Category: Politics

MIL-OSI USA: Justice Department Files Statement of Interest in Support of North Carolina Church in Land Use Case

Source: US State of California

The Justice Department filed a statement of interest Friday in support of a Christian Church in North Carolina alleging violations of federal law by the Chatham County Board of Commissioners.

The Civil Rights Division filed the statement in the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina supporting a claim by a Christian church under the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA). The Church alleges the County unlawfully denied an application to rezone several parcels of land to allow the church to build a new place of worship.

“RLUIPA protects the rights of religious groups to exercise their faith free from the precise type of undue government interference exhibited here,” said Assistant Attorney General Harmeet K. Dhillon of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division. “The Civil Rights Division is committed to defending religious liberties as our founders intended and as federal law requires.”

Summit Church-Homestand Heights Baptist Church worshipped at East Chapel Hill High School for several years but has grown and now needs additional space to meet the religious needs of its congregation. In its complaint, Summit Church claims that the denial of its rezoning applications by the Board treated the Church on less than equal terms to nonreligious assemblies and imposed an unjustified substantial burden on its religious exercise.

Summit Church filed a motion for preliminary injunction, seeking an order requiring the County to approve the church’s rezoning request and associated site plan. The County moved to dismiss the lawsuit, arguing the zoning decision is a “legislative act” under state law and is therefore not controlled by RLUIPA. The department’s statement of interest supports the church’s claim that RLUIPA protects against the County’s discriminatory zoning decision.

RLUIPA is a federal law that guards individuals and religious institutions from unduly burdensome, unequal, or discriminatory land use regulations. More information about RLUIPA and the department’s work can be found on the Place to Worship Initiative’s webpage.

As part of this initiative, the department distributed a letter to state, county, and municipal leaders throughout the country to remind them of their obligations under RLUIPA, including its requirement that land use regulations treat religious assemblies and institutions at least as well as nonreligious assemblies and institutions.

Individuals who believe they have been subjected to discrimination in land use or zoning decisions may contact the U.S. Attorney’s Office Civil Division’s Civil Rights Section at (718) 254-7000 or the Civil Rights Division’s Housing and Civil Enforcement Section at (833) 591-0291 or may submit a complaint through the RLUIPA complaint portal. More information about RLUIPA, including questions and answers about the law and other documents, may be found at www.justice.gov/crt/about/hce/rluipaexplain.php.

MIL OSI USA News –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: To truly understand Pope Francis’ theology – and impact – you need to look to his life in Buenos Aires

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Fernanda Peñaloza, Senior Lecturer in Latin American Studies, University of Sydney

Pope Francis’ journey from the streets of Flores, a neighbourhood in Buenos Aires, Argentina, to the Vatican, is a remarkable tale.

Born in 1936, Jorge Bergoglio was raised in a middle-class family of Italian Catholic immigrants.

Bergoglio defied his mother’s wish for him to become a medical doctor and chose instead to pursue priesthood, a calling he felt during confession. The young man joined the Jesuits in the 1950s, attracted to the order’s vow of poverty and its ethos of serving others and living simply.

He became a priest in 1969, Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998, and took on the papacy in 2013. As Pope Francis, his dedication to social justice was deeply rooted in the Latin American context.

The region’s history of inequality, poverty and political upheaval greatly influenced his perspective.

The young Argentinian priest

Bergoglio, a devoted supporter of the San Lorenzo soccer team, was also a confident tango dancer, mate drinker, and an unconditional admirer of his compatriot, Jorge Luis Borges, one of the most influential writers of the 20th century.

In 1965, the two men collaborated on the publication of short stories written by Bergoglio’s literature students. The students had been inspired by a seminar led by Borges, organised by the young priest.

Borges thought highly of Bergoglio, finding him charming and intelligent. For Borges, Bergoglio was a Jesuit through and through, noting the clerics of that order had been historically transgressive as well as possessors of a good sense of humour.

While Borges never saw him transformed into Pope Francis, his observations somehow fit with the respect Bergoglio earned as a global leader.

Theology of the people

As Archbishop of Buenos Aires, he lived modestly, often taking public transport and dedicating himself to the poor and disenfranchised. He personally attended the needs of underprivileged neighbourhoods known as villas miseria (literally “misery towns”) in Argentine Spanish.

He was a vocal opponent to economic inequality. During the 2001 Argentine economic crisis he advocated for the rights and dignity of impoverished citizens.

Pope Francis hails from a region deeply influenced by the progressive movements of Catholic priests and nuns, who were significantly inspired by liberation theology during the 1960s in Latin America.

Liberation theology developed in Latin America during the latter part of the 20th century, as a reaction to significant political and theological transformations in the area. It believed in political liberation for the oppressed, inspired by the Cuban Revolution and Second Vatican Council by Pope John XXIII, both in 1959.

While Francis did not fully subscribe to the tenets of liberation theology, much of his dedication to social justice aligns with its ideals. Pope Francis’ social awareness was deeply shaped by the “theology of the people”.

Distinct to Argentina, and emerging in the 1960s, the theology of the people shared liberation theology’s focus on social justice, but is devoid of Marxist ideology, and emphasises the dignity and agency of the marginalised and the impoverished.

During Argentina’s dictatorial regime from 1976–83, Bergoglio led the Jesuits. But he did not adopt the highly dangerous stance of full opposition typical among liberation theologians elsewhere in Argentina and other parts of Latin America.

Commenting on Latin American affairs

In his early years as the Pope, he resonated with progressive Catholics across Latin America, because of his grounding in Argentinian theology and his focus on social justice. But in recent years, his popularity in some Latin American countries declined.

In Argentina, this dip in enthusiasm is partly attributed to his decision not to visit, despite travelling to neighbouring nations.

More profoundly, the decline likely stems from his fixed stance against contentious issues such as same-sex marriage and abortion. To the disappointment of many Argentines and other Latin American citizens, he refused to compromise.

Throughout his papacy, Pope Francis received all Argentine presidents – even those who were previously critical of him, such as Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.

He maintained a strong connection to his Buenos Aires roots and remained engaged with Argentina’s social and political landscape, often commenting on situations that provoke strong reactions from politicians.

He was a critic of policies instituted by the current President of Argentina, Javier Milei, particularly Milei’s libertarian model of economy and the government’s brutal response to public dissent and opposition. In September 2024, the Pope famously said:

the government put its foot down: instead of paying for social justice, it paid for pepper spray.

An alternative model of leadership

By reflecting on how Pope Francis’ theology is rooted in the Argentina he grew up in, we can better understand his actions as Pope.

He made significant contributions in the Latin American region. He played a mediating role between the United States and Cuba, supported the peace process in Colombia, and highlighted the environmental devastation caused by mining companies in the Amazon.

He publicly apologised to Indigenous peoples of Latin America for the Church’s historical complicity with colonialism, and acknowledged his inaction allowed the Chilean clergy to overlook sexual abuse cases.

He appointed clergymen from non-European countries, enhancing representation from Asia, Africa and Latin America and increased the participation of women within the Church’s leadership structures.

His landmark encyclical, Laudato Si’, underscored the moral imperative to address climate change, inspiring accolades from global leaders. His critique of Israel and the conflict in Gaza underscored his consistent opposition to war and advocacy for peace.

Despite existing tensions and contradictions within his papacy – particularly regarding the Church’s stance on LGBTQIA+ issues and women’s rights – Pope Francis’s approach to global issues remained steadfast and aligned with his core values, and the Buenos Aires he came of age in.

Francis’s leadership is a product of his upbringing and a catalyst for regional and global dialogue on social justice.

The profound influence of the Latin American region on him is well captured by long time friend, Uruguayan lawyer and activist, Guzman Carriquiry who described the Pope as:

Priest, and profoundly priest; Jesuit and profoundly Jesuit; Latin American, and profoundly Latin American.

Fernanda Peñaloza does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. To truly understand Pope Francis’ theology – and impact – you need to look to his life in Buenos Aires – https://theconversation.com/to-truly-understand-pope-francis-theology-and-impact-you-need-to-look-to-his-life-in-buenos-aires-255003

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Make Russia Medieval Again! How Putin is seeking to remold society, with a little help from Ivan the Terrible

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Dina Khapaeva, Professor of Cultural Studies, Georgia Institute of Technology

Russian President Vladimir Putin has draped himself in old-fashioned, medieval conceptions of Russian history to add symbolic weight to his authoritarian government. AP Photo/Alexander Zemlianichenko

Beginning in September 2025, Russian middle and high school students will be handed a new textbook titled “My Family.”

Published in March 2025, the textbook’s co-author Nina Ostanina, chair of the State Duma Committee for the Protection of the Family, claims that it will teach students “traditional moral values” that will improve “the demographic situation in the country” as part of a “Family Studies” course that was rolled out in the 2024-2025 school year.

But some of those lessons for modern living come from a less-than-modern source. Among the materials borrowed from in “My Family” is the 16th century “Domostroi” – a collection of rules for maintaining patriarchal domestic order. It was written, supposedly, by Sylvester, a monk-tutor of czar Ivan the Terrible.

Unsurprisingly, some teachings from “Domostroi” seem out-of-keeping with today’s sensibilities. For example, it states that it is the right of a father to coerce, if needed by force, his household – at the time, this would refer to both relatives and slaves – in accordance with Orthodox dogmas.

“Husbands should teach their wives with love and exemplary instruction,” reads one of the Domostroi quotations repeated in the textbook.

“Wives ask their husbands about strict order, how to save their souls, please God and their husbands, arrange their home well, and submit to their husbands in all matters; and what the husband orders, they should agree with love and carry out according to his commands,” reads another extract

Czar Ivan the Terrible and the priest Sylvester.
Wikimedia Commons

The use of “Domostroi” in the textbook both references the past while evoking the current government’s politics of decriminalizing family violence. A 2017 law, for example, removed nonaggravated “battery of close persons” from the list of criminal offenses.

It also fits a wider pattern. As a scholar of historical memory, I have observed that references to the Russian Middle Ages are part of the Kremlin’s broader politics of using the medieval past to justify current agendas, something I have termed “political neomedievalism.”

Indeed, President Vladimir Putin’s government is actively prioritizing initiatives that use medieval Russia as a model for the country’s future. In doing so, the Kremlin unites a long-nurtured dream of the Russian far right with a broader quest for the fulfillment of Russian imperial ambitions.

Whitewashing Ivan the Terrible

In February 2025, just a month before “My Family” was published, the government of Russia’s Vologda region – home to over 1 million people – established nongovernmental organization called “The Oprichnina.”

The organization is tasked with “fostering Russian identity” and “developing the moral education of youth.”

But the group’s name evokes the first reign of brutal state terror in Russian history. The Oprichnina was a state policy unleashed by Ivan the Terrible from 1565 to 1572 to establish his unrestrained power over the country. The oprichniks were Ivan’s personal guard, who attached a dog’s head and a broom to their saddles to show that they were the czar’s “dogs” who swept treason away.

Chroniclers and foreign travelers left accounts of the sadistic tortures and mass executions that were conducted with Ivan’s participation. The oprichniks raped and dismembered women, flayed or boiled men alive and burned children. In this frenzy of violence, they slaughtered many thousands of innocent people.

Ivan’s reign led to a period known as the “Time of Troubles,” marked by famine and military defeat. Some scholars estimate that by its end, Russia lost nearly two-thirds of its population.

Ivan IV, czar of Russia from 1547 to 1584, known as Ivan the Terrible.
Rischgitz/Getty Images

Throughout Russian history, Ivan the Terrible – who among his other crimes murdered his eldest son and had the head of Russian Orthodox Church strangled for dissent – was remembered as a repulsive tyrant.

However, since the mid-2000s, when the Russian government under Putin took an increasingly authoritarian turn, Ivan and his terror have undergone a state-driven process of reevalution.

The Kremlin and its far-right proxies now paint Ivan as a great statesman and devout Russian Orthodox Christian who laid the foundations of the Russian Empire.

Prior to that alteration of Russian historical memory, only one other Russian head of state had held Ivan in such high esteem: Josef Stalin.

Even so, no public monuments to Ivan existed until 2016, when Putin’s officials unveiled the first of three bronze statues dedicated to the terrible czar. Yet, the cinematic propaganda outmatched the commemorations of Ivan in stone. By my count, from 2009 to 2022, 12 state-sponsored films and TV series paying tribute to Ivan the Terrible and his rule aired in prime time on Russian TV channels.

Russian revisionism

The post-Soviet rehabilitation of Ivan the Terrible goes back to the writings of Ivan Snychov, the metropolitan, or high ranking bishop, of Saint Petersburg and Ladoga. His book, “The Autocracy of the Spirit,” published in 1994, gave rise to a fundamentalist sect known as “Tsarebozhie,” or neo-Oprichnina. Tsarebozhie calls for a return to an autocratic monarchy, a society of orders and the canonization of all Russian czars. The belief that Russian state power is “sacred” – a central dogma of the sect – was reaffirmed on April 18, 2025, by Alexander Kharichev, an official in Putin’s Presidential Administration, in an article that has been likened to an instruction manual for the “builder of Putinism.”

The canonization of Ivan the Terrible specifically is a top priority for members of this sect. And while the Russian Orthodox Church has yet to canonize Ivan, Tsarebozhie have garnered significant support from Russian priests, politicians and laypersons alike. Their efforts sit alongside Putin’s yearslong push to give public support for Ivan. Not by chance, Putin’s minister of foreign affairs, Sergei Lavrov, reportedly named Ivan the Terrible among one of Putin’s three “most trusted advisers.”

In Snychov’s worldview, Russians are a messianic people, part of an imperial nation that is uniquely responsible for preventing Satan’s domination of the world. In his explicitly antisemitic pseudo-history of Russia, the Oprichnina is described as a “saintly monastic order” led by a “pious tsar.”

Since the 1930s, when Stalin used Ivan to justify his own repressions, Ivan and Stalin – the Oprichnina and Stalinism – became historical doubles. The whitewashing of Ivan by the Kremlin goes hand in hand with Putin’s rehabilitation of Stalin as commander in chief of the Soviet Union’s victory in World War II.

