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Category: Politics

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Backgrounder: Competition Bureau monitors Loblaw’s commitment to end property controls

    Source: Government of Canada News

    Backgrounder

    June 12, 2025 – GATINEAU (Québec), Competition Bureau

    The Competition Bureau is monitoring Loblaw’s recent commitment towards eliminating property controls in Canada.

    Loblaw’s commitment

    Loblaw’s public commitment to end its use of property controls marks a key milestone f or competition in the Canadian grocery industry.

    For restrictive covenants, Loblaw has committed to:

    • eliminating existing restrictive covenants. Loblaw plans to either remove the restrictive covenant from land titles or inform landowners that it will not enforce the restrictive covenant; and
    • not entering into new restrictive covenants.

    For exclusivity clauses, Loblaw has committed to:

    • waiving all exclusivity clauses in the Halifax Regional Municipality and in communities across the country where they operate the only grocery store;
    • granting waivers for, and not entering into, exclusivity clauses that prohibit other tenants from operating a retail store that sells only a subset of the products typically sold by a grocery store. For example, a butcher, bakery, or store that sells produce;
    • not enforcing, or entering into, exclusivity clauses that extend beyond the land where the Loblaw store is or will be located;
    • not including restrictions on the sale of food products in new leases for Shoppers Drug Mart (Pharmaprix in Quebec), effective November 2024.

    Property controls are restrictions that limit how a property can be used by others.

    Restrictive covenants are restrictions on land that prevent a purchaser or owner of a commercial property from using the location to operate or lease to operators of certain types of business that compete with a previous owner.

    Exclusivity clauses are generally found in commercial leases. They prevent landlords from leasing space to another tenant that competes with an existing tenant or limit what or how products can be sold

    Information for businesses

    Property controls can raise serious competition concerns. The Competition Bureau encourages Canadian businesses to review their property control practices to ensure that they comply with the law.

    Businesses who use or who are considering using property controls should ask themselves:

    • Is the property control necessary to allow a new business to enter the market or to encourage a new investment? Are there other ways to allow for this entry or investment that do not make it more difficult for rivals to compete?
    • Could this property control last for a shorter period of time?
    • Could this property control cover less geographic area?
    • Could this property control cover fewer products or services?

    More information on the Bureau’s enforcement approach to competitor property controls is available in the guidance.

    The Bureau’s work on property controls

    • In June 2023, the Bureau published its grocery market study, where it recommended that all levels of Canadian government act to increase competition in the grocery industry. The study also concluded that property controls can limit competition from new grocers and can deny consumers the benefits of competition including lower prices, greater choice and increased innovation.
    • In June 2024, the Bureau announced that it obtained two court orders to advance its investigations into the use of property controls by Sobeys’ and Loblaw’s parent companies.
    • In October 2024, the Bureau invited market participants to provide input about the use of property controls in the Canadians grocery industry.
    • In January 2025, the Bureau announced that Sobeys’ parent company, Empire, agreed to remove a property control that restricted retail grocery store competition in Crowsnest Pass, Alberta.
    • Earlier this month, following a public consultation, the Bureau published updated guidance on competitor property controls.

    Next steps

    The Competition Bureau’s investigation into property controls in the Canadian grocery industry is ongoing, and the Bureau continues to monitor the industry closely. This includes monitoring to ensure Loblaw upholds its commitments. The Bureau urges Canadians to report any property controls that may be anti-competitive using the online complaint form.

    MIL OSI Canada News –

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Ministers present 2025 Wildfire Season Forecast

    Source: Government of Canada News

    June 12, 2025 – Ottawa, Ontario

    Canadians are coming together to confront a severe wildfire season, driven by rising temperatures and dry conditions. It has already had devastating impacts in British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Ontario.

    Today, the Minister of Emergency Management and Community Resilience and Minister responsible for Prairies Economic Development Canada, Eleanor Olszewski, joined by the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources, Tim Hodgson; the Minister of Environment and Climate Change, Julie Dabrusin; and the Minister of Indigenous Services, Mandy Gull-Masty, delivered the latest assessment of the 2025 wildfire season.

    Minister Olszewski reported that, as of today, there are 225 wildfires in Canada and 121 of them are still out of control. The total area burned so far this year is over 3.7 million hectares. And thousands of firefighters are working tirelessly to contain these fires.

    On evacuations, the two Requests for Federal Assistance (RFA) made by the Manitoba government on May 28 to support the Pimicikamak and Mathias Colomb Cree Nations were completed with the help of the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). The RFA from Ontario made on June 7 for the evacuation of Sandy Lake is also complete.

    These successful operations were the result of the CAF, provincial counterparts, and non-governmental organizations working around the clock to help the evacuees, find them shelters and fight the fires.

    Wildfires are causing widespread damage to communities, ecosystems, infrastructure and air quality, posing serious risks to public health and safety. As climate change continues to influence weather patterns, preparation and public awareness have never been so important.

    Canadians can access information through the Canadian Wildland Fire Information System and learn how to protect themselves by visiting Get Prepared.

    Looking ahead, forecasts point to above-normal temperatures from June through August this year, with potential drought intensifying across many areas in the coming weeks, especially in the northern Prairies and northwestern Ontario.

    Due to these weather forecasts, NRCan modeling predicts elevated fire risk for the first half of June over the northern prairies, southcentral British Columbia and northwestern Ontario. In mid-June, precipitation is anticipated to return to near-normal levels.

    In July, high fire risk is predicted to expand across western Canada, with the most significant risk expected in southern British Columbia. Roughly normal conditions are anticipated for eastern Canada in June and July.

    In August, wildfire activity is expected to continue to increase and persist to well above average conditions over much of western Canada, although it is too early to be certain.

    The federal government stands ready to mobilize additional support wherever needed and in all aspects. We also remain focused on supporting prevention, preparedness, and public awareness efforts.

    MIL OSI Canada News –

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Canada Announces Major Investments to Improve Resilience Against Wildfires

    Source: Government of Canada News

    News release

    June 12, 2025                                                      Ottawa, Ontario                                                        Natural Resources Canada

    Wildfire season is in full effect across much of Canada, with many Canadians currently facing severe wildfire conditions. The Government of Canada, along with the provinces, territories and the Canadian Interagency Forest Fire Centre (CIFFC), is seized with the importance of supporting Canadians whose lives and livelihoods are at stake.

    Today, the Governments of Canada, British Columbia, Alberta, Newfoundland and Labrador, Yukon, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and Manitoba, together with the CIFFC, announced a total investment of $104 million through the Government of Canada’s Resilient Communities through FireSmart (RCF) Program.

    FireSmart™ Canada is a key part of our national wildfire prevention and mitigation efforts. Led by CIFFC, the program identifies and reduces wildfire risks and provides actionable guidance for homeowners and communities. The funding announced today will help enhance FireSmart™ programming and support the provinces and territories in increasing capacity and assisting community-based projects to help prevent wildfires and mitigate their impacts, including Indigenous communities that are disproportionately threatened by wildfires.

    These investments are strengthening the federal government’s actions and efforts to enhance and expand wildfire prevention and mitigation across all levels of government. By working together with provinces, territories, Indigenous communities and international allies, the Government of Canada continues to support the fight against wildfires in communities across the country.

    Quotes

    “No Canadian should have to worry about a wildfire threatening their community — but as extreme weather increases, the Government of Canada is providing provinces, territories, Indigenous communities and partners with the support they need to fight wildfires. I would like to thank all Canadians, especially first responders, for working to protect one another. The federal government stands with you and is working to build resilience for this wildfire season, and the future.”

    The Honourable Tim Hodgson
    Minister of Energy and Natural Resources

    “Across Canada and around the world, climate change is forcing us to change how we think about wildfires — I see this in every community I visit in British Columbia. Preventing wildfires is a shared responsibility, and the only way forward is by working together. From supporting grassroots community projects and education, to expanding government’s role in building a safer, more-resilient future, our shared investment with the Government of Canada is testament to a whole-of-society approach for living with wildfire.”

    The Honourable Ravi Parmar
    British Columbia Minister of Forests

    “Building wildfire resilience involves an approach focused on prevention, mitigation and being ready to respond to wildfires threatening our homes and communities. This investment will help communities apply FireSmart principles that will enhance collaboration, build greater awareness and help reduce wildfire risk.”

    The Honourable Todd Loewen
    Alberta Minister of Forestry and Parks

    “Preparing for the threat of wildfire is a shared responsibility — we all have a part to play. FireSmart’s practical, effective and science-based programs help residents reduce the risk of wildfires in our communities and ensure residents are better prepared when wildfires occur. Through the FireSmart program, we will continue our ongoing work with Newfoundland and Labrador communities to help keep our residents safe.”

    The Honourable Lisa Dempster
    Newfoundland and Labrador Minister of Fisheries, Forestry and Agriculture

    “Canadians — especially those of us in the North — are focused on preparing for wildfires. This investment, from both our government and the Government of Canada, will support important wildfire prevention efforts in the Yukon. This includes developing Community Wildfire Protection Plans and a territorial prevention and mitigation strategy; constructing large-scale fuel breaks and improving our training; and modelling and risk assessment. Together, we are building wildfire-resilient communities across the Yukon.”

    The Honourable Richard Mostyn
    Yukon Minister of Community Services 

    “Wildfire is everyone’s responsibility, and we thank Nova Scotians for their vigilance that’s helping keep our people and our communities safe. Through our partnership with the federal government, we’re continuing to help people adopt the FireSmart principles around their homes and in their communities so we can avoid the devastation and upheaval that wildfires can cause.”

    The Honourable Tory Rushton
    Nova Scotia Minister of Natural Resources

    “Prince Edward Island is in a good position to respond to fire thanks to local, provincial and federal support that we are using to continually build our wildland fire fighting capacity. It is great to see more Islanders and local communities embracing FireSmart principles, and we are committed to increasing our prevention, mitigation and response efforts.”

    The Honourable Gilles Arsenault
    Prince Edward Island Minister of Environment, Energy and Climate Action

    “As Manitobans bravely pull together to battle one of the most challenging fire seasons in recent memory, wildfire preparedness is more crucial than ever. We thank and honour the incredible work of our wildfire service, local firefighters, Indigenous and municipal leadership and members of the public who are working together to ensure that the thousands of displaced residents remain safe and healthy. The entire government of Manitoba strongly supports any and all initiatives that recognize the need for investing in firefighting preparedness, and we congratulate the federal government on its continuing efforts to address the needs of firefighters and evacuees.”

    The Honourable Ian Bushie
    Manitoba Minister of Natural Resources and Indigenous Futures

    “Through this funding, Canadians will be in a better position to protect themselves from the dangers of wildland fire. By working together, using the core FireSmart principles, we can become more resilient and more prepared to face the challenges ahead.”

    Kelsey Winter
    Executive Director of the Canadian Interagency Forest Fire Centre

    Quick facts

    • The Government of Canada is providing $9.1 million over five years to the CIFFC under the RCF program. This is in addition to the $1.2-million investment provided to the CIFFC that started in 2023–24 and was announced on May 9, 2024.

    • Canada and British Columbia are each providing an additional $17.9 million over five years through the RCF program. This is in addition to the $950,122 joint investment between Canada and British Columbia that started in 2023–24 and was announced on September 18, 2024. 

    • Canada and Alberta are each providing $17.9 million over four years through the RCF Program.

    • Canada and Newfoundland and Labrador are each providing $6.4 million over four years through the RCF program.

    • The Government of Canada is providing $5.5 million and the Government of Yukon $1.8 million over four years through the RCF program.

    • Canada and Nova Scotia are each providing an additional $821,130 over five years through the RCF program. This is in addition to the $3.9-million joint investment between Canada and Nova Scotia that started in 2023–24 and was announced on October 1, 2024.

    • Canada and Prince Edward Island are each providing $510,300 over four years through the RCF program.

    • Canada and Manitoba are each providing a contribution of $150,000 through the RCF program. Discussions are ongoing to conclude a multi-year agreement.

    • Visit Canada.ca/wildfires for a complete list of links to various federal supports for individuals impacted by wildfires.

    Related products

    Associated links

    Contacts

    Natural Resources Canada
    Media Relations
    343-292-6096
    media@nrcan-rncan.gc.ca

    Carolyn Svonkin
    Office of the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources
    carolyn.svonkin@nrcan-rncan.gc.ca

    Ministry of Forests
    Government of British Columbia
    Media Relations
    250 380-8491
    Forest.Media@gov.bc.ca

    Neil Singh
    Press Secretary, Forestry and Parks
    Government of Alberta
    (587) 385-9649
    Neil.Singh@gov.ab.ca

    Linda Skinner
    Fisheries, Forestry and Agriculture
    Government of Newfoundland and Labrador
    709-637-2284
    lindaskinner@gov.nl.ca

    Julia Duchesne
    Communications, Community Services
    Government of Yukon
    867-332-4188
    julia.duchesne@yukon.ca

    Adèle Poirier
    Communications Director
    Department of Natural Resources
    902-430-0997
    Adele.Poirier@novascotia.ca

    Katie Cudmore
    Communications Officer, Environment, Energy and Climate Action
    Government of Prince Edward Island
    902-314-3996
    Katiecudmore@gov.pe.ca

    Natural Resources and Indigenous Futures
    Government of Manitoba
    newsroom@gov.mb.ca (media requests for general information)
    cabcom@manitoba.ca (media requests for ministerial comment)

    Alexandria Jones
    Acting Communications Manager
    Canadian Interagency Forest Fire Centre
    www.ciffc.ca
    media@ciffc.ca

    Follow Natural Resources Canada on LinkedIn.

    MIL OSI Canada News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Norton Opposes Anti-D.C. Home Rule Bill on the House Floor

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Eleanor Holmes Norton (District of Columbia)

    Norton released her remarks after speaking on the House floor opposing the District of Columbia Federal Immigration Compliance Act of 2025.

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Congresswoman Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-DC) released her remarks from the House floor where she spoke today in opposition to the District of Columbia Federal Immigration Compliance Act of 2025, an anti-home rule bill the House will vote on tomorrow. The bill would nullify locally enacted D.C. laws, policies and practices regarding D.C. exchanging information about the citizenship and immigration status of individuals and would require D.C. to comply with requests by the Department of Homeland Security regarding immigration detainers.

    “This bill is just another entry in the long list of attacks on D.C. home rule by Republicans this Congress,” Norton said. “I look forward to turning this bill into another footnote of failed attempts to undermine D.C.’s autonomy.

    “This bill does not promote public safety. Instead, it undermines it because it will make individuals wary of calling the proper authorities for help. In turn, this reluctance to call for help could make groups of people easy targets for criminals.

    “Jurisdictions across the country have passed laws to support and protect the safety of all its residents, regardless of immigration status, and D.C. is no exception, as D.C. has a tradition of upholding the values of kindness, compassion, and fairness.

    “If Republicans cared about the safety and well-being of D.C. residents or democracy, they would take up H.R. 51, the D.C. statehood bill. H.R. 51 would admit the residential and commercial areas of D.C. as a state, giving D.C. residents voting representation in Congress and full local self-government.”

    Norton’s full remarks follow, as prepared for delivery.

    Floor Statement of Congresswoman Eleanor Holmes Norton

    H.R. 2056, the District of Columbia Federal Immigration Compliance Act of 2025

    June 11, 2025

    I strongly oppose this undemocratic, anti-immigrant bill, which would nullify laws, policies and practices enacted by the locally elected District of Columbia government.  The over 700,000 D.C. residents, the majority of whom are Black and Brown, are capable and worthy of local self-government.

    I ask unanimous consent to enter into the record a letter from every member of D.C.’s locally elected legislature, the Council, opposing this bill.  I ask unanimous consent to enter into the record a letter from D.C.’s locally elected Attorney General, Brian Schwalb, opposing this bill. 

    D.C. residents are treated as second-class citizens by Congress.  They are required to pay federal taxes, serve on federal juries and register with Selective Service in the same manner as residents of states.  They have served in the military since the Revolutionary War, which was fought to end taxation without representation and to give consent to the governed.  Yet, Congress has denied them voting representation in Congress and full local self-government for over 200 years. 

    Last Congress, over 100 bills and amendments were introduced to repeal or block local D.C. laws and policies.  This Congress, 28 such bills and amendments already have been introduced, including bills to abolish the locally elected D.C. government.  Three months ago, Congress passed a bill that cut over $1 billion from the local D.C. budget, which consists entirely of locally raised revenue.

