fuel more pipelines and trade

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    The two provinces agree on the need for the federal government to address the underlying conditions that have harmed the energy industry in Canada. This includes significantly amending or repealing the Impact Assessment Act, as well as repealing the Oil Tanker Moratorium Act, Clean Electricity Regulations, the Oil and Gas Sector Greenhouse Gas Emissions Cap, and all other federal initiatives that discriminately impact the energy sector, as well as sectors such as mining and manufacturing. Taking action will ensure Alberta and Ontario can attract the investment and project partners needed to get shovels in the ground, grow industries and create jobs.

    The first MOU focuses on developing strategic trade corridors and energy infrastructure to connect Alberta and Ontario’s oil, gas and critical minerals to global markets. This includes support for new oil and gas pipeline projects, enhanced rail and port infrastructure at sites in James Bay and southern Ontario, as well as end-to-end supply chain development for refining and processing of Alberta’s energy exports. The two provinces will also collaborate on nuclear energy development to help meet growing electricity demands while ensuring reliable and affordable power.

    The second MOU outlines Alberta’s commitment to explore prioritizing made-in-Canada vehicle purchases for its government fleet. It also includes a joint commitment to reduce barriers and improve the interprovincial trade of liquor products.

    “Alberta and Ontario are joining forces to get shovels in the ground and resources to market. These MOUs are about building pipelines and boosting trade that connects Canadian energy and products to the world, while advocating for the right conditions to get it done. Government must get out of the way, partner with industry and support the projects this country needs to grow. I look forward to working with Premier Doug Ford to unleash the full potential of our economy and build the future that people across Alberta and across the country have been waiting far too long for.”

    Danielle Smith, Premier of Alberta

    “In the face of President Trump’s tariffs and ongoing economic uncertainty, Canadians need to work together to build the infrastructure that will diversify our trading partners and end our dependence on the United States. By building pipelines, rail lines and the energy and trade infrastructure that connects our country, we will build a more competitive, more resilient and more self-reliant economy and country. Together, we are building the infrastructure we need to protect Canada, our workers, businesses and communities. Let’s build Canada.”

    Doug Ford, Premier of Ontario

    These agreements build on Alberta and Ontario’s shared commitment to free enterprise, economic growth and nation-building. The provinces will continue engaging with Indigenous partners, industry and other governments to move key projects forward.

    “Never before has it been more important for Canada to unite on developing energy infrastructure. Alberta’s oil, natural gas, and know-how will allow Canada to be an energy superpower and that will make all Canadians more prosperous. To do so, we need to continue these important energy infrastructure discussions and have more agreements like this one with Ontario.”

    Brian Jean, Minister of Energy and Minerals

    “These MOUs with Ontario build on the work Alberta has already done with Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Northwest Territories and the Port of Prince Rupert. We’re proving that by working together, we can get pipelines built, open new rail and port routes, and break down the barriers that hold back opportunities in Canada.” 

    Devin Dreeshen, Minister of Transportation and Economic Corridors

    “Canada’s economy has an opportunity to become stronger thanks to leadership and steps taken by provincial governments like Alberta and Ontario. Removing interprovincial trade barriers, increasing labour mobility and attracting investment are absolutely crucial to Canada’s future economic prosperity.”

    Joseph Schow, Minister of Jobs, Economy, Trade and Immigration

    Together, Alberta and Ontario are demonstrating the shared benefits and opportunities that result from collaborative partnerships, and what it takes to keep Canada competitive in a changing world.

    Quick facts

    • Steering committees with Alberta and Ontario government officials will be struck to facilitate work and cooperation under the agreements.
    • Alberta and Ontario will work collaboratively to launch a preliminary joint feasibility study in 2025 to help move private sector led investments in rail, pipeline(s) and port(s) projects forward.
    • These latest agreements follow an earlier MOU Premiers Danielle Smith and Doug Ford signed on June 1, 2025, to open up trade between the provinces and advance shared priorities within the Canadian federation.

    Related information

    • Leading the way on interprovincial trade

    Related news

    • Next stop for free trade: Ontario!

    Multimedia

    • Watch the news conference

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI USA: New Law Delivers Federal Funding to Reimburse Local Law Enforcement for Trump Security Costs in Palm Beach County

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Lois Frankel (FL-21)

    New Law Delivers Federal Funding to Reimburse Local Law Enforcement for Trump Security Costs in Palm Beach County

    West Palm Beach, FL, July 4, 2025

    The reconciliation bill signed into law includes critical funding to reimburse law enforcement agencies for overtime costs incurred while protecting the President. This new grant program will ensure local and state agencies are not left shouldering the financial burden of presidential security operations. The grant period will cover expenses over the next five years, providing long-term support for those on the front lines of public safety.

    Importantly, this grant program will give local Palm Beach County law enforcement an opportunity to recover millions of dollars from the federal government for security provided to President Trump while he is in our area.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: South Sudan: Margret takes the helm in the battle for women’s rights, inspiring both change and others

    Source: APO


    .

    Margret Ceasar is not just a 60-year-old mother of six but also stands at the forefront of the women’s rights movement in South Sudan’s capital Juba.

    As the leader of a local development association, she has taken on the immense challenge of giving other women knowledge about the roles and the protection they are entitled to have in their communities.

    “Like so many of us, I lost my husband in the violence that took place across the country in 2016. It was a devastating time, with families being torn apart, women becoming widows, young girls suffering from unspeakable acts,” Margret recalls. “To make matters worse, survivors were often not aware of their human and legal rights.”

    As a result, Margret decided to step up her efforts to assist the most vulnerable – often women and girls – and became the Chairperson of the Women’s Association in Juba County. Through various trainings and studies, she turned into an influential human rights activist, dedicated to making a difference for her people.

    “Mobilizing women politically is essential if we want to unlock leadership opportunities,” she concludes.

    Ms. Ceasar shared her story and rich experience at a grassroots forum organized by the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), targeting more than 40 members of the Women’s Association in Juba. They gathered to learn more about their rights and roles in peacebuilding and governance, hoping to become more able to contribute to a more inclusive and resilient society.

    “Workshops like this help people, both women and men, to examine and re-evaluate gender biases and become equal partners in decision-making at all levels of governance,” said Gladys Jambi, an UNMISS Associate Gender Affairs Officer.

    In her role, Margret works tirelessly for justice for survivors of gender-based violence.

    “The best way to help them is to inform them about their rights, and to have constructive talks with their spouses,” she believes.

    Over the years, she has contributed to the resolution of numerous cases, not least by encouraging open discussions about domestic violence and its dire consequences.

    Fueled by passionate determination, Margret wants to be heard and influence others beyond her county by forming strategic alliances with other women’s affairs associations and offices.

    “The road ahead is long, but since I believe in the cause and take pride in helping other women grow their confidence and abilities, I’m fearless in my pursuit.”

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS).

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: West Africa terror: why attacks on military bases are rising – and four ways to respond

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Olayinka Ajala, Associate professor in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University

    More than 40 Malian soldiers were killed and one of the country’s military bases was taken over in early June 2025 in a major attack by an al-Qaeda linked group, Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), on the town of Boulikessi.

    The same group launched an attack on the historic city of Timbuktu. The Malian army claimed it repelled the Timbuktu attack and killed 14 terrorists.

    Terrorist groups have attacked Boulikessi in large numbers before. In October 2019, 25 Malian soldiers were killed. The target was a G5 Sahel force military camp.

    Timbuktu has been in the sights of terrorist groups since 2012. JNIM laid siege to the city for several months in 2023. Timbuktu has a major airport and a key military base.

    In neighbouring Burkina Faso, there have been running battles in recent months between the military and terrorist groups. About 40% of the country is under the control of groups linked to al-Qaeda and Islamic State. Military bases in the country have also been targeted.

    Mali and Burkina Faso are under military rule. Insecurity, especially increasing terrorist attacks, were key reasons the military juntas gave for seizing power in both countries.

    I have been researching terrorism and the formation of insurgent groups in west Africa and the Sahel for over a decade. What I am observing is that the terrorist groups are becoming more daring and constantly changing tactics, with increased attacks on military camps across the region.

    Military camps are attacked to lower the morale of the soldiers and steal ammunition. It also sends a message to locals that military forces are incapable of protecting civilians.

    I believe there are four main reasons for an increase in large scale attacks on military bases in the region:

    • the loss of the US drone base in Niger, which has made surveillance difficult

    • an increase in human rights abuses carried out in the name of counter terrorism

    • a lack of a coordinated approach to counter terrorism

    • constant changes of tactics by the terrorists.

    Identifying and addressing these issues are important to counter the trend.

    Why are the attacks increasing?

    First is the loss of the US drone base in Agadez, Republic of Niger, in 2024 after the military seized power in the country.

    I was initially sceptical when the drone base was commissioned in 2019. But it has in fact acted as a deterrent to terrorist groups.

    Terrorist organisations operating in the Sahel knew they were being watched by drones operating from the base. They were aware surveillance information was shared with member states. The loss of the base has reduced reconnaissance and surveillance activities in the region.

    Second, an increase in human rights abuse in the fight against terrorism in the region is dividing communities and increasing recruitment into terrorist groups. A report by Human Rights Watch in May 2025 accused the Burkina Faso military and allied militias of killing more than 130 civilians during counter-terrorism operations.

    The report argued that members of the Fulani ethnic group were targeted in the operations because they were perceived to have relationships with terrorist groups. Terrorist groups are known to use such incidents to win the hearts and minds of local populations.

    Third, the lack of a coordinated approach to counter terrorism in the region is reversing the gains made in the last decade. Major developments have included the dissolving of the G5 Sahel. This grouping was created in 2014 to enhance security coordination between members. The members were Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Mali, Chad and Niger. The organisation launched joint counter-terrorism missions across member states but was dissolved in December 2023 after Niger and Burkina Faso withdrew.

    The weakening of the Multinational Joint Task Force due to the military coup in Niger and the countries’ strategic repositioning is undermining counter-terrorism initiatives. Task force members were Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria and Benin.

    The mandate of the task force is to combat Boko Haram and other terrorist groups operating around the Lake Chad basin. After its establishment in 2015 the task force achieved significant progress. In January 2025, Niger suspended its membership, putting the fight against terrorism in the region in jeopardy.

    Fourth, terrorist groups in the region are becoming more sophisticated in their approach. In April 2025, JNIM terrorists were suspected of launching a suicide drone attack on Togolese military positions.

    For its part, the military in the Sahelian countries are struggling to adapt to the terrorists’ new tactics. In the last few years, there has been a proliferation of drones in Africa by states and non-state actors.

    Halting the trend

    To combat the increasing attacks by terrorist groups, especially large-scale attacks on military positions, four immediate steps are necessary.

    First, nation states need to invest in surveillance capabilities. The loss of the drone base in Niger means Sahelian states must urgently find new ways of gathering and sharing intelligence. The topography of the region, which is mainly flat, with scattered vegetation, is an advantage as reconnaissance drones can easily detect suspicious movements, terrorist camps and travel routes.

    There is also a need to regulate the use of drones in the region to prevent use by non-state actors.

    In addition, countries fighting terrorism must find a way to improve the relationship between the military (and allied militias) and people affected by terrorism. My latest publication on the issue shows that vigilante groups engaged by the military forces are sometimes complicit in human rights abuse.

    Training on human rights is essential for military forces and allied militias.

    Terrorism funding avenues must be identified and blocked. Large scale terrorist attacks involve planning, training and resources. Funding from illegal mining, trafficking and kidnapping must be identified and eradicated. This will also include intelligence sharing between nation states.

    Finally, the Sahelian countries must find a mechanism to work with the Economic Community of West African States.

    As the numbers and intensity of terrorist activities are increasing across the Sahel, immediate action is necessary to combat this trend.

    – West Africa terror: why attacks on military bases are rising – and four ways to respond
    – https://theconversation.com/west-africa-terror-why-attacks-on-military-bases-are-rising-and-four-ways-to-respond-258622

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Samora Machel’s vision for Mozambique didn’t survive: what has taken its place?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Luca Bussotti, Professor at the PhD Course in Peace, Democracy, Social Movements and Human Development, Universidade Técnica de Moçambique (UDM)

    Samora Moisés Machel, the first president of independent Mozambique, was born in 1933 in Gaza province, in the south of the country. He died in an unexplained plane crash on 19 October 1986, in Mbuzini, South Africa.

    Authoritarian and popular, humble and arrogant, visionary and tactical. All these words have been used to describe Machel. Despite these contradictions, there was one quality that everyone recognised in him: his charisma. At the time this gift wasn’t lacking in many political leaders of emerging countries, especially those of Marxist-Leninist inspiration. Cuba’s revolutionary leader Fidel Castro above all.

    Their common faith went beyond any personal or family interest. It was a faith for the progress of humanity, for the liberation of oppressed peoples from the colonial yoke, from the chains of capitalism and from traditional values and practices considered regressive.