Promoting the cult of the “Great Patriotic War” – as the Second World War has officially been called since the Soviet period – has been central to Putin’s militarization of Russian society and part of the propaganda effort to foster support for the invasion of Ukraine. The remorse for the loss of empire and desire to restore it underlies Moscow’s discourse over the past two decades.

Medieval threat to democracy

The rhetoric of absolving Stalinism goes hand in hand with popularizing the state’s version of the Russian Middle Ages through public media channels.

Putin’s neomedieval politics have adopted the Russian far-right belief that the country should return to the traditions of medieval Rus, as it existed before the Westernization reforms undertaken by Peter the Great in the early 18th century.

Over the past 15 years, Russian TV viewers have received an average of two state-funded movies per month, advertising the benefits of Russian medieval society and praising Russian medieval warlords.

This use of Russian historical memory has allowed Putin to normalize his use of state violence abroad and at home and mobilize support for his suppression of the opposition. The major goal of political neomedievalism is to legitimize huge social and economic inequalities in post-Soviet society as a part of Russia’s national heritage.

To serve the purpose of undermining the rule of law and democratic freedoms, as my research demonstrates, the Kremlin and its proxies have promoted the Russian Middle Ages – with its theocratic monarchy, society of estates, slavery, serfdom and repression – as a state-sponsored alternative to democracy.

Dina Khapaeva does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Make Russia Medieval Again! How Putin is seeking to remold society, with a little help from Ivan the Terrible – https://theconversation.com/make-russia-medieval-again-how-putin-is-seeking-to-remold-society-with-a-little-help-from-ivan-the-terrible-253812

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: West Africa’s bold trade experiment turns 50: an Ecowas report card
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Emmanuel Kwesi Aning, Faculty of Academic Affairs & Research, Kofi Annan International Peace Keeping Center

The Economic Community of West African states (Ecowas) is set to mark 50 years in May 2025. It was established in 1975 by 16 member states. Though seven of the founding leaders had ascended to power through coups d’état, the initial focus was economic growth and regional trade and cooperation.

Within three years, however, its mandates were expanded to encompass political, security and other objectives. These additions were necessary as the west African post-independence governments sought to respond to shifting socio-economic and security challenges. These included coup d’états in Niger, Nigeria, Ghana and Mauritania. There were also other threats to the rule of law, electoral integrity and good governance.

To address the expansion of its mandate, the Ecowas treaties were revised in 1993 to pass more power to the regional bloc.

These changes unsettled the relationships among member states. Acting in unison or following the rules hasn’t always suited national agendas. That partly explains the decision by Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso to break away from Ecowas in 2024.

Most recently, the military government in Guinea, Togo’s Gnassingbe dynasty and Chad’s Déby regime have all resisted Ecowas pressure. Their domestic political agendas contradict the organisation’s norms and principles.

We have years of research spanning politics, citizenship, international relations and civil conflict.

Admittedly, the withdrawal of Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso – to form the Alliance of Sahel States – will form an unsettling cloud over the Ecowas anniversary. We argue however that despite inevitable upheavals during five decades of postcolonial nation-building, Ecowas can look back on successes in integration, peace and security, and good governance.

These include its emphasis on good governance; its conflict prevention framework; and member states’ responsibility to protect their populations from grave violations of human rights.

An unprecedented challenge

The consequences of the withdrawal of the three countries for Ecowas as a whole shouldn’t be overstated. Still, it is a telling blow to the organisation. It represents a direct questioning of the principle of regional integration and cooperation.

The three military juntas evidently see Ecowas as a dysfunctional club of self-interested heads of state that kowtows to Europe.

African public opinion has swung in favour of a brand of populism promising quick military solutions. It’s seen as the antidote to the failure of domestic and multilateral attempts to stem jihadist violence in the Sahel.

In practice, the juntas have relied on states of emergency as a cover for systematic aggression and abuse of civilian populations.

Even if one accepts the trade-off between security and democracy, the new military rulers have so far been unable to stem jihadist violence in their countries. Instead they have committed violence against their own populations. This is especially the case in Mali and Burkina Faso.

These acts include the summary execution of several hundred civilians in Burkina Faso in 2024.

Read more:
Ecowas: 6 steps the leaders can take to restore stability and growth in west Africa

Despite these abuses, the military juntas have succeeded in framing Ecowas as part of the problem of external control over national sovereignty. This is at the heart of Ecowas’s emerging legitimacy crisis. It is a crisis which undermines many of the soft diplomacy tools that have worked relatively well in the past to unite its members.

The soft power tools include:
- the Council of the Wise – deployed in mediation and negotiation in a number of political crises in the region, including those in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Niger, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau and Togo
- Offices of the Special Representative and Special Mediators, tasked with conflict mediation and election monitoring
- Traditional Authorities and Leaders, who are sent in when other mechanisms fail.
These diplomatic tools are less visible than high-level delegations and official statements or sanctions. But they have been employed in numerous political crises in the subregion over the past two decades.

They have arguably tempered the outcomes of constitutional crises, like the one sparked by a popular uprising in Burkina Faso in 2014. They also defused the political crisis in Guinea Bissau between 2015 and 2019.

The small victories of soft diplomacy don’t always lead to outright successes. But they have been a means to allow Ecowas involvement in mediation efforts. They have ensured the organisation’s overall relevance and justification in the face of unconstitutional changes of government.

The failure of the soft diplomacy mechanisms in the biggest crisis to face Ecowas tests the organisation’s ability to withstand future crises.

The way forward for Ecowas at 50

The next phase for Ecowas starts in the context of public perceptions critical of the member states. Criticism has been levelled against Ecowas as a “union of heads of state” prioritising their interests over the people’s.

Nevertheless, most of the citizens still prefer democracy as a political system. Even the military juntas embrace (at least on paper) these basic principles as their long-term aspiration.

Ecowas has championed democratic values of equality, freedom, justice, pluralism, tolerance, respect and public participation. These remain the keys to reversing the sub-region’s recent unconstitutional changes of government. Ecowas must strengthen its voice in calling for a return to civilian rule and the respect of its fundamental democratic principles.

Read more:
Ecowas breakup could push up food prices and worsen hunger in west Africa

The organisation’s representatives must articulate these basic values as an expression of the will of its citizens.

On the other hand, Ecowas must continue to leave the dorrs openen to the military juntas. This could potentially facilitate the transition to civilian rule and signal a fresh start for regional collaboration. Its soft diplomacy tools will be essential for improving dialogue and reaching viable compromises.

Ecowas must strive to improve its legitimacy in the eyes of the populations of its member states. This can be achieved by applying its own democratic values consistently and objectively across the region. The anniversary provides an important opportunity for introspection and genuine institutional reform.

Emmanuel Kwesi Aning receives funding from D-SIP – Domestic Security Implications of UN Peacekeeping in Ghana, which is a Danish Funded Program

Jesper Bjarnesen receives funding from the Swedish Science Council (grant VR2019-03444).

– ref. West Africa’s bold trade experiment turns 50: an Ecowas report card – https://theconversation.com/west-africas-bold-trade-experiment-turns-50-an-ecowas-report-card-238024
MIL OSI – Global Reports –
April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine war: path to peace looks increasingly narrow as Kyiv’s western backers scramble to focus on their own interests

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham

After more than three years of war, the prospects of peace for Ukraine remain slim. There is no obvious credible pathway even to a ceasefire, given Russia’s refusal to extend a brief and shaky truce over Easter. This, despite the US, UK and Ukraine all signalling their support for this idea.

And even if the considerable hurdles impeding a ceasefire deal could be overcome, a more fundamental problem would remain. None of the key players in the conflict appear to have a plan for an agreement that is likely to be acceptable to Kyiv and Moscow.

Previous plans, such as a joint proposal by China and Brazil in May last year which was supported by a Chinese-led “Friends of Peace” group were primarily focused on a ceasefire as a stepping stone to negotiations about an actual peace agreement.

This and other plans were all light on detail of what a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine would entail but were nonetheless roundly rejected by Ukraine and its western allies as favouring Russia. Given that a ceasefire would simply freeze the front lines and very likely make them permanent with or without a subsequent peace agreement, this was not an unreasonable position.

What Ukraine proposed instead, however – and what its western allies backed, at least rhetorically – was hardly more viable. The peace plan proposed by Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky in December 2022 was already on life support at the time of the first “Summit on Peace in Ukraine” in Switzerland in June 2024.

Only 84 of the 100 delegations attending the summit (out of 160 invited) supported a watered-down version of Zelensky’s plan in their final communique – and there was no agreement on a follow-up meeting. Ukraine’s peace plan was clearly dead in the water.

Ukraine then proposed an “internal resilience plan”. With its its focus on ensuring that the country can survive a long war of attrition with Russia, this is anything but a peace plan.

But it serves Kyiv’s needs to avoid an unconditional surrender to Moscow. This is also high on the agenda for Ukraine’s European allies who remain committed to supporting Kyiv.

For the emerging European coalition of the willing, it is important to keep Ukraine in the fight while they build up their own defences. They face the possibility of a new international order in which the world might well be carved up into US, Russian and Chinese spheres of influence.

Where the White House stands

Such a carve-up is at the heart of efforts by the US president, Donald Trump. Trump is trying to secure a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine as well as a deal that would give the US privileged access to Ukrainian resources.

Having initially fallen apart during an extraordinarily acrimonious press conference in the White House on February 28, this deal now appears to be relatively close to conclusion.

The ceasefire deal Trump appears to envisage would divide Ukraine itself into spheres of influence according to a plan recently suggested by Trump’s special envoy for Ukraine, Keith Kellogg. Yet even such a pro-Moscow arrangement that would offer Putin control of 20% of Ukraine continues to elude negotiators.

At present, the Russian president has few incentives to settle for less than his maximum demands and stop a war that he thinks he is still able to win on the battlefield – particularly given Trump’s unwillingness to exert any meaningful pressure on Russia.

At times, it now appears more likely that Trump will simply abandon his efforts to end the fighting in Ukraine. From a Russian perspective, this would be preferable to a ceasefire that freezes the conflict but doesn’t lead to a peace deal reflecting Moscow’s demands.

The likely calculation in the Kremlin is that even if the 2026 mid-term elections in the US water down Trump’s power, that still leaves two more years to conquer more Ukrainian territory. Should Washington then make another push for a ceasefire, Moscow could claim any additional conquests as a price for Ukraine to pay for a settlement.

Even if Trump does not walk away from the negotiations now, and even if his special envoy Steve Witkoff ultimately manages to cobble together a deal, this will more likely look like a ceasefire than like a peace agreement.

Gulf remains between Russia and Ukraine

The simple reason for this is that Russia’s and Ukraine’s positions on an acceptable outcome have not shifted. Putin remains committed to the full annexation of four complete Ukrainian regions as well as retaining Crimea. Zelensky has repeatedly ruled out territorial concessions and is broadly supported by Ukrainians in this stance.

For the west, the reality that a peace agreement is close to impossible on terms satisfying all sides has become a self-fulfilling prophecy. To the extent that there are any joint efforts by Ukraine, the US and the European coalition of the willing, they are completely centred on a workable ceasefire.

At a meeting of foreign ministers and high-level officials in Paris on April 17, discussions were focused on making such a ceasefire sustainable.

While details of how this can be achieved remain unclear, the fact that there now appears to be a more inclusive negotiations track signals progress, at least on the process of negotiations. Whether this will lead to an actual breakthrough towards a sustainable ceasefire, however, will depend on their substance and whether Ukraine and Russia can ultimately agree on terms about disengagement of forces, monitoring, and guarantees and enforcement mechanisms.

This is an already incredibly high bar, and the bar for a subsequent peace agreement is higher yet. In the current stage of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, a ceasefire is clearly a precondition for a peace agreement. But the sole focus on the former will not make the latter any more likely.

What’s more, given Russia’s track record of reneging on the Minsk ceasefire agreements of September 2014 and February 2015, investing everything in a ceasefire deal might turn out not just a self-fulfilling but a self-defeating prophecy for Ukraine and its supporters.

Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

Tetyana Malyarenko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Ukraine war: path to peace looks increasingly narrow as Kyiv’s western backers scramble to focus on their own interests – https://theconversation.com/ukraine-war-path-to-peace-looks-increasingly-narrow-as-kyivs-western-backers-scramble-to-focus-on-their-own-interests-254864

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: How Fomo – the fear of missing out – affects young people’s binge drinking

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Richard Cooke, Professor of Health Psychology, University of Staffordshire

Media_Photos/Shutterstock

Past English government campaigns have tried to curb youth drinking by focusing on the things young people might do while drunk and regret later: falling off scaffolding, vomiting or ending up looking a mess.

And while more recent attempts, such as the Spread Campaign in Australia, have tended to be less overtly graphic, they still focus exclusively on harms associated with drinking, such as cancer. They use fear to try and scare people into changing their drinking behaviour.

But despite their popularity with policymakers, psychological research has generally shown that campaigns based on fear do not change behaviour. What’s more, our research has found that even when young people thought they would regret what they did when drunk and made plans to drink less, they still ended up drinking the same amount.

Over a number of research studies, we’ve tried to figure out why regret doesn’t change drinking behaviour. What we’ve found is that for many young people, the fear of missing out on the good things they might experience while drinking outweighs the fear that they might do something they regret.

When young people in a focus group talked about their binge drinking, several downplayed the severity of the things they’d done while drunk – which included taking their clothes off in a nightclub and dancing naked on a table, and getting a tattoo of a footballer on their bum. They explained that the social benefits they got out of drinking, such as making shared memories, bonding and meeting new people, outweighed any negative consequences that followed.

This helps to explain why health campaigns can be ineffective. If you can justify naked dancing or getting a tattoo on your bum, you’re not going be too bothered about feeling a bit sick the morning after.

In a second, ongoing study, we talked to young adults about their fears of missing social events. Many told us that not attending these events meant exclusion from in-jokes based on shared experiences, leaving them feeling isolated. One of our interviewees even admitted an event would be “rubbish” but went anyway so as to not miss out.

So, it seemed to us that regret might work differently for things you do – “action regret” – versus things you do not do: “inaction regret”.