    While Congress has the authority to legislate on local D.C. matters, it does not have a duty to do so.  In Federalist 43, James Madison said of D.C. residents, “[A] municipal legislature for local purposes, derived from their own suffrages, will of course be allowed them.”  In 1953, the Supreme Court held that, “there is no constitutional barrier to the delegation by Congress to the District of Columbia of full legislative power.” 

    The Council has 13 members.  If D.C. residents do not like how the members vote, residents can vote them out of office or pass a ballot measure.  That is called democracy.

    Congress has 535 voting members.  None are elected by D.C. residents.  If D.C. residents do not like how the members vote on local D.C. matters, residents cannot vote them out of office or pass a ballot measure. That is the antithesis of democracy.

    Congress has the authority to grant D.C. residents voting representation in Congress and full local self-government.  It simply needs to pass H.R. 51, the D.C. statehood bill, which would make the residential and commercial areas of D.C. a state.  The Admissions Clause of the Constitution gives Congress the authority to admit new states.  All 37 new states were admitted by an act of Congress.  The District Clause of the Constitution gives Congress the authority to reduce the size of the federal district, which it has previously done.

    The substance of H.R. 2056 is irrelevant, since there is never justification for Congress to legislate on local D.C. matters, but I will briefly discuss it.  Consistent with federal law, the position of the Major Cities Chiefs Association and D.C.’s values, D.C. limits cooperation with federal immigration agencies. D.C. concluded that cooperating with federal immigration agencies would make D.C. less safe for all residents by diverting police department resources and discouraging immigrants from interacting with the police department and other government agencies.  Many states, cities and counties have reached the same conclusion.

    I urge members to respect the will of D.C. residents by voting NO on this bill.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Third Strategic Dialogue between the State of Qatar and the French Republic

    Source: Government of Qatar

    Paris,  June 12, 2025

    The Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar, His Excellency Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani, and the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of the French Republic, Mr Jean-Noël Barrot, co-chaired the third annual Qatar-France Strategic Dialogue in Paris on June 12 2025. 

    Qatar and France welcomed the holding of their third Annual Strategic Dialogue and reviewed the important progress made since the State Visit of His Highness the Amir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani to France in February 2024 which resulted in new cooperation initiatives within the fields of security, defence, economy, trade, investment and education. Both countries affirmed the strength of their bilateral relationship and pledged to further develop it by expanding strategic partnership on key files.

    POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC COOPERATION

    Both Ministers reaffirmed the commitment of Qatar and France to upholding a rules-based international order and international law, the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in the Middle East, and to close cooperation in relation to regional and global crises.

    Palestine-Israel: Both Ministers called for a ceasefire, the release of all remaining hostages and a long-term political solution that will offer the best hope for the victims of this conflict on all sides and achieving a pathway to a two-state solution. The Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs expressed France’s deep appreciation for all Qatar’s mediation efforts, including those to secure an immediate ceasefire in Gaza.

    Both Ministers called for full, unhindered humanitarian access allowing aid for the Palestinian population to enter Gaza. The Ministers further stated that politicising of humanitarian assistance, threats of forced displacement, or Israel’s plans to remain in Gaza after the war are unacceptable. The two Ministers stated that the Israeli government’s restrictions of essential humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian population of Gaza are totally deplorable and breach International Humanitarian Law.  They further highlighted that Israel is duty-bound to meet all its obligations to ensure immediately a massive and unhindered flow of aid to Gaza – this includes engaging with the UN to ensure aid delivery is in line with humanitarian principles. 

    Both ministers reiterated their opposition to any forced displacement of Gaza’s Palestinian population, which would be a serious violation of international law and a major destabilizing factor for the entire region.

    Qatar welcomes the endorsement by France of the Gaza Reconstruction plan formulated by the League of Arab States in March as a serious, credible basis for immediately meeting reconstruction, governance and security needs in the aftermath of the war in Gaza. It guarantees the respect of international law and maintains Gaza’s future within the framework of a future Palestinian State.

    HE Prime Minister Al Thani welcomed the French-Saudi jointly chaired international meeting on June 18 for the implementation of a two-state solution. Both Ministers declared such efforts as the only way to bring durable peace and security to Israelis and Palestinians while ensuring the stability of the wider region.   

    They stressed that the High-Level International Conference on the peaceful resolution of the question of Palestine and the implementation of the two-State solution, decided by UNGA resolution A/RES/79/81, would contribute to this goal by designing a credible roadmap for the implementation of this solution in which the two countries would be able to live side-by-side in peace within their internationally recognized borders. Both ministers stressed that the future Palestinian state would have sole responsibility for rule of law, including policing primacy. 

    Syria: Both Ministers acknowledged the historic transition process underway in Syria. They emphasised the importance of an inclusive political dispensation that protects the rights of all irrespective of ethnicity, sect, religion or gender. They reiterated their support for the reconstruction of a new Syria – free, stable, sovereign, that respects all components of society. They agreed that stability and security in Syria is paramount for all its citizens as well as the surrounding region. To that end both Ministers committed to work together wherever possible to provide humanitarian assistance, as well as support economic development, and long-term reconstruction. They welcomed the lifting of international sanctions on Syria’s economy and encouraged foreign investments in the country. Qatar welcomed French support for the recent EU decision to lift economic sanctions on Syria and the recent meeting between President Macron and Syria’s interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa. Such support and initiatives enable Syria and the Syrian people to undertake a transition to stability, peace and prosperity. The Ministers condemned violations of Syria’s territorial integrity and warned of escalation tactics designed to de-stabilize the region.  

    Lebanon: Qatar welcomed the hosting by France of the International Conference in Support of Lebanon’s People and Sovereignty in October 2024. Progress to political and economic reform in Lebanon is welcomed by both countries. 

    Qatar and France support the territorial integrity and sovereign rights of the Lebanese people, both Ministers called on all parties to honour the commitments made under the ceasefire reached in November 2024. To this end they called for a full withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon, the complete deployment of the Lebanese Armed Forces and their ongoing support to ensure security and achieve State monopoly on arms, assisted by UNIFIL and the supervision mechanism of the November 2024 ceasefire agreement, of which France alongside the U.S. participates in. 

    They emphasized their support to the process of change that has begun under the new Lebanese government, aimed at putting Lebanon back on the path of reconstruction, recovery and stability. They expressed their continuing support to the Lebanese Armed Forces and to the UN interim force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) whose action is essential to guarantee the stability of South Lebanon.

    Iran: Both Ministers reaffirmed Qatar and France’s support for a diplomatic solution leading to an agreement that addresses and resolves all international concerns related to Iran’s nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief, in order to preserve the non-proliferation global architecture as well as stability and de-escalation in the Gulf region. They reiterated their support to the ongoing talks between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America.  They also called on Iran to fully and effectively cooperate with the legitimate requests and work of the International Atomic Energy Agency.   

    Rwanda and eastern DRC: Both ministers emphasised their shared commitment to peace, stability and security in the Great Lakes region. France commended Qatar’s mediation efforts between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo and between Congolese authorities and AFC/M23. They stressed the need for parties to continue working towards the conclusion of a ceasefire, as called upon by United Nations Security Council Resolution 2773 (2025). Following its participation, along with the U.S., DRC, Rwanda and Togo, to the Doha meeting on April 30, France recalled its continued support to Qatar’s peace efforts.

    Sudan: Both Ministers resolved to further work together to address the devastating conflict in Sudan. Qatar and France recalled the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2736 (2024) demanding that the Rapid Support Forces halt the siege of El Fasher and calling for an immediate de-escalation. They reaffirmed their support to the unity of the country and called on the warring parties to immediately cease hostilities, abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law, protect civilians, and guarantee full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access. 

    UNOC: Both ministers welcomed the organization of the United Nations Ocean Conference in Nice, France, from 9 to 13 June 2025, inter alia to support a blue carbon economy and the fight against illicit fishing. They praised the treaty on marine biodiversity beyond areas of national jurisdiction on the high seas (BBNJ) as a milestone in the collective protection of the high seas.

    ECONOMY, TRADE AND INVESTMENTS

    Qatar and France emphasized the importance of their growing economic, trade and investment partnership, with a total trade of more than €1.3 billion in 2024. The Ministers highlighted that bilateral trade makes a significant contribution to supporting jobs, innovation, and economic development in both countries.

    The two Ministers reviewed progress on Qatar’s 2024 landmark engagement to invest 10 billion euros into key sectors of the French economy. Qatar’s investment will cover mutually beneficial sectors ranging from food security, digital economy, AI and IT, semiconductors, energy transition, space, Intellectual Property, health, tourism and hospitality and culture. They also welcomed the forthcoming Qatar-France Business Forum as an opportunity for mutual trade growth and investment. They discussed ways to further strengthen their investment partnership and underlined their willingness to facilitate cooperation between the Qatari and French private sectors. They also explored areas of common interest, such as fiscal policy, sustainable finance and public-private partnerships (PPPs).

    Qatar’s innovative investment in France’s semiconductor industry highlights its role in key technology subsectors, including supply chain developments that are also propelling digital and green transformations across vital industries such as AI, mobility, and consumer technology. 

    Both sides discussed ways to further develop their trade and investment partnership, through a Roadmap focused on strategic areas in alignment with the framework of the economic diversification goals stated by Qatar’s National Vision 2030 and in accordance with the economic plan “France 2030.” 

    The French Minister praised Qatar’s ongoing commitment to ensure continued and reliable supplies of energy to Europe, including France and thus contributing to the country’s energy security. 

    DEFENSE, SECURITY AND COUNTERTERRORISM 

    Qatar and France reaffirmed the importance of the defence and security as a foundation stone of their partnership.  This was illustrated by the increase in official-level visits in the last 12 months, and the deepening coordination on an operational level.  

    The Ministers welcomed the implementation of joint defence operational partnership including joint planning, training and military exercises, most recently the Pegase, Al Salam, Al Koot exercises, as well as joint projects in defence industries and innovation and ongoing defence acquisitions including cooperation through both nations’ air forces, facilitated by the common possession of Rafale combat aircrafts. 

    They praised the strategic convergences between Qatar and France, which contribute to enhancing bilateral interactions between the two military institutions. Qatar and France are keen to explore ways to develop new synergies between their armed forces for future defence capabilities. 

    They also explored ways to build on existing links and expand activities on common strategic interests particularly as they contribute to de-escalation and security in the Gulf and the Red Sea.  

    Both Ministers welcomed the robust and long-lasting partnership between their respective security forces, including cooperation and important knowledge-sharing on Mega Sports Events, Crisis Management and Major Event Management, Air and Aviation Security, Cybersecurity and Digital Investigations, and mutual professionalization and capacity-building. 

    They commended the friendship and trust between the French Gendarmerie and the Qatari Lekhwiya celebrating in 2025 the 20th anniversary of their cooperation. They also welcomed the development of a strategic partnership between the French and Qatari national police forces and the establishment of a High Police Committee. They also emphasised building on this cooperation. 

    Both Ministers emphasised that the fight against terrorism remains a key bilateral realm for cooperation. They said that such cooperation is crucial in prevention and countering terrorism and ensuring the safety of their citizens. These efforts reflect the need for a coordinated approach to deal with an ever-evolving set of terrorist threats that transcend national borders. They also agreed to continue their strong partnership in cybersecurity and in combating terrorism, countering violent extremism and illicit financial flows. 

    HUMANITARIAN AND DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION

    On humanitarian and international development cooperation, both Ministers affirmed the continuing success of programmatic bilateral cooperation and coordination between their respective implementing agencies including QFFD, EAA, Silatech and AFD.

    Regarding development, both Ministers welcomed the renewal of their bilateral cooperation in this field, building on the signing of two major agreements between the French Development Agency (AFD) and the Qatar Fund for Development, the Education Above All (EAA) foundation and Silatech in February 2024. They expressed their appreciation concerning the first cooperation between AFD and QFFD for an ambitious project to renovate and expand Saint Joseph’s Hospital in East Jerusalem. They welcomed that QFFD and the AFD Group (AFD, Proparco and Expertise France) renewed their commitment to cofinance development projects and agreed to raise the cofinancing target from $50 million to $100 million for the duration of the MoU. In the short term, QFFD and the AFD Group commit to operationalizing the partnership in the following countries where there are pressing needs and discussions have already started on joint priorities: Lebanon, Palestine and Syria. They welcomed that QFFD and AFD Group will also, in the medium term, work on joint global advocacy activities and expand the partnership to innovative finance.

    Both Ministers praised the ongoing discussions between the Crisis and Support Centre of the French ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs and the Qatar Fund for Development to explore possible new areas of dialogue and joint funding, including in the Middle East, Africa and Asia as well as in the field of humanitarian logistics. 

    Following the joint commitment by the Emir of Qatar and the President of the French Republic to dedicate 200 million dollars in 2024 to humanitarian relief in Gaza both Ministers expressed the necessity of answering without delay the urgent needs for aid there. The Ministers also commended the humanitarian impact of joint health relief efforts in Gaza, including medical evacuations, delivery and flow of humanitarian aid, medicines and ambulances. Additionally, they highlighted joint relief efforts in Lebanon to support conflict-affected populations. Recalling these recent successful joint humanitarian operations, both Ministers support a new joint emergency operation to supply medical equipment and medicine to Afghanistan.

    Such cooperation is the embodiment of the longstanding strategic partnership as well as the commitment of Qatar and France to stand by conflict-affected populations.  

    EDUCATION, HEALTH AND SPORTS 

    Both Ministers lauded the strong cooperation in the fields of education, health and sports. On education the Ministers addressed the growing partnership in the field of education, in particular knowledge sharing and research agreements between Qatari and French Institutions of Higher Education (HEI), including Sciences Po and Doha Institute. 

    Cooperation on research and innovation has been boosted by the strong collaboration between Qatar Research Development and Innovation Council (QRDI) and French HEI’s including Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS), Commissariat à l’énergie atomique et aux energies alternatives (CEA), Institut national de la santé et de la recherche médicale (INSERM) and HEC Paris. Under the Qatar Open Innovation Scheme French companies have also received QRDI awards and are working in collaboration with Qatar-based SME’s and institutions to make strides in Agricultural Sciences and Medical Healthcare.  

    Qatar and France are looking forward to the signing of the 8th executive program enhancing bilateral cooperation particularly in French language learning, technical, professional and higher education, and mobility of students and teachers. This agreement aims at establishing a steering committee dedicated to learning French from the 9th (third French) class in Qatari public institutions, as well as a steering committee related to the development of university cooperation. Both sides expressed their mutual intention to strengthen their cooperation in higher education and research, promoting exchanges of students and researchers, as well as further exploring joint training and programmes that enable students to achieve their personal and professional goals.

    Qatar and France also expressed their wish to strengthen the sharing of expertise between the medical communities of the two countries, through the rapprochement or exchange of researchers. The minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs expressed his appreciation for the help of Qatar for the recent opening of the World Health Organization Academy in Lyon.The Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Al Thani congratulated the Republic of France on its hugely successful hosting of the Paris 2024 Summer Olympic and Paralympic Games.  Both sides expressed their willingness to share expertise and knowledge and to continue their cooperation on the positive impact and the legacy of hosting mega sporting events.  In particular, they addressed the ways in which strong commitments in terms of social and environmental issues, including on emissions reduction and carbon absorption, opportunities to promote inclusion and diversity, and combat hate speech, racism and other forms of prejudice and discrimination, is offered by sport. 

    CULTURE, ART, HERITAGE COOPERATION

    Both Ministers welcomed the deep institutional and people-to-people connections forged through shared ties on culture, art and heritage. They recalled the visit in April, at the invitation of the Qatari authorities and HE Sheikha Al Mayassa bint Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, Chairperson of Qatar Museums, of HE Rachida Dati, Minister of Culture of the French Republic. 

    The visit came as part of framework commitments made in the MoU signed in June 2024 between HE Rachida Dati, on behalf of the Ministry of Culture, and HE Sheikha Al Mayassa, Chairperson of Qatar Museums. Both Ministers welcomed the signing of 6 partnership agreements in April 2025 between the French Ministry of Culture, Qatar Museums and the cultural institutions of both countries, and pertaining to a broad range of areas of cooperation, in particular training, exhibitions, loans, research, artist residencies, development of image education workshops for young audiences, development of co-productions, support in the creation of a cinematheque. Qatari and French cultural institutions are currently working on the implementation of these agreements.