    Machel’s enlightenment programme was as fascinating as it was difficult to achieve in Mozambique in the mid-1970s. Small farmers, with all their “traditional” beliefs, made up the majority of the population. It was a political battle for social justice as well as a cultural crusade.

    Machel’s speech on 25 June 1975, at the Machava Stadium in Maputo, proclaiming Mozambique’s independence from Portugal, highlighted the contradictions. The new head of state addressed the “workers”, who represented a small minority of the Mozambican people. At the same time, he called for freedom from colonial-capitalist oppression and the effective, total independence of the new country, already identifying its possible enemies: the unproductive and exploitative bourgeoisie.

    The task of nation-building

    Machel’s charisma recalled that of the proto-nationalist hero Gungunhana, who had tried to resist the Portuguese occupation at the end of the 19th century. Machel’s grandfather, Maguivelani, was related to the “terrible” Gungunhana, the last emperor of Gaza, who was defeated in 1895 by Mouzinho de Albuquerque after years of struggle. He was deported to Portugal, where he died in 1906.

    Paradoxically, the anti-traditionalist Machel was the descendant of a great traditional chief. This heritage played a role in shaping his personality and political action.

    Machel’s main task was to build a nation that only existed because of political unification under the Portuguese. The initial choices, embedded in the Cold War atmosphere, forced the nationalist Machel to opt for a rapprochement with the Soviet Union. Mozambique formally adopted a Marxist-Leninist doctrine at its Third Congress in 1977.

    That approach meant political intolerance and the repression of “dissidents”, as well as the marginalisation of certain ethnic groups, above all the Amakhuwa people, who did not sympathise with Machel’s party, Frelimo.

    The forces opposed to the Marxist-Leninist solution expected democratic elections to be held after the proclamation of independence from Portugal. But this opportunity never came. Portugal handed over power to Frelimo (Lusaka Accords, 1974), ignoring the existence of other political groups.

    The treatment of leaders who opposed Frelimo’s vision was harsh. On their return from abroad, many were imprisoned in concentration camps in the north of the country.

    They included the resistance leader Joana Simeão, along with others such as Uria Simango, former vice-president of Frelimo, his wife, Celina Simango, and Lázaro Kavandame, the former Makonde leader who left Frelimo because he didn’t agree with its political line.

    They were put on arbitrary trial and executed. The dates and the method of execution are still officially unknown, despite the former president Joaquim Chissano’s public apology, in 2014, for these deaths.

    About a year after independence, an armed opposition, Renamo, was formed. It was financed first by Ian Smith’s Southern Rhodesian government, and then by the South African apartheid regime.

    Renamo, contrary to Machel’s expectations, had a solid popular base in central and northern Mozambique, especially among peasant populations who had expressed opposition to the policies of collectivisation and cooperation imposed by the Marxist-Leninist government.

    And it was war which led Machel to a controversial agreement with the South African apartheid enemy. The Nkomati Accords, signed in 1984, provided for the end of Mozambique’s logistical support to the exiled African National Congress in Mozambique and South Africa’s military and financial support to Renamo.

    This agreement did not bring peace. On the contrary, the war intensified, as the South African regime continued to finance Renamo.

    Machel died in 1986, with the war still raging, unable to see the end of a conflict that had devastated Mozambique and which defeated the socialist principles.

    The General Peace Accords between the Mozambican government, represented by the president, Chissano, and Renamo, represented by its leader, Afonso Dhlakama, were only signed in Rome in 1992.

    End of an era

    Machel took the first, important steps towards a rapprochement with the west, as demonstrated by his visit to Ronald Reagan in Washington in September 1985.

    It can be said that with his death the First Mozambican Republic ended, with all its positive and negative elements. The dream of building a fair Mozambique with an equitable distribution of national wealth came to an end.

    Machel had worked hard to ensure that health, education, transport, water and energy were distributed equally among Mozambicans. A poor but fair welfare state was born. But it was quickly dismantled in the years following his death. The Mozambican state had very few resources to devote to the welfare state. The rest was done by the rapid abandonment of an ideology, the socialist ideology, which by then the Frelimo elite no longer believed in.

    In addition, international financial institutions entered the country, with the notorious structural adjustment policies, as early as 1987.

    Corruption, which Machel sought to combat with various measures, and which he addressed at many of his rallies, spread across the country and all its institutions. The Frelimo political elite soon became the richest slice of the nation.

    Several observers began to speak of a kleptocracy. The country suffered from continuous corruption scandals. One of the biggest became known as “hidden debt,” in which the political elite, including one of ex-president Armando Guebuza’s sons and former intelligence chief, Gregório Leão, were convicted of a scheme that cost the public treasury more than US$2 billion.

    However, the main defeat was the fall of an inapplicable socialism.

    The adoption of a capitalist, liberal and democratic model, at least formally, put an end to the arbitrary violations of human rights as in the age of the socialist state, such as “Operation Production” of 1983. The programme aimed to move “unproductive” people living in cities to the countryside to promote agricultural production.

    In reality, it turned into arbitrary detentions and displacement of entire families, increasing the systematic violation of human rights by the state.

    At the same time, the end of socialism meant democratic openness. Since the 1990 constitution, Mozambique has had as its fundamental principles respect for civil and political freedoms based on the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights. Still, socio-economic rights have been denied as a result of the dismantling of the welfare state.

    How he’s remembered

    Today, many people miss Machel’s rule. Those who were close to him, such as José Óscar Monteiro, the former interior minister, recall him as an ethical statesman, intolerant of corruption and abuses against “his” people. So do some of the international media.

    Others, since the 1980s, such as Amnesty International, have denounced the serious violations of the most basic human rights by the Mozambican government and its leader.

    What remains of Machel today is above all his ethical teaching. He died poor, committed to the cause of his nation, leaving his heirs moral prestige.

    It is curious that his figure is associated, even in musical compositions by contemporary rappers from Mozambique, with his historical enemy, Dhlakama, who died in 2018.

    This popular tribute is proof of the distance between the country’s current ruling class and a “people” who are looking to the charismatic figure of Venâncio Mondlane, the so-called “people’s president”. But that’s another story that won’t fit here.

    – Samora Machel’s vision for Mozambique didn’t survive: what has taken its place?
    – https://theconversation.com/samora-machels-vision-for-mozambique-didnt-survive-what-has-taken-its-place-260110

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Alcohol and colonialism: the curious story of the Bulawayo beer gardens

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Maurice Hutton, Research Associate, School of Environment, Education and Development, University of Manchester

    Kontuthu Ziyathunqa – Smoke Rising – was what they used to call Bulawayo when the city was the industrial powerhouse of Zimbabwe. Now, many of its factories lie dormant or derelict. The daily torrent of workers flowing eastward at dawn, and back out to the high-density western suburbs at dusk, has diminished to a trickle.

    But there is an intriguing industrial-era institution that lives on in most of the older western suburbs (formerly called townships). It is the municipal beer hall or beer garden, built in the colonial days for the racially segregated African worker communities. There are dozens of these halls and garden complexes, still serving customers and emitting muffled sounds of merriment to this day.


    Read more: Mbare Art Space: a colonial beer hall in Zimbabwe has become a vibrant arts centre


    Like other urban areas in Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe), Bulawayo was informally segregated from its inception, and more formally segregated after the second world war. Under British rule (1893-1965) and then independent white minority rule (1965-1980), municipal drinking amenities were built in the townships to maintain control of African drinking and sociality. At the same time, they raised much-needed revenue for township welfare and recreational services.


    Read more: Zimbabwe’s economy crashed – so how do citizens still cling to myths of urban and economic success?


    I researched the history of these beer halls and gardens as part of my PhD project on the development of the segregated African townships in late colonial Bulawayo. As my historical account shows, they played a key role in the contested township development process.

    From beer halls to beer gardens

    Bulawayo’s oldest and most famous beer hall, MaKhumalo, also known as Big Bhawa, was built more than a century ago. It still stands at the heart of the historic Makokoba neighbourhood. It’s enormous, but austere, and in the early days it was oppressively managed. Drinkers would describe feeling like prisoners there.

    The more picturesque beer gardens began to emerge in the 1950s, reflecting the developmental idealism of Hugh Ashton. The Lesotho-born anthropologist was educated at the Universities of Oxford, London and Cape Town, and took up the new directorship of African administration in Bulawayo in 1949.

    Beer gardens emerged in the 1950s. Bulawayo Housing and Amenities Department

    He was tuned into new anthropological ideas about social change, as well as developmental ideas spreading through postwar colonial administrations – about “stabilising” and “detribalising” African workers to create a more passive and productive urban working class. He saw a reformed municipal beer system as a key tool for achieving these goals.

    Ashton wanted to make the beer system more legitimate and the venues more community-building. He proposed constructing beer garden complexes with trees, rocks, games facilities, food stalls and events like “traditional dancing”. So the atmosphere would be convivial and respectable, but also controllable, enticing all classes and boosting profits to fund better social services. As we shall see, this strategy was full of contradictions…

    Industrial beer brewing

    A colonial beer advert. Masiyepambili

    MaKhumalo, MaMkhwananzi, MaNdlovu, MaSilela. These beer garden names, emblazoned on the beer dispensaries that stick up above the ramparts of each garden complex, referenced the role that women traditionally played in beer brewing in southern Africa. This helped authenticate the council’s “home brew”.

    But the reality was that the beer was now produced in a massive industrial brewery managed by a Polish man. It was piped down from steel tanks at the tops of the dispensary buildings into the plastic mugs of thirsty punters at small bar windows below. (It was also sold in plastic calabashes and cardboard cartons.)

    Masiyepambili

    And the beer garden bureaucracy, which offered a rare opportunity for African men to attain higher-grade public sector jobs, became increasingly complex and strictly audited.

    As the townships rapidly expanded, with beer gardens dotted about them, sales of the council’s “traditional” beer – the quality of which Ashton and his staff obsessed over – went up and up.

    Extensive beer advertising in the council’s free magazine mixed symbols of tradition (beer as food) with symbols of modern middle-classness.

    Beer monopoly system

    The system’s success relied on the Bulawayo council having a monopoly on the sale of so-called “native beer”. This traditional brew is typically made by malting, mashing, boiling and then fermenting sorghum, millet or maize grains. Racialised Rhodesian liquor laws restricted African access to “European” beers, wines and spirits.

    So, the beer hall or garden was the only public venue where Africans could legally drink (apart from a tiny elite, for whom a few exclusive “cocktail lounges” were built). The council cracked down harshly on “liquor offences” like home brewing.

    This beer monopoly system was quite prevalent in southern and eastern Africa, though rarely at the scale to which it grew in Bulawayo. Nearly everywhere, the system caused resentment among African townspeople, and so it became politically charged.

    Beer delivery lorry at Esiqonweni. Maurice Hutton

    In several colonies, beer halls became sites of protest, or were boycotted (most famously in South Africa). And they usually faced stiff competition from illicit drinking dens known as shebeens.

    In Bulawayo, the more the city council “improved” its beer system after the Second World War, the more contradictory the system became. It actively encouraged mass consumption of “traditional” beer, so that funds could be raised for “modern” health, housing and welfare services in the townships. Ashton himself was painfully aware of the contradictions.

    In his guest introduction to a 1974 ethnographic monograph on Bulawayo’s beer gardens, he wrote:

    The ambivalence of my position is obvious. How can one maintain a healthy community and a healthy profit at one and the same time? I can almost hear the critical reader questioning my morality and even my sanity. And why not? I have often done so myself.

    Many citizen groups – both African and European – questioned the system too. They called it illogical, if not immoral; even some government ministers said it had gone too far. And when some beer gardens were constructed close to European residential areas, to cater for African domestic workers, many Europeans reacted with fear and fury.

    As Zimbabweans’ struggle for independence took off in the 1960s, African residents increasingly associated the beer halls and gardens with state neglect, repression, or pacification. They periodically boycotted or vandalised them. Nevertheless, with few alternative options, attendance rates remained high: MaKhumalo recorded 50,000 visitors on one Sunday in 1970.

    After independence

    After Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, the township beer gardens remained in municipal hands. They continued to be popular, even though racial desegregation had finally given township residents access to other social spaces across the city.

    The colonial-era municipal beers continued to be produced, with Ngwebu (“The Royal Brew”) becoming a patriotic beverage for the Ndebele – the city’s majority ethnic group.

    Beer dispensary valves at Umhambi. Maurice Hutton

    But with the deindustrialisation of Bulawayo since the late 1990s, tens of thousands of blue collar workers have moved to greener pastures, mostly South Africa. The old drinking rhythm of the city’s workforce has changed, and for the young, the beer gardens hold little allure. Increasingly, they have been leased out to private individuals to run.


    Read more: Beer, politics and identity – the chequered history behind Namibian brewing success


    Nevertheless, there is always a daily trickle of regulars to the beer gardens, where mugs and calabashes are passed around among friends or burial society members. Some punters play darts or pool. And there are always some who sit alone, ruminating – perhaps in the company of ghosts from the past.