Young people feared missing out on experiences.
Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

Applied to alcohol, this makes sense. Memories of hangovers fade, but you hold on to those shared experiences that mean so much. Conversely, not sharing experiences means you are left out of conversations, wondering what might have been.

This means that Fomo – the fear of missing out – might be a better predictor of young adults’ drinking behaviour than anticipating regret.

For our most recently published research study, we recruited over 100 young adults aged 18-30 and asked them to report the Fomo they felt and how much they planned to drink. They did this three times a day on three consecutive weekends. We also asked them how much they had gone on to drink each time.

Measuring Fomo and drinking plans multiple times over a short period helped us understand fluctuations in feelings and drinking plans. Our results show that experiencing higher levels of Fomo increased how much young adults planned to drink, and led to them drinking more.

This suggests one reason young adults drink more after experiencing Fomo is that they believe drinking more makes it more likely something memorable will happen. This supports what we found in our qualitative studies.

In contrast, experiencing Fomo did not make young adults drink more frequently. In another study one of us (Richard) conducted, young adults’ drinking frequency was best predicted by social factors, such as how often young adults contacted their friends about drinking, and their drinking habits.

As drinking often happens in social settings with friends, its frequency is likely to depend more on these social and contextual factors, rather than individual differences in Fomo or drinking plans.

Overall, our research shows that Fomo – an entirely psychological phenomenon – influences young adults’ drinking plans and how much they drink. Such results can help explain why hard-hitting health campaigns that highlight regret following binge-drinking are ineffective at reducing binge-drinking. Young adults are more worried about missing out socially than about the hangover the next day.

Richard Cooke has received funding from NIHR, the Wellcome Trust, European Union, and the European Foundation for Alcohol Research (ERAB) who were funded by the Brewers of Europe. ERAB had no role in study design, collection, analysis or interpretation of data, writing of manuscripts or decisions to submit papers for the projects they supported.

Joel Crawford does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How Fomo – the fear of missing out – affects young people’s binge drinking – https://theconversation.com/how-fomo-the-fear-of-missing-out-affects-young-peoples-binge-drinking-230229

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Toxic chemical pollution continues on Isle of Man as government defends Unesco conservation status
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Turns, Senior Environment Editor, The Conversation

Peel Bay on the Isle of Man. MrsBain/Shutterstock

The Isle of Man government has said it is “fully committed to environmental protection and transparency” regarding its Unesco biosphere status – despite admitting that legacy landfill sites are discharging hazardous chemical contaminants into the sea.

The Isle of Man is a self-governing island in the Irish Sea between the UK and and Ireland. It is not part of the UK or the European Union, but has the status of “crown dependency” with an independent administration. Its population of about 84,000 people are British citizens.

It is known as the home of TT motorbike racing, traditional smoked kippers a low tax economy, and the world’s only “whole-nation” Unesco biosphere reserve. It boasts crystal clear waters, top-class dive sites and a thriving marine life.

The Isle of Man achieved this highly regarded status in 2016 on the basis of its marine habitats and sustainability strategies.

Read more:
PCBs: these toxic pollutants were banned decades ago but still pose a huge threat

But polychlorinated biphenols (PCBs) – synthetic industrial chemicals once used to make electricals and other materials – continue to be released into the waterways and the sea.

Although the production of PCBs was banned globally in the 1980s, they still exist in many products, like electrical equipment, much of which lingers in landfills and so they continue to pose a risk to ocean health. Research has shown how legacy contaminants such as PCBs can be released from hundreds of thousands of coastal landfills across Europe – and the Isle of Man is no different.

Evidence has been accumulating for years about PCB discharges on the Isle of Man and much of it is on the government’s own website.

For example, 4,000 tonnes of toxic silt from harbour dredging – which included PCBs and heavy metals was dumped in the Irish sea in 2014. This “trial dump” was despite environmental and legal advice from its marine monitoring officer that this would be ignoring international agreements and would be damaging to the environment.

The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.

Then in 2015 – a time when it would have been putting together its Unesco application – the island government compiled a document, titled “the Peel Marina silt questions and answers” in which it discussed further toxic waste dumping options. It states:

Disposing of 18,000 tonnes of contaminated sediments from the marina directly to the sea bed would have had a negative impact on the species involved. Testing carried out by Defa [Department of Environment, Food and Agriculture] officers had already identified the likelihood that earlier disposal of 4,000 tonnes into the sea had contributed to rises in contaminants within commercial fisheries species to levels approaching EU food safety standards.

That batch of 18,000 tonnes of contaminated silt, collected after harbour dredging in Peel harbour, was eventually moved to a sealed pit.

But it is the ongoing situation with legacy landfills which is seeing PCBs continuing to leach into the sea – a situation that the island government admits will not be entirely solved until the construction of a wastewater treatment plant (building is due to start on the plant in April 2025).

‘A hidden gem’

The Isle of Man government leans heavily on its biosphere status across its tourism marketing and brands itself as “extraordinary”, a “hidden gem, an unexplored land, a biosphere nation”.

But despite its pledges of being a destination with a “fantastic seascape…and coastline”, contaminated leachate from decommissioned landfill continues to drain into the marine environment.

The Isle of Man applied for the biosphere reserve status in 2013, which was awarded in 2016 based on the submission of a comprehensive 250-page nomination document. But there was no mention of toxic landfill leachate or the dumping of thousands of tonnes of contaminated harbour silt which later came to light.

The Isle of Man government told The Conversation that Unesco was aware of the discharges and that “biosphere status is not a hallmark of perfection”. It said its PCB discharges are in line with those of the UK.

But it raises the question of whether such pollution can be in line with the spirit of the biosphere status.

It is important to be clear that the Isle of Man is not unique in the British Islands in having managed disposal or unintentional discharges of legacy industrial wastes to the sea.

My team’s research (Patrick Byrne’s) documents thousands of coastal landfills in England and Wales, many of which discharge hazardous materials to the sea through leachates or erosion.

A Unesco biosphere reserve is not supposed to be perfect – almost nowhere is. But it should be a model for how we protect and sustainably manage our environment, including how we address legacy pollution. Why not highlight the issue of legacy industrial wastes as a challenge to be met?

The Isle of Man government rejects the idea that it misrepresented any of the facts around its environmental credentials.

But when The Conversation put the details to Unesco, it said it had not been made aware of previous dumping of toxic silt containing PCBs in 2014 and added that the first time the issue was raised with them was “in late 2023”.

A spokesperson said: “At the time of the nomination, the International Committee of the Unesco Biosphere Programme was not aware of this issue.”

The government told The Conversation it included “all information relevant for consideration by Unesco” when it made its application, but said certain discharges were not in the “zonation area” and that “nowhere is perfect”.

The major concern is about being open and honest with the public and Unesco about the environmental challenges and potential human health concerns associated with legacy pollutants like PCBs. It is entirely possible that the Isle of Man’s Unesco status would still have been granted if Unesco had been fully aware about the dumping at sea.

Landfills

The Conversation spoke to Calum MacNeil, a freshwater scientist who worked for the Isle of Man government for 13 years. He now works for a research institute in New Zealand but has been flagging concerns about contamination from toxic silt. Together with his help, we spent months gathering all of the evidence, checking the facts and joining the dots between silt dredged from a harbour, landfills and sealed pits aimed at temporarily dealing with this legacy pollution.

On the Isle of Man, historic landfills dating back to the 1940s are unlined so they are not sealed. After heavy rain, pollutants can wash away and leach out into the surrounding environment.

One, called Raggatt landfill, is located 3.7 miles (6km) from the coast. It’s the size of several football pitches and when it rains, leachate (the landfill’s liquid discharge) that has been found to contain PCBs can “run off” the facility onto the nearby main road and the adjacent River Neb, eventually draining into the sea at Peel Bay.

Read more:
Pollution scientist talks to freshwater ecologist who warned of Isle of Man toxic silt dumps

According to a 2017 news report, the government stated that the leachate “does not pose a risk to people swimming in Peel Bay” because it’s diluted by seawater. MacNeil insists that this is “a crucial admission” because he believes that the government cannot scientifically prove that any public exposure to PCB contamination is ever safe.

MacNeil said: “I feel there needs to be international scientific and legal scrutiny of all of this. I believe both Unesco and the UK government’s Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) have a responsibility here as well given the international agreements involved and the biosphere designation. Given the biosphere status, surely the Isle of Man government should be acting not just to the letter of the law but in the spirit of the law.”

Regulations

While various international regulations govern levels of chemical contamination in leachate in and immediately around old landfills, the same rules do not apply to anything that is deliberately dumped or discharged directly into rivers or the sea.

Isle of Man legislation called the Water Pollution Act 1993 outlines that any discharge or dumping must abide by any and all relevant international agreements that apply to the Isle of Man.

MacNeil argues that the onus should be on the Isle of Man government to prove that any discharge of PCBs is legal under international agreements.

These include an agreement called Ospar (the Oslo-Paris convention for the protection of the marine environment for the north-east Atlantic) and the Basel convention which governs how nations, including the Isle of Man, should treat and dispose of hazardous waste in environmentally sound ways.

Tourism

Tourists and local residents swim all year round in bathing waters such as Peel Bay, and praise for this nation’s marine conservation achievements is vast. Last summer, the Isle of Man was even nominated for the “most desirable island in Europe” travel award hosted by magazine Wanderlust.

With goals to grow annual visitor numbers to 500,000, a thriving ecotourism industry could contribute an estimated £520 million by 2032. According to the island’s tourism agency, Visit Isle of Man, it aims to be “a leading British ecotourism destination that provides a range of opportunities for visitors to connect with our unique nature and wildlife”.

Contaminated silt was allegedly dredged from Peel harbour and dumped out at sea.
Daniel Sztork/Shutterstock

But Peel is one of three beaches (technically designated as a non-bathing area) on the island to recently fail minimum standards for bathing waters “due to insufficient infrastructure”, according to the 2024 bathing water report from the Isle of Man’s Department of Environment, Food and Agriculture (Defa).

A desirable designation

A board is currently being formed to lead the ten-year periodic review (reaccreditation) of the island’s Unesco status.

As one 2022 study explains, biosphere reserves are “learning sites for sustainable development”. Researchers point out that a coherent and holistic approach on the Isle of Man is not necessarily easy to achieve, in part because the biosphere is managed by one government department (Defa) with a remit for environment, food and agriculture, resulting in “age-old tensions between farming and conservation”.

Read more:
Coastal landfills risk leaking long-banned toxic chemicals into the ocean

The Isle of Man government’s website states: “Our biosphere status encourages us to learn about and cherish what we have in the Isle of Man and safeguard it for the future by making good decisions, as individuals, as organisations and as an island. It tells potential new residents and visitors that we are a special place for people and nature and have a conscience.”

But without openly acknowledging the legacy pollution challenges, they are literally being buried for future generations. This ultimately undermines local, national, and international efforts to learn and move forward in a sustainable way, which is at the heart of the Unesco biosphere philosophy.

A spokesperson for the Isle of Man government said:

“The Isle of Man government remains fully committed to environmental protection and transparency regarding its Unesco Biosphere status. We reject any assertion that the government has acted to misrepresent environmental matters in its Unesco application.

“All relevant data and policies have been developed in line with scientific evidence and regulatory frameworks. The Isle of Man government conducts rigorous environmental monitoring, including assessments of water quality and potential contaminants, to ensure compliance with established safety standards.

“The Isle of Man has legacy landfill sites similar to those found in the UK, Europe and around the world which leach contaminants, including PCBs, into the marine environment. Details of PCB discharges from UK landfills can be found on the UK Pollutant Release and Transfer Register (PRTR) data sets where the pollutant threshold below which data is not required to be submitted for PCBs in water is stated as 0.1kg.

“The level of PCBs entering the marine environment in the Isle of Man is slightly lower than the average throughout the Irish Sea as determined by sediment and biota samples.

“The leachate discharge from the historic Raggatt landfill, which closed in 1990, is planned to be discharged to Peel Wastewater Treatment Plant which has recently received planning permission and construction expected to commence by April 2025.

“As stated on the Department of Environment, Food and Agriculture’s pollution control monitoring webpage: ‘Independent advice from Phoenix Engineering is that this would represent the best available technology to manage and control emissions of PCBs present in Raggatt landfill leachate to the marine environment in Peel.’

“Due to historic mining, heavy metals such as lead are known to flow down the river and accumulate in silt at Peel Marina, which has previously exceeded Cefas action level 2 where sediments are considered unacceptable for uncontrolled disposal at sea without special handling and containment. No further deposits to sea of Peel dredging silt have been made since 2014, and a catchment management plan is currently being developed to reduce this contamination at Peel Marina.

“The aim for all Unesco Biospheres is to improve our environment; something which the Isle of Man has consistently strived to achieve since accreditation in 2016.”

A spokesperson for Unesco said:

“Unesco first received information on this issue in late 2023, which was then relayed to the relevant government authorities for comments. Unesco was informed that the situation appeared to stem from the presence of a UK historic landfill which is being followed through a comprehensive monitoring programme.

“Following Unesco’s request, the UK Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs confirmed that ‘it is in line with the UK government’s responsibilities under the Ospar convention, and are satisfied the Isle of Man government is taking all possible steps to prevent and eliminate pollution of PCBs from land-based sources entering the marine environment in line with Article 3 of the Ospar convention’.

“In the original application dossier, the Isle of Man committed to ‘take responsibility for overseeing salvage and pollution counter-measures in order to comply with international conventions’. It also committed to observing a range of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs).

“As the Isle of Man Biosphere Reserve was designated in 2016, its periodic review is scheduled for 2026. Unesco will make all information available to the Intergovernmental Committee in charge of examining the renewal of the status.”

For you: more from our Insights series:
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Patrick Byrne receives funding from the UK Natural Environment Research Council.

Anna Turns does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Toxic chemical pollution continues on Isle of Man as government defends Unesco conservation status – https://theconversation.com/toxic-chemical-pollution-continues-on-isle-of-man-as-government-defends-unesco-conservation-status-236547
MIL OSI – Global Reports –
April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Digging into an environmental scandal on the Isle of Man

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Turns, Senior Environment Editor

SimoneN/Shutterstock

I first spoke to freshwater scientist Calum MacNeil in February 2022. He explained to me that The Isle of Man – a self-governing island in the Irish Sea between the UK and and Ireland – was being cast as world’s only “all-nation” Unesco biosphere reserve.