    The accords include a framework agreement between the French Ministry of Culture and Qatar Museums for professional training in the cultural sector; an agreement between Qatar Museums and the Etablissement public du musée d’Orsay et du musée de l’Orangerie – Valérie Giscard d’Estaing, including research projects, joint exhibition projects, and academic and educational projects. Qatar Museums and the Musée Guimet will proceed on collaboration that includes research, conservation and educational projects dedicated to Asian arts. Qatar Museums also proceeded with a partnership agreement with Manufactures nationales – Sèvres and Mobilier national dedicated to the design and crafts sectors, aiming to strengthen links between French and Qatari designers and craftspeople. Under the framework further Qatar-France agreements include a Memorandum of Understanding between the Doha Film Institute and the Centre national du cinéma et de l’image animée as well as a Memorandum of understanding between the National Library of Qatar and the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. 

    They also welcomed the increased cooperation between the Qatari and French Ministries of Culture, in particular through the forthcoming renewal of the cooperation agreement between the two ministries of Culture.

    Both Ministers reiterated the commitment of their nations to heritage protection, especially in conflict areas, and respect for all relevant international agreements of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

    A SHARED AND RESPONSIBLE FUTURE 

    The State of Qatar and France emphasize the importance of their continued partnership which benefits the interests of both countries and consolidates coordination towards a shared and responsible future.

    Qatar and France look forward to reviewing progress in these areas at the fourth Strategic Dialogue to be held in Doha in 2026.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Government commits to crackdown on fraud, bribery and corruption with further investment

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    Government commits to crackdown on fraud, bribery and corruption with further investment

    Victims of fraud and economic crime will be better protected through a funding boost outlined in the Spending Review for the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) as part of the government’s Plan for Change to cut crime and plan to invest in Britain’s renewal.

    • Serious Fraud Office receives further investment to tackle serious economic 
    • Funding will be used to build the SFO’s intelligence function to intercept criminality earlier in complex cases 
    • Funding will be used to improve digital capabilities and streamline resources

    More than £8 million of investment over the next three years will be spent on strengthening the SFO’s intelligence and information-gathering work and continuously expanding the agency’s use of technology to assist with disclosure. 

    The extra funding, which is in addition to the £9.3 million of funding announced in the Budget, will be used to bolster SFO’s intelligence capabilities so it can proactively  identify and progress the biggest and complex economic crimes.  

    The Attorney General Lord Hermer KC said: 

    “Fraud and serious economic crime destroy people’s finances and hurts the reputation of doing business in the UK.  

    “This government is committed to kick-starting economic growth and this additional funding to SFO will modernise their services to tackle serious economic crime, while continuously improving their capabilities to seize assets and make returns to the taxpayer.” 

    Nicholas Ephgrave QPM, Director of the Serious Fraud Office, said: 

    “This settlement, which provides long-term funding for the Serious Fraud Office recognises the essential work we do in tackling the most serious economic crimes and safeguarding the UK economy so it can continue to thrive. 

    “This settlement will allow us to invest in our intelligence capability, expand our investigative reach and strengthen our ability to recover criminal assets, including crypto assets, wherever they may be.” 

    For background

    Updates to this page

    Published 12 June 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Increasing transparency and access to information

    Source: Government of Canada regional news (2)

    MIL OSI Canada News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Ranking Member Lauren Underwood Delivers Remarks at Homeland Security Subcommittee Markup to Highlight How Republican Funding Bill Weakens National Security and Makes Americans More Vulnerable to Terrorism

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Lauren Underwood (IL-14)

    WASHINGTON — During today’s House Appropriations subcommittee markup of the 2026 Homeland Security funding bill, Ranking Member Lauren Underwood (IL-14) delivered the following remarks: 

    “Good evening, and thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

    I think we can all agree that whether it is at the border, the airport, our country’s shorelines, or in cyberspace, the Department of Homeland Security cannot fail.  

    But I also believe the Department cannot fail the ideals and values that make America the greatest nation in the world. Under the Trump Administration, DHS is out of control: illegally spending hundreds of millions of our taxpayer dollars and flagrantly violating the rights and civil liberties of Americans. 

    Under this administration, due process and the limitations that the Constitution puts on our government are being ignored, and this bill does nothing to protect Americans from being targeted.  

    It fails to protect American citizens from deportation.  

    It does nothing to protect American citizens from being confronted in their homes and offices, or having their property seized, as this Administration’s deportation policies ignore legal safeguards.  

    It allows ICE agents to continue to grab people in places of worship and in our schools without a warrant, and it punishes legal immigrants who speak their minds all while rewarding for-profit detention centers with billions of taxpayer dollars.  

    As Members of Congress, we have a constitutional responsibility to keep this Administration accountable in both how it spends taxpayer dollars and how it operates.  

    We saw this year after our FEMA hearing what this Department does when anyone speaks truth to power. I am deeply concerned that if this bill passes and the Trump-Noem DHS goes unchecked, the United States of America will become a country that our own citizens will seek refuge from because of the repeated attacks on our basic freedoms and rights.  

    Giving unchecked power to this Administration is bad enough, but unfortunately, the bill makes things worse, by leaving Americans more vulnerable to catastrophic cyber threats and burdening state and local governments. The bill adopts DOGE staffing cuts to CISA and FEMA personnel by roughly $130 million and $93 million, respectively.   

    The burden to respond to the next ransomware attack on your local hospital or deadly hurricane in your district – will increasingly fall to state and local leaders who lack the resources to protect your sensitive health care information from hackers. States don’t have the ability to rebuild after disasters on their own. This bill abandons our neighbors after a crisis.  

    Both the Acting Administrator and the recently named Acting Deputy Administrator of FEMA have little to no emergency management experience.  

    Let me say that again: the two most senior people running FEMA are severely-under qualified at a time when an above-average hurricane season is forecasted, and when the disaster relief fund is already expected to end fiscal year 2025 with an $8 billion deficit.  

    Listen, as recently as last week, the White House had to clean up after the brand new FEMA Administrator was caught supposedly joking about the upcoming hurricane season. We are also heading into wildfire season in the West, and friends, the funding level provided in this bill is insufficient to help us dig out of this hole, and it all but guarantees that FEMA’s Disaster Relief Fund will be at a dangerously low level again by next summer. 

    Meanwhile, the White House requested zero dollars to supplement this critical fund that all Americans rely on to recover from major disasters, and fails to acknowledge an urgent $8 billion dollar deficit in the Disaster Relief Fund.  

    The bill fails to address the catastrophic cybersecurity threats facing our critical infrastructure: our hospitals, banks, schools, and secure government systems.  

    And it does nothing to protect Americans from growing attacks on their privacy. The only people who benefit from this bill’s failure to invest here are cybercriminals in China, Russia, and around the world who will now find it easier to attack Americans.  

    Finally, the bill does not include funding for the Citizenship and Integration Program that has been running for more than a decade by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.   

    This initiative funds faith-based organizations and community-focused organizations that help legal immigrants prepare to become citizens by preparing them for the citizenship exam and helping them learn English.  

    Mr. Chairman, we make America stronger and more secure when we make investments in our communities stronger, and when we uphold our values. But this bill does neither, and I cannot support it.   

    Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to note for the Record that Ms. Escobar is not able to attend today’s markup due to a canceled flight from Texas. I know she would join me in opposing this bill if she were here and I would like that to be reflected.” 

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: ICE Phoenix removes Mexican Noroeste Cartel member

    Source: US Immigration and Customs Enforcement

    NOGALES, Ariz. — U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement removed Gerardo Nava-Benitez, a 30-year-old Mexican alien and Noroeste cartel member, June 10.

    ICE transported Nava-Benitez from the Florence Detention Center to the Dennis DeConcini Port of Entry in Nogales, where he was transferred to the custody of Mexican authorities.

    “The removal of Nava-Benitez demonstrates the collaborative, whole-of-government approach that ICE supports in protecting the citizens of the U.S.,” said ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations Phoenix Field Office Director John Cantu. “Our dedicated officers and partners in law enforcement have worked tirelessly to ensure that such individuals are brought to justice and then removed from the United States.”

    Nava-Benitez was previously expelled to Mexico on four occasions in October and November 2022. He reentered the U.S. illegally in November 2022 and was encountered by ICE at the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office on March 13, 2024, following an arrest for criminal activity. Thereafter he was placed in immigration proceedings and was ordered removed by an immigration judge in April 2025.

    Members of the public who have information about foreign fugitives, transnational gang members or other criminal aliens who are in the U.S. illegally, are urged to contact ICE by calling the ICE Tip Line at 1-866-347-2423, or internationally at 001-1802-872-6199. They can also file a tip online by completing ICE’s online tip form.

    For more news and information on how ICE carries out its immigration enforcement mission in Arizona, follow us on X at @ERO__Phoenix.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: California Will Not Waver in Defending Itself from Federal Overreach: Attorney General Bonta Sues Trump Administration for Attack on California’s Clean Vehicles Program

    Source: US State of California

    LOS ANGELES – California Attorney General Rob Bonta, California Governor Gavin Newsom, and the California Air Resources Board today led a coalition of 10 attorneys general in filing a lawsuit against the federal government challenging the unprecedented and unlawful use of the Congressional Review Act (CRA) to upend California’s clean vehicles program, specifically the Advanced Clean Cars II (ACCII), Omnibus, and Advanced Clean Trucks (ACT) standards. Predicated on illegal actions by the Trump Administration, Congress purported to disapprove the Clean Air Act waivers, granted by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), that allow California to enforce these more stringent, state-level emission standards. In the 50 years since the Clean Air Act was enacted, waivers have never been subject to the CRA.  Nor have any other agency orders that adjudicate requests for permission—such as oil and gas leases or mining permits. Congress’s unprecedented action attempting to invalidate California’s waivers contradicts the non-partisan Government Accountability Office and Senate Parliamentarian, both of whom determined that the CRA process to disapprove federal regulations does not apply to waivers.

    If California is prevented from enforcing these vehicle emission standards, it will result in the loss of significant economic and public health benefits, costing California taxpayers an estimated $45 billion in preventable health care costs. Despite decades of progress, tens of millions of Californians still breathe some of the worst air in the nation—these regulations were specifically designed to change that. Losing these standards would also undermine market certainty for vehicle manufacturers, stifling innovation and job creation, including in the electric vehicle sector, which has been a growing source of high-paying green jobs and investment. 

    “The President’s reckless, politically motivated, and illegal attacks on California continue, this time with his attempt to trample on our longstanding authority to maintain more stringent clean vehicle standards,” said Attorney General Bonta. “The President is busy playing partisan games with lives on the line and yanking away good jobs that would bolster the economy – ignoring that these actions have life or death consequences for California communities breathing dirty, toxic air. I’ve said it before, and I’ll say it again: California will not back down. We will continue to fiercely defend ourselves from this lawless federal overreach.”

    “Trump’s all-out assault on California continues – and this time he’s destroying our clean air and America’s global competitiveness in the process,” said Governor Gavin Newsom. “We are suing to stop this latest illegal action by a President who is a wholly-owned subsidiary of big polluters.”

    Motor vehicle emissions contribute to the formation of smog, as well as fine particle pollution and unhealthy levels of air toxics, all of which are linked to premature death, respiratory illness, cardiovascular problems, and cancer, among other serious health impacts. Transportation is also the leading source of greenhouse gas emissions in the country, and cars and trucks account for more than 80% of those transportation emissions. 

    The Clean Air Act requires the EPA to set federal emission standards for air pollutants from new motor vehicles or new motor vehicle engines that cause or contribute to air pollution that endangers public health or welfare. The Clean Air Act allows California to adopt more stringent emission requirements independent from EPA’s regulations, and the Act requires EPA to approve preemption waivers for those requirements absent certain, limited circumstances not present here. Historically, EPA – under both Republican and Democratic administration – has granted California more than 75 preemption waivers for updates to the State’s new motor vehicle emissions control program. As Congress intended, these waivers have allowed California to improve on its vehicle emissions program, which pre-existed the federal government’s efforts to regulate vehicle emissions via the Clean Air Act.

    Consumers are rapidly embracing clean vehicle options. In California alone, over 2 million zero-emission passenger cars have been sold, with clean vehicles now making up 26% of all new car sales. This momentum extends to the medium-and heavy-duty vehicle market as well, where sales have exceeded targets for two consecutive years – well ahead of timelines set by state regulations.

    Since 2023, the EPA granted California three waivers, allowing it to enforce the ACC II, Omnibus and ACT regulations in California. Under ACC II, automakers must continue to sell an increasing number of zero-emission vehicles in California—as they have been for decades. By model year 2035, 80% of the passenger vehicles sold in California must be zero-emission, while the remaining 20% may be plug-in hybrids. Advanced Clean Truck regulations, which aim to accelerate the widespread adoption of zero emission vehicles in the medium and heavy-duty truck sector, are similarly critical for California’s efforts to meet air quality standards and protect public health. By 2040, the Advanced Clean Truck regulations will reduce emissions of NOx by 16.9 tons per day and fine particulate matter emissions by 0.46 tons per day. The Omnibus regulation requires internal combustion heavy-duty trucks sold in California to meet strict standards for oxides of nitrogen (NOx), which are major contributors to smog formation.

    Under the direction of President Trump, the EPA transmitted these waivers to Congress as “rules” in an attempt to invoke CRA procedures, even though all three waivers state EPA’s consistent and longstanding position, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, that waiver decisions are not “rules.” Both the Republican-controlled U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate illegally used the CRA to “disapprove” of California’s Clean Air Act waivers.

    The complaint filed today alleges that the attempt to invalidate California’s waivers violated constitutional principles of federalism and separation of powers, the Take Care Clause, and multiple federal statutes including the Congressional Review Act and Administrative Procedure Act.  The complaint asks the court to declare the resolutions to be unlawful and to require the Administration to implement the Clean Air Act consistent with the granted waivers. 

    Attorney General Bonta led the lawsuit with the attorneys general of Colorado, Delaware, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Washington.

    A copy of the complaint is available here.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Simon Gikandi, Professor of English and Chair of the English Department, Princeton University

    The passing of celebrated Kenyan writer and scholar Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o on 28 May 2025 marks the end of a remarkable period in African literary history – the fabulous decades in the second half of the 20th century when African writers came to command the world stage.



    Read more:
    Five things you should know about Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, one of Africa’s greatest writers of all time

    This was the time of what I call the African literary revolution. As a scholar of African literature and the author of many books and papers on Ngũgĩ, I have raised several questions about this period. Why and how did this revolution happen? What motivated this turn to the imagination as a tool of decolonisation? And what was Ngũgĩ’s role in this drama?

    To answer these questions one must think of Ngũgĩ inside and outside a generational cultural project.

    The African literary revolution

    Accounting for this project is not difficult. One can say for certain that in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as the African continent entered the last phase of decolonisation, writers and intellectuals became important actors in the fight for independence. They did so by quietly entering and occupying the spaces and knowledge systems that had until then been the preserve of colonial agents.

    They used the work of the imagination to challenge colonial systems of thought and imagine decolonial alternatives. And what made this a period like no other in African literary history was a powerful sense of newness and the possibilities of a world yet to come. As the Nigerian writer and critic Chinua Achebe once put it:

    There was something in the air.

    Literature was asked to herald the possibilities and perils of freedom and Ngũgĩ was to play a major role in chaperoning the language of African being and becoming.

    In the memoirs he wrote about his education, he would often return to his mental imprisonment in English literature and the mythology of Englishness.

    Hidden in these narratives of colonial miseducation, however, was the discovery of the gift of African fiction brought by precursors. Nigeria’s Achebe and Cyprian Ekwensi and South Africa’s Peter Abrahams gave Ngũgĩ a model of how English could be used against Englishness.

    Coming after these writers provided him with an alternative to the “Great Tradition” of English letters.

    Reimagining Africa

    As a student at Alliance High School in Kenya and later at Makerere University College in Uganda, Ngũgĩ positioned himself as part of a literary vanguard that was reimagining Africa.

    His first major fiction was published in Penpoint, a pioneering journal of literature edited by students at the Makerere English department. He was a delegate to the 1962 Conference of African Writers held at the university, sharing the podium with writers who were to define the African culture of letters for several decades. He was one of the few writers at this historic conference without a major publication, but his presence seemed to signal the promise of the future.