    The beer gardens of Bulawayo embody the moral and practical contradictions of late colonial development – and the ways in which such systems and infrastructures may live on, but change meaning, in the post-colony.

    – Alcohol and colonialism: the curious story of the Bulawayo beer gardens
    – https://theconversation.com/alcohol-and-colonialism-the-curious-story-of-the-bulawayo-beer-gardens-256511

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI USA: Shaheen, Hassan, Pappas Deliver Remarks and Congratulate New Citizens from Over 40 Different Countries at U.S. Naturalization Ceremony

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New Hampshire Jeanne Shaheen
    (Portsmouth, NH) – Today, U.S. Senators Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH) and Maggie Hassan (D-NH) and U.S. Congressman Chris Pappas (NH-01) attended and delivered remarks congratulating new citizens from over 40 different countries at a U.S. Naturalization ceremony at the Strawbery Banke Museum. Photos from today’s event can be found here.
    “At every point in our history, America has been shaped by immigrants from every corner of the world and every sector of society,” said Senator Shaheen. “I was honored to be a part of today’s naturalization ceremony in Portsmouth, and I congratulate each and every new citizen on this momentous event in their lives.”
    “It was a privilege to join today’s naturalization ceremony at Strawbery Banke and to welcome and celebrate America’s newest citizens,” said Senator Hassan. “Ceremonies like the one held today are an opportunity for American citizens, new and old, to recommit ourselves to supporting and defending the ideals of freedom, self-government, and the rule of law as embodied by our Constitution.”
    “At today’s naturalization ceremony we welcomed our newest American citizens and reflected on the profound impact that immigrants have on New Hampshire and in our country. Immigrants come to work hard and seek freedom, opportunity, and security, and immigration renews the spirit of our nation,” said Congressman Pappas. “I was honored to join these patriotic Americans and congratulate them on taking the oath of citizenship.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: UN chief ‘deeply saddened’ by devastating Texas floods as toll climbs past 80

    Source: United Nations 2

    In a statement issued on Monday by his spokesperson, António Guterres said he was “deeply saddened by the tragic loss of life, notably of a large number of children,” during what should have been a time of celebration.

    Friday, 4 July, marked Independence Day in the United States – a time when families and communities traditionally gather for outdoor celebrations.

    The Secretary-General extended his “heartfelt condolences to the families of the victims” and expressed solidarity with all those affected, including the people of Texas and the government of the United States.

    According to media reports, the floods – triggered by heavy rainfall over the July Fourth weekend – caused massive damage in parts of central Texas, particularly along the Guadalupe River. The deluge struck Camp Mystic, killing at least 27 campers and counselors.

    Catherine Russell, Executive Director of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), said in a post on social media that “all of us at UNICEF are heartbroken at the reports coming out of Central Texas.”

    Our hearts and thoughts are with those mourning loved ones and those still waiting for news of the missing, including children,” she said.

    Search and recovery efforts continue as the region braces for more rain, according to media reports.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Another Member of the Marion Gardens Street Gang Sentenced to Multiple Life Sentences without the Possibility of Parole

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    NEWARK, N.J. – Five more members of the Marion Gardens street gang were sentenced by the Honorable Michael E. Farbiarz for their roles in the racketeering enterprise, U.S. Attorney Alina Habba announced.

    On July 2, 2025, Roger Pickett, a/k/a “Zy G,” 24, was sentenced to four consecutive terms of life imprisonment for racketeering conspiracy and three counts of murder in aid of racketeering, each stemming from a separate gang-related murder.  He was also sentenced to an additional consecutive sentence of 50 years’ imprisonment, consisting of 20 years’ imprisonment for Hobbs Act robbery, and three ten-year terms of imprisonment for discharging a firearm during a crime of violence.

    Also on July 2, 2025, Javon Williams, a/k/a “J45,” 28, was sentenced to 57 months’ imprisonment for racketeering conspiracy and Keith Anderson, a/k/a “Beef3,” 23, was sentenced to 18 months’ imprisonment for racketeering conspiracy.

    On July 1, 2025, Quaseame Wilson, a/k/a “Qua Gz,” 28, was sentenced to 195 months’ imprisonment for racketeering conspiracy, Hobbs Act robbery, and aiding and abetting the discharge of a firearm during a crime of violence.  On June 26, 2025, Anthony Rogers, a/k/a “MG,” 25, was sentenced to 54 months’ imprisonment for racketeering conspiracy.

    Earlier in June, three other members of the Marion Gardens street gang were sentenced for their roles in the racketeering conspiracy.  On June 17, 2025, Myron Williams, a/k/a “Money,” a/k/a “Tunchi,” 31, of Newark was sentenced to two terms of life imprisonment for racketeering conspiracy and murder in aid of racketeering, plus 240 months’ imprisonment for possession with intent to distribute controlled substances, and 120 months’ imprisonment for discharging a firearm during a crime of violence, with all sentences to run consecutively.  Also on June 17, 2025, Jawaad Davis, 23, of Jersey City, was sentenced to 170 months’ imprisonment for his role in the Marion Gardens street gang, which included orchestrating a robbery that resulted in murder.  Additionally, on June 5, 2025, Khalil Kelley, a/k/a “Billski,” 26, of Jersey City, was sentenced, to life imprisonment, plus a consecutive ten-year term of imprisonment for racketeering conspiracy, for his role in the Marion Gardens street gang and a gang-related murder.

    Three other individuals who previously pled guilty before trial are pending sentencing.  Each defendant will be sentenced before Judge Farbiarz in Newark as follows:

    Naim Richardson, a/k/a “Ninicks” July 16, 2025, at 11:00 a.m.
    Andre Alomar, a/k/a “Dre8” July 24, 2025, at 10:00 a.m.
    Herbert Thomas October 1, 2025, at 2:00 p.m.

    According to documents filed in this case and statements made in court:

    Myron Williams, Khalil Kelley, Roger Pickett, Jawaad Davis, Anthony Rogers, Quaseame Wilson, Andre Alomar, Keith Anderson, Javon Williams, and Naim Richardson are all members and associates of the neighborhood street gang associated with the Marion Gardens Housing Complex. Since 2013, they and their fellow gang members have committed numerous acts of violence, including three separate murders, on March 29, 2021, Nov. 20, 2021, and Nov. 1, 2022.

    On March 29, 2021, Kelley and other gang members lured a rival gang member outside by sending him Instagram messages pretending to be the victim’s fellow gang member. When the victim opened the door to his residence, Kelley and another gang member brandished firearms, and the victim was shot multiple times in the chest, killing him. Pickett and Myron Williams then picked up Kelley and other gang members after they abandoned the murder vehicle in Newark.

    On Nov. 20, 2021, Myron Williams, Pickett, and Richardson lured a rival gang member outside by sending him Instagram messages pretending to be the second victim’s fellow gang member. Williams and another gang member shot the victim when he opened the door to his residence.

    On Nov. 1, 2022, Davis facilitated the murder of the third victim by coordinating a narcotics transaction with the victim and the victim’s associate. When the victim and his associate arrived at the Marion Gardens Housing Complex to complete the narcotics transaction, they were robbed of their narcotics supply. During the robbery, Pickett and Wilson held the victim and his associate at gunpoint. After a struggle ensued, Pickett shot and killed the victim while his associate fled. Pickett then fled the Marion Gardens Housing Complex with Wilson.

    For months, investigators observed and documented hundreds of narcotics transactions in and around the Marion Gardens Housing Complex.  The investigation likewise revealed that Herbert Thomas was a primary supplier of narcotics to the Marion Gardens street gang.

    When each defendant was arrested on March 17, 2023, law enforcement seized contraband at several different locations, including heroin, fentanyl, crack cocaine, narcotics packaging materials, ammunition, bulletproof vests, and a loaded handgun.

    U.S. Attorney Habba credited investigators of the Gang Intelligence Unit and the Homicide Unit of the Major Case Division of Hudson County Prosecutor’s Office, under the direction of Prosecutor Esther Suarez, and special agents of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), under the direction of Special Agent in Charge L.C. Cheeks Jr., and investigators of the Jersey City Police Department, under the direction of Director James Shea, with the investigation leading to the convictions. She also thanked the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), under the direction of Special Agent in Charge Stefanie Roddy, and the U.S. Marshals, under the direction of U.S. Marshal Juan Mattos, for their assistance.

    This investigation was conducted as part of the Jersey City Violent Crime Initiative (VCI). The VCI was formed in 2018 by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of New Jersey, the Hudson County Prosecutor’s Office, and the Jersey City Police Department, for the sole purpose of combatting violent crime in and around Jersey City. As part of this partnership, federal, state, county, and city agencies collaborate to strategize and prioritize the prosecution of violent offenders who endanger the safety of the community. The VCI is composed of the U.S. Attorney’s Office, the FBI, the ATF, the Drug Enforcement Administration’s (DEA) New Jersey Division, the U.S. Marshals, the Department of Homeland Security – Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), the Jersey City Police Department, the Hudson County Prosecutor’s Office, the Hudson County Sheriff’s Office, New Jersey State Parole, the Hudson County Jail, and the New Jersey State Police Regional Operations and Intelligence Center/Real Time Crime Center.

    The government is represented by First Assistant U.S. Attorney Desiree Grace, and Assistant U.S. Attorneys John Maloy and Javon Henry, of the Organized Crime and Gangs Unit of the U.S. Attorney’s Office’s Criminal Division in Newark.

                                                                           ###

    Defense counsel:

    Roger Pickett – Brandon Minde, Esq.
    Keith Anderson – Eric Jaso, Esq. and Francesca Simone, Esq.

    Javon Williams – Joseph Rubino, Esq.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: West Africa terror: why attacks on military bases are rising – and four ways to respond

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Olayinka Ajala, Associate professor in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University

    More than 40 Malian soldiers were killed and one of the country’s military bases was taken over in early June 2025 in a major attack by an al-Qaeda linked group, Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), on the town of Boulikessi.

    The same group launched an attack on the historic city of Timbuktu. The Malian army claimed it repelled the Timbuktu attack and killed 14 terrorists.

    Terrorist groups have attacked Boulikessi in large numbers before. In October 2019, 25 Malian soldiers were killed. The target was a G5 Sahel force military camp.

    Timbuktu has been in the sights of terrorist groups since 2012. JNIM laid siege to the city for several months in 2023. Timbuktu has a major airport and a key military base.

    In neighbouring Burkina Faso, there have been running battles in recent months between the military and terrorist groups. About 40% of the country is under the control of groups linked to al-Qaeda and Islamic State. Military bases in the country have also been targeted.

    Mali and Burkina Faso are under military rule. Insecurity, especially increasing terrorist attacks, were key reasons the military juntas gave for seizing power in both countries.

    I have been researching terrorism and the formation of insurgent groups in west Africa and the Sahel for over a decade. What I am observing is that the terrorist groups are becoming more daring and constantly changing tactics, with increased attacks on military camps across the region.

    Military camps are attacked to lower the morale of the soldiers and steal ammunition. It also sends a message to locals that military forces are incapable of protecting civilians.

    I believe there are four main reasons for an increase in large scale attacks on military bases in the region:

    • the loss of the US drone base in Niger, which has made surveillance difficult

    • an increase in human rights abuses carried out in the name of counter terrorism

    • a lack of a coordinated approach to counter terrorism

    • constant changes of tactics by the terrorists.

    Identifying and addressing these issues are important to counter the trend.

    Why are the attacks increasing?

    First is the loss of the US drone base in Agadez, Republic of Niger, in 2024 after the military seized power in the country.

    I was initially sceptical when the drone base was commissioned in 2019. But it has in fact acted as a deterrent to terrorist groups.

    Terrorist organisations operating in the Sahel knew they were being watched by drones operating from the base. They were aware surveillance information was shared with member states. The loss of the base has reduced reconnaissance and surveillance activities in the region.

    Second, an increase in human rights abuse in the fight against terrorism in the region is dividing communities and increasing recruitment into terrorist groups. A report by Human Rights Watch in May 2025 accused the Burkina Faso military and allied militias of killing more than 130 civilians during counter-terrorism operations.

    The report argued that members of the Fulani ethnic group were targeted in the operations because they were perceived to have relationships with terrorist groups. Terrorist groups are known to use such incidents to win the hearts and minds of local populations.

    Third, the lack of a coordinated approach to counter terrorism in the region is reversing the gains made in the last decade. Major developments have included the dissolving of the G5 Sahel. This grouping was created in 2014 to enhance security coordination between members. The members were Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Mali, Chad and Niger. The organisation launched joint counter-terrorism missions across member states but was dissolved in December 2023 after Niger and Burkina Faso withdrew.

    The weakening of the Multinational Joint Task Force due to the military coup in Niger and the countries’ strategic repositioning is undermining counter-terrorism initiatives. Task force members were Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria and Benin.

    The mandate of the task force is to combat Boko Haram and other terrorist groups operating around the Lake Chad basin. After its establishment in 2015 the task force achieved significant progress. In January 2025, Niger suspended its membership, putting the fight against terrorism in the region in jeopardy.