He explained how, in 2014, before its Unesco designation, contaminated silt was deliberately dumped in the Irish Sea. While designated as a biosphere, contaminated silt dredged from a marine harbour has been contained in a sealed pit but leachate from that has discharged into Peel Bay, where people regularly swim from the sandy beaches.

As an environmental journalist, the story stood out to me and the more we spoke, the more the plot thickened.

Read more:
Toxic chemical pollution continues on Isle of Man as government defends Unesco conservation status

I spent hours of my spare time digesting the evidence he sent me – all of it in the public domain. Government reports, online pollution policies, local news coverage, the biosphere nomination documents.

MacNeil, who worked for the Isle of Man government between 2004 and 2017, knew what he was talking about.

But the more I looked into this, the more I felt up against smoke and mirrors. Beautiful beaches, clean seas and a thriving ecotourism destination (according to the government’s tourism marketing). Contrast that with contaminated waste ending up in the ocean.

Three years on, and The Conversation’s Insights team and I have been working closely with Professor of Water Science at Liverpool John Moores University, Patrick Byrne. He has analysed and interpreted the consequences of this pollution.

While pollution is rife around the world to a certain extent, this instance is particularly shocking, he explains.

Now, The Conversation is proud to present our exclusive Insights investigation, Leaked, in two key parts. An introductory news article written Byrne explains the backstory and highlights the prominence of Isle of Man’s Unesco biosphere status.

Further analysis unfolds in an in-depth Q&A between Byrne and MacNeil. Byrne explains the gravity of legacy contamination from synthetic toxic chemicals known as polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), and why transparency is so key.

Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

– ref. Digging into an environmental scandal on the Isle of Man – https://theconversation.com/digging-into-an-environmental-scandal-on-the-isle-of-man-247738

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Autistic people’s experiences of periods are under-researched – here’s why that needs to change

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rebecca Ellis, Assistant Researcher in Public Health, Swansea University

Krakenimages.com/Shutterstock

Periods can be painful, unpredictable and disruptive. And for autistic people, they can present additional challenges. From sensory sensitivities to barriers accessing healthcare, the experience of autistic menstruation remains under-explored in research.

Our new review highlights just how little we know about autistic experiences of periods – and why more inclusive research from autistic people themselves is needed.

Menstruation – the biological process in which blood is discharged through the vagina from the inner lining of the uterus – is often described as a negative experience. Periods can be irregular, heavy and painful. They may also affect a person socially and emotionally.

Despite 1.8 billion people across the world menstruating every month, period stigma still exists. For many, this leads to social isolation and negatively affects their access to appropriate menstrual education and products. And, while menstrual products and awareness have improved over the last few decades, many people across the globe are still unable to afford the products they need.

Incidences of structural sexism within education, the workplace and healthcare can negatively affect those who aren’t cisgender men. People assigned female at birth – including girls, women, transgender men and some non-binary people – who experience menstruation are affected by the historical focus on the male body in healthcare. For example, gynaecological conditions such as endometriosis are only now receiving attention within research, having previously been largely ignored.

Autism research has historically focused on cisgender men and boys. The experiences of autistic people assigned female at birth have only recently started to be researched, especially in relation to their reproductive care. What limited research does exist has shown poorer physical, mental and social wellbeing outcomes relating to their experiences of menstruation.

Krakenimages.com/Shutterstock

We reviewed existing studies that detail experiences of periods both from the point of view of autistic people and those who support them. We focused on research that had interviewed autistic people directly, and those within their social circle, about periods. Twelve sources, including research papers, articles and blogs, fitted our criteria, from which we identified the important themes.

Our sources included contributions from autistic people who were mostly teenagers and young adults, alongside parents, siblings, and medical and educational professionals. While the themes discussed depended on who was being spoken to, many autistic reflections focused on the need for information and practical support ahead of periods starting.

Read more:
Why autistic people must be at the heart of autism research

Some interviewees described having autism-specific experiences during menstruation, such as increased sensory sensitivities and burnout (a state of exhaustion and personal withdrawal). These were often unseen by the people around them.

Parental and professional comments typically focused on the need for tailored support for their autistic children who were menstruating, with the end-goal of independence. Often, their comments set the child against neurotypical standards, the social norms of the majority.

Menstruation was described as a predominantly negative experience by everyone who was spoken to. But mentions of period stigma affected how comfortable autistic people were discussing this topic with others.

They were also less likely to access social networks and peer support in social environments such as schools. Very often because of this, autistic people weren’t provided with the knowledge they needed to compare their experiences with those of other people.

Pain

The dismissal of pain emerged as a significant issue. Many autistic people reported that their pain was normalised by those around them, including parents, siblings and school staff, regardless of its severity. They were told their level of pain was something everyone else also experienced and dealt with. Autistic people were also likely to internalise these messages until they became their own opinions and beliefs.

Since autistic people often perceive and communicate pain differently, this can lead to delays in seeking help – and being rejected when they do so.

The lack of autistic voices in research influences the kind of support that is developed. If resources are designed based on the priorities of parents or professionals rather than autistic people themselves, these resources may fail to meet the needs of the people having periods.

Read more:
Autistic women face barriers to safe and supportive maternity care – new research

There are specific autism-related experiences of menstruation that we know less about because of the lack of research. Our review suggests autistic people are often held to neurotypical standards of menstrual management – without recognition of autism-specific factors such as sensory sensitivities, communication differences and the ways in which information is best conveyed.

We argue that future research on menstruation should include autistic voices, speaking to people of different ages and backgrounds about their experiences.

By prioritising autistic perspectives, we can develop more accessible resources and communication strategies that ensure this knowledge is transferred in ways that make sense for those who need it most. Tailored support could also help parents, carers and professionals better understand and respond to autistic experiences of menstruation.

If we want to create meaningful change, we need to start by listening to autistic people themselves.

Aimee Grant receives funding from the Wellcome Trust, Medical Research Council and the Morgan Advanced Studies Institute. She is a non-executive director of Disability Wales.

Monique Craine owns & runs Neurodivergent Matters. They are a member of Welsh Labour. They are part of the Independent Advisory Group for Dyfed Powys Police. Monique is also a community councillor for Tawe Uchaf Community Council.

Rebecca Ellis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Autistic people’s experiences of periods are under-researched – here’s why that needs to change – https://theconversation.com/autistic-peoples-experiences-of-periods-are-under-researched-heres-why-that-needs-to-change-249095

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Reducing diversity, equity and inclusion to a catchphrase undermines its true purpose

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Detris Honora Adelabu, Clinical Professor of Applied Human Development, Boston University

More than 440 anti-DEI bills have been introduced in 42 states since the 2023 Supreme Court decision that ended race-conscious college admissions. J Studios/Getty Images

Diversity, equity and inclusion, which has become the catchphrase DEI, represents a commitment to fairness and to tackling racism and exclusionary policies that limit access to resources and perpetuate injustice.

The Trump administration’s attacks on DEI frame efforts toward equity and fairness as illegal, wasteful, immoral and shameful.

However, unfair access to resources and opportunities remains a daily reality in American society.

Consider persistent disparities in housing, education and employment that prevent access to resources and opportunities based on race.

These inequalities are also evident in health care and the criminal justice system.

African Americans, for instance, make up approximately 13% of the U.S. population. But they account for 53% of exonerations after wrongful convictions.

As public health expert David Ansell argues in his book “The Death Gap: How Inequality Kills,” these disparities are not just a matter of quality of life but of life itself.

Where people are born and how they live shape their access to health care, education, nutritious food, stable housing and fair treatment within the justice system. This inequity, Ansell argues, creates a “death gap” where systemic barriers to opportunity and well-being shorten lives.

As professors focused on human development and education, we are committed to building fair and equitable living and learning opportunities for all students. We believe reducing diversity, equity and inclusion to a catchphrase or acronym undermines its importance and purpose to tackle the racism and biases that contribute to unfairness and injustice.

More than a single concept

DEI is more than an acronym or catchphrase. When diversity, equity and inclusion is reduced to a buzzword, it undermines its importance and the depth of work required to create inclusive spaces.

Each component of DEI represents unique aims and challenges.

Diversity is the practice of involving people from a range of social and ethnic backgrounds who hold varying perspectives. Diversity includes the meaningful and intentional inclusion of those who have been historically underrepresented.

Equity is the practice of being fair and just, especially in a way that seeks to address existing inequalities.

Equity means providing fair access to opportunities and resources for people who might otherwise be excluded. This includes those who have been underrepresented due to historical and contemporary biases.

This inequity is illustrated by education funding disparities where public schools attended by majority Black and Latino students receive less funding than majority white, affluent schools.

Inclusion is the state of being included within a group in a way that establishes a feeling of being welcomed and respected.

Broad benefits

Consider the racial diversity in your neighborhood. To what extent is it racially diverse?

People of color in predominantly white neighborhoods face discrimination. This includes encounters with police and other community members who question their presence within spaces that have historically been majority white. However, diversity and inclusivity within communities contribute to prejudice reduction and improved race relations.

DEI can broadly benefit society.

Imagine going to the local grocery store and the doors open automatically as you approach. Upon exiting, you push your shopping cart toward the sloped sidewalk designed to provide easy access to the road surface. Although the automatic doors and sloped sidewalk were designed for individuals with physical disabilities, these examples of DEI initiatives make everyday life better for everyone.

The danger of oversimplification

Reducing diversity, equity and inclusion to a catchphrase can lead to a superficial understanding and application of the concepts.

Some organizations incorporate DEI language into their mission statement without committing to deeper changes that promote equity and fairness.

In higher education, institutions may promote DEI initiatives while failing to address inequities in access and opportunity among students and faculty. Despite decades of stated commitments to DEI, predominantly white higher education institutions have made little progress toward racially diversifying their faculty, leadership or student body.

States such as Florida, Texas and Kentucky have introduced policies to dismantle programs aimed at promoting racial and gender equity in education.
designer491/Getty Images

For example, 72% of U.S. college and university presidents and 72% of faculty identify as white. Yet white adults make up just 60% of the U.S. population.

Additionally, some organizations hire chief diversity officers without allocating resources or power to enact meaningful policy changes. Such superficial steps toward DEI squander its potential to transform higher education to truly advance diversity, equity and inclusion.

Backlash against DEI

DEI is also susceptible to political manipulation and dismantling.

More than 440 anti-diversity, equity and inclusion bills have been introduced in 42 states since the 2023 Supreme Court decision that ended race-conscious college admissions.

States such as Florida, Texas and Kentucky have recently introduced policies to dismantle programs aimed at promoting racial and gender equity in education and the workplace.

Meanwhile, in recent years DEI officers and advocates have lost jobs in higher education and other organizations.

DEI has become a scapegoat for political and systemic failures.

President Donald Trump, for example, blamed diversity, equity and inclusion for a Washington, D.C., plane crash that killed 67 people in January 2025. And Missouri is suing Starbucks, claiming the coffeehouse chain’s DEI policies are increasing wait times for orders.

Diversity, equity and inclusion is not about individual prejudice or emotions. It’s about addressing the systemic historical exclusions of people of color and other underrepresented groups – people who have not had fair and equitable access to resources and opportunities in America.

Linda Banks-Santilli is a member of the board of Horizons@LMS, a summer enrichment program focused on improving math and literacy for low-income students.

Detris Honora Adelabu and Felicity Crawford do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Reducing diversity, equity and inclusion to a catchphrase undermines its true purpose – https://theconversation.com/reducing-diversity-equity-and-inclusion-to-a-catchphrase-undermines-its-true-purpose-249717

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Banking: Russian organizations targeted by backdoor masquerading as secure networking software updates
Source: Securelist – Kaspersky

Headline: Russian organizations targeted by backdoor masquerading as secure networking software updates

As we were looking into a cyberincident in April 2025, we uncovered a rather sophisticated backdoor. It targeted various large organizations in Russia, spanning the government, finance, and industrial sectors. While our investigation into the attack associated with the backdoor is still ongoing, we believe it is crucial to share our preliminary findings with the community. This will enable organizations that may be at risk of infection from the backdoor to take swift action to protect themselves from this threat.

Impersonating a ViPNet update

Our investigation revealed that the backdoor targets computers connected to ViPNet networks. ViPNet is a software suite for creating secure networks. We determined that the backdoor was distributed inside LZH archives with a structure typical of updates for the software product in question. These archives contained the following files:
- action.inf: a text file
- lumpdiag.exe: a legitimate executable
- msinfo32.exe: a small malicious executable
- an encrypted file containing the payload (the name varies between archives)
The ViPNet developer confirmed targeted attacks against some of their users and issued security updates and recommendations for customers (page in Russian).

Malware execution

After analyzing the contents of the archive, we found that the action.inf text file contained an action to be executed by the ViPNet update service component (itcsrvup64.exe) when processing the archive:

[ACTION]<br /> action=extra_command<br /> extra_command=lumpdiag.exe –msconfig

[ACTION]

action=extra_command

extra_command=lumpdiag.exe —msconfig

As evident from the file content above, when processing extra_command, the update service launches lumpdiag.exe with an –msconfig argument. We mentioned earlier that this is a legitimate file. However, it is susceptible to the path substitution technique. This allows attackers to execute the malicious file msinfo32.exe while lumpdiag.exe is running.

Downloadable payload

The msinfo32.exe file is a loader that reads the encrypted payload file. The loader processes the contents of the file to load the backdoor into memory. This backdoor is versatile: it can connect to a C2 server via TCP, allowing the attacker to steal files from infected computers and launch additional malicious components, among other things. Kaspersky solutions detect this threat as HEUR:Trojan.Win32.Loader.gen.

Multi-layered security is key to preventing sophisticated cyberattacks

The complexity of cyberattacks carried out by APT groups has significantly increased over the years. Attackers can target organizations in highly unusual and unexpected ways. To prevent sophisticated targeted attacks, it is essential to employ multi-layered, defense-in-depth security against cyberthreats. This is the type of security architecture implemented in our Kaspersky NEXT product line, capable of protecting businesses from attacks similar to the one described in this article.