    Something else made this period distinctive: this was a time when African intellectuals, writers and politicians shared a common belief in the redemptive work of art and literature. At Makerere, Ngũgĩ had been preceded by Julius Nyerere, a translator of Shakespeare in Swahili who was to become president of Tanzania. At the same college, Apollo Milton Obote, future president of Uganda, had appeared in a 1948 production of Julius Caesar, the first performance of Shakespeare at the university.

    And the contributors represented in Origin East Africa, an anthology of creative writing at Makerere, provide the most vivid example of the role writing and a literary education could come to play in the making of the postcolonial public sphere. Ngũgĩ had four stories published in the anthology, coming just after a short story by Ben Mkapa, future president of Tanzania.

    Ngũgĩ belonged to a generation that saw literature as a forum for critique, of questioning dominant ideas and beliefs. In this context, creative writing was asked to perform at least four tasks:

    • to reimagine an African past whose resources might be rehearsed for the future

    • to rehearse the drama of decolonisation

    • to account for postcolonial failure

    • to produce fictions that might help readers rethink a global African identity.

    Ngũgĩ’s novels rose to fulfil these tasks with conviction and courage. The River Between and Weep Not, Child dealt with the wounds of history. A Grain of Wheat and Petals of Blood were positioned in a zone where the figure of the new nation was caught between its aspirations and desires and the possibility of failure and betrayal. Wizard of the Crow was simultaneously an allegory of postcolonial failure and the possibility of its transcendence.

    And then came banishment and exile.

    The late career

    Although he barely acknowledged it in his writings or in public, Ngũgĩ’s late career was defined by the realities of exile and an awareness of his own displacement from his primary audience and the Gĩkũyũ language that had energised his poetics.

    He was celebrated and honoured in powerful American universities and institutions including the Library of Congress. He was recognised in the global African world and cited by the few African leaders like Ghana’s John Dramani Mahama who understood the need for a forceful response to racial ideologies.



    Read more:
    Drama that shaped Ngũgĩ’s writing and activism comes home to Kenya

    But he was a persona non grata in the one place – Kenya – where recognition mattered most to him.

    In the end, there was a certain kind of belatedness in Ngũgĩ’s later fictions. The subject of these works and their points of reference were distinctly Gĩkũyũ, Kenyan, African, pan-African, and global. Nonetheless, these gestures of being African were enacted far away from the homelands in which Ngũgĩ’s writing and thinking was both intelligible and functional.

    Imagining and writing about Africa away from Africa was a promise and debt. It was an obligation to a place but also a measure of one’s distance from it.



    Read more:
    3 things Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o taught me: language matters, stories are universal, Africa can thrive

    I reflected on this problem as I reviewed Ngũgĩ’s 2006 novel set in an imaginary autocratic country, Murogi wa Kagogo (Wizard of the Crow), in its original Gĩkũyũ edition and later in its translation.

    I was reading the same book, but it was pointing in two different directions – towards home and away from it.

    In our many encounters, Ngũgĩ made fun of the fact that I seemed to have adopted alienation as the essential condition for thinking and writing. What he sought to do until the last minute of his life was carry within himself and his fictions that place that used to be home, its politics and poetics.

    Simon Gikandi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution – https://theconversation.com/ngugi-wa-thiongo-and-the-african-literary-revolution-258428

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hedley Twidle, Associate Professor and head of English Literary Studies, University of Cape Town

    Across three decades of democracy, South Africa has – like many places undergoing complex and uneven social change – seen an outpouring of remarkable nonfiction. The Interpreters is a new book that collects the work of 37 authors, all of it writing (plus some drawing) concerned with actual people, places and events.

    The anthology is the product of many years of reading and discussion between my co-editor Sean Christie (an experienced journalist and nonfiction author) and me (a writer and professor who teaches literature, including creative nonfiction).

    The book is a work of homage to the many strains of ambitious and artful writing that shelter within the unhelpful term “nonfiction”. These include: narrative and longform journalism; essays and memoir; reportage, features and profiles; life writing, from private diaries to public biography; oral histories, interviews and testimony.

    To give an idea of the range, energy and risk of the pieces collected in the anthology, here I discuss five of them.

    1. Fighting Shadows by Lidudumalingani

    We debated for a long time which piece to start the anthology with, and ultimately went for this one, which begins:

    One afternoon my father and the other boys from the Zikhovane village decided to walk across a vast landscape, two valleys and a river, to a village called Qombolo to disrupt a wedding.

    It’s a quietly compelling opening. First of all, there is intrigue: why the disruption? It could also easily be the first sentence of a novel (maybe even one by famous Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe). And so we begin with a reminder of how storytelling is such a deep, ancient and fundamental part of societies – an impulse that long predates writing and moves across and beyond the fiction/nonfiction divide. (Lidudumalingani won the 2016 Caine Prize for a short story, so he works across both.)

    Fighting Shadows is about the tradition of stick fighting, and how it’s transported from rural areas to urban ones. But it’s also about so much more, about “the dance between then and now”, as the writer puts it later on. The prose is so deft and graceful, as if the author is trying to match the “dance” of expert stick fighters with his own verbal arts. For me it’s a story that could only have emerged from this part of the world: it has a distinct voice, precision and poetry to it.

    2. The End of a Conversation by Julie Nxadi

    This is the shortest piece in the anthology, but for me one of the most affecting. It traces how a young girl comes to realise that the (white) family she is being brought up with are not really her family. She is the daughter of the housekeeper, the domestic worker:

    I was not ‘the kids’.
    I was not their kin.

    It’s probably best described as autofiction, a kind of writing that lies somewhere in the borderlands between autobiography and fiction. Nxadi has spoken of how she decided to write in a way that contained her own life story – the “heartbreak” of that moment – but was also able to carry and represent the experience of others who had gone through something similar.

    The piece is also a product of the #FeesMustFall student protests (2015 onwards), when many young South Africans felt able to share unresolved, awkward or shameful stories for the first time.

    The End of a Conversation is such a deft, wise and subtle handling of a difficult subject, with no easy targets or easy resolutions. Somehow the writer has found just the right distance – emotionally and aesthetically – from this moment of childhood realisation.

    3. South African Pastoral by William Dicey

    I co-own a pear farm with my brother. I attend to finances and labour relations, he oversees the growing of the fruit.

    This essay by William Dicey thinks hard, very hard, about what it means to manage a fruit farm in the Boland (an agricultural region still shaped by South Africa’s divided past). It is one of the most frank and unflinching accounts of land and labour I’ve ever come across. The writer makes the point that he could easily have stayed in the city, lived in “liberal” circles and not thought about these issues much.

    But becoming a farmer confronts him with all kinds of difficult questions (How much should he intervene in the lives of his employees? In family and financial planning, in matters of alcohol abuse?) as he is drawn into an awkward but meaningful intimacy with others on the farm.

    The US essayist Philip Lopate suggests that scepticism is often the tool for moving towards truth in personal nonfiction writing:

    So often the “plot” of a personal essay, its drama, its suspense, consists in watching how the essayist can drop past his or her psychic defences toward deeper levels of honesty.

    This is very much what happens in South African Pastoral, and why it is such a mesmerising piece (even while written in such a plain and restrained style).

    4. Hard Rock by Mogorosi Motshumi

    My co-editor said from the start we should include graphic nonfiction (drawn stories and comics) and I’m so grateful he did. Mogorosi Motshumi’s warm, zany but also harrowing account is about coming of age under apartheid and then the heady days of the 1990s transition.

    In his early career, Motshumi was widely known for his comic strips and political cartooning, but this graphic autobiography is far more ambitious. The style of drawing changes and evolves as the protagonist gets older; also, there is something intriguing about seeing weighty subjects like detention, disability, substance abuse and HIV/AIDS stigma approached through the eyes of a wry cartoonist with a keen sense of the absurd.

    Hard Rock is a prologue to the graphic nonfiction memoir that he has been working on for many years, the 360 Degrees Trilogy. The first two instalments have appeared – The Initiation (2016) and Jozi Jungle (2022) – and I would urge anyone to seek them out. Mogorosi’s work is a major achievement in South African autobiography and life writing (or life “drawing”).

    5. The Interpreters by Antjie Krog, Nosisi Mpolweni and Kopano Ratele

    This co-authored piece is what gave the anthology its name. The Interpreters is a reflection on being a language interpreter during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings (1996-1998) into gross human rights violations during white minority rule.

    A series of individuals recall the challenges of that process. Sitting in glass booths in the middle of proceedings, they had to move across South Africa’s many official languages in real time, translating the words of victims, perpetrators, grieving families, lawyers and commissioners.

    The chapter is also a reminder of how our English-language anthology faces the challenge of doing justice to a multilingual, multivocal society where all kinds of cultural translations happen all the time.

    The piece is a blend of many people’s voices, testimonies and reminiscences. As such, it also seemed to symbolise the larger project of The Interpreters: trying to record, render and honour the many voices that make up our complex social world.

    Hedley Twidle worked with Soutie Press in the creation of this anthology.

    – ref. 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories – https://theconversation.com/5-great-reads-by-south-african-writers-from-30-years-of-real-life-stories-258340

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ibrahim Z. Bahreldin, Associate Professor of Urban & Environmental Design, University of Khartoum

    What makes a public space truly public?

    In Khartoum, before the current conflict engulfed Sudan, the answer was not always a park, a plaza or a promenade.

    The city’s streets, tea stalls (sitat al-shai), protest sites and even burial spaces served as dynamic arenas of everyday life, political expression and informal resilience.

    In a recently published article, I studied 64 public spaces across pre-war Greater Khartoum, revealing a landscape far richer – and more contested – than standard urban classifications suggest. Specifically, I uncovered four classifications: formal, informal, privately owned and hybrid spaces – each alive with negotiation and everyday use.

    While some spaces were planned by colonial engineers or municipal authorities, many were carved out by communities: claimed, adapted and reimagined through use.

    My research offers valuable insights into the design and planning of Africa’s cities. As they grow and face mounting political and environmental pressures, it’s time to rethink how public spaces are defined and designed – not through imported models, but by listening to the ways people already make cities public.



    Read more:
    Sudan needs to accept its cultural diversity: urban planning can help rebuild the country and prevent future conflict

    Across the African continent, cities are growing fast – but not always fairly. Urban expansion often privileges gated developments, mega-projects and high-security zones while neglecting the everyday spaces where most people live, work and gather.

    In Sudan, these dynamics have been further complicated by conflict, displacement and economic instability. The ongoing war has disrupted not only governance, but also the spatial fabric of urban life.

    My paper aims to invite those involved in planning policies and post-conflict reconstruction to move beyond formal, western-centric models that often overlook how publicness actually unfolds in African cities: through informality, negotiation and social improvisation.

    Khartoum’s public spaces, as documented in my study, serve as diagnostic tools for understanding how cities survive crises, express identity and contest inequality.

    In the wake of war and displacement, these spaces will play a role in shaping how Sudan rebuilds not just infrastructure, but social cohesion.

    Pre-war Khartoum

    Khartoum’s public spaces cannot be understood through conventional categories – like formal squares and urban parks – alone. These formal squares represent only one layer of a much more plural and negotiated urban reality.

    Drawing on fieldwork and the documentation of 64 public spaces across Greater Khartoum, I identify four overlapping types that reflect how space is produced, accessed and contested.

    1. Formal public spaces: These include planned parks, ceremonial squares, civic plazas and administrative open spaces, often relics of colonial or postcolonial urban planning. They are defined by order, visibility and regulation. Mīdān Abbas, originally an active civic space in the centre of Khartoum, repeatedly reclaimed by informal traders and protesters, is one example, illustrating how even the most formal spaces can become contested. It was notably active during Sudan’s April 1985 uprising, serving as part of a wider network of civic spaces used for political mobilisation. Informal traders consistently transformed it into a bustling marketplace, embedding everyday commerce and social exchange into the formal urban fabric.

    2. Informal and insurgent spaces: These emerge beyond or against official planning logics – riverbanks used for gatherings, neglected lots transformed into social nodes or bridges appropriated by traders. They include spiritual sites like Sufi tombs, and protest spaces such as the sit-in zone outside the city’s army headquarters. These spaces reveal the city’s capacity for bottom-up urbanism and collective adaptation.

    3. Privately owned civic spaces: Shopping malls, privately managed parks and cultural cafés fall into this category. While they appear public, they are often classed, surveilled (monitored through cameras or security presence) or exclusionary. The rise of these spaces coincides with the decline of state-managed urban infrastructure, reflecting the turn in Sudanese urban governance.



    Read more:
    Sudan: the symbolic significance of the space protesters made their own

    4. Public “private” spaces: These spaces blur lines between ownership and use. They include mosque courtyards, school grounds, building frontages or underutilised university lawns that serve as informal gathering points. Access here is governed less by law and more by social codes, trust or class.

    Together, these typologies highlight that “publicness” in Khartoum is relational. It depends not only on who planned a space, but who uses it, how and under what conditions.

    Planning in African cities must therefore move beyond fixed zoning maps to embrace the layered, fluid and lived nature of urban space.

    Rebuilding, rethinking, resisting

    Post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan – and elsewhere in Africa – must resist the allure of “blank slate” master plans. Those involve rebuilding cities from scratch with sweeping, top-down designs that ignore existing social and spatial dynamics.

    Imported models, often guided by bureaucratic thinking or commercial incentives, risk erasing the very spaces where public life already thrives, albeit informally or invisibly.

    Rather than imposing formality, planners should recognise and strengthen the informal and hybrid systems that sustain civic life, especially in times of instability.

    Urban theorists working in and on the global south, such as AbdouMaliq Simone and the late Vanessa Watson, have long argued for planning frameworks that centre on everyday practices, adaptive use and spatial justice.

    Khartoum offers a compelling case.

    From the sit-ins of 2019 to tea stalls run by displaced women, public spaces in Sudan are not inert backdrops. They are active platforms of everyday life, resistance, care and community-making.

    Reconstruction must begin by asking: what spaces mattered to people before the war? Which ones fostered inclusion, dignity and visibility? Only then can new urban futures emerge, ones that are rooted in the practices of those who have always made the city public, even when the state did not.

    What makes spaces truly public?

    The public realm in Sudan has always been shaped through negotiation, sometimes with the state, often despite it.

    Rebuilding after war is not only about reconstructing buildings but also about reimagining the terms of belonging.

    This requires a shift from viewing public space as a fixed asset to understanding it as a dynamic process. Who gets to gather, to speak, to rest, to protest – these are the true measures of publicness.

    Understanding Khartoum’s pre-war public spaces isn’t a nostalgic exercise. It’s a necessary step towards building more inclusive, resilient and locally grounded cities in the wake of crisis.

    Ibrahim Bahreldin is a member of the Sudanese Institute of Architects and the City Planning Institute of Japan, and is registered as a professional architect and urban planner with the Sudanese Engineering Council and the Saudi Council of Engineers. He is also affiliated with the King Abdulaziz University, Saudi Arabia.

    The Author receives funding from KAU Endowment (WAQF) at King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

    – ref. Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together – https://theconversation.com/khartoum-before-the-war-the-public-spaces-that-held-the-city-together-258632

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Endometriosis: difficult childhood linked with greater likelihood of being diagnosed – new research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Marika Rostvall, PhD Candidate, Epidemiology, Karolinska Institutet

    Our study of over a million Swedish women revealed a link between difficult childhood circumstances and a higher likelihood of being diagnosed with endometriosis. Drazen Zigic/ Shutterstock

    Around one in ten women worldwide have endometriosis. This common condition causes tissue similar to the lining of the uterus to grow in other parts of the body. This can result in painful periods, chronic pain and even infertility.

    Yet despite how common endometriosis is, there’s currently no cure for it. This may partly be due to the fact that researchers still aren’t entirely sure what triggers endometriosis.

    But one factor that might increase a woman’s likelihood of developing endometriosis is their early life experiences. Recent research published by my colleagues and I has revealed a link between difficult childhood circumstances and a higher likelihood of being diagnosed with endometriosis.

    Our study included all women born in Sweden between 1974 and 2001, totalling over a million women. We then followed them from birth using the Swedish register system, which allowed us to track each participants’ health data.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    We also looked at different indicators of childhood adversity that had been captured through the registers. We focused specifically on experiences which previous studies have shown can lead to negative mental or physical health later in life.

    This included having a parent with substance abuse problems, having had to spend a night in the care of child-protection services, having to move around a lot or being exposed to violence. In total, we included 11 indicators of childhood adversity in our analysis.