    Fourth, terrorist groups in the region are becoming more sophisticated in their approach. In April 2025, JNIM terrorists were suspected of launching a suicide drone attack on Togolese military positions.

    For its part, the military in the Sahelian countries are struggling to adapt to the terrorists’ new tactics. In the last few years, there has been a proliferation of drones in Africa by states and non-state actors.

    Halting the trend

    To combat the increasing attacks by terrorist groups, especially large-scale attacks on military positions, four immediate steps are necessary.

    First, nation states need to invest in surveillance capabilities. The loss of the drone base in Niger means Sahelian states must urgently find new ways of gathering and sharing intelligence. The topography of the region, which is mainly flat, with scattered vegetation, is an advantage as reconnaissance drones can easily detect suspicious movements, terrorist camps and travel routes.

    There is also a need to regulate the use of drones in the region to prevent use by non-state actors.

    In addition, countries fighting terrorism must find a way to improve the relationship between the military (and allied militias) and people affected by terrorism. My latest publication on the issue shows that vigilante groups engaged by the military forces are sometimes complicit in human rights abuse.

    Training on human rights is essential for military forces and allied militias.

    Terrorism funding avenues must be identified and blocked. Large scale terrorist attacks involve planning, training and resources. Funding from illegal mining, trafficking and kidnapping must be identified and eradicated. This will also include intelligence sharing between nation states.

    Finally, the Sahelian countries must find a mechanism to work with the Economic Community of West African States.

    As the numbers and intensity of terrorist activities are increasing across the Sahel, immediate action is necessary to combat this trend.

    Olayinka Ajala does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. West Africa terror: why attacks on military bases are rising – and four ways to respond – https://theconversation.com/west-africa-terror-why-attacks-on-military-bases-are-rising-and-four-ways-to-respond-258622

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  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Samora Machel’s vision for Mozambique didn’t survive: what has taken its place?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Luca Bussotti, Professor at the PhD Course in Peace, Democracy, Social Movements and Human Development, Universidade Técnica de Moçambique (UDM)

    Samora Moisés Machel, the first president of independent Mozambique, was born in 1933 in Gaza province, in the south of the country. He died in an unexplained plane crash on 19 October 1986, in Mbuzini, South Africa.

    Authoritarian and popular, humble and arrogant, visionary and tactical. All these words have been used to describe Machel. Despite these contradictions, there was one quality that everyone recognised in him: his charisma. At the time this gift wasn’t lacking in many political leaders of emerging countries, especially those of Marxist-Leninist inspiration. Cuba’s revolutionary leader Fidel Castro above all.

    Their common faith went beyond any personal or family interest. It was a faith for the progress of humanity, for the liberation of oppressed peoples from the colonial yoke, from the chains of capitalism and from traditional values and practices considered regressive.

    Machel’s enlightenment programme was as fascinating as it was difficult to achieve in Mozambique in the mid-1970s. Small farmers, with all their “traditional” beliefs, made up the majority of the population. It was a political battle for social justice as well as a cultural crusade.

    Machel’s speech on 25 June 1975, at the Machava Stadium in Maputo, proclaiming Mozambique’s independence from Portugal, highlighted the contradictions. The new head of state addressed the “workers”, who represented a small minority of the Mozambican people. At the same time, he called for freedom from colonial-capitalist oppression and the effective, total independence of the new country, already identifying its possible enemies: the unproductive and exploitative bourgeoisie.

    The task of nation-building

    Machel’s charisma recalled that of the proto-nationalist hero Gungunhana, who had tried to resist the Portuguese occupation at the end of the 19th century. Machel’s grandfather, Maguivelani, was related to the “terrible” Gungunhana, the last emperor of Gaza, who was defeated in 1895 by Mouzinho de Albuquerque after years of struggle. He was deported to Portugal, where he died in 1906.

    Paradoxically, the anti-traditionalist Machel was the descendant of a great traditional chief. This heritage played a role in shaping his personality and political action.

    Machel’s main task was to build a nation that only existed because of political unification under the Portuguese. The initial choices, embedded in the Cold War atmosphere, forced the nationalist Machel to opt for a rapprochement with the Soviet Union. Mozambique formally adopted a Marxist-Leninist doctrine at its Third Congress in 1977.

    That approach meant political intolerance and the repression of “dissidents”, as well as the marginalisation of certain ethnic groups, above all the Amakhuwa people, who did not sympathise with Machel’s party, Frelimo.

    The forces opposed to the Marxist-Leninist solution expected democratic elections to be held after the proclamation of independence from Portugal. But this opportunity never came. Portugal handed over power to Frelimo (Lusaka Accords, 1974), ignoring the existence of other political groups.

    The treatment of leaders who opposed Frelimo’s vision was harsh. On their return from abroad, many were imprisoned in concentration camps in the north of the country.

    They included the resistance leader Joana Simeão, along with others such as Uria Simango, former vice-president of Frelimo, his wife, Celina Simango, and Lázaro Kavandame, the former Makonde leader who left Frelimo because he didn’t agree with its political line.

    They were put on arbitrary trial and executed. The dates and the method of execution are still officially unknown, despite the former president Joaquim Chissano’s public apology, in 2014, for these deaths.

    About a year after independence, an armed opposition, Renamo, was formed. It was financed first by Ian Smith’s Southern Rhodesian government, and then by the South African apartheid regime.

    Renamo, contrary to Machel’s expectations, had a solid popular base in central and northern Mozambique, especially among peasant populations who had expressed opposition to the policies of collectivisation and cooperation imposed by the Marxist-Leninist government.

    And it was war which led Machel to a controversial agreement with the South African apartheid enemy. The Nkomati Accords, signed in 1984, provided for the end of Mozambique’s logistical support to the exiled African National Congress in Mozambique and South Africa’s military and financial support to Renamo.

    This agreement did not bring peace. On the contrary, the war intensified, as the South African regime continued to finance Renamo.

    Machel died in 1986, with the war still raging, unable to see the end of a conflict that had devastated Mozambique and which defeated the socialist principles.

    The General Peace Accords between the Mozambican government, represented by the president, Chissano, and Renamo, represented by its leader, Afonso Dhlakama, were only signed in Rome in 1992.

    End of an era

    Machel took the first, important steps towards a rapprochement with the west, as demonstrated by his visit to Ronald Reagan in Washington in September 1985.

    It can be said that with his death the First Mozambican Republic ended, with all its positive and negative elements. The dream of building a fair Mozambique with an equitable distribution of national wealth came to an end.

    Machel had worked hard to ensure that health, education, transport, water and energy were distributed equally among Mozambicans. A poor but fair welfare state was born. But it was quickly dismantled in the years following his death. The Mozambican state had very few resources to devote to the welfare state. The rest was done by the rapid abandonment of an ideology, the socialist ideology, which by then the Frelimo elite no longer believed in.

    In addition, international financial institutions entered the country, with the notorious structural adjustment policies, as early as 1987.

    Corruption, which Machel sought to combat with various measures, and which he addressed at many of his rallies, spread across the country and all its institutions. The Frelimo political elite soon became the richest slice of the nation.

    Several observers began to speak of a kleptocracy. The country suffered from continuous corruption scandals. One of the biggest became known as “hidden debt,” in which the political elite, including one of ex-president Armando Guebuza’s sons and former intelligence chief, Gregório Leão, were convicted of a scheme that cost the public treasury more than US$2 billion.

    However, the main defeat was the fall of an inapplicable socialism.

    The adoption of a capitalist, liberal and democratic model, at least formally, put an end to the arbitrary violations of human rights as in the age of the socialist state, such as “Operation Production” of 1983. The programme aimed to move “unproductive” people living in cities to the countryside to promote agricultural production.

    In reality, it turned into arbitrary detentions and displacement of entire families, increasing the systematic violation of human rights by the state.

    At the same time, the end of socialism meant democratic openness. Since the 1990 constitution, Mozambique has had as its fundamental principles respect for civil and political freedoms based on the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights. Still, socio-economic rights have been denied as a result of the dismantling of the welfare state.

    How he’s remembered

    Today, many people miss Machel’s rule. Those who were close to him, such as José Óscar Monteiro, the former interior minister, recall him as an ethical statesman, intolerant of corruption and abuses against “his” people. So do some of the international media.

    Others, since the 1980s, such as Amnesty International, have denounced the serious violations of the most basic human rights by the Mozambican government and its leader.

    What remains of Machel today is above all his ethical teaching. He died poor, committed to the cause of his nation, leaving his heirs moral prestige.

    It is curious that his figure is associated, even in musical compositions by contemporary rappers from Mozambique, with his historical enemy, Dhlakama, who died in 2018.

    This popular tribute is proof of the distance between the country’s current ruling class and a “people” who are looking to the charismatic figure of Venâncio Mondlane, the so-called “people’s president”. But that’s another story that won’t fit here.

    Luca Bussotti does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Samora Machel’s vision for Mozambique didn’t survive: what has taken its place? – https://theconversation.com/samora-machels-vision-for-mozambique-didnt-survive-what-has-taken-its-place-260110

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Alcohol and colonialism: the curious story of the Bulawayo beer gardens

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Maurice Hutton, Research Associate, School of Environment, Education and Development, University of Manchester

    Kontuthu Ziyathunqa – Smoke Rising – was what they used to call Bulawayo when the city was the industrial powerhouse of Zimbabwe. Now, many of its factories lie dormant or derelict. The daily torrent of workers flowing eastward at dawn, and back out to the high-density western suburbs at dusk, has diminished to a trickle.

    But there is an intriguing industrial-era institution that lives on in most of the older western suburbs (formerly called townships). It is the municipal beer hall or beer garden, built in the colonial days for the racially segregated African worker communities. There are dozens of these halls and garden complexes, still serving customers and emitting muffled sounds of merriment to this day.




    Read more:
    Mbare Art Space: a colonial beer hall in Zimbabwe has become a vibrant arts centre


    Like other urban areas in Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe), Bulawayo was informally segregated from its inception, and more formally segregated after the second world war. Under British rule (1893-1965) and then independent white minority rule (1965-1980), municipal drinking amenities were built in the townships to maintain control of African drinking and sociality. At the same time, they raised much-needed revenue for township welfare and recreational services.




    Read more:
    Zimbabwe’s economy crashed – so how do citizens still cling to myths of urban and economic success?


    I researched the history of these beer halls and gardens as part of my PhD project on the development of the segregated African townships in late colonial Bulawayo. As my historical account shows, they played a key role in the contested township development process.

    From beer halls to beer gardens

    Bulawayo’s oldest and most famous beer hall, MaKhumalo, also known as Big Bhawa, was built more than a century ago. It still stands at the heart of the historic Makokoba neighbourhood. It’s enormous, but austere, and in the early days it was oppressively managed. Drinkers would describe feeling like prisoners there.

    The more picturesque beer gardens began to emerge in the 1950s, reflecting the developmental idealism of Hugh Ashton. The Lesotho-born anthropologist was educated at the Universities of Oxford, London and Cape Town, and took up the new directorship of African administration in Bulawayo in 1949.

    He was tuned into new anthropological ideas about social change, as well as developmental ideas spreading through postwar colonial administrations – about “stabilising” and “detribalising” African workers to create a more passive and productive urban working class. He saw a reformed municipal beer system as a key tool for achieving these goals.

    Ashton wanted to make the beer system more legitimate and the venues more community-building. He proposed constructing beer garden complexes with trees, rocks, games facilities, food stalls and events like “traditional dancing”. So the atmosphere would be convivial and respectable, but also controllable, enticing all classes and boosting profits to fund better social services. As we shall see, this strategy was full of contradictions…

    Industrial beer brewing

    MaKhumalo, MaMkhwananzi, MaNdlovu, MaSilela. These beer garden names, emblazoned on the beer dispensaries that stick up above the ramparts of each garden complex, referenced the role that women traditionally played in beer brewing in southern Africa. This helped authenticate the council’s “home brew”.

    But the reality was that the beer was now produced in a massive industrial brewery managed by a Polish man. It was piped down from steel tanks at the tops of the dispensary buildings into the plastic mugs of thirsty punters at small bar windows below. (It was also sold in plastic calabashes and cardboard cartons.)

    And the beer garden bureaucracy, which offered a rare opportunity for African men to attain higher-grade public sector jobs, became increasingly complex and strictly audited.

    As the townships rapidly expanded, with beer gardens dotted about them, sales of the council’s “traditional” beer – the quality of which Ashton and his staff obsessed over – went up and up.

    Extensive beer advertising in the council’s free magazine mixed symbols of tradition (beer as food) with symbols of modern middle-classness.

    Beer monopoly system

    The system’s success relied on the Bulawayo council having a monopoly on the sale of so-called “native beer”. This traditional brew is typically made by malting, mashing, boiling and then fermenting sorghum, millet or maize grains. Racialised Rhodesian liquor laws restricted African access to “European” beers, wines and spirits.