Indicators of compromise

The full list of indicators of compromise is available to subscribers of our Kaspersky Threat Intelligence service.

Hashes of msinfo32.exe

018AD336474B9E54E1BD0E9528CA4DB5
28AC759E6662A4B4BE3E5BA7CFB62204
77DA0829858178CCFC2C0A5313E327C1
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Paths to malicious files

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MIL OSI Global Banks –
April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Two new Board Members appointed to the Charity Commission for England and Wales
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

News story

Two new Board Members appointed to the Charity Commission for England and Wales

The Secretary of State has appointed Tasnim Khalid and Alan Mather as Board Members to the Charity Commission for England and Wales for a 3 year term commencing 23 April 2025 to 22 April 2028.
Tasnim Khalid

Tasnim Khalid, Solicitor, is the founder and Managing Partner of “Private Client Solicitors” which is a boutique law firm that specialises in private wealth planning, charity law and practice. Tasnim is ranked in leading legal directories such as “Chambers HNW Guide” and “Legal 500”. Tasnim was listed in the “100 Female Entrepreneurs to Watch” in the Telegraph list and won the Northern Power Woman Award 2024 and the Legal 500 “Private Client Partner of the Year” for the Northern Powerhouse award 2025.

Alan Mather

Alan Mather is an experienced digital transformation leader with a strong track record in leading complicated technology programmes across the public and private sectors. He is a recognised pioneer of UK digital government launching the first transactional services such as Self Assessment, UK online, the Government Gateway and Direct.gov.uk; more recently he has delivered and/or designed digital services for organisations including Defra, Livestock Information Ltd, National Physical Laboratory and the Home Office. He has held CEO, CIO and COO positions in large organisations and led the turnaround of major programmes. He has previously been a Non-Executive Director in the hospitality and energy sector.

Remuneration and Governance Code

Trustees of the Charity Commission are remunerated £350 a day. This appointment has been made in accordance with the Cabinet Office’s Governance Code on Public Appointments.

The appointments process is regulated by the Commissioner for Public Appointments. Under the Code, any significant political activity undertaken by an appointee in the last five years must be declared. This is defined as including holding office, public speaking, making a recordable donation, or candidature for election. Tasnim Khalid and Alan Mather have not declared any significant political activity.

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Published 22 April 2025
MIL OSI United Kingdom –
April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Salford City Council policy approved to deliver a ‘consistent and equitable’ approach for the allocation of housing
Source: City of Salford
Housing Allocation Policy for 2025 to 2028 approved by Salford City Council.

The policy underpins the council’s wider strategic priorities of its Corporate Plan 2024 to 2028 and commitment to ‘a good home for all’.

Housing options available will be dependent upon the level and type of housing need, in addition to the size, type and location of available properties. Each application is assessed on its own merits.
Salford City Council’s cabinet has approved its Housing Allocation Policy for 2025 – 2028, which sets out how social rented housing is allocated within the area and how residents on the housing register are prioritised taking into account local considerations and needs.

The need and strong demand for social housing currently outweighs the availability of social housing, with around 4,500 people on the council’s housing register, at any one time. This includes many of the 787 households currently housed in temporary accommodation. However, fewer than 900 properties are advertised or let every year, through the register.

Furthermore, the city faces a number of challenges in the form of increasing homelessness, temporary accommodation use and costs. This policy, therefore underpins the council’s wider strategic priorities which are: homelessness prevention, making the best use of housing assets, supporting the councils corporate parenting role/responsibilities, reducing the impact of domestic abuse including the cycle of abuse and an anti-poverty approach.

The policy is based on:
- A fair system for the allocation of housing accommodation, which is transparent and easy to understand.
- Making best use of increasingly scarce social housing stock (Homes available for rent below market rate to households whose needs cannot be met by the commercial housing market – Housing and Regeneration Act 2008).
- Preventing homelessness and reduce the usage and length of stay in temporary accommodation.
- Giving priority to applicants with the greatest housing need.
- Managing customer expectations by supporting people to make realistic and informed choices about where they live.
- Creating sustainable tenancies in the light of welfare reform.
- Creating balanced and stable communities.
A first stage public consultation took place in March 2024, to review the existing policy criteria, which included members of the public, local organisations, key stakeholders and partners. A second stage public consultation was held in December 2024, to further explore the suggested and proposed policy changes – including engagement with vulnerable people who shared their real-life experiences.

The outcome of this review and public consultation recommended 16 changes to be implemented within the new Allocation Policy (Adobe PDF format). A further review will take place in 2027/28 or earlier if required by new legislation or government guidance.

The housing options available to a household will be dependent upon the level and type of housing need. Each application will be assessed on its own merits and exceptional circumstances will also be taken into consideration. Housing options and advice aim to achieve:
- Help and support to remain in current accommodation.
- Advice on securing alternative private rented accommodation.
- Advice on mobility schemes that may help a household move out of the area.
- Advice to current social housing tenants on mutual exchange.
- Advice on low-cost home ownership options.
- Access to the housing register to obtain social housing.
Councillor Tracy Kelly, Lead Member for Housing and Anti-Poverty at Salford City Council said: “The policy enables the council to deliver a consistent and equitable approach to the allocation of social housing in Salford, to help us meet the housing needs of residents in our communities.

“We recognise that social housing is in high demand, both in Salford and across the country, which is why we are continuing to deliver on our pledge to build good quality homes as well as truly affordable homes for social rent alongside support for people at risk of or experiencing homelessness.

“The need for affordable housing options in Salford means that it’s vital we continue to work to create long-term solutions to turn the situation around and provide truly affordable housing in our city which local people need and deserve.”

People wanting to apply to the housing register can do so on the housing register. Anyone who needs housing advice, is homeless or feel they are at risk of losing their home can request an appointment on the Salford City Council website. A number of Registered Housing Providers (landlords of social rented homes) also advertise properties on the Salford Home Search website.

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Date published

Tuesday 22 April 2025

Press and media enquiries
MIL OSI United Kingdom –
April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Russia: Children’s military sports camps to open in the capital for the 80th anniversary of Victory — Sobyanin

Translartion. Region: Russians Fedetion –

Source: Moscow Government – Government of Moscow –

In honor of the 80th anniversary of the Great Victory, children’s military-sports tent camps will open in the capital. Sergei Sobyanin announced this in his telegram channel.

“A project unique to the capital’s education system will start on June 1. The camps will be named after outstanding marshals of the Soviet Union: “Zhukov” will be located on the territory of the “Alabino” training ground, “Rokossovsky” – in the “Patriot” park, “Vasilevsky” – in the Noginsk rescue center of the Russian Emergencies Ministry,” the Moscow Mayor wrote.

Source: Sergei Sobyanin’s Telegram channel @Mos_Sobyanin

Over 4.5 thousand students of grades 7–10 will attend specialized shifts during the summer — winners of city, all-Russian and international competitions and contests in sports, tourism and military-patriotic areas. A total of six two-week shifts will be organized during the summer.

The guys will undergo tactical, engineering and fire training, learn the basics of topography, fire and rescue operations and field medicine, learn to operate unmanned aerial vehicles and navigate the terrain.

The programs were developed by the capital Department of Education and Science together with the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation and the Ministry of the Russian Federation for Civil Defence, Emergencies and Elimination of Consequences of Natural Disasters (EMERCOM of Russia). Participation is free. You can submit an application in the web version of the electronic diary of the Moscow Electronic School project in in the “School” section, indicating your achievements in competitions and contests.

Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

Please Note; This Information is Raw Content Directly from the Information Source. It is access to What the Source Is Stating and Does Not Reflect

https: //vv.mos.ru/mayor/tkhemes/12648050/

MIL OSI Russia News –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI: CERo Therapeutics, Inc. Announces Up to $8 Million Series D Financing

Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

SOUTH SAN FRANCISCO, Calif, April 22, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — CERo Therapeutics Holdings, Inc. (Nasdaq: CERO) (“CERo”), an innovative immunotherapy company seeking to advance the next generation of engineered T cell therapeutics that employ phagocytic mechanisms, announces that it has entered into a securities purchase agreement for the issuance and sale of securities under a new convertible preferred stock transaction.

The gross proceeds to CERo from the offering are expected to be up to $8 million, including $5 million expected to be received through the investment of securities at the first closing, and up to $3 million of cash that may be funded at one or more additional closings, at the election of the investors. CERo intends to use the net proceeds from the offering to take advantage of the two recent FDA IND allowances in liquid and solid tumors and complete the previously announced site activation at MDACC, as well as bring other sites online quickly. The proceeds will also help to address current Nasdaq deficiencies around Shareholders Equity and extend cash on hand to maintain operations and extend runway.

“On the heels of our recent announcements anticipating the imminent dosing of our first AML patient at MD Anderson Cancer Center and the IND allowance in solid tumors, we are gratified by the support we have received from investors and look forward to continued execution and progress,” said Chris Ehrlich, Chief Executive Officer.

This press release shall not constitute an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to buy these securities, nor shall there be any sale of these securities in any state or other jurisdiction in which such offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful prior to the registration or qualification under the securities laws of any such state or jurisdiction.

About CERo Therapeutics Holdings, Inc.

CERo is an innovative immunotherapy company advancing the development of next generation engineered T cell therapeutics for the treatment of cancer. Its proprietary approach to T cell engineering, which enables it to integrate certain desirable characteristics of both innate and adaptive immunity into a single therapeutic construct, is designed to engage the body’s full immune repertoire to achieve optimized cancer therapy. This novel cellular immunotherapy platform is expected to redirect patient-derived T cells to eliminate tumors by building in engulfment pathways that employ phagocytic mechanisms to destroy cancer cells, creating what CERo refers to as Chimeric Engulfment Receptor T cells (“CER-T”). CERo believes the differentiated activity of CER-T cells will afford them greater therapeutic application than currently approved chimeric antigen receptor (“CAR-T”) cell therapy, as the use of CER-T may potentially span both hematological malignancies and solid tumors. CERo anticipates initiating clinical trials for its lead product candidate, CER-1236, in 2025 for hematological malignancies.

Forward-Looking Statements

This communication contains statements that are forward-looking and as such are not historical facts. This includes, without limitation, statements regarding the financial position, business strategy and the plans and objectives of management for future operations of CERo and the implementation of its proposed plan of compliance with Nasdaq continued listing standards. These statements constitute projections, forecasts and forward-looking statements, and are not guarantees of performance. Such statements can be identified by the fact that they do not relate strictly to historical or current facts. When used in this communication, words such as “anticipate,” “believe,” “continue,” “could,” “estimate,” “expect,” “intend,” “may,” “might,” “plan,” “possible,” “potential,” “predict,” “project,” “should,” “strive,” “would” and similar expressions may identify forward-looking statements, but the absence of these words does not mean that a statement is not forward-looking. When CERo discusses its strategies or plans, it is making projections, forecasts or forward-looking statements. Such statements are based on the beliefs of, as well as assumptions made by and information currently available to, CERo’s management.

Actual results could differ from those implied by the forward-looking statements in this communication. Certain risks that could cause actual results to differ are set forth in CERo’s filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, including its Annual Report on Form 10-K, filed on April 15, 2025, and the documents incorporated by reference therein. The risks described in CERo’s filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission are not exhaustive. New risk factors emerge from time to time, and it is not possible to predict all such risk factors, nor can CERo assess the impact of all such risk factors on its business, or the extent to which any factor or combination of factors may cause actual results to differ materially from those contained in any forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements are not guarantees of performance. You should not put undue reliance on these statements, which speak only as of the date hereof. All forward-looking statements made by CERo or persons acting on its behalf are expressly qualified in their entirety by the foregoing cautionary statements. CERo undertakes no obligation to update or revise publicly any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, except as required by law.

Contact:

Chris Ehrlich
Chief Executive Officer
chris@cero.bio

Investors:

CORE IR
investors@cero.bio

The MIL Network –

April 23, 2025

MIL-OSI: BCB Bancorp, Inc. Reports Net Loss of $8.3 Million in First Quarter 2025; Declares Quarterly Cash Dividend of $0.16 Per Share

Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

BAYONNE, N.J., April 22, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — BCB Bancorp, Inc. (the “Company”), (NASDAQ: BCBP), the holding company for BCB Community Bank (the “Bank”), today reported a net loss of $8.3 million for the first quarter of 2025, compared to net income of $3.3 million in the fourth quarter of 2024, and net income of $5.9 million for the first quarter of 2024. Its loss per diluted share for the first quarter of 2025 was ($0.51), compared to earnings per diluted share of $0.16 in the preceding quarter and $0.32 in the first quarter of 2024.

The Company also announced that its Board of Directors declared a regular quarterly cash dividend of $0.16 per share. The dividend will be payable on May 21, 2025 to common shareholders of record on May 7, 2025.

“Our first-quarter loss was primarily driven by a $13.7 million specific reserve tied to a $34.2 million loan in the cannabis sector,” Michael Shriner, President and Chief Executive Officer of BCB Bank, explained. “Although the borrower remains current, the significant deterioration in their financial condition warranted a downgrade to non-accrual status and the establishment of the reserve. We also increased reserves for our discontinued Business Express Loan portfolio by $3.1 million, in response to the portfolio’s continued elevated deterioration and broader macroeconomic headwinds.”

“While these credit actions have impacted short-term results, they reflect our disciplined and proactive approach to risk management,” added Mr. Shriner. “Thanks to the positive capital actions taken throughout 2024, we remain well-capitalized, giving us the flexibility to address credit challenges head-on.”

“BCB Bank has bolstered its credit risk team with new hires who we believe bring deep expertise and a rigorous approach to underwriting,” said Mr. Shriner. “These efforts are part of a broader initiative to strengthen our credit quality oversight. Following a comprehensive portfolio review using a conservative risk framework, we’ve adjusted the risk ratings on a number of loans to better reflect current market realities. Importantly, the majority of our customers remain current on their payments, and our team is actively engaging with borrowers to secure updated financials and support improved risk profiles.”