    We then compared the likelihood of receiving an endometriosis diagnosis in women who had experienced each specific type of childhood adversity with women who had not. We controlled for factors that might have influenced the results, including the womens’ ages, the year they were born, their county of birth and if they had been been smaller than average at birth.

    Our results showed that having experienced some form of adversity between birth to 15 years of age was associated with a higher risk of being diagnosed with endometriosis later in life. The only adverse childhood event that wasn’t linked with a greater risk of being diagnosed with endometriosis was familial death.

    Women who had been exposed to violence had the highest risk increase, with an over twofold greater likelihood of being diagnosed with endometriosis compared with all other women.

    The likelihood of being diagnosed with endometriosis increased the more adversity a woman had experienced in their childhood. Women who had experienced one type of adversity in childhood had a 20% greater likelihood of being diagnosed with endometriosis. But women who had experienced five or more types of adversity had a 60% greater likelihood.

    We also ran a separate analysis that included women who experience painful periods (dysmenorrhea) to see if it affected the results. Many women who are diagnosed with endometriosis initially seek help from their doctor because they experience painful periods. We included women who had dysmenorrhea to capture women who might have endometriosis, but had not yet received a proper diagnosis. The results were similar even when we included women with dysmenorrhea in our analysis.

    Having experienced some form of adversity between birth and 15 years of age was associated with a higher likelihood of being diagnosed with endometriosis.
    DimaBerlin/ Shutterstock

    Previous studies which have looked at self-reported early childhood trauma have seen a link with endometriosis. But our study looked not only at remembered experiences of trauma, but also at other indicators of stress.

    Endometriosis and immune function

    Our findings may be explained, at least in part, by immune system processes and chronic inflammatory responses.

    Having experienced adversity during childhood has previously been linked to higher levels of chronic inflammation, as well as an increased risk for autoimmune disorders. Greater levels of inflammation in the body could worsen endometriosis symptoms or even trigger endometriosis to develop.

    Another possible way childhood adversity could affect endometriosis is through increased pain. Childhood adversity has been linked to a higher risk for chronic pain conditions. This could lead to women in our study who had gone through childhood adversity experiencing more painful symptoms on average, and therefore being more likely to seek medical help and receive a diagnosis.

    Further research might dig into these possible mechanisms. This would improve our understanding of how and why the disease develops. A better understanding of the mechanisms behind the pain experienced by women with endometriosis might also allow researchers to develop more effective treatments than those currently available.

    Our study reinforces the conclusions of previous studies which show a link between early childhood adversity and poor health in later life. This kind of research suggests a connection between mental and physical health, and indicates that we need to re-examine our view of the mind and body as separate entities.

    It should be noted that our study is observational, which means it cannot prove that adverse events in childhood cause endometriosis, it can only show an association between the two things.

    However, our study does highlight the importance of devoting resources to help parents and children. Helping families escape poverty, treating parental addiction or providing stable housing could lead to a healthier population in the future.

    Marika Rostvall receives funding from Karolinska Institutet, Region Stockholm and Karolinska University Hospital.

    – ref. Endometriosis: difficult childhood linked with greater likelihood of being diagnosed – new research – https://theconversation.com/endometriosis-difficult-childhood-linked-with-greater-likelihood-of-being-diagnosed-new-research-258369

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Remembering Frederick Forsyth: my encounters with the spy who stayed out in the cold

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Lashmar, Reader in Journalism, City St George’s, University of London

    One of the great British purveyors of the spy and cold-war genres, Frederick Forsyth, who has died at the age of 86, was best known for his novels The Day of the Jackal (1971), The Odessa File (1972) and The Dogs of War (1974).

    He wrote another 22 books, which together have sold 75 million copies worldwide, and spawned several successful films. In his 2015 memoirs, Forsyth revealed he had been a spy for the British government.

    My encounters with “Freddie” came late in his life. Back in 2023 my former colleagues at Brunel University were launching a project called Writers in Intelligence. Having no contacts in the murky world of spookery, they approached me for help.

    They needed a high-profile writer who had worked in intelligence for their first event. I suggested Forsyth, as he had admitted to being an MI6 asset between 1968 and 1988. I wrote to him, and he agreed to an interview.

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    It was not my finest hour. I had carefully created a narrative arc of questions and outlined my plan to Forsyth in the green room. He nodded. After we sat down in front of a packed audience Forsyth proceeded to ignore my first question and launched into his own well-practised narrative.

    “What is the point of espionage in the first place?” he asked rhetorically. “I would sum it up in a single word: forewarning – what the bad guys are doing,” he said, launching into his spiel. He was particularly good on the need for a cover story when working abroad, “where the very nasty secret police ruled the roost”. His cover was being a foreign correspondent.

    For the rest of his “talk”, I tried to predict his direction of travel and lob the occasional question to justify my existence. Relief for me came with the Q&A.

    Inevitably a question came up about the Nigerian civil war in which he had a controversial role. Independent from 1960, Nigeria is a creation of the British empire and in broad terms combines three different colonial and ethnic areas. The Muslim north, mostly the Haus-Fulani people; the mixed religions of the Yoruba west; and the Christian Igbo people of the east in the area known then as Biafra, rich in oil reserves. In 1966, an attempted military coup sparked civil war and anti-Igbo pogroms in the north, forcing 1.2 million Igbo refugees to return to the Biafra region.

    Refugees complained that the Lagos-based Nigerian government under General Yakubu Gowon had failed to protect them. Secessionists under the military commander of the east, Colonel Chukwuemeka Ojukwu, declared Biafra a separate republic in May 1967. Gowon ordered the Nigerian army to retake Biafra. Initially the Biafran forces countered attacked but Gowan’s troops, reinforced by secretly delivered British munitions, created a lengthy stalemate.

    Forsyth, aged 29 and now a BBC correspondent (after stints as the RAF’s youngest fighter pilot and a Reuters journalist) was posted to Biafra to cover the war. With few of his reports being used despite him being on the frontline (at one point a bullet grazed his head), he grew increasingly disillusioned. He considered the BBC’s reports from its west Africa correspondent in Lagos hundreds of miles away, to be pro-Gowon.

    Angering BBC bosses by making the case for Biafra, Forsyth was ordered out, after which he said he resigned, although this contradicts the tweet made by the BBC’s John Simpson, who this week said that Forsyth was sacked after “introducing Biafran propaganda into his reports”.

    In 1968 Forsyth reported independently from Biafra on the deliberate starvation of people that shocked the world, and became close to Colonel Ojukwu. Eventually, after three years, Biafra was overwhelmed and reintegrated into Nigeria in 1970.

    In the Brunel audience was Nigerian novelist and journalist Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani who is of Igbo heritage. I asked her this week what she recalled of the evening having travelled to see Forsyth whose books “had been a staple” during her teenage years. She asked Forsyth whether his assessment of the war back then was valid. Forsyth did not really give an opinion but, describing what he had seen, clearly thought his reporting had stood the test of time.

    The Brunel evening was deemed a success as Forsyth had lived up to his reputation as a charismatic raconteur. Even in his eighties he cut an imposing figure – decidedly alpha male and a hard-living world traveller. On the thriller-writer spectrum, he combined the spirit of Hemingway with the cool detached air of le Carré. It was not hard to believe that Forsyth had been a little too close to some of the unsavoury events he wrote about.

    We meet again, Mr Forsyth

    A few months later I asked him for a one-to-one interview and was invited to his house in a Buckinghamshire village. I explained that for nearly 50 years I had been intermittently researching the foreign office’s cold-war covert propaganda operation, the Information Research Department (IRD).

    Set up in 1948 to attack communism, by the late 1960s the IRD was a huge operation and had extended its secret remit from anti-communism to covertly attacking anybody or anything its mandarins perceived as anti-British. I had been reading recently released IRD files on Biafra that had long been withheld.

    The first thing that was clear was that Forsyth was still angry over what he saw as the British betrayal of the Biafran people. He cursed the then prime minister Harold Wilson. As a result of Forsyth’s reporting on Biafra – which he saw as objective – he had come under personal attack.

    Who was responsible, I asked. Forsyth identified the high commissioner in Lagos at the time, Sir David Hunt, “a very unpleasant man” whom he held in very low regard. Indeed Hunt had written in one internal memo that Forsyth was “an ardent Ibo partisan and is now employed by them”, and who “spread the most alarming and exaggerated reports”. The memo is now held in the National Archives.

    I was able to tell Forsyth that the foreign office had deployed the full arsenal of the IRD’s propaganda skills to support Gowon’s government – and made a huge effort to neuter Forsyth’s reporting from Biafra. Wilson’s government did not want to lose access to cheap oil supplied by Nigeria, or for it to be known that Britain was secretly supplying Gowan with arms.

    The IRD’s role was all the more curious in that the Soviet Union was pro-Gowon and Ojukwa was anti-communist. In our meeting Forsyth was surprised at what I had to say; he had never heard of IRD, which in turn surprised me. What was all the more puzzling was that IRD was close to MI6 and, as Forsyth revealed in his memoir, he had been an unpaid MI6 asset for 20 years, beginning in Biafra in 1968.

    He thought his targeting might explain the breadth of the personal attacks any against him. In another memo held in the National Archives, this time written in 1969, another British diplomat said he had met Forsyth and bemoaned it was “hard to understand” how the BBC had employed him as correspondent.

    The war ended in January 1970. The number of deaths is still disputed but claimed to be between one and two million – mostly civilians many of whom starved to death. On his return to the UK Forsyth wrote his first book, a non-fiction account called The Biafran Story, which did not sell.

    By the beginning of 1971 Forsyth was unemployable as a journalist and struggling financially. He sat down and over 35 days wrote The Day of the Jackal, a novel set in 1963 about an assassination plot against the French President, which went on to sell ten million copies. In 1973 it was turned into a film starring Edward Fox and was a huge box office hit. Forsyth never had to worry about money again.

    Paul Lashmar is affiliated with the Labour Party

    – ref. Remembering Frederick Forsyth: my encounters with the spy who stayed out in the cold – https://theconversation.com/remembering-frederick-forsyth-my-encounters-with-the-spy-who-stayed-out-in-the-cold-258762

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Many Russian speakers in Ukraine have switched language – but changing perceptions may be much harder

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Oleksandra Osypenko, PhD researcher in linguistics, Lancaster University

    After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, a lot of Ukrainians who would normally have used Russian as their first language started instead to speak only in Ukrainian. It was part of a cultural shift, particularly in areas close to Russia. Streets were renamed, statues of Russians taken down and Russian literature taken off the shelves of bookshops.

    But language does more than merely signal a person’s identity. We wanted to find out whether a change in the language a person uses could influence they way they think in their everyday lives. Our research suggests encouraging people to speak more Ukrainian in public isn’t enough to shift the influence of the Russian language on people’s perceptions.

    In a study published in 2024, Ukrainian linguistics expert Volodymyr Kulyk documented a marked decline in the everyday use of Russian by Ukrainians since the invasion in February 2022. Many individuals, Kulyk found, were voluntarily abandoning Russian in response to the invasion, often viewing the language itself as a symbol of Putin’s aggression.

    His survey found that only 44% of Ukrainians reported using Ukrainian as their primary language in 2012, compared to 34% who said they primarily spoke Russian, and 22% had used both. By December 2022, the percentage of people who said they primarily spoke Ukrainian had risen to 57.4% and Russian use had dropped to just 14.8%, with the remaining 27.8% reporting using both languages.

    Kylyk found that this was even more pronounced in public spaces. In the workplace, use of Ukrainian increased from 41.9% in 2012 to 67.7% in December 2022. Online, the consumption of Ukrainian-language content by Ukrainians soared from 11.6% to 52.2%, while that of Russian-language content fell from 48.6% to just 6%

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The idea that language shapes thought, known as the “linguistic relativity principle” was first articulated by American linguist Benjamin Lee Whorf in the 1950s. Numerous subsequent studies have since provided evidence supporting the principle.

    Researchers have shown that learning a new language or increasing the use of one can subtly reshape the way a person views the world.

    One way to test this is by looking at grammatical gender. In 40% of the world’s languages – including Ukrainian and Russian – objects are assigned a gender. For example, the word for “sock” is masculine in Russian and referred to using a pronoun “he” (носок – nosok), while in Ukrainian it is feminine and referred to using as “she” (шкарпетка – shkarpetka). Using grammatical gender allows us to examine how such purely linguistic categories influence our perception.

    Previous studies have shown that people tend to associate grammatically masculine nouns with stereotypically male qualities such as strength or aggression and feminine nouns with softness or gentleness. These are associations that can shape real-world judgments in unexpected ways.

    For example, a 2020 study led by French linguist Alican Mecit found that French and Spanish speakers perceived the pandemic as less threatening when it was referred to as la COVID-19 (feminine), and more dangerous when called le coronavirus (masculine), affecting how cautious they were in daily life.

    Masculine or feminine?

    To explore these effects in context of Ukraine’s ongoing language shift, we conducted a study in late 2023 to examine whether speaking Ukrainian or Russian affects people’s perception of everyday things, by asking our participants to rate objects as more masculine or feminine.

    Our participants also completed Ukrainian and Russian proficiency tests and filled out a questionnaire about their language habits. We asked them about what languages they used on a daily basis, with family and friends, and which language they considered their dominant one. After analysing this data, we discovered an interesting trend.

    Some of our results showed exactly what we had thought. Participants with higher proficiency in Russian showed a statistically significant influence of Russian on the way they viewed the world. The same was true for those more proficient in Ukrainian.

    This suggested that the language a person is most skilled in – as measured by tests, not just their own reports – has a strong influence of their perception, even when they are not consciously using that language.

    In other words, the deeper your knowledge of a language, the more it shapes your unconscious patterns of thought.

    But when we looked at participants’ self-reported language use, we unexpectedly found that even those people who said they used Ukrainian more than Russian day-to-day, with their family and friends, still showed perceptual patterns aligned with Russian. These were Ukrainians whose first language was Russian but who had made a deliberate switch to Ukrainian.

    For example, when rating gendered objects as more masculine or feminine, these participants made choices that reflected Russian grammatical gender rather than Ukrainian – so, to use our example from earlier in this article, they saw a sock as being inherently a male thing.

    This suggested one of two possibilities. Either they had overstated their use of Ukrainian, possibly due to social pressure. Or they were genuinely switching to Ukrainian, but Russian continued to unconsciously influence their thinking. This mismatch was especially common among those who claimed to use Ukrainian in informal settings, like at home or with friends.

    So, even as more Ukrainians shift away from using the Russian language because of the war, the influence of Russian can still be found in how they perceive the world.

    What does this mean for language policy?

    Ukraine’s language policies have been a matter for debate event before the 2022 invasion. In fact, one of the reasons Vladimir Putin gave for launching his “military operation” was because of what he claimed was a “genocide” against Russian speakers in Ukraine, something the Ukrainian government strenuously denied.

    But it should be noted that Ukraine passed a law in 2019 (which came into force at the beginning of 2021, titled On ensuring the functioning of the Ukrainian language as the state language. This required the use of Ukrainian in all spheres of public life, including education, science, culture, media, advertising and customer service. The law drew some international criticism as possibly discriminatory and caused considerable disquiet in Russian-speaking communities.



    Read more:
    Ukraine: how a controversial new language law could help protect minorities and unite the country

    So while language policy in Ukraine has focused on promoting Ukrainian language in public and professional settings, including schools and workplaces, our findings suggest that these formal uses of language do not necessarily change the way people think.

    The bigger shifts seem to come from informal, everyday language use, especially at home. It is in those personal, emotionally rich contexts that language appears to shape thought most deeply.

    Oleksandra Osypenko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Many Russian speakers in Ukraine have switched language – but changing perceptions may be much harder – https://theconversation.com/many-russian-speakers-in-ukraine-have-switched-language-but-changing-perceptions-may-be-much-harder-257765

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Wales is overhauling its democracy – here’s what’s changing

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Clear, Lecturer in Constitutional and Administrative Law, and Public Procurement, Bangor University

    Wales’ Senedd will expand and change as of May 2026. Mareks Perkons/Shutterstock

    Next May’s Senedd (Welsh parliament) election won’t just be another trip to the polls. It will mark a major change in how Welsh democracy works. The number of elected members is increasing from 60 to 96, and the voting system is being overhauled. These changes have now passed into law.

    But what exactly is changing – and why?