    So, the beer hall or garden was the only public venue where Africans could legally drink (apart from a tiny elite, for whom a few exclusive “cocktail lounges” were built). The council cracked down harshly on “liquor offences” like home brewing.

    This beer monopoly system was quite prevalent in southern and eastern Africa, though rarely at the scale to which it grew in Bulawayo. Nearly everywhere, the system caused resentment among African townspeople, and so it became politically charged.

    In several colonies, beer halls became sites of protest, or were boycotted (most famously in South Africa). And they usually faced stiff competition from illicit drinking dens known as shebeens.

    In Bulawayo, the more the city council “improved” its beer system after the Second World War, the more contradictory the system became. It actively encouraged mass consumption of “traditional” beer, so that funds could be raised for “modern” health, housing and welfare services in the townships. Ashton himself was painfully aware of the contradictions.

    In his guest introduction to a 1974 ethnographic monograph on Bulawayo’s beer gardens, he wrote:

    The ambivalence of my position is obvious. How can one maintain a healthy community and a healthy profit at one and the same time? I can almost hear the critical reader questioning my morality and even my sanity. And why not? I have often done so myself.

    Many citizen groups – both African and European – questioned the system too. They called it illogical, if not immoral; even some government ministers said it had gone too far. And when some beer gardens were constructed close to European residential areas, to cater for African domestic workers, many Europeans reacted with fear and fury.

    As Zimbabweans’ struggle for independence took off in the 1960s, African residents increasingly associated the beer halls and gardens with state neglect, repression, or pacification. They periodically boycotted or vandalised them. Nevertheless, with few alternative options, attendance rates remained high: MaKhumalo recorded 50,000 visitors on one Sunday in 1970.

    After independence

    After Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, the township beer gardens remained in municipal hands. They continued to be popular, even though racial desegregation had finally given township residents access to other social spaces across the city.

    The colonial-era municipal beers continued to be produced, with Ngwebu (“The Royal Brew”) becoming a patriotic beverage for the Ndebele – the city’s majority ethnic group.

    But with the deindustrialisation of Bulawayo since the late 1990s, tens of thousands of blue collar workers have moved to greener pastures, mostly South Africa. The old drinking rhythm of the city’s workforce has changed, and for the young, the beer gardens hold little allure. Increasingly, they have been leased out to private individuals to run.




    Read more:
    Beer, politics and identity – the chequered history behind Namibian brewing success


    Nevertheless, there is always a daily trickle of regulars to the beer gardens, where mugs and calabashes are passed around among friends or burial society members. Some punters play darts or pool. And there are always some who sit alone, ruminating – perhaps in the company of ghosts from the past.

    The beer gardens of Bulawayo embody the moral and practical contradictions of late colonial development – and the ways in which such systems and infrastructures may live on, but change meaning, in the post-colony.

    Maurice Hutton received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the University of Edinburgh’s College of Humanities and Social Sciences to conduct the research on which this article is based.

    ref. Alcohol and colonialism: the curious story of the Bulawayo beer gardens – https://theconversation.com/alcohol-and-colonialism-the-curious-story-of-the-bulawayo-beer-gardens-256511

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Completion of Renovations for NYCHA Residents

    Source: US State of New York

    overnor Kathy Hochul, New York City Mayor Eric Adams and New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) CEO Lisa Bova-Hiatt today announced the completion of 125 elevator replacements, 17 heating system upgrades, and 36 building facade renovations, benefitting 38,974 NYCHA residents at 24 developments across the five boroughs, made possible by $1.2 billion in funding that has been provided by the State of New York through the Dormitory Authority of the State of New York (DASNY). Additionally, State capital funding is also supporting an additional 126 elevator replacements, 105 heating systems upgrades, and 29 building facade renovations all currently under construction, and an additional 172 elevator replacements and 59 building facade renovations in design and procurement. In total, these capital investments are expected to benefit nearly 123,000 residents across 75 developments. As part of the FY25 and FY26 budgets, Governor Hochul allocated an additional $365 million to NYCHA, bringing the total state capital funding allocation to $1.6 billion since 2019.

    “With this important milestone, NYCHA has completed major building improvements, leveraging $1.2 billion in state investment to improve the homes and lives of tens of thousands of NYCHA residents,” Governor Hochul said. “NYCHA residents deserve access to a safe, affordable, and quality place to live — and these improvements are critical to making that reality. I am proud to partner with NYCHA, its residents, and local and state officials to support NYCHA communities.”

    New York City Mayor Eric Adams said, “We are proud to call ourselves the most pro-housing administration in New York City history and that includes public housing. From unlocking over $4.7 billion for capital repairs through the PACT program to delivering free internet to over 150,000 NYCHA households through our Big Apple Connect initiative, we are putting public housing first every day. These renovations will help tens of thousands of NYCHA residents stay safe, stay warm, and stay healthy. Thank you to the state for funding these critical upgrades and to all our NYCHA leaders for their tireless advocacy on behalf of our public housing tenants.”

    NYCHA CEO Lisa Bova-Hiatt said, “Since 2019, NYCHA has worked diligently to address the pillar areas of the HUD Agreement and make tangible quality of life improvements for NYCHA residents. The Authority has made tremendous progress in the face of decades of federal disinvestment, and the support of our partners at the State has been integral as we continue working to improve building infrastructure and make much needed capital improvements across the portfolio. We deeply appreciate the State’s ongoing dedication to all the New Yorkers that call NYCHA home.”

    Dormitory Authority of the State of New York President and CEO Robert J. Rodriguez said, “Governor Hochul’s commitment to public housing is making a real difference for NYCHA residents. DASNY is proud to support this work by disbursing critical resources that help advance essential upgrades — from modern elevators to reliable heating systems. These improvements reflect the quality of life all New Yorkers deserve, and we’re honored to partner with the State and NYCHA on this transformative effort.”

    New York State Homes and Community Renewal Commissioner RuthAnne Visnauskas said, “This $1.2 billion investment of state funds has helped make significant improvements to NYCHA properties that will improve the quality of life for nearly 39,000 residents throughout the five boroughs. This investment reflects Governor Hochul’s continued commitment to ensure NYCHA residents have a safe and affordable place to call home.”

    Nearly 39,000 residents will benefit from 125 elevator replacements, 17 heating system upgrades, and 36 building facade renovations at 24 developments. Since Governor Hochul has taken office, NYCHA has received a total capital funding allocation of $1.2 billion from the State through three funding agreements: $450 million for boiler and elevator upgrades in November 2021; $300 million for additional elevator upgrades in April 2022; and $485 million for facade restoration and additional heating system upgrades in December 2023.

    As part of the FY25 and FY26 budgets, Governor Hochul secured $140 million to fund additional facade and heating system upgrades and $225 million to fund additional capital improvements, including $25 million for vacant NYCHA units and $200 million other capital work, providing vital support to this essential housing stock and critical quality of life improvements for the residents who call it home. This builds on the Governor’s ongoing commitment to public and subsidized housing, including her dedication of $391 million in additional state Emergency Rental Assistance Program (ERAP) and other funding in her FY24 budget to help ensure public housing residents who fell behind on their rent due to the COVID-19 pandemic received payments. An estimated 58,000 households have been assisted as a result to date. In June 2022, Governor Hochul previously signed legislation creating the New York Public Housing Preservation Trust, aimed at addressing overdue repairs, rehabilitation, and modernization of up to 25,000 NYCHA apartments.

    State Senator Brad Hoylman-Sigal said, “I’m thrilled that thanks to $1.2 billion in funding from New York State, NYCHA has completed much needed upgrades to 24 developments throughout the five boroughs. Once the remainder of the work is finished, over 120,000 New Yorkers across 75 NYCHA developments will be able to benefit from more reliable elevator service, new and improved heating systems, and crucial facade repairs that will improve both the aesthetics and the safety of their buildings. All New Yorkers deserve to live in homes that are safe, accessible, and comfortable. I’m grateful to my colleagues in the State Legislature, Majority Leader Stewart-Cousins, and Governor Hochul for allocating this funding, which will go a long way towards making that a reality.”

    State Senator Roxanne J. Persaud said, “I am pleased to learn of the much-needed improvements made to NYCHA housing, especially in Senate District 19. The recent investments in Unity Plaza and Pink Houses are a long-overdue step toward improving the quality of life for NYCHA residents in our community. With new elevators at Unity Plaza and heating system upgrades at Pink Houses, families in East New York are seeing progress. I will continue to advocate for sustained and expanded support to ensure all NYCHA residents live in safe, modern, and healthy homes.”

    State Senator Jamaal T. Bailey said, “This milestone reflects our unwavering commitment to providing safe, healthy, and modern homes for NYCHA residents across the five boroughs. With the support of $1.2 billion in essential State funding, vital improvements to elevators, heating systems, and building facades have been made, directly impacting the quality of life for nearly 39,000 New Yorkers. These investments not only address critical infrastructure needs but also reaffirm our mission to preserve housing for generations to come.”

    State Senator Luis R. Sepúlveda said, “Every New Yorker deserves to live with dignity, and that begins with safe, warm homes and reliable infrastructure. I’m proud to have helped deliver funding for NYCHA developments in my district, ensuring that residents can rely on modern systems that meet their needs. These improvements are more than brick and mortar — they are a lifeline for our families, our seniors, and our future. This progress is a great start, but it is just the beginning. I stand proudly alongside NYCHA and my colleagues as we continue to fight for the investment our communities have long deserved.”

    State Senator John C. Liu said, “Too many NYCHA residents have had to forgo their health, security and dignity due to crumbling infrastructure and delayed repairs. With this state funding, NYCHA residents across the city will finally see long-overdue improvements to heating, elevators and building facades. While there is always more to be done to keep our NYCHA buildings in a state of good repair, this funding will address many urgent needs and help improve the long-term viability of our NYCHA developments.”

    State Senator Julia Salazar said, “I applaud the recent progress and upgrades made by NYCHA, which benefit nearly 39,000 residents and was made possible by a state funding initiative. I look forward to continuing our work toward addressing the pressing needs of our NYCHA developments.”

    State Senator Kristen Gonzalez said, “As a State Senator, I am proud to have helped secure state funding for these projects. Seniors, children, and residents with mobility impairments deserve modern, working, and safe elevators, and I’m so happy that Queensbridge North residents are receiving these replacements. I look forward to continuing to fight for more NYCHA funding to repair and maintain these essential developments in NYC.”

    State Senator Gustavo Rivera said, “I’m thrilled to see state funding finally put to good use for critical infrastructure upgrades at Pelham Parkway Houses and across the City. I’m glad to see this funding prioritized for major capital projects rather than tinkering around the edges of deep-rooted issues.”

    Assembly Speaker Carl E. Heastie said, “The completion of these projects to make NYCHA properties more accessible and efficient will be an incredible benefit to residents across the city. The Assembly Majority understands the critical need for affordable and reliable housing and will continue to support NYCHA’s efforts to improve facilities so that all residents can thrive.”

    Assemblymember Jeffrey Dinowitz said, “I am very excited that we were able to provide 1.2 billion dollars in funding to help with capital upgrades for dozens of NYCHA developments throughout the city, including Marble Hill Housing in my district. Tens of thousands of residents live in these developments and these capital improvements will have a significantly positive impact on all of them. I will continue to work with my colleagues in the future so that we can continue to make the necessary improvements in our public housing.”

    Assemblymember Linda B. Rosenthal said, “Investing in public housing is critical to ensuring that New Yorkers have stable and affordable places to call home. Our state budgets have delivered $1.2 billion in capital funding to NYCHA since 2021, and I am pleased that residents are seeing the benefits of elevator replacements, heating system upgrades, facade renovations and more across the city. With looming threats to our federal funding, we must continue to protect and preserve public housing. As Housing Chair, I will continue my work to ensure NYCHA has the necessary support to succeed.”

    Assemblymember Chantel Jackson said, “There is not enough the state of New York can do to fix the years of disinvestment done by the federal government but I’m glad to say that every year I advocate for NYCHA funding. This year was no different. These funds will help the over 20 developments in my district and across the city. Cheers to us!”

    Assemblymember Manny De Los Santos said, “These upgrades are a long-overdue investment in the dignity and well-being of NYCHA residents. I’m proud to see State funding delivering real results, safer elevators, better heating, and improved living conditions for thousands of families. This is what housing justice looks like.”

    Assemblymember Alec Brook-Krasny said, “Improvements to the housing situation of the city’s most vulnerable were long overdue and I’m happy to have been able to direct our public funds to where they were so sorely needed. With the newly completed elevator projects in Coney Island, residents’ quality of life will change for the better, which will add to their well-being in multiple ways. It’s about time we showed NYCHA residents the respect they deserve.”

    Assemblymember Micah C. Lasher said, “The capital challenges facing NYCHA are vast, and all of us in government have much more to do for NYCHA residents. But it’s good to be able to celebrate small wins, particularly right here in our community. The heating system improvements at 830 Amsterdam Avenue, and building facade renovations at Douglass I, Douglass II, and Thomas Apartments will hopefully improve the quality of life for thousands of NYCHA residents in the 69th assembly district.”