Executive Summary

Total deposits were $2.687 billion at March 31, 2025 compared to $2.751 billion at December 31, 2024.
Net interest margin was 2.59 percent for the first quarter of 2025, compared to 2.53 percent for the fourth quarter of 2024, and 2.50 percent for the first quarter of 2024.
- Total yield on interest-earning assets was 5.20 percent for the first quarter of 2025, compared to 5.33 percent for both the fourth quarter of 2024, and the first quarter of 2024.
- Total cost of interest-bearing liabilities decreased 24 basis points to 3.33 percent for the first quarter of 2025, compared to 3.57 percent for the fourth quarter of 2024, and decreased 21 basis points to 3.54 percent for the first quarter of 2024.
The efficiency ratio for the first quarter was 61.6 percent compared to 62.1 percent in the prior quarter, and 58.8 percent in the first quarter of 2024.
The annualized return on average assets ratio for the first quarter was (0.95) percent, compared to 0.36 percent in the prior quarter, and 0.61 percent in the first quarter of 2024.
The annualized return on average equity ratio for the first quarter was (10.4) percent, compared to 4.0 percent in the prior quarter, and 7.5 percent in the first quarter of 2024.
The provision for credit losses was $20.8 million in the first quarter of 2025 compared to $4.2 million for the fourth quarter of 2024. In the first quarter of 2024, the Bank recorded a provision of $2.1 million.
The allowance for credit losses (“ACL”) as a percentage of non-accrual loans was 51.6 percent at March 31, 2025 compared to 77.8 percent for the prior quarter-end and 155.4 percent at March 31, 2024. Total non-accrual loans were $99.8 million at March 31, 2025, $44.7 million at December 31, 2024 and $22.2 million at March 31, 2024.
Total loans receivable, net of the allowance for credit losses, of $2.918 billion at March 31, 2025, decreased 2.6 percent from $2.996 billion at December 31, 2024, and decreased 9.6 percent, from $3.227 billion at March 31, 2024.

Balance Sheet Review

Total assets decreased by $125.3 million, or 3.5 percent, to $3.474 billion at March 31, 2025, from $3.599 billion at December 31, 2024. The decrease in total assets was mainly related to a decrease in net loans and in cash and cash equivalents.

Total cash and cash equivalents decreased by $64.5 million, or 20.3 percent, to $252.8 million at March 31, 2025, from $317.3 million at December 31, 2024. The decrease in cash was primarily due to the reduction of the Bank’s exposure to wholesale funding by paying down high cost brokered deposits.

Loans receivable, net, decreased by $78.6 million, or 2.6 percent, to $2.918 billion at March 31, 2025, from $2.996 billion at December 31, 2024. Total loan decreases during the period included decreases totaling $62.3 million in commercial real estate and multi-family loans, construction loans, 1-4 family residential loans and home equity loans. The allowance for credit losses increased $16.7 million to $51.5 million, or 51.6 percent of non-accruing loans and 1.73 percent of gross loans, at March 31, 2025, as compared to an allowance for credit losses of $34.8 million, or 77.8 percent of non-accruing loans and 1.15 percent of gross loans, at December 31, 2024.

Total investment securities increased by $14.7 million, or 13.2 percent, to $125.9 million at March 31, 2025, from $111.2 million at December 31, 2024, representing current year purchases.

Deposits decreased by $64.4 million, or 2.3 percent, to $2.687 billion at March 31, 2025, from $2.751 billion at December 31, 2024. Brokered deposits decreased $112.5 million, and were offset by increases in certificates of deposit, money market accounts, transaction accounts and savings accounts which totaled $48.4 million.

Debt obligations decreased by $49.8 million to $448.5 million at March 31, 2025 from $498.3 million at December 31, 2024, due to maturities and paydowns of our FHLB advances. The weighted average interest rate of FHLB advances was 4.33 percent at March 31, 2025 and 4.35 percent at December 31, 2024. The weighted average maturity of FHLB advances as of March 31, 2025 was 0.83 years. The interest rate of our subordinated debt balances was 9.25 percent at March 31, 2025 and at December 31, 2024.

Stockholders’ equity decreased by $9.2 million, or 2.8 percent, to $314.7 million at March 31, 2025, from $323.9 million at December 31, 2024. The decrease was attributable to the decrease in retained earnings of $11.6 million, or 8.2 percent, to $130.3 million at March 31, 2025 from $141.9 million at December 31, 2024. Offsetting this were increases in accumulated other comprehensive income, and additional paid in capital on stock, which totaled $2.4 million.

First Quarter 2025 Income Statement Review

The Company reported a net loss of $8.3 million for the first quarter ended March 31, 2025 as compared to net income of $5.9 million for the first quarter ended March 31, 2024. The decline was primarily driven by an increase to the Provision for loan losses of $18.8 million. offset by $5.8 million decrease in income tax provisioning. Also, net interest income decreased by $1.1 million, or 4.9 percent, to $22.0 million for the first quarter of 2025, from $23.1 million for the first quarter of 2024. The decrease in net interest income resulted from lower interest income which was partially offset by lower interest expense.

Interest income decreased by $5.1 million, or 10.3 percent, to $44.2 million for the first quarter of 2025 from $49.3 million for the first quarter of 2024. The average balance of interest-earning assets decreased $255.9 million, or 6.9 percent, to $3.444 billion for the first quarter of 2025 from $3.699 billion for the first quarter of 2024, while the average yield decreased 13 basis points to 5.20 percent for the first quarter of 2025 from 5.33 percent for the first quarter of 2024.

Interest expense decreased by $4.0 million to $22.2 million for the first quarter of 2025 from $26.1 million for the first quarter of 2024. The decrease resulted from a decrease in the average rate paid on interest-bearing liabilities of 21 basis points to 3.33 percent for the first quarter of 2025 from 3.54 percent for the first quarter of 2024, while the average balance of interest-bearing liabilities decreased by $256.2 million to $2.701 billion for the first quarter of 2025 from $2.957 billion for the first quarter of 2024.

The net interest margin was 2.59 percent for the first quarter of 2025 compared to 2.50 percent for the first quarter of 2024. The increase in the net interest margin compared to the first quarter of 2024 was the result of a decrease in the cost of interest-bearing liabilities partially offset by the decrease in the yield on interest-earning assets.

During the first quarter of 2025, the Company recognized $4.2 million in net charge-offs compared to $1.1 million in net charge-offs in the first quarter of 2024. The Bank had non-accrual loans totaling $99.8 million, or 3.36 percent of gross loans, at March 31, 2025 as compared to $44.7 million, or 1.48 percent of gross loans, at December 31, 2024. The allowance for credit losses on loans was $51.5 million, or 1.73 percent of gross loans, at March 31, 2025, and $34.8 million, or 1.15 percent of gross loans, at December 31, 2024. The provision for credit losses was $20.8 million for the first quarter of 2025 compared to $4.2 million for the fourth quarter of 2024. Management believes that the allowance for credit losses on loans was adequate at March 31, 2025 and December 31, 2024.

Non-interest income decreased by $318 thousand to $1.8 million for the first quarter of 2025 from $2.1 million in the first quarter of 2024. The decrease in total non-interest income was mainly related to decreases in gains on equity securities and BOLI income of $245 thousand and $67 thousand, respectively.

Non-interest expense decreased by $178 thousand, or 1.2 percent, to $14.7 million for the first quarter of 2025 when compared to non-interest expense of $14.8 million for the first quarter of 2024. The decrease in these expenses for the first quarter of 2025 was primarily driven by lower regulatory assessment charges, offset by higher salaries and employee benefits.

The income tax provision decreased by $5.8 million, to an income tax credit of $3.4 million for the first quarter of 2025 when compared to a $2.5 million provision for the first quarter of 2024.

Asset Quality

During the first quarter of 2025, the Company recognized $4.2 million in net charge offs, compared to $1.1 million in net charge-offs for the first quarter of 2024.

The Bank had non-accrual loans totaling $99.8 million, or 3.36 percent of gross loans, at March 31, 2025, as compared to $22.2 million, or 0.68 percent of gross loans, at March 31, 2024. More than 60% of the non-accrual loans are current with all payments of principal, interest, taxes and insurance, including the previously mentioned loan that has been allocated a specific reserve. However, given that the normal standard for non-accrual is a 90 day delinquency, logic and transparency dictates that this population of loans possess certain weaknesses that are beyond payment status and therefore, even though they are current, they should be placed on non-accrual. Although our borrowers have made payment of their loan obligations to BCB a priority, our evaluation of their financial condition causes some concern about their continued ability to do so. The allowance for credit losses was $51.5 million, or 1.73 percent of gross loans, at March 31, 2025, and $34.6 million, or 1.06 percent of gross loans, at March 31, 2024. The allowance for credit losses was 51.6 percent of non-accrual loans at March 31, 2025, and 155.4 percent of non-accrual loans at March 31, 2024.

About BCB Bancorp, Inc.

Established in 2000 and headquartered in Bayonne, N.J., BCB Community Bank is the wholly-owned subsidiary of BCB Bancorp, Inc. (NASDAQ: BCBP). The Bank has twenty-three branch offices in Bayonne, Edison, Hoboken, Fairfield, Holmdel, Jersey City, Lyndhurst, Maplewood, Monroe Township, Newark, Parsippany, Plainsboro, River Edge, Rutherford, South Orange, Union, and Woodbridge, New Jersey, and four branches in Hicksville and Staten Island, New York. The Bank provides businesses and individuals a wide range of loans, deposit products, and retail and commercial banking services. For more information, please go to www.bcb.bank.

Forward-Looking Statements

This release, like many written and oral communications presented by BCB Bancorp, Inc., and our authorized officers, may contain certain forward-looking statements regarding our prospective performance and strategies within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. We intend such forward-looking statements to be covered by the safe harbor provisions for forward-looking statements contained in the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, and are including this statement for purposes of said safe harbor provisions. Forward-looking statements, which are based on certain assumptions and describe future plans, strategies, and expectations of the Company, are generally identified by use of words “anticipate,” “believe,” “estimate,” “expect,” “intend,” “plan,” “project,” “seek,” “strive,” “try,” or future or conditional verbs such as “could,” “may,” “should,” “will,” “would,” or similar expressions. Our ability to predict results or the actual effects of our plans or strategies is inherently uncertain. Accordingly, actual results may differ materially from anticipated results.

The most significant factor that could cause future results to differ materially from those anticipated by our forward-looking statements include the ongoing impact of global tariffs imposed by the Trump administration, higher inflation levels, and general economic and recessionary concerns, all of which could impact economic growth and could cause increased loan delinquencies, a reduction in financial transactions and business activities, including decreased deposits and reduced loan originations, our ability to manage liquidity and capital in a rapidly changing and unpredictable market, supply chain disruptions, and labor shortages. Other factors that could cause future results to vary materially from current management expectations as reflected in our forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to: the global impact of the military conflicts in the Ukraine and the Middle East; unfavorable economic conditions in the United States generally and particularly in our primary market area; the Company’s ability to effectively attract and deploy deposits; changes in the Company’s corporate strategies, the composition of its assets, or the way in which it funds those assets; shifts in investor sentiment or behavior in the securities, capital, or other financial markets, including changes in market liquidity or volatility; the effects of declines in real estate values that may adversely impact the collateral underlying our loans; increase in unemployment levels and slowdowns in economic growth; our level of non-performing assets and the costs associated with resolving any problem loans including litigation and other costs; the impact of changes in interest rates and the credit quality and strength of underlying collateral and the effect of such changes on the market value of our loan and investment securities portfolios; the credit risk associated with our loan portfolio; changes in the quality and composition of the Bank’s loan and investment portfolios; changes in our ability to access cost-effective funding; deposit flows; legislative and regulatory changes, including increases in Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, or FDIC, insurance rates; monetary and fiscal policies of the federal and state governments; changes in tax policies, rates and regulations of federal, state and local tax authorities; demands for our loan products; demand for financial services; competition; changes in the securities or secondary mortgage markets; changes in management’s business strategies; changes in consumer spending; our ability to hire and retain key employees; the effects of any reputational, credit, interest rate, market, operational, legal, liquidity, or regulatory risk; expanding regulatory requirements which could adversely affect operating results; civil unrest in the communities that we serve; and other factors discussed elsewhere in this report, and in other reports we filed with the SEC, including under “Risk Factors” in Part I, Item 1A of our Annual Report on Form 10-K, and our other periodic reports that we file with the SEC.

Annualized, pro forma, projected and estimated numbers are used for illustrative purpose only, are not forecasts and may not reflect actual results.

Explanation of Non-GAAP Financial Measures

Reported amounts are presented in accordance with accounting principles generally accepted in the United States of America (“GAAP”). This press release also contains certain supplemental Non-GAAP information that the Company’s management uses in its analysis of the Company’s financial results. The Company’s management believes that providing this information to analysts and investors allows them to better understand and evaluate the Company’s financial results for the periods in question.

The Company provides measurements and ratios based on tangible stockholders’ equity and efficiency ratios. These measures are utilized by regulators and market analysts to evaluate a company’s financial condition and, therefore, the Company’s management believes that such information is useful to investors. For a reconciliation of GAAP to Non-GAAP financial measures included in this press release, see “Reconciliation of GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures” below.