    When the then assembly was first established in 1999, it had limited powers and just 60 members. Much has changed since then and it now has increased responsibility including primary law-making powers over matters such as health, education, environment, transport and economic development.

    The Wales Act 2014 also bestowed a number of new financial powers on the now Senedd, including taxation and borrowing powers. But its size has stayed the same.

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    This led to concerns about capacity and effectiveness. In 2017, an independent expert panel on electoral reform concluded that the Senedd was no longer fit for purpose. It warned that 60 members simply weren’t enough to scrutinise the Welsh government, pass legislation and respond to constituents. A bigger chamber, it argued, would improve both the quality of lawmaking and democratic accountability.

    Wales also has fewer elected politicians per person than any other UK nation. Scotland has 129 MSPs, while Northern Ireland has 90 MLAs. Even with next year’s changes, Wales will still have fewer elected members per citizen compared with Northern Ireland.

    It’s a similar picture when Wales is compared with other small European nations.

    More Senedd members could ease workloads, improve local representation and importantly, may encourage a more diverse pool of people to stand for office.

    How is the voting system changing?

    Alongside expansion will be a change in how Senedd members are elected.

    Since its inception, Wales has used the “additional member system”, which is a mix of first-past-the-post for constituency seats and proportional representation for regional ones.

    From 2026, that system will be replaced by a closed list proportional system, using the D’Hondt method. It’s a system which is designed to be fairer, ensuring that the proportion of seats a party wins more closely reflects the votes they get. But it also means voters will have less say over which individuals get elected.

    Wales will be divided into 16 constituencies, each electing six MSs. Instead of voting for a single candidate, voters will choose one party or independent candidate.

    Parties will submit a list of up to eight candidates per constituency. Seats will then be allocated based on the overall share of the vote each party gets, with candidates elected in the order they appear on their party’s list.

    For example, if a party wins a percentage share of the vote equating to three seats, the top three people on their party list will be elected. The calculation for this is defined by the D’Hondt formula. The decision to adopt this method in Wales was one of the recommendations of the special purpose committee on Senedd reform in 2022.

    Jeremy Vine explains just how the D’Hondt system of proportional representation works.

    Several countries across Europe use this system for their elections, including Spain and Portugal. In countries with small constituency sizes, D’Hondt has sometimes favoured larger parties and made it harder for smaller parties to gain ground. That’s something observers in Wales will be watching closely.

    An alternative method, Sainte-Laguë, used in Sweden and Latvia, is often seen as more balanced in its treatment of small and medium-sized parties, potentially leading to more consensual politics. But it too has its downsides. In countries which have many smaller parties, it can lead to fragmented parliaments and make decision-making more difficult.

    In sum, no system is perfect. But D’Hondt was chosen for its balance between proportionality, simplicity and practicality.

    The Senedd chamber will house 36 more members from May 2026 onwards.
    Senedd Cymru

    Could this confuse voters?

    One concern is the growing differences between electoral systems across the UK, and even within Wales itself.

    At the UK level, first-past-the-post (FPTP) is the method used for Westminster elections. Meanwhile, some Welsh councils are experimenting with the single transferable vote method, which lets voters rank candidates in order of preference.

    So, some people in Wales could find themselves navigating three different voting systems for three different elections. Obviously, this raises the risk of confusion. Voters who are used to one vote and the “winner takes all” nature of FPTP may be confused by how seats are allocated in Wales come 2026.

    With numerous different systems, the risk is that people do not fully understand how their vote translates into representation. In turn this risks undermining confidence and reducing voter turnout.



    Read more:
    Wales wants to punish lying politicians – how would it work?

    Voters will need clear, accessible information on how their vote works – and why it matters. But this is particularly challenging when UK-wide media often defaults to FPTP-centric language and framing surrounding debates, which can shape public expectations. News about Wales often barely registers beyond its borders, while news about politics in Wales barely registers within.

    Electoral reform often prompts broader conversations. As Welsh voters adjust to the new proportional system, some may begin to question Westminster’s FPTP model, especially if the Senedd better reflects the diversity of votes cast. FPTP is frequently criticised for producing “wasted votes” and encouraging tactical voting, particularly in safe seats.

    Under a more proportional system, tactical voting becomes less necessary, which has the potential to shift voter habits in Wales.

    If the 2026 reform leads to a more representative and effective Senedd, it may not only reshape Welsh democracy, but reignite debates about electoral reform across the UK.

    Stephen Clear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Wales is overhauling its democracy – here’s what’s changing – https://theconversation.com/wales-is-overhauling-its-democracy-heres-whats-changing-256640

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Tornado: this samurai-western immigrant revenge tale tries to be many things – but runs out of ammo

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Chi-Yun Shin, Senior Lecturer, Film Studies, Sheffield Hallam University

    Tornado is many things: a British period drama, a western, a samurai film, a coming-of-age story and an origin story. Set in the windswept moorland of Britain in 1790, the film offers a lawless backdrop fit for a western, with no visible sign of the industrial revolution that began some three decades prior.

    Its Wuthering Heights-esque wilderness, serenely captured by the cinematographer Robbie Ryan conjures up an almost otherworldly look.

    The film is also a revenge story. Tornado (Kōki), the 16-year-old Anglo-Japanese heroine, seeks to avenge her father’s death, armed with a samurai sword. First, though, she has to escape the clutches of some ruthless highwaymen.

    We begin in the middle of this action, with Tornado being pursued across a desolate landscape by Sugarman’s (Tim Roth) gang, who just killed her father, Fujin (Takehiro Hira).

    They are looking for their ill-gotten sacks of gold, which they believe she stole from them. What they don’t know is that Fujin, a former samurai who was reduced to a travelling puppeteer in Britain, taught his daughter to fight and hid the gold. These archetypal components of western genre, gold and revenge are mashed up with a samurai-sword-wielding heroine.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    The cross-pollination of western and samurai films has a long history. There is the well-known influence of John Ford’s westerns on the samurai films of Akira Kurosawa. Meanwhile, Kurosawa’s Seven Samurai (1954) in turn directly inspired the classic Hollywood western, The Magnificent Seven (1960).

    Kurosawa’s Yojimbo (1961) practically started the whole sub-genre of spaghetti western, providing a template for the narrative and character arc. Both Sergio Leone’s influential A Fistful of Dollars (1964) and Sergio Corbucci’s Django (1966) feature a lone man, seemingly a mercenary, entering a town with two warring gangs where he uses his skills (swapping samurai-sword-wielding for gun-slinging) to manipulate the situation.

    Tornado’s influences

    Tornado pays homage to Leone’s epic spaghetti western Once Upon a Time in the West (1968). This is most obvious in a scene where the vicious gang arrives at the circus troupe’s trailer site where Tornado is taking refuge.

    A knife thrower (Jude Cranston) is practising his techniques, and his steady throwing actions make rhythmic noises as his knives hit the target board in succession. This creates a soundscape reminiscent of the masterful sound design of the opening sequence of Once Upon a Time in the West.



    Read more:
    Tornado is a Scottish samurai-western film – genres with a long-shared history

    The sole black member of the gang, named Psychotic Bandit (Dennis Okwera) is conspicuously dressed in all black, complete with a black cowboy hat. This costuming is almost identical to one of the three outlaws played by Woody Strode (one of the first black American players in the NFL, turned actor) in Once Upon a Time in the West.

    As he approaches the knife thrower and silences him, his out-of-place look (too dandy for a rural bandit) suddenly makes sense and serves a purpose. Like the Strode character, Psychotic Bandit doesn’t speak, but he doesn’t quite pull off the formidable calm menace of Strode.

    The trailer for Tornado.

    Tornado is also a typical immigrant family story that deals with the generational gap. The father tries his best to pass on his culture and knowledge (samurai skill in this case) to Tornado, but his teenage daughter, while reluctantly participating in the family business (a samurai puppet show) wants to have a lie-in and go to town. She speaks to him in perfect English as opposed to his accented English.

    Although the presence of Japanese samurai as a travelling showman in 1790s Scotland is unlikely (considering that the first Japanese visitors set foot on British soil in 1832), director John Maclean’s interest in outsiders and marginalised communities is evident.

    In one scene, now-wounded Sugarman faces Tornado and makes a fatherly suggestion that she go home, to which she answers: “I am home.” It’s a knowing exchange, even if it’s a bit of cliche. Through the course of the film, Tornado grows to accept her father’s teachings and comes of age, as she declares: “I’m Tornado; remember my name.” Though it feels a little contrived, it is fitting for an origin story of a self-assured samurai.

    This coming-of-age story of a young female samurai, set in a desolate landscape, offers a downbeat antidote to the romanticised stories of a westerner who goes to Japan and becomes a samurai, as seen in The Last Samurai (2003) and Shōgun (2024).

    In the end, however, Tornado tries to be too many things, and can’t quite cut it as a satisfying samurai film. It lacks the introspection of Twilight Samurai (2002) or the exhilaration of Zatoichi (2003) and 13 Assassins (2010). It amounts to an unconventional, but underwhelming, execution of a classic genre mash-up.

    Chi-Yun Shin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Tornado: this samurai-western immigrant revenge tale tries to be many things – but runs out of ammo – https://theconversation.com/tornado-this-samurai-western-immigrant-revenge-tale-tries-to-be-many-things-but-runs-out-of-ammo-258733

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Ricketts Introduces Legislative Package to Protect American Way of Life from Communist China

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Pete Ricketts (Nebraska)
    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Pete Ricketts (R-NE) introduced a legislative package of four bills that would counter malicious efforts to disrupt American prosperity by Communist China and other adversaries. The package includes the No Capital Gains Allowance for Americans Adversaries Act, the PRC Military and Human Rights Capital Markets Sanctions Act, the No China in Index Funds Act, and the Protecting Endowments from our Adversaries Act (PEOAA). This legislative package limits the ability of adversaries like Communist China from taking advantage of America’s economic strength and tax benefits intended for Americans.
    “Communist China is the greatest threat to the American way of life,” said Ricketts. ”Communist China is actively threatening a rules-based system that has maintained peace and prosperity for over 80 years. America’s markets are supposed to benefit Americans. We can’t allow our markets to fund our adversaries like Communist China.”
    The No Capital Gains Allowance for Americans Adversaries Act would:
    Treat capital gains on all Chinese, Russian, Belarusian, Iranian, and North Korean stocks as ordinary income. Such investments would then not be eligible for the lower capital gains tax rates.
    Eliminate the “step-up in basis” for Chinese, Russian, Belarusian, Iranian, and North Korean assets inherited at death – which reduces an heir’s tax liability by ignoring gains that occurred before inheritance.
    Direct the Securities and Exchange Commission to maintain a public list of securities covered by this Act and require that sellers of covered securities disclosure to customers that sales of those securities will be treated as ordinary income.
    The PRC Military and Human Rights Capital Markets Sanctions Act would:
    Direct the President to compile and maintain a single public list of sanctioned companies and their affiliates.
    These lists include those that target human rights violators, including companies that utilize coerced labor in production, companies that proliferate dangerous technologies, and those that have connections to the Chinese military and intelligence services.

    Prevent U.S. persons from purchasing, selling, or holding:
    A publicly-traded security issued by a sanctioned company or affiliate of the sanctioned company;
    A publicly-traded security that is a derivative of a publicly issued security issued by a sanctioned company or affiliate of the sanctioned company;
    A security that provides investment exposure to a publicly-traded security issued by a sanctioned company or affiliate of the sanctioned company.

    Give a U.S. person 180 days after enactment to divest from the prohibited securities.
    The No China in Index Funds Act would:
    Prohibit index funds from investing in Chinese companies and require them to divest from such investments within 180 days after date of enactment.
    The Protecting Endowments from Our Adversaries Act (PEOAA) would:
    Apply to private college and university endowments over $1,000,000,000
    Disincentivize endowments from investing (directly or indirectly) in adversarial entities that are on any of the following US Government Lists (USG):
    Entity List
    Military End User (MEU) List
    Unverified List
    FCC Covered List

    Impose a 50% excise tax on the principal investment at the time of acquisition if an endowment invests in a company that is listed.
    Impose a 100% excise tax on the realized gains derived from listed investments one year after an entity is listed.
    BACKGROUND:
    Other countries have investment incentives not applicable to some foreign investments. For instance, China provides investment incentives through its tax code, but foreign investments are eligible only with the pre-approval of the Chinese government.
    Companies that have their business relations with the United States cut off or strictly restricted should not be allowed to sell securities in the U.S., or to U.S. persons, whether directly or indirectly through a mutual fund or ETF.
    Index mutual funds minimize their expenses by simply investing in all the companies in a certain market sector, without looking closely at the individual companies. There are unique difficulties in evaluating the risks of investing in Chinese companies. Americans should not invest in these companies without carefully evaluating the risk. This bill will keep these hard-to-evaluate Chinese stocks out of index mutual funds.
    University and college endowments are funds or assets donated to support various activities of the institution. These institutions often invest billions from their endowments into organizations and companies listed on the Department of Commerce’s Entity List. While maintaining a tax advantage, endowments can fund these entities even if they pose national security concerns.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: ICYMI: Tuberville Joins “Kudlow” to Discuss President Trump’s “Big, Beautiful Bill”

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Alabama Tommy Tuberville

    WASHINGTON – U.S. Senator Tommy Tuberville (R-AL) joined Larry Kudlow on Fox Business Network to discuss President Trump’s “One Big, Beautiful Bill,” and how the Senate needs to pass it quickly to enact historic tax cuts for Americans. Senator Tuberville also discussed the latest Consumer Price Index (CPI) numbers and shared how President Trump’s tariffs are delivering positive results in Alabama.  

    Excerpts from Senator Tuberville’s interview can be found below and the full interview can be found on Rumble or YouTube. 

    KUDLOW: “Joining us now is Alabama Senator Tommy Tuberville, [the] great Senator Tommy Tuberville. Senator, welcome back as always. I just wanna try this thesis out in you. Mr. Trump acted so decisively to stop the riots in Los Angeles, to protect the work of ICE, to keep the deportations going, to make it very clear that criminals would be thrown into jail, if you spit on somebody, you’re going to jail, etc., etc. That was a big win, I mean, I think it was a big win and a big loss for Democrats. But here’s my questions there. I think that kind of action, which is so popular—it’s like an 80/20 issue—plays into passage of the one big, beautiful bill because people want promises made, promises kept. They want the Trump agenda, and they see that he is unhesitatingly defending the Trump agenda on which he was elected last November. What you think? I’m going from LA to one big, beautiful bill.”

    TUBERVILLE: “Well, if you just think about this summer coming up, it’s probably gonna be the ‘summer of hate’ instead of the ‘summer of love,’ Larry. We got huge problems. 1,400 protests just this weekend, but at the end of the day, President Trump never hesitated with this. He goes in—this is a third world country run by a communist governor. And the guy should be in jail, and also the mayor. This is an absolute disgrace. The American people—actually the citizens of California—should be treated a lot better than this. But at the end of the day, it is really gonna help, I think, also, as you said, coming back to the big, beautiful bill, President Trump means business. If you look at this bill, about ¾ of it is tax cuts for all Americans. Tax cuts.”

    KUDLOW: “Mhmm.”

    TUBERVILLE: “And that’s what we need. We gotta get that done. The other—there’s some things in there, that I don’t agree with all of it—a little bit too much spending, but the one thing we have to get done is the tax cuts and all those other things will work itself out as we go through this bill and another reconciliation down the road. But, yeah, President Trump means business. He knows what he’s doing. He’s got huge backing from really smart people like [Secretary Scott] Bessent and [Secretary Howard] Lutnick, and all the people that are working, all the trade and tariff deals. I’m fired up about the big, beautiful bill being passed here in the very near future.”

    KUDLOW: “I mean, you—look, you’ve probably seen some of these numbers from the White House Legislative Affairs, but a 15% tax cut to working families, [has] 82% [support], [support for the] child tax credit [is even] higher, [at] 81% percent. Ending taxes on tips, [has] 77% [support] to 18% [non-support]. Cutting taxes on overtime, [has] 74% [support] to 18% [non-support]. I mean, these are like 75% to 80% [support] to 20% [non-support] issues. You know what they’re like, Senator. They’re like law and order, punishing criminals, or deporting murderers and sex traffickers[which are all popular issues]. They’re 80/20 issues too. And I’m just saying, to me it all kind of comes together—I know LA seems a long way from one big, beautiful bill, but in the public’s mind, the guy they hired to be president is doing what folks want, and I think there’s been momentum. That’s why I wanna get the one big, beautiful bill done as soon as possible, sir.”