    Assemblymember Amanda Septimo said, “As a representative of the South Bronx, I’m proud to see our state’s investment delivering real results for NYCHA residents. These critical upgrades — new elevators, reliable heating, and safer buildings — are long overdue and deeply deserved. This is about dignity, safety, and making sure our public housing residents are not forgotten. We must continue to prioritize funding that improves the quality of life for the families who call NYCHA home.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Congresswoman Laurel Lee’s Statement on the Passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Laurel Lee – Florida (15th District)

    Washington, D.C. – Today, Congresswoman Laurel Lee joined her House Republican colleagues in passing the amended version of H.R. 1, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, through the House of Representatives. This landmark legislation delivers the largest tax cut in decades for working- and middle-class American families. It eliminates the looming $3,650 tax hike threatening the average Florida household, protects nearly 400,000 jobs, and preserves critical benefits like the child tax credit and small business deductions that millions of Floridians rely on. The bill now heads to President Trump’s desk.

    Congresswoman Lee issued the following statement:

    “This legislation gives Florida families real relief—protecting their paychecks, lowering their tax burden, and expanding opportunity. It makes the Trump tax cuts permanent, ends unfair taxes on tips and overtime, and preserves essential benefits like the child tax credit. It also strengthens critical programs like Medicaid and Social Security to ensure they work better and last longer. In addition, it empowers law enforcement to enforce our immigration laws and restore order at the southern border.

    At its core, the One Big Beautiful Bill stands with the hardworking people who make our country strong—American families, small businesses, and the workers who are the foundation of Florida’s economy and our nation’s future.”

    Key Provisions of the One Big Beautiful Bill for Florida:

    • Permanently codifies the 2017 Trump tax cuts, preventing a tax increase of up to 24% for families and 43.4% for small businesses in Florida.
    • Eliminates federal taxes on tips, overtime pay, and car loan interest, benefiting workers in Florida’s hospitality, tourism, and service sectors.
    • Provides relief to seniors by increasing their standard deduction and exempting more Social Security income from taxation. 
    • Implements Medicaid reforms to ensure program integrity and long-term sustainability by focusing resources on qualified individuals and preventing fraud.
    • Strengthens border security by expanding immigration enforcement capacity through the 287(g) program, allowing state and local law enforcement to assist in enforcing federal immigration laws and detaining individuals who enter the country illegally.
    • Enhances protections for unaccompanied minors by requiring the federal government to coordinate with states to ensure proper placement, track their whereabouts, and prevent trafficking or exploitation.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • Norwegian carbon storage model may shape India’s net-zero path: Hardeep Puri

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Union Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas, Hardeep Singh Puri, said on Monday that the government is exploring various projects in Norway to leverage its expertise to upgrade and expand India’s energy capabilities.

    “In our continued quest to provide momentum to India’s efforts to achieve energy security under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, I visited the Northern Lights CO₂ Terminal in Bergen, Norway. It is the largest project for carbon storage funded by the Norwegian government and partnered by Equinor, Shell & Total Energies,” Puri said in a post on X.

    “We are reviewing this and similar projects to upgrade and expand India’s energy capabilities. Norway’s expertise in deepwater exploration, seismic oil surveys, offshore wind, and carbon capture and storage (CCS) technologies aligns well with India’s ambitious energy transition agenda,” Puri added.

    He pointed out that Norway’s unique terminal in Bergen can store up to 100 million tonnes of carbon dioxide. It has an open and flexible infrastructure to transport CO₂ from capture sites by ship to a receiving terminal in western Norway for intermediate storage, before being transported by pipeline for safe and permanent storage in a reservoir 110 km offshore and 2,600 metres under the seabed.

    Carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology involves capturing carbon dioxide (CO₂) emissions from industrial sources like power plants and factories, transporting it, and then storing it underground to prevent its release into the atmosphere. This process is a key strategy for reducing greenhouse gas emissions and mitigating climate change.

    The process involves separating CO₂ from other gases at the source of emission, such as power plants or industrial facilities. Different capture methods exist, including post-combustion capture (separating CO₂ from flue gas), pre-combustion capture (separating CO₂ before fuel combustion), and oxy-fuel combustion (burning fuel with pure oxygen).

    The captured CO₂ is typically compressed into a supercritical state (liquid-like) to be transported via pipelines, ships, or other means. The CO₂ is then injected deep underground into geological formations like depleted oil and gas reservoirs, saline aquifers, or other suitable rock formations.

    These formations are chosen to ensure the CO₂ remains trapped and isolated from the atmosphere for long periods.

    CCS is a crucial technology for mitigating climate change by preventing CO₂ from entering the atmosphere. It can help decarbonise industries that produce significant CO₂ emissions, such as cement and steel production.

    IANS

  • MIL-OSI: Vimeo Announces Winners of First Ever Short Film Grant Program in Partnership with Nikon and RED

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    NEW YORK, July 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Vimeo, Inc. (NASDAQ: VMEO), one of the largest and most trusted private video networks in the world, today unveiled the winners of the Vimeo Short Film Grant, presented by Nikon | RED. Designed to support the next generation of filmmakers, this program offers budding creators production funds, expert mentorship, access to the latest professional video equipment from Nikon and RED, as well as distribution support on Vimeo.

    “Vimeo has long been a home for the world’s most original storytellers, and supporting the next wave of bold, creative talent remains core to our mission,” said Philip Moyer, CEO of Vimeo. “In a time where algorithms shape so much of the content we’re exposed to, human-curated, intentional stories have never mattered more. We believe in the enduring power of human storytelling and are committed to guiding this new era as technology revolutionizes our relationship with video.”

    The grant winners were selected based on originality, artistic merit, project execution, and overall impact by a prestigious jury of filmmakers including Vimeo Staff Picks alumni David Lowery, Charlotte Wells, Sean Wang, Savanah Leaf, and cinematographer Adam Bricker, ASC.

    “What they don’t tell you about being on a jury like this one is that getting to watch the incredible work of so many filmmakers is a reward in and of itself. The completed shorts we viewed were bold, complex and formally daring; the projects we considered for the grant were rich, conscientious and so full of promise that they left us feeling inspired and invigorated,” said the jury in a statement. “Selecting just a handful for the award was a daunting task, and there wasn’t a single filmmaker whose work didn’t invoke a passionate discussion. While five filmmakers will receive the Vimeo Short Film Grant, presented by Nikon | RED, we hope that every director whose work we reviewed – indeed, every filmmaker whose work was submitted – will make their films regardless. We can’t wait to see them!”

    Five talented filmmakers have each been awarded $30,000 to bring their original short film projects to life, along with one-on-one mentorship from the selection jury and Vimeo’s Curation Team. Winners will gain access to state-of-the-art equipment powered by Nikon and RED for the highest possible production quality. This includes the new Z mount V-RAPTOR [X] and KOMODO-X cinema cameras, as well as Nikon’s collection of award-winning mirrorless cameras, including the Z9, Z8 and Z6III. Additionally, recipients will receive dedicated distribution support on Vimeo.com, with their films showcased at exclusive in-person screenings in New York City and Los Angeles.

    Winning submissions from the inaugural 2025 program include:

    • Andrew J Rodriguez, Spaceboi: Convinced his father was taken by aliens, a Bronx boy interviews other kids with absent parents—until their stories reveal a deeper, more unsettling truth.
    • Annie Ning, The Only Man to Ever Exist: Arnie goes to the hospital seeking forgiveness after an accident. He will not leave until he gets it.
    • Carmen Pedrero, I remember the house was red: Paula is 28. Bruno is 55. When she was much younger, they had an affair on Facebook that led to his divorce. Now, after running into him years later, Paula sits at a barbecue with him and his new wife.
    • John C Kelley, The Ineffable Hum: Five drifting vignettes spanning a lifetime—snapshots of love, loss, addiction, and memory. Each unfolds in and around cars, which—as both vessel and witness—hold motion and memory.
    • Sofía Camargo, La Selva: When a stray dog follows them home, an overprotective immigrant mother and her daughters discover that healing begins with letting something in, not keeping everything out.

    “The winners selected represent fresh ideas and brave storytelling,” said Naoki Onozato, President and CEO of Nikon Inc. “We are honored to play a part in helping them to deliver their creative vision to a broader audience and tell their unique stories.”

    About Vimeo
    Vimeo (NASDAQ: VMEO) is the world’s most innovative video experience platform. We enable anyone to create high-quality video experiences to better connect and bring ideas to life. We proudly serve our community of millions of users – from creative storytellers to globally distributed teams at the world’s largest companies – whose videos receive billions of views each month. Learn more at www.vimeo.com.

    About Nikon
    Nikon Inc. is a world leader in digital imaging, precision optics and technologies for photo and video capture; globally recognized for setting new standards in product design and performance for an award-winning array of equipment that enables visual storytelling and content creation. Nikon Inc. distributes consumer and professional Z series mirrorless cameras, digital SLR cameras, a vast array of NIKKOR and NIKKOR Z lenses, Speedlights and system accessories, Nikon COOLPIX® compact digital cameras and Nikon software products. For more information, dial (800) NIKON-US or visit www.nikonusa.com, which links all levels of photographers and visual storytellers to the Web’s most comprehensive learning and sharing communities. Connect with Nikon on Facebook, X, YouTube, Instagram, Threads, and TikTok.

    About RED
    RED Digital Cinema, Inc., a Nikon Group company, is a leading manufacturer of professional digital cinema cameras and accessories. In 2006, RED began a revolution with the 4K RED ONE digital cinema camera. By 2008, RED had released the DSMC (Digital Stills and Motion Camera) system that allowed the same camera to be used on award winning features, television, commercials, music videos and magazine covers like “Vogue” and “Harper’s Bazaar.” Today, RED cameras are being used on some of the most lauded movies and episodics, including award winners “Conclave,” “Mank,” “Squid Game,” “Hacks,” “Navalny,” “The Queen’s Gambit,” and “The Deepest Breath.” RED’s latest technology includes the highly advanced V-RAPTOR [X] and V-RAPTOR XL [X] systems, the flagship DSMC3 generation systems and the first available large format global shutter cinema cameras. The RED lineup also includes KOMODO-X and KOMODO, which features a global shutter sensor in a shockingly small and versatile form factor. Also available are RED Cine-Broadcast solutions and RED Connect, unlocking up to 8K 120FPS for live cinematic streaming from the V-RAPTOR line of cameras. Find additional information at RED.com.

    Contact: Frank Filiatrault / frank.filiatrault@vimeo.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Jobs boost as new fighter jet HQ opens in Reading in key programme milestone

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    News story

    Jobs boost as new fighter jet HQ opens in Reading in key programme milestone

    A flagship headquarters that will support delivery of a supersonic stealth fighter jet has opened in Reading, where hundreds of skilled personnel will be based.

    • Opening of Global Combat Air Programme flagship headquarters to support the delivery of a supersonic stealth fighter jet, equipped with cutting-edge technologies.
    • The programme already supports over 3,500 UK jobs, 1,000 additional apprenticeships, delivering on the government’s Plan for Change, with more to follow as the programme develops.
    • New figures show defence industry jobs in the South East have increased by 4,500 in just 12 months.

    The new global HQ has been opened today (7 July) in a significant milestone for the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) – a joint initiative between the UK, Japan and Italy to develop a next-generation fighter jet. 

    The facility will host the GCAP International Government Organisation (GIGO) and a joint venture company, called Edgewing, bringing together three industry partners – BAE Systems (UK), Leonardo (Italy), and Japan Aircraft Industrial Enhancement Co. Ltd. (Japan) – responsible for the design and development of the aircraft.

    Opened by Minister for Defence Procurement and Industry Rt Hon Maria Eagle MP today, the new multinational headquarters will help deliver the GCAP programme, bringing together the best minds from across three governments and industry to drive innovation and strengthen each country’s combat air industrial capability, supporting the vision of the Strategic Defence Review.  

    The opening comes on the same day as the Defence Secretary met virtually with Italy’s Defence Minister Guido Crosetto and Japan’s Defence Minister Gen Nakatani to discuss the latest progress on GCAP. The programme is already creating thousands of highly skilled jobs across the UK, Japan, and Italy, including new apprentice and graduate roles, and supporting the strong relationship between industry and the Armed Forces of the three nations.

    There are currently more than 3,500 people, including engineers and programmers, working on GCAP in the UK. A further 1,000 have undertaken GCAP-related apprenticeships or training schemes, supporting the Government’s Plan for Change by driving defence as an engine for economic growth. Many more will follow as the GCAP programme develops in the years ahead.

    Defence Secretary, John Healey MP said:

    Opening of this global HQ in Reading underlines the UK’s full commitment to GCAP and demonstrates the steps we are taking with our partners to deliver for defence.