	Statements of Operations – Three Months Ended,
	March 31,2025			December 31, 2024			March 31, 2024		Mar 31, 2025 vs. Dec 31, 2024			Mar 31, 2025 vs. Mar 31, 2024
Interest and dividend income:	(In thousands, except per share amounts, Unaudited)
Loans, including fees	$	38,927		$	41,431		$	43,722		-6.0	%		-11.0	%
Mortgage-backed securities		561			473			305		18.6	%		83.9	%
Other investment securities		968			978			975		-1.0	%		-0.7	%
FHLB stock and other interest-earning assets		3,736			3,771			4,283		-0.9	%		-12.8	%
Total interest and dividend income		44,192			46,653			49,285		-5.3	%		-10.3	%

Interest expense:
Deposits:
Demand		5,418			5,866			5,257		-7.6	%		3.1	%
Savings and club		151			156			166		-3.2	%		-9.0	%
Certificates of deposit		10,762			12,218			14,983		-11.9	%		-28.2	%
		16,331			18,240			20,406		-10.5	%		-20.0	%
Borrowings		5,856			6,219			5,736		-5.8	%		2.1	%
Total interest expense		22,187			24,459			26,142		-9.3	%		-15.1	%

Net interest income		22,005			22,194			23,143		-0.9	%		-4.9	%
Provision for credit losses		20,845			4,154			2,088		401.8	%		898.3	%

Net interest income after provision for credit losses		1,160			18,040			21,055		-93.6	%		-94.5	%

Non-interest income income :
Fees and service charges		1,173			1,187			1,215		-1.2	%		-3.5	%
(Loss) gain on sales of loans		–			(554	)		45		-100.0	%		-100.0	%
Realized and unrealized (loss) gain on equity investments		(115	)		(661	)		130		-82.6	%		-188.5	%
Bank-owned life insurance (“BOLI”) income		608			636			675		-4.4	%		-9.9	%
Other		125			330			44		-62.1	%		184.1	%
Total non-interest income		1,791			938			2,109		90.9	%		-15.1	%

Non-interest expense:
Salaries and employee benefits		7,403			7,117			6,981		4.0	%		6.0	%
Occupancy and equipment		2,723			2,483			2,644		9.7	%		3.0	%
Data processing and communications		1,844			1,754			1,853		5.1	%		-0.5	%
Professional fees		692			599			595		15.5	%		16.3	%
Director fees		418			269			277		55.4	%		50.9	%
Regulatory assessment fees		709			769			1,142		-7.8	%		-37.9	%
Advertising and promotions		179			212			216		-15.6	%		-17.1	%
Other		692			1,164			1,130		-40.5	%		-38.8	%
Total non-interest expense		14,660			14,367			14,838		2.0	%		-1.2	%

(Loss) Income before income tax provision		(11,709	)		4,611			8,326		-353.9	%		-240.6	%
Income tax (benefit) provision		(3,385	)		1,339			2,460		-352.8	%		-237.6	%

Net (Loss) Income		(8,324	)		3,272			5,866		-354.4	%		-241.9	%
Preferred stock dividends		482			475			434		1.6	%		11.0	%
Net (Loss) Income available to common stockholders	$	(8,806	)	$	2,797		$	5,432		-414.8	%		-262.1	%

Net (Loss) Income per common share-basic and diluted
Basic	$	(0.51	)	$	0.16		$	0.32		-413.8	%		-260.4	%
Diluted	$	(0.51	)	$	0.16		$	0.32		-414.7	%		-260.5	%

Weighted average number of common shares outstanding
Basic		17,113			17,056			16,930		0.3	%		1.1	%
Diluted		17,113			17,108			16,939		0.0	%		1.0	%

Statements of Financial Condition	March 31,2025			December 31,2024			March 31, 2024			March 31, 2025 vs. December 31, 2024			March 31, 2025 vs. March 31, 2024
ASSETS	(In Thousands, Unaudited)
Cash and amounts due from depository institutions	$	11,977		$	14,075		$	11,795			-14.9	%		1.5	%
Interest-earning deposits		240,773			303,207			340,653			-20.6	%		-29.3	%
Total cash and cash equivalents		252,750			317,282			352,448			-20.3	%		-28.3	%

Interest-earning time deposits		735			735			735			–			–
Debt securities available for sale		116,496			101,717			86,966			14.5	%		34.0	%
Equity investments		9,357			9,472			9,223			-1.2	%		1.5	%
Loans held for sale		–			–			–			–			–
Loans receivable, net of allowance for credit losses on loans
of $51,484, $34,789 and $34,563 , respectively		2,917,610			2,996,259			3,226,877			-2.6	%		-9.6	%
Federal Home Loan Bank of New York (“FHLB”) stock, at cost		22,066			24,272			24,917			-9.1	%		-11.4	%
Premises and equipment, net		12,474			12,569			12,744			-0.8	%		-2.1	%
Accrued interest receivable		16,354			15,176			17,442			7.8	%		-6.2	%
Deferred income taxes		22,814			17,181			17,555			32.8	%		30.0	%
Goodwill and other intangibles		5,253			5,253			5,253			0.0	%		0.0	%
Operating lease right-of-use asset		12,622			12,686			12,186			-0.5	%		3.6	%
Bank-owned life insurance (“BOLI”)		76,648			76,040			74,081			0.8	%		3.5	%
Other assets		8,643			10,476			8,768			-17.5	%		-1.4	%
Total Assets	$	3,473,822		$	3,599,118		$	3,849,195			-3.5	%		-9.8	%

LIABILITIES AND STOCKHOLDERS’ EQUITY

LIABILITIES
Non-interest bearing deposits	$	542,621		$	520,387		$	531,112			4.3	%		2.2	%
Interest bearing deposits		2,143,887			2,230,471			2,460,547			-3.9	%		-12.9	%
Total deposits		2,686,508			2,750,858			2,991,659			-2.3	%		-10.2	%
FHLB advances		405,499			455,361			472,949			-10.9	%		-14.3	%
Subordinated debentures		43,024			42,961			37,624			0.1	%		14.4	%
Operating lease liability		13,087			13,139			12,579			-0.4	%		4.0	%
Other liabilities		10,982			12,874			14,253			-14.7	%		-22.9	%
Total Liabilities		3,159,100			3,275,193			3,529,064			-3.5	%		-10.5	%

STOCKHOLDERS’ EQUITY
Preferred stock: $0.01 par value, 10,000 shares authorized		–			–			–			–			–
Additional paid-in capital preferred stock		25,243			24,723			27,733			2.1	%		-9.0	%
Common stock: no par value, 40,000 shares authorized		–			–			–			0.0	%		0.0	%
Additional paid-in capital common stock		201,804			200,935			199,726			0.4	%		1.0	%
Retained earnings		130,291			141,853			138,643			-8.2	%		-6.0	%
Accumulated other comprehensive loss		(4,269	)		(5,239	)		(7,624	)		–			–
Treasury stock, at cost		(38,347	)		(38,347	)		(38,347	)		0.0	%		0.0	%
Total Stockholders’ Equity		314,722			323,925			320,131			-2.8	%		-1.7	%

Total Liabilities and Stockholders’ Equity	$	3,473,822		$	3,599,118		$	3,849,195			-3.5	%		-9.8	%

Outstanding common shares		17,163			17,063			16,957

	Three Months Ended March 31,
	2025							2024
	Average Balance		Interest Earned/Paid		Average Yield/Rate (3)			Average Balance		Interest Earned/Paid		Average Yield/Rate (3)
	(Dollars in thousands)
Interest-earning assets:
Loans Receivable ⁽⁴⁾⁽⁵⁾	$	2,994,529	$	38,927		5.27	%	$	3,299,938	$	43,722		5.30	%
Investment Securities		117,205		1,529		5.22	%		96,226		1,280		5.32	%
Other Interest-earning assets ⁽⁶⁾		331,808		3,736		4.57	%		303,291		4,283		5.65	%
Total Interest-earning assets		3,443,542		44,192		5.20	%		3,699,455		49,285		5.33	%
Non-interest-earning assets		125,974							125,480
Total assets	$	3,569,516						$	3,824,935
Interest-bearing liabilities:
Interest-bearing demand accounts	$	560,565	$	2,369		1.71	%	$	560,190	$	2,230		1.59	%
Money market accounts		394,282		3,049		3.14	%		369,096		3,027		3.28	%
Savings accounts		252,227		151		0.24	%		277,731		166		0.24	%
Certificates of Deposit		1,005,669		10,762		4.34	%		1,239,807		14,983		4.83	%
Total interest-bearing deposits		2,212,743		16,331		2.99	%		2,446,824		20,406		3.34	%
Borrowed funds		488,418		5,856		4.86	%		510,503		5,736		4.49	%
Total interest-bearing liabilities		2,701,161		22,187		3.33	%		2,957,327		26,142		3.54	%
Non-interest-bearing liabilities		543,660							552,959
Total liabilities		3,244,821							3,510,286
Stockholders’ equity		324,695							314,649
Total liabilities and stockholders’ equity	$	3,569,516						$	3,824,935
Net interest income			$	22,005						$	23,143
Net interest rate spread⁽¹⁾						1.87	%						1.79	%
Net interest margin⁽²⁾						2.59	%						2.50	%

(1) Net interest rate spread represents the difference between the average yield on average interest-earning assets and the average cost of average interest-bearing liabilities.
(2) Net interest margin represents net interest income divided by average total interest-earning assets.
(3) Annualized.
(4) Excludes allowance for credit losses.
(5) Includes non-accrual loans.
(6) Includes Federal Home Loan Bank of New York Stock.

	Financial Condition data by quarter
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024

	(In thousands, except book values)
Total assets	$	3,473,822		$	3,599,118		$	3,613,770		$	3,793,941		$	3,849,195
Cash and cash equivalents		252,750			317,282			243,123			326,870			352,448
Securities		125,853			111,189			108,302			94,965			96,189
Loans receivable, net		2,917,610			2,996,259			3,087,914			3,161,925			3,226,877
Deposits		2,686,508			2,750,858			2,724,580			2,935,239			2,991,659
Borrowings		448,523			498,322			533,466			510,710			510,573
Stockholders’ equity		314,722			323,925			328,113			320,732			320,131
Book value per common share¹	$	16.87		$	17.54		$	17.50		$	17.17		$	17.24
Tangible book value per common share²	$	16.56		$	17.23		$	17.19		$	16.86		$	16.93

	Operating data by quarter
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024
	(In thousands, except for per share amounts)
Net interest income	$	22,005		$	22,194		$	23,045		$	23,639		$	23,143
Provision for credit losses		20,845			4,154			2,890			2,438			2,088
Non-interest income (loss)		1,791			938			3,127			(3,234	)		2,109
Non-interest expense		14,660			14,367			13,929			13,987			14,838
Income tax (benefit) expense		(3,385	)		1,339			2,685			1,163			2,460
Net (loss) income	$	(8,324	)	$	3,272		$	6,668		$	2,817		$	5,866
Net (loss) income per diluted share	$	(0.51	)	$	0.16		$	0.36		$	0.14		$	0.32
Common Dividends declared per share	$	0.16		$	0.16		$	0.16		$	0.16		$	0.16

	Financial Ratios(3)
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024
Return on average assets		(0.95	%)		0.36	%		0.72	%		0.30	%		0.61	%
Return on average stockholders’ equity		(10.40	%)		4.04	%		8.29	%		3.52	%		7.46	%
Net interest margin		2.59	%		2.53	%		2.58	%		2.60	%		2.50	%
Stockholders’ equity to total assets		9.06	%		9.00	%		9.08	%		8.45	%		8.32	%
Efficiency Ratio⁴		61.61	%		62.11	%		53.22	%		68.55	%		58.76	%

	Asset Quality Ratios
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024
	(In thousands, except for ratio %)
Non-Accrual Loans	$	99,833		$	44,708		$	35,330		$	32,448		$	22,241
Non-Accrual Loans as a % of Total Loans		3.36	%		1.48	%		1.13	%		1.01	%		0.68	%
ACL as % of Non-Accrual Loans		51.6	%		77.8	%		98.2	%		108.6	%		155.4	%
Individually Analyzed Loans		122,517			83,399			66,048			60,798			65,731
Classified Loans		251,989			152,714			98,316			87,033			97,739

(1) Calculated by dividing stockholders’ equity, less preferred equity, to shares outstanding.
(2) Calculated by dividing tangible stockholders’ common equity, a non-GAAP measure, by shares outstanding. Tangible stockholders’ common equity is stockholders’ equity less goodwill and preferred stock. See “Reconciliation of GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures by quarter.”
(3) Ratios are presented on an annualized basis, where appropriate.
(4) The Efficiency Ratio, a non-GAAP measure, was calculated by dividing non-interest expense by the total of net interest income and non-interest income. See “Reconciliation of GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures by quarter.”

	Recorded Investment in Loans Receivable by quarter
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024
	(In thousands)
Residential one-to-four family	$	232,456		$	239,870		$	241,050		$	242,706		$	244,762
Commercial and multi-family		2,221,218			2,246,677			2,296,886			2,340,385			2,392,970
Construction		118,779			135,434			146,471			173,207			180,975
Commercial business		330,358			342,799			371,365			375,355			378,073
Home equity		66,479			66,769			67,566			66,843			65,518
Consumer		2,271			2,235			2,309			2,053			2,847
	$	2,971,561		$	3,033,784		$	3,125,647		$	3,200,549		$	3,265,145
Less:
Deferred loan fees, net		(2,467	)		(2,736	)		(3,040	)		(3,381	)		(3,705	)
Allowance for credit losses		(51,484	)		(34,789	)		(34,693	)		(35,243	)		(34,563	)

Total loans, net	$	2,917,610		$	2,996,259		$	3,087,914		$	3,161,925		$	3,226,877

	Non-Accruing Loans in Portfolio by quarter
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024
	(In thousands)
Residential one-to-four family	$	1,138		$	1,387		$	410		$	350		$	429
Commercial and multi-family		89,296			32,974			27,693			27,796			12,627
Construction		586			586			586			586			3,225
Commercial business		8,374			9,530			6,498			3,673			5,916
Home equity		439			231			123			43			44
Consumer		–			–			20			–			–
Total:	$	99,833		$	44,708		$	35,330		$	32,448		$	22,241

	Distribution of Deposits by quarter
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024
	(In thousands)
Demand:
Non-Interest Bearing	$	542,620		$	520,387		$	528,089		$	523,816		$	531,112
Interest Bearing		537,468			553,731			527,862			549,239			552,295
Money Market		405,793			395,004			366,655			371,689			361,791
Sub-total:	$	1,485,881		$	1,469,122		$	1,422,606		$	1,444,744		$	1,445,198
Savings and Club		254,732			252,491			255,115			258,680			272,051
Certificates of Deposit		945,895			1,029,245			1,046,859			1,231,815			1,274,410
Total Deposits:	$	2,686,508		$	2,750,858		$	2,724,580		$	2,935,239		$	2,991,659

	Reconciliation of GAAP to Non-GAAP Financial Measures by quarter

	Tangible Book Value per Share
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024
	(In thousands, except per share amounts)
Total Stockholders’ Equity	$	314,722		$	323,925		$	328,113		$	320,732		$	320,131
Less: goodwill		5,253			5,253			5,253			5,253			5,253
Less: preferred stock		25,243			24,723			29,763			28,403			27,733
Total tangible common stockholders’ equity		284,226			293,949			293,097			287,076			287,145
Shares common shares outstanding		17,163			17,063			17,048			17,029			16,957
Book value per common share	$	16.87		$	17.54		$	17.50		$	17.17		$	17.24
Tangible book value per common share	$	16.56		$	17.23		$	17.19		$	16.86		$	16.93

	Efficiency Ratios
	Q1 2025			Q4 2024			Q3 2024			Q2 2024			Q1 2024
	(In thousands, except for ratio %)
Net interest income	$	22,005		$	22,194		$	23,045		$	23,639		$	23,143
Non-interest income (loss)		1,791			938			3,127			(3,234	)		2,109
Total income		23,796			23,132			26,172			20,405			25,252
Non-interest expense		14,660			14,367			13,929			13,987			14,838
Efficiency Ratio		61.61	%		62.11	%		53.22	%		68.55	%		58.76	%

Contact:	Michael Shriner, President & CEO Jawad Chaudhry, EVP & CFO (201) 823-0700

The MIL Network –

April 23, 2025

MIL-Evening Report: Election Diary: Dutton in third debate gives Labor ammunition for its scare about cuts

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

In the leaders’ third head-to-head encounter, on Nine on Tuesday, Peter Dutton’s bluntness when pressed on cuts has given more ammunition to Labor’s scare campaign about what a Coalition government might do.