    TUBERVILLE: “Exactly. Take our country back like he’s doing in California. Take our economy back like he’s gonna do with this bill. This bill is gonna help a lot of people, Larry, and it’s gonna build growth. You know, just last week, I talked to a group in Alabama that President Trump saved 300 jobs at this manufacturing textile mill because of what he did with tariffs.” 

    KUDLOW: “Mhmm.”

    TUBERVILLE: “That’s gonna happen. Biden, Obama, Clinton, they all sold our manufacturing out. Anywhere you drive in this country, you’re gonna see manufacturing plants that are just old, dilapidated. Nobody’s working there—small towns gone to heck in a hand basket. But at the end of the day, President Trump means business. He’s gonna get people to come back. He’s gonna tariff everybody that’s against this country, especially China. And we’re gonna get manufacturing back and take care of ourself instead of other people.”

    KUDLOW: “Well, you know, full cost expense is gonna help that. But the bigger story is the tariff inflation is missing in action. And I think these exporting countries with their unfair trading practices—you know, Senator, I think they’re eating the tariff. That’s what I think is happening because there’s no inflation. It’s only 1.4% for the past four months. That’s remarkable. Every economist practically in the liberal media was completely wrong.”

    TUBERVILLE: “Well, the Democrats have been hollering, ‘Chicken little, the sky is falling. The sky is falling,’ and all we have to do is look at really what’s going on and everything is getting better. You know, we might not have improved a lot, but we haven’t tanked like the Democrats were expecting because look at all the things we’re having to go through, the tariffs, the wars, all these protests. They’re doing everything they can to slow President Trump down. It’s not working. He’s not listening to the nonsense anymore. The media can do what they want to, but he’s gonna do exactly what he told American people he’s gonna do. He’s gonna stick with it. He’s got a game plan. And I’m looking forward to this game plan continuing on. When we get these tax cuts done, the country is gonna take off in the right direction, and you don’t have to worry about inflation. We’re gonna be on the way up.”

    KUDLOW: “Senator Tuberville, President Trump is hinting at putting in a new Fed chairman. I mean, this guy, Jay Powell, should have been cutting rates with the absence of inflation. How about you running the Federal Reserve System? A commonsense guy like you—businessman, you know the farm community. We need somebody. I know your eye—you got your eye on the Alabama governorship. I got the Federal Reserve checked off for you.”

    TUBERVILLE: “Well, the one thing I will tell you and [you] hit it on one of those ideas there, Larry. The interest rates are killing our farmers. We’re gonna lose our farmers if we don’t get this interest rate down. It’s costing them a fortune. They can’t make a profit. And what happens when we lose our farmers like we did manufacturing, we’re gone go south. And we cannot allow that to happen. We gotta protect our farmers. Yeah, let’s drop the interest rates. Drop them now. They were way too high for way too long.”

    KUDLOW: “Senator Tommy Tuberville, that’s the best. Thank you for your wisdom, sir.”

    Senator Tommy Tuberville represents Alabama in the United States Senate and is a member of the Senate Armed Services, Agriculture, Veterans’ Affairs, HELP and Aging Committees.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: DAO 02/25 Updates to Managing Public Money

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3

    Correspondence

    DAO 02/25 Updates to Managing Public Money

    ‘Dear Accounting Officer’ letters provide advice on accountability, regularity, propriety, value for money and annual accounting exercises.

    Documents

    DAO 02/25 Update to Managing Public Money and Accounting officer assessments: guidance

    PDF, 132 KB, 2 pages

    This file may not be suitable for users of assistive technology.

    Request an accessible format.
    If you use assistive technology (such as a screen reader) and need a version of this document in a more accessible format, please email digital.communications@hmtreasury.gov.uk. Please tell us what format you need. It will help us if you say what assistive technology you use.

    Details

    Each accounting officer should ensure that their staff are aware of the revised version of Managing Public Money (MPM), which applies to all central government bodies. In particular, accounting officers should note the new sections and annexes on the accounting officer duties, subsidy control, the National Audit Office’s access to information, the use of models and the disposal of public sector land.

    Updates to this page

    Published 12 June 2025

    Sign up for emails or print this page

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Increasing privacy and protection for Albertans

    Source: Government of Canada regional news (2)

    MIL OSI Canada News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Miller Participates in Ways and Means Committee Hearing with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Carol Miller (R-WV)

    Washington, D.C. – Today, Congresswoman Carol Miller (R-WV) participated in a Ways and Means committee hearing with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. The Congresswoman focused her comments on the success of the One, Big, Beautiful Bill in fixing the Democrat-imposed 1099-K $600 reporting threshold and Section 232 steel and aluminum tariffs. A video of the Congresswoman’s questions followed by Secretary Bessent’s responses can be found here and is transcribed below. 

    Congresswoman Miller began by voicing support for the One, Big, Beautiful Bill’s inclusion of her Saving Gig Economy Taxpayers Act and asking Secretary Bessent about how reverting back to the time-tested standard of $20,000 and 200 transactions for 1099-K will positively affect taxpayers.

    “One of my top priorities in the tax package is to repeal the Democrat’s absurd 1099-K threshold. Under the Biden Administration, Democrats changed the time-tested standard of $20,000 and 200 transactions to $600 when determining whether a taxpayer receives a 1099-K or not. Before this committee, your predecessor acknowledged that this new threshold would be difficult to administer and lead to the taxpayer’s confusion. Instead of working with us to fix it, the Biden Treasury unconstitutionally delayed implementation and then changed the threshold to try and ease the taxpayer’s confusion in the election year. Unfortunately, there are still millions more 1099-K forms that were sent out and Republicans have worked to restore the 1099-K threshold to the time-tested standard of $20,000 and 200 transactions by including my Saving Gig Economy Taxpayers Act in the One, Big, Beautiful Bill. Can you shed some light on how this policy and others being produced from your Department will make life easier for taxpayers?” asked Congresswoman Carol Miller.
     
    “Representative, thank you for discussing these very important issues. As I said, I believe the underappreciated part of President Trump’s economic plan is the deregulation and what you were describing, the cutting back on paperwork that putting thresholds at proper level, is indeed deregulation, lower paperwork. And I think you correctly pointed out that the previous administration, I’m not sure that anyone ever signed […] the front of a paycheck or the back of a paycheck. I think they mostly received direct deposit from the US government because they’re always government employees. So, if you have never made payroll, if you were not processing paperwork, you don’t understand the costs that are inherent in this. If you are a small business person, if you or someone with a lawn care business. [… A]s you said, we have a completely new economy today with the gig economy, whether it is Uber drivers, delivery people, the contract workers who work from home […] in programming fields. So I think that it was tone deaf, completely tone deaf for the nature of the new economy,” replied Secretary Bessent.

    Congresswoman Miller concluded by sharing her support for President Trump’s ongoing trade negotiations and requested Secretary Bessent’s support to secure fairness for America’s domestic steel industry.
     
    “I also want to voice my support for the ongoing trade negotiations that the President and you are working on. For too long, our trusted trade partners have quietly taken advantage of the United States. I am a firm believer that trade truly is the great equalizer and a powerful tool to bring the world together. However, that tool can’t be used effectively if there isn’t fairness within trade deals. I am particularly interested in the domestic steel industry. West Virginia has been producing quality steel for decades, some in my hometown of Huntington, and my district is currently ramping up steel production even further with addition of new mills in Mason County. I am very supportive of the Section 232 tariffs on steel that the President has pursued and am eager to work together with the administration to ensure that a level playing field is also applied to the U.S.-U.K. Economic Prosperity Deal. The U.K. has a history of subsidizing its steel industry – which in turn often undercuts our domestic steel producers. Secretary Bessent, can you commit to continuing working to secure fairness for our domestic steel industry across trade deals?” asked Congresswoman Carol Miller.

    “Representative Miller, I had the privilege of being with the President at the U.S. steel factory in Pittsburgh a week ago Friday, and I can tell you that the President’s commitment to the U.S. steel industry is unwavering [and] that we are bringing back domestic production. And that what we have seen, and one of the previous questions about ‘is China a reliable partner?’, what we have seen during COVID since then is that there are strategic industries, strategic industries in the United States where we must have an industrial base, and I would put steel in the top three,” replied Secretary Bessent. 
     

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    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Scalise Talks FBI Politicization

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Steve Scalise (1st District of Louisiana)

    WASHINGTON, D.C.—Today, House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.) joined Newsmax ahead of tonight’s Congressional Baseball Game to discuss the FBI falsely classifying the 2017 shooting as ‘suicide by cop’ and how Kash Patel has worked to release information around the incident to correct the record. Leader Scalise also outlined how the One Big Beautiful Bill unlocks economic growth by preventing a $4.5 trillion tax hike on American families and secures the border by funding more ICE agents.

    Click here or the image above to view Leader Scalise’s full interview. 
    On this year’s Congressional Baseball Game:“Well, feeling really good. Tonight, I drop all the titles, and I’m the leadoff batter for the team. And you know, we’re focused. We’ve been practicing. We want to win the game. We’re going to raise over two and a half million dollars for charity. So it’s a lot of fun. It’s a really good cause, but we’re competitive people, so we play to win, and we’re in the big league ballpark. We already are halfway there.”  On the transparency of Kash Patel’s FBI:“Well, I’m really glad and appreciative that Kash Patel got the facts out, because there were a lot of things not only suppressed, there were inaccuracies, deliberate inaccuracies, in the original report. They tried to call it suicide by cop. The gunman came out there, and he wasn’t only trying to kill all of us. He tried to kill the two cops that were with me once he found out they were cops because they were [dressed in] plain clothes, he didn’t know they were cops. And then he tried to kill them as he was trying to kill us. So, where the FBI got that original classification, we were furious about that. Kash and others changed it to what it was – domestic terrorism. But he’s also getting other facts out that I didn’t even know about the shooter. And so I think it’s good for the public to really see the full picture. You know why? The original FBI, back then in 2017 tried to change the narrative, tried to suppress facts, to say it wasn’t even politically motivated when it was clearly politically motivated. You know, call it what it is. I mean, their job should be to get the facts out wherever the facts lead. They didn’t do that in 2017. Kash Patel is getting them back to their original mission, and I appreciate it.”On securing President Trump’s agenda through reconciliation: “Look, I mean, we had a lot of internal conversations. Once Democrats walked away and said, because it’s President Trump’s signature achievement, Democrats decided they didn’t want to be a part of it, and that’s a shame, because this bill prevents a four-and-a-half trillion dollar tax hike on American families. So we came together as Republicans and said, if this is going to get done, and it has to get done, then it’s going to be us who does it. And so we put coalitions together. We built a really good coalition of members when we can only lose two votes or three votes at certain points, and then we got it done and sent it to the Senate.“You know, this is a really, really important bill. It’s One Big Beautiful Bill, but it has all of President Trump’s priorities – no tax increases, no tax on tips, no tax on overtime. You know, you think about producing more energy in America. President Trump ran on it. We deliver. Having border security. You look at what’s going on in LA right now. You know, they’re waving foreign flags in American cities. President Trump said, I’m securing the border, and he’s done most of it, but he needs more money from Congress now to build the wall, to hire more Border Patrol and ICE agents. That’s in this bill, by the way, that’s another reason every Democrat voted no, is because we hire more ICE agents. They want to defund ICE. Does any American want to literally turn the streets of America over to hardened criminals from foreign countries? So all of that is in this bill. It will get our economy moving again. We’ve got to get it done. I don’t think the Senate is going to make a lot of big changes just because they have the same dynamics on their side. No Democrats will vote for it, so only Republicans are going to get it done. They just need to keep it moving, get it to his desk by July 4th so we can turn America around.”

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Rep. Takano Introduces Legislation to Halt Funding to El Salvador Mega-Prison

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Representative Mark Takano (D-Calif)

    June 12, 2025

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, Rep. Mark Takano (CA-39) introduced a bill to halt and prohibit both current and future funding to the Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (CECOT) maximum security prison. This comes after reports that the White House initiated a $6 million payment to the notorious prison to detain immigrants deported to El Salvador. 

    Credible reporting has revealed CECOT engages in human rights abusesto include beatings, electric shocks, and cruel living conditions. This bill would make perilously clear that CECOT should receive no financial support from the U.S. government in order to facilitate torture.

    “The United States should not be in the business of funding torture. CECOT is a mega-prison with a well-documented record of human rights abuses—electric shocks, beatings, and degrading conditions,” said Representative Mark Takano. “Yet the Trump Admin made a deal to send millions of taxpayer dollars to fund it. That is unacceptable. At a time when Republicans are trying to cut billions of dollars foreign assistance in the rescissions package, we cannot allow our tax dollars to bankroll a foreign facility that violates the very values we claim to stand for.”

    Read the full bill text here.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Video: FBI San Francisco: Assault on Federal Officers

    Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) (video statements)

    Video depicts an unknown female wearing a black hoodie and black mask assaulting a federal officer in Concord, California, on June 10, 2025. The FBI is offering a reward of up to $25,000 for information leading to the identification and arrest of the individual, as well as the recovery of the FBI special agent’s badge.

    More at: https://www.fbi.gov/video-repository/san-francisco-assault-on-federal-officers-061025.mov/view

    The Federal Bureau of Investigation’s San Francisco Field Office is seeking the public’s assistance in identifying the individual responsible for assaulting federal officers and the theft of government property on June 10, 2025, in Concord, California. The government property stolen is identified as a Federal Bureau of Investigation special agent’s badge. The individual is described as a female who was wearing a black hoodie at the time. She is believed to be the individual who took the FBI special agent’s badge. If you have any information concerning this case, please contact the FBI at 1-800-CALL-FBI (1-800-225-5324), your local FBI office, the nearest American Embassy or Consulate, or you can submit a tip online at tips.fbi.gov.
    —————————————————
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    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F1PtV29FwRE

    MIL OSI Video –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Simon Gikandi, Professor of English and Chair of the English Department, Princeton University

    The passing of celebrated Kenyan writer and scholar Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o on 28 May 2025 marks the end of a remarkable period in African literary history – the fabulous decades in the second half of the 20th century when African writers came to command the world stage.

    Read more: Five things you should know about Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, one of Africa’s greatest writers of all time

    This was the time of what I call the African literary revolution. As a scholar of African literature and the author of many books and papers on Ngũgĩ, I have raised several questions about this period. Why and how did this revolution happen? What motivated this turn to the imagination as a tool of decolonisation? And what was Ngũgĩ’s role in this drama?

    To answer these questions one must think of Ngũgĩ inside and outside a generational cultural project.

    The African literary revolution

    Accounting for this project is not difficult. One can say for certain that in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as the African continent entered the last phase of decolonisation, writers and intellectuals became important actors in the fight for independence. They did so by quietly entering and occupying the spaces and knowledge systems that had until then been the preserve of colonial agents.

    They used the work of the imagination to challenge colonial systems of thought and imagine decolonial alternatives. And what made this a period like no other in African literary history was a powerful sense of newness and the possibilities of a world yet to come. As the Nigerian writer and critic Chinua Achebe once put it:

    There was something in the air.

    Literature was asked to herald the possibilities and perils of freedom and Ngũgĩ was to play a major role in chaperoning the language of African being and becoming.

    In the memoirs he wrote about his education, he would often return to his mental imprisonment in English literature and the mythology of Englishness.

    Hidden in these narratives of colonial miseducation, however, was the discovery of the gift of African fiction brought by precursors. Nigeria’s Achebe and Cyprian Ekwensi and South Africa’s Peter Abrahams gave Ngũgĩ a model of how English could be used against Englishness.

    Coming after these writers provided him with an alternative to the “Great Tradition” of English letters.

    Reimagining Africa

    As a student at Alliance High School in Kenya and later at Makerere University College in Uganda, Ngũgĩ positioned himself as part of a literary vanguard that was reimagining Africa.

    His first major fiction was published in Penpoint, a pioneering journal of literature edited by students at the Makerere English department. He was a delegate to the 1962 Conference of African Writers held at the university, sharing the podium with writers who were to define the African culture of letters for several decades. He was one of the few writers at this historic conference without a major publication, but his presence seemed to signal the promise of the future.