    The Strategic Defence Review captured that GCAP will deliver more than cutting-edge military capabilities. It already supports over 3,500 UK jobs, with many more to follow as the programme develops. It is also sustaining a world-leading skilled workforce for the UK’s combat air industry and delivering on the government’s Plan for Change. 

    Through this work we are helping to ensure the UK remains at the forefront of combat air power innovation for decades to come and that defence is engine for growth across the country.

    Newly published figures show 151,000 UK jobs are directly supported by the MOD’s spend with industry, an increase of 14,000 on the previous year. 4,500 of the additional jobs are in the South East, including Reading, as roles in the region jumped to a total of 38,700.

    The opening of the HQ comes after the government announced a historic commitment to increase defence spending to 2.6% of GDP by 2027, demonstrating the Government’s commitment to keep the UK secure at home and strong abroad.

    Updates to this page

    Published 7 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: General Assembly Takes Up Draft Resolution on Situation in Afghanistan

    Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council

    Seventy-ninth Session

    83rd Meeting* (AM)

    The General Assembly will hold a debate on the situation in Afghanistan and on the Secretary-General’s latest report on the country (document A/79/947).  The report provides an update on the activities of the United Nations in Afghanistan, including political, humanitarian and human rights efforts. The 193-member organ will also take action on the related draft resolution (document A/79/L.100) introduced by Germany.

    __________

    * The 82nd Meeting was not covered.

    For information media. Not an official record.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: The International Rescue Committee (IRC) clinic sees nearly triple rise in malnutrition admissions in northern Nigeria

    Source: APO


    .

    • In-patient admissions at IRC clinics increased sharply: from 241 in March to 672 in May, a 178% rise.
    • Approximately 4.6 million people in the northern BAY states (Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe) are projected to experience acute food insecurity between June and September.
    • Over 600,000 children under five are at immediate risk of severe acute malnutrition, the deadliest form of malnutrition.
    • Children with severe acute malnutrition are 11 times more likely to die than healthy children.

    The IRC is alarmed by rising numbers of children suffering from severe acute malnutrition admitted to IRC clinics across the northeast and northwest of Nigeria. Malnutrition rates are expected to intensify as the lean season sets in amidst growing insecurity, increased climate shocks like severe flooding, and aid cuts. 

    During the lean season, between harvesting periods, children face a high risk of complications like malaria, pneumonia, diarrhoea, and respiratory infections. Rainfall leads to water contamination and cholera outbreaks, while wet conditions increase mosquito breeding and disease spread. 

    Babatunde Ojei, Country Director, IRC Nigeria, said:

    “It’s heartbreaking to see the needs of children growing while the support to reach them is shrinking. Rising insecurity and violence is cutting off communities, leaving the most vulnerable, especially children, without the care they desperately need.”

    Fewer implementing partners are active as donor reluctance, driven by insecurity, limited access, and global aid cuts, continues to restrict funding. While admissions are slightly lower this year compared to last – 763 children were admitted in May 2024 – this reduction in cases reflects reduced access and coverage rather than an improved situation. Activities have been scaled down within community outreach services, limiting screening and resulting in fewer identified cases. The IRC handed over one inpatient treatment site for children with severe acute malnutrition with complications to the government following funding cuts.

    Aid cuts disproportionately impact countries caught at the intersection of conflict and climate crises. Increasingly frequent seasonal flooding is expected to worsen the already critical crisis of severe acute malnutrition in children by destroying food stocks, disrupting agricultural activities, and displacing families: all leading to heightened food insecurity and more cases of acute malnutrition. Last year’s devastating floods triggered a sharp rise in malnutrition, with adult malnutrition also emerging as a serious concern, including widespread cases of stomach ulcers linked to hunger.

    In Nigeria, the IRC is tackling acute malnutrition with teams working across 7 hospitals and 65 community facilities. In 2024, more than 133,000 children under the age of 5 received treatment for acute malnutrition from our teams.

    The IRC is leading innovation on simplified approaches to treating acute malnutrition, and ensuring more children receive life-saving treatment with the same resources.

    Distributed by APO Group on behalf of International Rescue Committee (IRC) .

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Thailand’s judiciary is flexing its muscles, but away from PM’s plight, dozens of activists are at the mercy of capricious courts

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Tyrell Haberkorn, Professor of Southeast Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison

    Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is swarmed by members of the media after a cabinet meeting at Government House on July 1, 2025. Anusak Laowilas/NurPhoto via Getty Images

    Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is currently feeling the sharp end of the country’s powerful judiciary.

    On July 2, 2025, Thailand’s Constitutional Court suspended Paetongtarn from office as a result of a leaked phone conversation in which she was heard disparaging Thailand’s military and showing deference to former the prime minister of Cambodia, Hun Sen, despite an ongoing border dispute between the two countries. Initially set for 14 days, many onlookers believe the court’s suspension is likely to become permanent.

    Meanwhile, far from the prime minister’s office is Arnon Nampa, another Thai national whose future is at the mercy of the Thai judiciary – in this case, the Criminal Court.

    Arnon, a lawyer and internationally recognized human rights defender, is one of 32 political prisoners imprisoned over “lèse majesté,” or insulting the Thai monarchy. He is currently serving a sentence of nearly 30 years for a speech questioning the monarchy during pro-democracy protests in 2020. Unless he is both acquitted in his remaining cases and his current convictions are overturned on appeal, Arnon will likely spend the rest of his life in prison.

    The plights of Paetongtarn and Arnon may seem distant. But as a historian of Thai politics, I see the cases as connected by a judiciary using the law and its power to diminish the prospects for democracy in Thailand and constrain the ability of its citizens to participate freely in society.

    Familiar troubles

    The Shinawatra family is no stranger to the reach of both the Thai military and the country’s courts.

    Paetongtarn is the third of her family to be prime minister – and could become the third to be ousted. Her father, Thaksin Shinawatra, was removed in a 2006 military coup. Her aunt, Yingluck Shinawatra, was ousted prior to the May 22, 2014, coup. In common with past coups, the juntas who fomented them were shielded from the law, with none facing prosecution.

    For now, it is unclear whether Paetongtarn’s suspension is the precursor to another coup, the dissolution of parliament and new elections, or a reshuffle of the cabinet. But what is clear is that the Constitutional Court’s intervention is one of several in which the nine appointed judges are playing a critical role in the future of Thai democracy.

    Protecting the monarchy

    The root of the judiciary’s power can be found in the way the modern Thai nation was set up nearly 100 years ago.

    On June 24, 1932, Thailand transitioned from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy. Since then, the country has experienced 13 coups, as the country has shifted from democracy to dictatorship and back again.

    But throughout, the monarchy has remained a constant presence – protected by Article 112 of the Criminal Code, which defines the crime and penalty of lese majesté: “Whoever defames, insults, or threatens the king, queen, heir-apparent or regent shall be subject to three-to-fifteen years imprisonment.”

    The law is widely feared among dissidents in Thailand both because it is interpreted broadly to include any speech or action that is not laudatory and innocent verdicts are rare.

    Although Article 112 has been law since 1957, it was rarely used until after the 2006 coup.

    Since then, cases have risen steadily and reached record levels following a youth-led movement for democracy in 2020. At least 281 people have been, or are currently being, prosecuted for alleged violation of Article 112, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights.

    Challenging the status quo

    The 2020 youth-led movement for democracy was sparked by the Constitutional Court’s dissolution of the progressive Future Forward Party at the beginning of that year, the disappearance of a Thai dissident in exile in Cambodia, and economic problems caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    In protests in Bangkok and in provinces across the country, they called for a new election, a new constitution and an end to state repression of dissent.

    Pro-democracy activist leader Arnon Nampa speaks to protesters.
    Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

    On Aug. 3, 2020, Nampa added another demand: The monarchy must be openly discussed and questioned.

    Without addressing such a key, unquestionable institution in the nation, Arnon argued, the struggle for democracy would inevitably fail.

    This message resonated with many Thai citizens, and despite the fearsome Article 112, protests grew throughout the last months of 2020.

    Students at Thammasat University, the center of student protest since the 1950s, expanded Arnon’s call into a 10-point set of demands for reform of the monarchy.

    Making it clear that they did not aim to abolish the monarchy, the students’ proposal aimed to clarify the monarchy’s economic, political and military role and make it truly constitutional.

    As the protests began to seem unstoppable, with tens of thousands joining, the police began cracking down on demonstrations. Many were arrested for violating anti-COVID-19 measures and other minor laws. By late November 2020, however, Article 112 charges began to be brought against Arnon and other protest leaders for their peaceful speech.

    In September 2023, Arnon was convicted in his first case, and he has been behind bars since. He is joined by other political prisoners, whose numbers grow weekly as their cases move through the judicial process.

    Capricious courts

    Unlike Arnon, Paetongtarn Shinawatra is not facing prison.

    But the Constitutional Court’s decision to suspend her from her position as prime minister because of a leaked recording of an indiscreet telephone conversation is, to many legal minds, a capricious response that has the effect of short-circuiting the democratic process.

    So too, I believe, does bringing the weight of the law against Arnon and other political prisoners in Thailand who remain behind bars as the current political turmoil plays out.

    Tyrell Haberkorn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Thailand’s judiciary is flexing its muscles, but away from PM’s plight, dozens of activists are at the mercy of capricious courts – https://theconversation.com/thailands-judiciary-is-flexing-its-muscles-but-away-from-pms-plight-dozens-of-activists-are-at-the-mercy-of-capricious-courts-260408

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Nations are increasingly ‘playing the field’ when it comes to US and China – a new book explains explains why ‘active nonalignment’ is on the march

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jorge Heine, Outgoing Interim Director of the Frederick S. Pardee Center for the Study of the Longer-Range Future, Boston University

    Brazil President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, center, flanked by India Prime Minister Narendra Modi, left, and South Africa President Cyril Ramaphosa, speaks at the summit of Group of 20 leading economies in Rio de Janeiro on Nov. 19, 2024. Mauro Pimentel/AFP via Getty Images

    In 2020, as Latin American countries were contending with the triple challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, a global economic shock and U.S. policy under the first Trump administration, Jorge Heine, research professor at Boston University and a former Chilean ambassador, in association with two colleagues, Carlos Fortin and Carlos Ominami, put forward the notion of “active nonalignment.”


    Polity Books

    Five years on, the foreign policy approach is more relevant than ever, with trends including the rise of the Global South and the fragmentation of the global order, encouraging countries around the world to reassess their relationships with both the United States and China.

    It led Heine, along with Fortin and Ominami, to follow up on their original arguments in a new book, “The Non-Aligned World,” published in June 2025.

    The Conversation spoke with Heine on what is behind the push toward active nonalignment, and where it may lead.

    For those not familiar, what is active nonalignment?

    Active nonalignment is a foreign policy approach in which countries put their own interests front and center and refuse to take sides in the great power rivalry between the U.S. and China.

    It takes its cue from the Non-Aligned Movement of the 1950s and 1960s but updates it to the realities of the 21st century. Today’s rising Global South is very different from the “Third World” that made up the Non-Aligned Movement. Countries like India, Turkey, Brazil and Indonesia have greater economic heft and wherewithal. They thus have more options than in the past.

    They can pick and choose policies in accordance with what is in their national interests. And because there is competition between Washington and Beijing to win over such countries’ hearts and minds, those looking to promote a nonaligned agenda have greater leverage.

    Traditional international relations literature suggests that in relations between nations, you can either “balance,” meaning take a strong position against another power, or “bandwagon” – that is, go along with the wishes of that power. The notion was that weaker states couldn’t balance against the Great Powers because they don’t have the military power to do so, so they had to bandwagon.

    What we are saying is that there is an intermediate approach: hedging. Countries can hedge their bets or equivocate by playing one power off the other. So, on some issues you side with the U.S., and others you side with China.

    Thus, the grand strategy of active nonalignment is “playing the field,” or in other words, searching for opportunities among what is available in the international environment. This means being constantly on the lookout for potential advantages and available resources – in short, being active, rather than passive or reactive.

    So active nonalignment is not so much a movement as it is a doctrine.

    Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba, right, and Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser attend the first Conference of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, in September 1961.
    Keystone/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    It’s been five years since you first came up with the idea of active nonalignment. Why did you think it was time to revisit it now?

    The notion of active nonalignment came up during the first Trump administration and in the context of a Latin America hit by the triple-whammy of U.S. pressure, a pandemic and the ensuing recession – which in Latin America translated into the biggest economic downturn in 120 years, a 6.6% drop of regional gross domestic product in 2020.

    ANA was intended as a guide for Latin American countries to navigate those difficult moments, and it led us to the publication of a symposium volume with contributions by six former Latin American foreign ministers in November 2021, in which we elaborated on the concept.

    Three months later, with the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the reaction to it by many countries in Asia and Africa, nonalignment was back with a vengeance.

    Countries like India, Pakistan, South Africa and Indonesia, among others, took positions that were at odds with the West on Ukraine. Many of them, though not all, condemned Russian aggression but also wanted no part in the West’s sanctions on Moscow. These sanctions were seen as unwarranted and as an expression of Western double standards – no sanctions were applied on the U.S. for invading Iraq, of course.

    And then there were the Hamas attacks on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, and the resulting war in the Gaza Strip. Countries across the Global South strongly condemned the Hamas attacks, but the West’s response to the subsequent deaths of tens of thousands of Palestinians brought home the notion of double standards when it came to international human rights.

    Why weren’t Palestinians deserving of the same compassion as Ukrainians? For many in the Global South, that question hit very hard – the idea that “human rights are limited to Europeans and people who looked like them did not go down well.”

    Thus, South Africa brought a case against Israel in the International Court of Justice alleging genocide, and Brazil spearheaded ceasefire efforts at the United Nations.

    A third development is the expansion of the BRICS bloc of economies from its original five members – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – to 10 members. Although China and Russia are not members of the Global South, those other founding members are, and the BRICS group has promoted key issues on the Global South’s agenda. The addition of countries such as Egypt and Ethiopia has meant that BRICS has increasingly taken on the guise of the Global South forum. Brazil President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a leading proponent of BRICS, is keen on advancing this Global South agenda.

    All three of these developments have made active nonalignment more relevant than ever before.

    How are China and the US responding to active nonalignment – or are they?

    I’ll give you two examples: Angola and Argentina.

    In Angola, the African country that has received most Chinese cooperation to the tune of US$45 billion, you now have the U.S. financing what is known as the Lobito Corridor – a railway line that stretches from the eastern border of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to Angola’s Atlantic coast.

    Ten years ago, the notion that the U.S. would be financing railway projects in southern Africa would have been considered unfathomable. Yet it has happened. Why? Because China has built significant railway lines in countries such as Kenya and Ethiopia, and the U.S. realized that it was being left behind.

    For the longest time, the U.S. would condemn such Chinese-financed infrastructure projects via the “Belt and Road Initiative” as nothing but “debt-trap diplomacy” designed to saddle developing nations with “white elephants” nobody needed. But a couple of years ago, that tune changed: The U.S. and Europe realized that there is a big infrastructure deficit in Asia, Africa and Latin America that China was stepping in to reduce – and the West was nowhere to be seen in this critical area.

    In short, the West changed it approach – and countries like Angola are now able to play the U.S. off against China for its own national interests.

    Then take Argentina. In 2023, Javier Milei was elected president on a strong anti-China platform. He said his government would have nothing to do with Beijing. But just two years later, Milei announced in an Economist interview that he is a great admirer of Beijing.

    Why? Because Argentina has a very significant foreign debt, and Milei knew that a continued anti-China stance would mean a credit line from Beijing would likely not be renewed. The Argentinian president was under pressure from the International Monetary Fund and Washington to let the credit line with China lapse, but Milei refused to do so and managed to hold his own, playing both sides against the middle.

    Milei is a populist conservative; Brazil’s Lula a leftist. So is active nonalignment immune to ideological differences?

    Absolutely. When people ask me what the difference is between traditional nonalignment and active nonalignment, one of the most obvious things is that the latter is nonideological – it can be used by people of the right, left and center. It is a guide to action, a compass to navigate the waters of a highly troubled world, and can be used by governments of very different ideological hues.

    Brazil President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Argentina President Javier Milei at the 66th Summit of leaders of the Mercosur trading bloc in Buenos Aires on July 3, 2025.
    Luis Robayo/AFP via Getty Images

    The book talks a lot about the fragmentation of the rules-based order. Where do you see this heading?

    There is little doubt that the liberal international order that framed world politics from 1945 to 2016 has come to an end. Some of its bedrock principles, like multilateralism, free trade and respect for international law and existing international treaties, have been severely undermined.

    We are now in a transitional stage. The notion of the West as a geopolitical entity, as we knew it, has ceased to exist. We now have the extraordinary situation where illiberal forces in Hungary, Germany and Poland, among other places, are being supported by those in power in both Washington and Moscow.

    And this decline of the West has not come about because of any economic issue – the U.S. still represents around 25% of global GDP, much as it did in 1970 – but because of the breakdown of the trans-Atlantic alliance.

    So we are moving toward a very different type of world order – and one in which the Global South has the opportunity to have much more of a role, especially if it deploys active nonalignment.

    How have events since Trump’s inauguration played into your argument?

    The notion of active nonalignment was triggered by the first Trump administration’s pressure on Latin American countries. I would argue that the measures undertaken in Trump’s second administration – the tariffs imposed on 90 countries around the world; the U.S. leaving the Paris climate agreement, the World Health Organization and the U.N. Human Rights Council; and other “America First” policies – have only underscored the validity of active nonalignment as a foreign policy approach.

    The pressures on countries across the Global South are very strong, and there is a temptation to give in to Trump and align with U.S. Yet, all indications are that simply giving in to Trump’s demands isn’t a recipe for success. Those countries that have gone down the route of giving in to Trump’s demands only see more demands after that. Countries need a different approach – and that can be found in active nonalignment.

    Jorge Heine does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Nations are increasingly ‘playing the field’ when it comes to US and China – a new book explains explains why ‘active nonalignment’ is on the march – https://theconversation.com/nations-are-increasingly-playing-the-field-when-it-comes-to-us-and-china-a-new-book-explains-explains-why-active-nonalignment-is-on-the-march-260234

    MIL OSI

  • Modi govt has planned ₹5,000-crore investment to develop northeast waterways: Sarbananda Sonowal

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    In a major push to boost inland waterways and maritime infrastructure in India’s Northeast, Union Minister of Ports, Shipping and Waterways Sarbananda Sonowal on Monday announced a slew of initiatives with an investment outlay of ₹5,000 crore. The projects aim to transform the region’s connectivity, trade, tourism, and employment landscape over the next few years.

    Speaking at a press conference in New Delhi, Sonowal said the Modi government has drawn up comprehensive plans to develop year-round navigable waterways, modern terminals, community jetties, urban water metros, and maritime skill hubs across the region.

    Empowering Northeast Youth

    A key highlight of the plan is the training of 50,000 youth from the Northeast in maritime skills over the next decade. The Maritime Skill Development Centre (MSDC) in Guwahati and a new Centre of Excellence (CoE) in Dibrugarh will spearhead this effort, with an investment of ₹200 crore earmarked for the CoE alone. Together, these centres are expected to generate at least 500 jobs annually.

    “Prime Minister Modi has always envisioned how Yuva Shakti can bring real transformation to the country. Our vision is to train, enable and empower 50,000 youth from the Northeast with world-class maritime skills, ensuring meaningful employment and growth,” Sonowal said.

    Strengthening Connectivity and Trade

    The Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways has undertaken projects worth ₹1,000 crore in the region’s inland waterways sector in the past two years. Of this, ₹300 crore worth of works have been completed, with the remaining ₹700 crore scheduled for completion by 2025.

    Major initiatives include setting up permanent cargo terminals at Pandu, Jogighopa, Dhubri, Bogibeel, Karimganj, and Badarpur; new approach roads to Pandu Port; heritage restoration works in Dibrugarh; and the development of tourist jetties worth ₹299 crore.

    Additionally, 85 community jetties will be built across the Northeast to boost local trade and connectivity. To ensure uninterrupted navigation on major river routes, the government will deploy 10 amphibian and cutter section dredgers at an investment of ₹610 crore.

    A fleet of 100 modern barges operated by German logistics major Rhenus is also expected to become operational on National Waterways 2 and 16 by 2025, significantly enhancing cargo movement across Assam and neighbouring states.

    Kaladan Project to be Operational by 2027

    Providing an update on the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project (KMTTP) — a crucial link connecting India’s Northeast with Myanmar — Sonowal said the project would be fully operational by 2027.

    “This strategic initiative, born out of the India-Myanmar Friendship Treaty, will provide the Northeast with direct and shorter access to international sea routes. It will unlock new trade opportunities for Northeast India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, and Myanmar, strengthening regional ties with Southeast Asia,” he said.

    The Kaladan corridor connects Sittwe Port in Myanmar to Paletwa via an inland waterway, and from Paletwa to Zorinpui in Mizoram by road. Goods can also move from Kolkata to Sittwe Port and onward to Teknaf Port in Bangladesh, then by road to Sabroom in Tripura, reducing transit times and logistics costs substantially.

    Focus on Tourism and Urban Transport

    In a bid to boost regional tourism, the government plans to develop tourism and cargo jetties at Silghat, Neamati, Biswanath Ghat, and Guijan with an investment of ₹300 crore. Water Metro projects for modern urban transport have also been proposed for Guwahati, Tezpur, and Dibrugarh, with feasibility studies already completed.

    Lighthouses will be installed at Pandu, Tezpur, Biswanath, and Bogibeel, equipped with IMD units to provide local weather forecasts. These will be supported by the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change.

    Sonowal said, “These projects reflect our commitment to transform the Northeast into a vibrant hub for waterways-based trade, tourism, and employment. This is in line with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas — ensuring inclusive growth and development for all.”

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Executive Secretary affirms UNECE support to implement Sevilla Commitment on development financing

    Source: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe

    The Sevilla Commitment adopted under the Chairmanship of Spain at the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4) and its related Platform for Action is a powerful recognition of the need to align financial flows and resources with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). 

    Leading a UNECE delegation in Sevilla, UNECE Executive Secretary Tatiana Molcean welcomed the adoption of the Commitment, and highlighted UNECE’s readiness to support member States’ implementation through its normative work and practical tools.  

    Emphasizing financing for development “as a matter of solidarity, coherence, and shared responsibility”, she stressed that “in the UNECE region, we must not only increase the volume of sustainable finance, but also ensure that its use is strategic, equitable, and effective.” She further underscored UNECE’s commitment to deepen its partnerships with governments, investors, international financial institutions, and civil society to translate these commitments into concrete, measurable progress. 

    In a series of high-profile engagements, the Executive Secretary stressed the need to align financial systems with the imperative of sustainability – from public budgets and tax systems to mobilizing private finance at scale – and to invest in resilient infrastructure, green and digital transitions, trade capacity and industrial policy, social protection and care systems, and climate action. UNECE works with countries to embed sustainability into regulatory frameworks and standards, covering areas including infrastructure, transport, trade, housing, and transboundary environmental governance, thus helping to improve investment conditions. 

    Cooperation to unlock financing in shared basins 

    Among areas of focus was the importance of having strong frameworks in place to finance development in shared basins, showcasing the role of the UN Water Convention, serviced by UNECE. As highlighted in in discussions co-organised with Switzerland and the Netherlands in partnership with the UN Capital Development Fund, water is a key enabler for sustainable development yet faces a huge financing gap: according to OECD, $6.7 trillion are needed by 2030 and $22.6 trillion by 2050 to reach SDG 6. Since 60% of global freshwater is in shared basins, strong cooperation – through legal frameworks, joint institutions, and mechanisms for data sharing and coordination – helps attract and de-risk investment and multiplies benefits for countries. 

    Aiming to realise this potential, countries made a call to action to enhance cross-border cooperation for financing in shared basins, recalling the strong momentum for the UN Water Convention. This is illustrated by the accession just last week of Bangladesh as the first Party from South Asia, joining 55 Parties from across the pan-European region, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America. 20 more countries are in the process of accession.  

    Leveraging private finance 

    To complement public financing, the Sevilla Commitment highlights the urgency of mobilizing private investment at scale and, crucially, aligning it with sustainable development. Despite the UNECE region being home to major capital markets and global institutional investors, long-term investment in inclusive, green, and resilient development remains insufficient.  

    In various exchanges, Ms. Molcean welcomed the Commitment’s emphasis on ensuring that private finance is additional to public resources, transparent, and aligned with the SDGs. UNECE contributes to this agenda through the development and application of its Public-Private Partnership and Infrastructure Evaluation and Rating System (PIERS). Already used to evaluate SDG credentials of 284 projects in 60 countries and 24 sectors worth $118 billion, PIERS assesses projects not only for financial viability, but also for their impact on people, planet, prosperity, partnerships, and governance.  

    Regional cooperation  

    Joining forces at FfD4, the UN Regional Commissions emphasized the importance of regional cooperation in financing for development, from unlocking financial innovation to ensuring follow-up of the Sevilla Commitment’s objectives. In particular, the regional level can help identify collective priorities, share policy innovations, and provide peer support.  

    UNECE continues to facilitate such cooperation by convening platforms, producing policy guidelines, and fostering cooperation in areas ranging from transport and trade facilitation to statistics and urban development.  

    Local action 

    The Executive Secretary further highlighted the importance of action at the local level, considering the direct impact on populations of policies and actions in cities. Addressing the World Assembly of Local and Regional Governments, the Executive Secretary urged that the local level must be adequately financed to localize the SDGs and to ensure full implementation. UNECE’s pioneering Forum of Mayors provides a platform to promote exchange between cities and give them a voice at the multilateral level. The 5th Forum of Mayors will be held 6-7 October 2025 in Geneva, addressing issues including local climate finance mechanisms.   

    Image credit: UN

    MIL OSI United Nations News