    Something else made this period distinctive: this was a time when African intellectuals, writers and politicians shared a common belief in the redemptive work of art and literature. At Makerere, Ngũgĩ had been preceded by Julius Nyerere, a translator of Shakespeare in Swahili who was to become president of Tanzania. At the same college, Apollo Milton Obote, future president of Uganda, had appeared in a 1948 production of Julius Caesar, the first performance of Shakespeare at the university.

    And the contributors represented in Origin East Africa, an anthology of creative writing at Makerere, provide the most vivid example of the role writing and a literary education could come to play in the making of the postcolonial public sphere. Ngũgĩ had four stories published in the anthology, coming just after a short story by Ben Mkapa, future president of Tanzania.

    Ngũgĩ belonged to a generation that saw literature as a forum for critique, of questioning dominant ideas and beliefs. In this context, creative writing was asked to perform at least four tasks:

    • to reimagine an African past whose resources might be rehearsed for the future

    • to rehearse the drama of decolonisation

    • to account for postcolonial failure

    • to produce fictions that might help readers rethink a global African identity.

    Ngũgĩ’s novels rose to fulfil these tasks with conviction and courage. The River Between and Weep Not, Child dealt with the wounds of history. A Grain of Wheat and Petals of Blood were positioned in a zone where the figure of the new nation was caught between its aspirations and desires and the possibility of failure and betrayal. Wizard of the Crow was simultaneously an allegory of postcolonial failure and the possibility of its transcendence.

    And then came banishment and exile.

    The late career

    Although he barely acknowledged it in his writings or in public, Ngũgĩ’s late career was defined by the realities of exile and an awareness of his own displacement from his primary audience and the Gĩkũyũ language that had energised his poetics.

    He was celebrated and honoured in powerful American universities and institutions including the Library of Congress. He was recognised in the global African world and cited by the few African leaders like Ghana’s John Dramani Mahama who understood the need for a forceful response to racial ideologies.

    Read more: Drama that shaped Ngũgĩ’s writing and activism comes home to Kenya

    But he was a persona non grata in the one place – Kenya – where recognition mattered most to him.

    In the end, there was a certain kind of belatedness in Ngũgĩ’s later fictions. The subject of these works and their points of reference were distinctly Gĩkũyũ, Kenyan, African, pan-African, and global. Nonetheless, these gestures of being African were enacted far away from the homelands in which Ngũgĩ’s writing and thinking was both intelligible and functional.

    Imagining and writing about Africa away from Africa was a promise and debt. It was an obligation to a place but also a measure of one’s distance from it.

    Read more: 3 things Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o taught me: language matters, stories are universal, Africa can thrive

    I reflected on this problem as I reviewed Ngũgĩ’s 2006 novel set in an imaginary autocratic country, Murogi wa Kagogo (Wizard of the Crow), in its original Gĩkũyũ edition and later in its translation.

    I was reading the same book, but it was pointing in two different directions – towards home and away from it.

    In our many encounters, Ngũgĩ made fun of the fact that I seemed to have adopted alienation as the essential condition for thinking and writing. What he sought to do until the last minute of his life was carry within himself and his fictions that place that used to be home, its politics and poetics.

    – Ngũgi wa Thiong’o and the African literary revolution
    – https://theconversation.com/ngugi-wa-thiongo-and-the-african-literary-revolution-258428

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ibrahim Z. Bahreldin, Associate Professor of Urban & Environmental Design, University of Khartoum

    What makes a public space truly public?

    In Khartoum, before the current conflict engulfed Sudan, the answer was not always a park, a plaza or a promenade.

    The city’s streets, tea stalls (sitat al-shai), protest sites and even burial spaces served as dynamic arenas of everyday life, political expression and informal resilience.

    In a recently published article, I studied 64 public spaces across pre-war Greater Khartoum, revealing a landscape far richer – and more contested – than standard urban classifications suggest. Specifically, I uncovered four classifications: formal, informal, privately owned and hybrid spaces – each alive with negotiation and everyday use.

    While some spaces were planned by colonial engineers or municipal authorities, many were carved out by communities: claimed, adapted and reimagined through use.

    My research offers valuable insights into the design and planning of Africa’s cities. As they grow and face mounting political and environmental pressures, it’s time to rethink how public spaces are defined and designed – not through imported models, but by listening to the ways people already make cities public.

    Read more: Sudan needs to accept its cultural diversity: urban planning can help rebuild the country and prevent future conflict

    Across the African continent, cities are growing fast – but not always fairly. Urban expansion often privileges gated developments, mega-projects and high-security zones while neglecting the everyday spaces where most people live, work and gather.

    In Sudan, these dynamics have been further complicated by conflict, displacement and economic instability. The ongoing war has disrupted not only governance, but also the spatial fabric of urban life.

    My paper aims to invite those involved in planning policies and post-conflict reconstruction to move beyond formal, western-centric models that often overlook how publicness actually unfolds in African cities: through informality, negotiation and social improvisation.

    Khartoum’s public spaces, as documented in my study, serve as diagnostic tools for understanding how cities survive crises, express identity and contest inequality.

    In the wake of war and displacement, these spaces will play a role in shaping how Sudan rebuilds not just infrastructure, but social cohesion.

    Pre-war Khartoum

    Khartoum’s public spaces cannot be understood through conventional categories – like formal squares and urban parks – alone. These formal squares represent only one layer of a much more plural and negotiated urban reality.

    Drawing on fieldwork and the documentation of 64 public spaces across Greater Khartoum, I identify four overlapping types that reflect how space is produced, accessed and contested.

    1. Formal public spaces: These include planned parks, ceremonial squares, civic plazas and administrative open spaces, often relics of colonial or postcolonial urban planning. They are defined by order, visibility and regulation. Mīdān Abbas, originally an active civic space in the centre of Khartoum, repeatedly reclaimed by informal traders and protesters, is one example, illustrating how even the most formal spaces can become contested. It was notably active during Sudan’s April 1985 uprising, serving as part of a wider network of civic spaces used for political mobilisation. Informal traders consistently transformed it into a bustling marketplace, embedding everyday commerce and social exchange into the formal urban fabric.

    2. Informal and insurgent spaces: These emerge beyond or against official planning logics – riverbanks used for gatherings, neglected lots transformed into social nodes or bridges appropriated by traders. They include spiritual sites like Sufi tombs, and protest spaces such as the sit-in zone outside the city’s army headquarters. These spaces reveal the city’s capacity for bottom-up urbanism and collective adaptation.

    3. Privately owned civic spaces: Shopping malls, privately managed parks and cultural cafés fall into this category. While they appear public, they are often classed, surveilled (monitored through cameras or security presence) or exclusionary. The rise of these spaces coincides with the decline of state-managed urban infrastructure, reflecting the turn in Sudanese urban governance.

    Read more: Sudan: the symbolic significance of the space protesters made their own

    4. Public “private” spaces: These spaces blur lines between ownership and use. They include mosque courtyards, school grounds, building frontages or underutilised university lawns that serve as informal gathering points. Access here is governed less by law and more by social codes, trust or class.

    Together, these typologies highlight that “publicness” in Khartoum is relational. It depends not only on who planned a space, but who uses it, how and under what conditions.

    Planning in African cities must therefore move beyond fixed zoning maps to embrace the layered, fluid and lived nature of urban space.

    Rebuilding, rethinking, resisting

    Post-conflict reconstruction in Sudan – and elsewhere in Africa – must resist the allure of “blank slate” master plans. Those involve rebuilding cities from scratch with sweeping, top-down designs that ignore existing social and spatial dynamics.

    Imported models, often guided by bureaucratic thinking or commercial incentives, risk erasing the very spaces where public life already thrives, albeit informally or invisibly.

    Rather than imposing formality, planners should recognise and strengthen the informal and hybrid systems that sustain civic life, especially in times of instability.

    Urban theorists working in and on the global south, such as AbdouMaliq Simone and the late Vanessa Watson, have long argued for planning frameworks that centre on everyday practices, adaptive use and spatial justice.

    Khartoum offers a compelling case.

    From the sit-ins of 2019 to tea stalls run by displaced women, public spaces in Sudan are not inert backdrops. They are active platforms of everyday life, resistance, care and community-making.

    Reconstruction must begin by asking: what spaces mattered to people before the war? Which ones fostered inclusion, dignity and visibility? Only then can new urban futures emerge, ones that are rooted in the practices of those who have always made the city public, even when the state did not.

    What makes spaces truly public?

    The public realm in Sudan has always been shaped through negotiation, sometimes with the state, often despite it.

    Rebuilding after war is not only about reconstructing buildings but also about reimagining the terms of belonging.

    This requires a shift from viewing public space as a fixed asset to understanding it as a dynamic process. Who gets to gather, to speak, to rest, to protest – these are the true measures of publicness.

    Understanding Khartoum’s pre-war public spaces isn’t a nostalgic exercise. It’s a necessary step towards building more inclusive, resilient and locally grounded cities in the wake of crisis.

    – Khartoum before the war: the public spaces that held the city together
    – https://theconversation.com/khartoum-before-the-war-the-public-spaces-that-held-the-city-together-258632

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hedley Twidle, Associate Professor and head of English Literary Studies, University of Cape Town

    Across three decades of democracy, South Africa has – like many places undergoing complex and uneven social change – seen an outpouring of remarkable nonfiction. The Interpreters is a new book that collects the work of 37 authors, all of it writing (plus some drawing) concerned with actual people, places and events.

    Soutie Press

    The anthology is the product of many years of reading and discussion between my co-editor Sean Christie (an experienced journalist and nonfiction author) and me (a writer and professor who teaches literature, including creative nonfiction).

    The book is a work of homage to the many strains of ambitious and artful writing that shelter within the unhelpful term “nonfiction”. These include: narrative and longform journalism; essays and memoir; reportage, features and profiles; life writing, from private diaries to public biography; oral histories, interviews and testimony.

    To give an idea of the range, energy and risk of the pieces collected in the anthology, here I discuss five of them.

    1. Fighting Shadows by Lidudumalingani

    We debated for a long time which piece to start the anthology with, and ultimately went for this one, which begins:

    One afternoon my father and the other boys from the Zikhovane village decided to walk across a vast landscape, two valleys and a river, to a village called Qombolo to disrupt a wedding.

    It’s a quietly compelling opening. First of all, there is intrigue: why the disruption? It could also easily be the first sentence of a novel (maybe even one by famous Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe). And so we begin with a reminder of how storytelling is such a deep, ancient and fundamental part of societies – an impulse that long predates writing and moves across and beyond the fiction/nonfiction divide. (Lidudumalingani won the 2016 Caine Prize for a short story, so he works across both.)

    Lidudumalingani has the stick fighting tradition at the centre of his piece. Soutie Press

    Fighting Shadows is about the tradition of stick fighting, and how it’s transported from rural areas to urban ones. But it’s also about so much more, about “the dance between then and now”, as the writer puts it later on. The prose is so deft and graceful, as if the author is trying to match the “dance” of expert stick fighters with his own verbal arts. For me it’s a story that could only have emerged from this part of the world: it has a distinct voice, precision and poetry to it.

    2. The End of a Conversation by Julie Nxadi

    This is the shortest piece in the anthology, but for me one of the most affecting. It traces how a young girl comes to realise that the (white) family she is being brought up with are not really her family. She is the daughter of the housekeeper, the domestic worker:

    I was not ‘the kids’. I was not their kin.

    It’s probably best described as autofiction, a kind of writing that lies somewhere in the borderlands between autobiography and fiction. Nxadi has spoken of how she decided to write in a way that contained her own life story – the “heartbreak” of that moment – but was also able to carry and represent the experience of others who had gone through something similar.

    Julie Nxadi. Soutie Press

    The piece is also a product of the #FeesMustFall student protests (2015 onwards), when many young South Africans felt able to share unresolved, awkward or shameful stories for the first time.

    The End of a Conversation is such a deft, wise and subtle handling of a difficult subject, with no easy targets or easy resolutions. Somehow the writer has found just the right distance – emotionally and aesthetically – from this moment of childhood realisation.

    3. South African Pastoral by William Dicey

    I co-own a pear farm with my brother. I attend to finances and labour relations, he oversees the growing of the fruit.

    This essay by William Dicey thinks hard, very hard, about what it means to manage a fruit farm in the Boland (an agricultural region still shaped by South Africa’s divided past). It is one of the most frank and unflinching accounts of land and labour I’ve ever come across. The writer makes the point that he could easily have stayed in the city, lived in “liberal” circles and not thought about these issues much.

    William Dicey. Soutie Press

    But becoming a farmer confronts him with all kinds of difficult questions (How much should he intervene in the lives of his employees? In family and financial planning, in matters of alcohol abuse?) as he is drawn into an awkward but meaningful intimacy with others on the farm.

    The US essayist Philip Lopate suggests that scepticism is often the tool for moving towards truth in personal nonfiction writing:

    So often the “plot” of a personal essay, its drama, its suspense, consists in watching how the essayist can drop past his or her psychic defences toward deeper levels of honesty.

    This is very much what happens in South African Pastoral, and why it is such a mesmerising piece (even while written in such a plain and restrained style).

    4. Hard Rock by Mogorosi Motshumi

    My co-editor said from the start we should include graphic nonfiction (drawn stories and comics) and I’m so grateful he did. Mogorosi Motshumi’s warm, zany but also harrowing account is about coming of age under apartheid and then the heady days of the 1990s transition.

    Mogorosi Motshumi. Soutie Press

    In his early career, Motshumi was widely known for his comic strips and political cartooning, but this graphic autobiography is far more ambitious. The style of drawing changes and evolves as the protagonist gets older; also, there is something intriguing about seeing weighty subjects like detention, disability, substance abuse and HIV/AIDS stigma approached through the eyes of a wry cartoonist with a keen sense of the absurd.

    Hard Rock is a prologue to the graphic nonfiction memoir that he has been working on for many years, the 360 Degrees Trilogy. The first two instalments have appeared – The Initiation (2016) and Jozi Jungle (2022) – and I would urge anyone to seek them out. Mogorosi’s work is a major achievement in South African autobiography and life writing (or life “drawing”).

    5. The Interpreters by Antjie Krog, Nosisi Mpolweni and Kopano Ratele

    This co-authored piece is what gave the anthology its name. The Interpreters is a reflection on being a language interpreter during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings (1996-1998) into gross human rights violations during white minority rule.

    Kopano Ratele. Soutie Press

    A series of individuals recall the challenges of that process. Sitting in glass booths in the middle of proceedings, they had to move across South Africa’s many official languages in real time, translating the words of victims, perpetrators, grieving families, lawyers and commissioners.

    Antjie Krog and co-authors write about interpreting language. Brenda Veldtman

    The chapter is also a reminder of how our English-language anthology faces the challenge of doing justice to a multilingual, multivocal society where all kinds of cultural translations happen all the time.

    The piece is a blend of many people’s voices, testimonies and reminiscences. As such, it also seemed to symbolise the larger project of The Interpreters: trying to record, render and honour the many voices that make up our complex social world.

    – 5 great reads by South African writers from 30 years of real-life stories
    – https://theconversation.com/5-great-reads-by-south-african-writers-from-30-years-of-real-life-stories-258340

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Murphy Leads Senate Vote to Block Trump’s Corrupt Weapons Deals

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Connecticut – Chris Murphy

    June 12, 2025

    [embedded content]
    WASHINGTON–U.S. Senator Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), a member of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, on Wednesday forced two votes in the Senate to object to President Trump’s corruption of U.S. foreign policy and block a $1.9 billion arms sale to Qatar and a $1.32 billion arms sale to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) after Trump demanded billions of dollars in luxury gifts and business deals from the two countries. Senate Republicans blocked the votes. Ahead of the votes, Murphy addressed his colleagues on the Senate floor.
    “What we need to say here is not that we are going to permanently pause our military relationships with these countries, but for the time being while these two nations are willing to pay the president tribute, we cannot endorse or condone business as usual. These are important partners of the United States in the region, and they will be important partners in the future, but this is an exceptional moment where the corruption and our effort to stop the corruption has to take priority and has to take precedent,” Murphy said.
    Murphy concluded: “And so, I’m going to vote for both of these resolutions while also still believing that we are going to have a continued, important bilateral relationship with Qatar and with the UAE. But if we start to endorse and grease the wheels of this kind of corruption, then there will be no end. Because once it becomes accepted, once it becomes implicitly endorsed by the United States Senate that foreign governments can put money into the personal treasury of the President in order to gain favorable treatment from the United States of America that becomes the way our foreign policy works.”

    MIL OSI USA News –