“When John Howard came into power, there was $96 billion of debt from Labor at that point. John Howard didn’t outline the budget from opposition and it is not something you can do from opposition,” Dutton said.

That allowed Anthony Albanese to, once again, rewind the tape to Tony Abbott’s 2014 budget, declaring it had “ripped money out of” education and hospitals. “There will be cuts afterwards – he’s just confirmed that – but they won’t tell you what they are.”

Dutton’s reference to the 1996 budget reinforced the point that he is keeping his options very open on cuts, which will need to go well beyond the squeeze on the public service to which the Coalition is committed. It’s becoming increasingly clear full details won’t be provided before May 3.

Despite best efforts to get them to answer questions as asked, both leaders again blatantly dodged when they could not, or chose not to, give a direct response.

Dutton was asked what he would say to voters who think he is Trump-lite. The opposition leader talked down the clock – about Howard being his inspiration, about mudslinging – but didn’t actually attempt to rebut the point.

Albanese predictably had much to say about Dutton’s nuclear policy. But when he was pressed on whether, if Labor lost, it should accept the people’s verdict and reconsider its position on the nuclear moratorium, the PM rambled about nuclear as a “friendless policy” rather than giving a straight reply.

The debate’s frisson came when the leaders were asked to nominate each other’s biggest lies. The toing and froing included disputation over whether those 2014 cuts were actually “cuts” or just smaller increases than earlier budgeted for. “Prime Minister, you couldn’t lie straight in bed”, Dutton lashed out, with Albanese retorting that his “personal abuse” was “a sign of desperation”.

Who won this encounter, once again differed in the eyes of various beholders.

Pope’s death causes brief hiatus, that disadvantages Dutton

On the day that pre-polling started, both leaders cut back on their campaigning, in the wake of the death of Pope Francis.

The pontiff’s passing has further curtailed this penultimate week of the campaign, a week already shortened at one end by Easter and at the other by Anzac Day.

The hiatus disadvantages the opposition, which has been losing support in the polls, and desperately needs as much opportunity as possible to sell its message.

It also shows the risk of leaving policy releases late. The Coalition would have hoped for some clear air for Wednesdays release of its defence policy, an area where it believes it has an advantage. But news from the Vatican will overshadow local stories for a couple of days or longer.

The pope’s death has drawn attention to something noted by the Catholic Weekly earlier this month, when it said this election “may be the first in Australian history in which both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition identify as Catholics” – although, it pointed out, that didn’t extend to attending church regularly.

In Australia’s more sectarian days, Labor’s membership was heavily Catholic, with the Liberals the party of Protestants. That broke down over recent decades.

Anthony Albanese reflected on his Catholic roots at Easter and then when paying tribute to the Pope.

On Easter Sunday, when he attended mass at St Mary’s Cathedral in Sydney, he spoke about his time at the school next door. “It’s an important part of my life. When in year six the Christian Brothers heard that I was going to have to leave the school because we weren’t able to afford school fees … in an act of generosity, [they] said ‘just pay what you can’.”

Albanese told The Australian’s Troy Bramston he regarded himself as “a flawed Catholic but it’s a part of my values,”

“I go to church occasionally just by myself. That sense of who I am, it is certainly how I was raised, and those values of kindness and compassion being something that is a strength.”

Peter Dutton’s story is more complicated. His father’s family was Catholic; his mother’s Protestant. Dutton told Bramston this gave rise to “tension”. He went to an Anglican school but identifies with the Catholic church. “He argues Christian teachings align with Liberal party values,” Bramston wrote.

In Melbourne on Tuesday, Albanese joined those attending an early morning mass at St Patrick’s Cathedral. In Sydney Dutton went to St Mary’s. Then they both shifted back into campaign mode, for Tuesday night’s debate.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Election Diary: Dutton in third debate gives Labor ammunition for its scare about cuts – https://theconversation.com/election-diary-dutton-in-third-debate-gives-labor-ammunition-for-its-scare-about-cuts-254990

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

April 23, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Leaders trade barbs and well-worn lines in unspectacular third election debate

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joshua Black, Visitor, School of History, Australian National University

Anthony Albanese and Peter Dutton have met for the third leaders’ debate of this election campaign, this time on the Nine network. And while the debate traversed much of the same ground as the first two, the quick-fire set up of the debate allowed for some more animated exchanges less than two weeks from election day.

Three expert authors give their analysis of how the two leaders performed.

Joshua Black, Australian National University

Tonight’s leaders’ debate was a marked improvement on the appalling spectacle Nine hosted three years ago. Anthony Albanese and Peter Dutton had clearly taken advantage of the reduced campaign activity in recent days to prepare themselves for this contest.

The problem? There was nothing new worth saying. Viewers were treated instead to the greatest hits of an election campaign that has so far not been especially great. Dutton once again paid homage to Howard and Costello’s liberalism (read: “I’m not Trump”), while Albanese repeated his hardly seamless mantra: “no-one held back and no-one left behind” (read: “I’m not Dutton”).

For all of the lofty soundbites, the debate hinged on pedantry. The semantic argument from the first debate about the 2014 budget and health and education spending came up again. (Were there cuts, or did these “line items” simply not grow as fast as promised?)

Both leaders repeated banal explanations about why they were best placed to deal with the Trump White House. There was plenty of tired campaign rhetoric about looming recessions and “talking Australia down”. Even an exchange from last week between Albanese and the ABC’s moderator David Speers seemed to be repeated tonight: why isn’t the government’s energy relief for households means-tested?

At times, this debate was self-indulgent on the part of Nine Entertainment. Ally Langdon (who opened the debate by welcoming “a bit of theatre”) routinely cast her own judgement, condemning Albanese and Dutton for merely “patching cracks” and not proving their “fiscal responsibility” sufficiently.

Interestingly, media policy was one of the few things on which the two leaders could agree. Nine’s political editor Charles Croucher asked the leaders to state their attitude toward the News Media Bargaining Code, which prompts global tech giants to pay Australian news providers for access to their content. Both leaders tripped over themselves to assure the panel they were on a “unity ticket” to protect local media companies (including Nine Entertainment) from being “cannibalised” by multinational tech giants. (Of course, a fair playing field for local media providers is clearly in the national interest.)

This was Dutton’s best debate showing so far. That’s hardly a win. The prime minister managed to reel off a list of his government’s more popular policies, subtly compare his compassionate approach to leadership with Dutton’s darker obsession with order and the threat of disorder, and remind people of the opposition leader’s history of unpopular statements and policies. A modest win for Albanese, if not grounds for inspiration.

Andrea Carson, La Trobe University

Coinciding with the first day of early voting, the third leaders’ debate was more like a game of speed chess – with 60 seconds for leaders’ answers, and 30 seconds for rebuttals. The result was too often a word salad.

While voters may be feeling debate fatigue — and little wonder with a fourth showdown looming on Channel 7 on Sunday — this one could have mattered. With about half of Australians casting their votes early, these televised match-ups represent a potential last chance to shape opinions before May 3.

Instead, questions often focused on personal qualities: trust and lies, and less on policy – poorly serving viewers as answers became a tit-for-tat affair. The countdown of the clock only re-enforced leaders’ rehearsed answers to well-worn topics of cost of living, energy prices, Medicare bulk billing rates, immigration, housing crisis and tax cuts, barely exposing key policy differences for undecided voters. Even their matching blue suits and pale ties made them look less like opponents and more like political twins.

Dutton seemed more assured than Albanese from the start.

Typically, campaign messages get more negative as we move closer to polling day. Studies have shown fear campaigns can “work”, but they can also turn off voters, particularly women. So, unsurprisingly, Dutton’s emphasis was on law and order framed in the language of fear, promising to “keep people safe in their home and communities […] in very uncertain times”. He also promised to cut migration, couched as bringing down housing prices.

The former policeman seeking to be prime minister kept with the law and order theme to sway voters offering a $A750 million package to stamp out illegal drugs and tobacco.

In a similar vein, the Labor leader Anthony Albanese used every chance he had to pivot questions back to Labor’s policy home ground advantage: health, education (free TAFE and reduced HECS debt) and low-cost childcare.

Asked by journalist Deborah Knight if he was “too soft” as a leader, Albanese strove to offer voters hope over fear, replying: “kindness isn’t weakness […] we raise our children to be compassionate”, arguing he can still hold firm when dealing with autocratic leaders to protect Australia’s national interest.

As Dutton listed his top legislative priorities if elected, promising a 25% fuel levy tax, Albanese scored a zinger, pointing out that that policy expires in a year, chortling “you better do it quickly before it disappears”. Overall, it was a flat event, lacking atmosphere and detailed information.

Zareh Ghazarian, Monash University

The “Great Debate”, as it was called by the broadcaster, started on a solemn tone as both leaders mourned the passing of Pope Francis. The format of the debate was geared towards a quick-fire approach. Time limits of one minute per response to questions ensured the debate covered a lot of ground. Policies from cost of living to international affairs were discussed.

The leaders played their roles effectively. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton demonstrated a laser-like focus on critiquing the government, while highlighting the Coalition’s policies. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese defended the track record of his government while also taking opportunities to criticise the previous Morrison government. Both leaders stayed true to advancing the core messages of their campaign.

Cost of living was central to the debate and provided ample opportunity for Dutton and Albanese to put forward their views on the measures they believe would address the issues. Energy policy, and the divide between nuclear and renewable energy sources, also emerged. There was also a moment of unity as both leaders took pride that Australia had implemented a social media ban for under-16s.

After the only break of the night, the host gave both leaders the opportunity to spell out the values that underpinned their policy approach. Dutton focused on restating policy goals, such as a reduction in fuel excise. Albanese returned to “no one left behind, but no one held back” as his key message, a concept he had also mentioned in his victory speech in 2022.

On the whole, and considering the stakes, the debate was a model of civility. Both leaders presented as being in command of the details regarding their policies. Gaffes about figures, costings, and promises were virtually non-existent. Whether it added anything new about the leaders or their policy platforms, however, is debatable.

Joshua Black is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at The Australia Institute.

Andrea Carson and Zareh Ghazarian do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Leaders trade barbs and well-worn lines in unspectacular third election debate – https://theconversation.com/leaders-trade-barbs-and-well-worn-lines-in-unspectacular-third-election-debate-254941

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

April 23, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Dutton promises Coalition would increase defence spending to 3% of GDP ‘within a decade’

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton will promise a Coalition government would boost Australia’s spending on defence to 2.5% of GDP within five years and 3% within a decade.

Launching the Coalition’s long-awaited defence policy on Wednesday in Western Australia, Dutton will commit to investing more than $21 billion to take spending to 2.5%.

Australia’s current defence spending is about 2% of GDP, and due to rise to 2.3% by 2033-34. The Trump administration has flagged it wants allies to raise their spending to 3%.

Trump’s under-secretary of defence for policy, Elbridge Colby, has said:

The main concern the United States should press with Australia […] is higher defence spending. Australia is currently well below the 3% level advocated for by NATO Secretary General Rutte, and Canberra faces a far more powerful challenge in China.

The opposition statement, from Dutton and shadow Defence Minister Andrew Hastie, does not go into detail about how the bigger allocation would be spent, or how it would be paid for.

Defence Minister Richard Marles gave notice of Labor’s line of attack if there is no detail provided. He said on Tuesday:

It won’t cut it to have vague numbers, to have aspirations, to have signposts in the future. There needs to be a great deal of specificity in respect of what that defence policy looks like.

In its statement, the opposition accuses Labor of overseeing “more than $80 billion in cuts and delays to defence in just three years, degrading morale and capability, and putting Australia at risk”.

It says the commitment to 2.5% is “significantly higher than under Labor and demonstrates the Coalition’s commitment to keeping Australia safe in uncertain times”.

Under Labor, defence spending has stayed static at 2% of GDP for three years – and Labor has walked away from its own target of increasing defence spending to 2.4% of GDP by 2033-34, dropping it instead to ‘over 2.3%’.

In its most recent budget, Labor delivered no new funding for defence.

In stark contrast, a Dutton Coalition government will increase defence spending to 3% of GDP within a decade, while Labor’s spend plateaus at around 2.3%.

The opposition says Australia is facing the most complex and serious strategic circumstances since the second world war.

The rise of authoritarian powers, and conflict in Europe and the Middle East are a reminder that Australia cannot take peace for granted.

“Under the Coalition, there will be clarity around the risks we face and a strategy to deter them,” the opposition says.

“We believe that investing in Defence is an investment in peace – which is maintained through a strong army, navy, air force and enhanced cyber security.”

This week’s statement follows an earlier Coalition commitment to reinstate the fourth squadron of F-35A Joint Strike Fighters.

Dutton said: “The Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister regularly tell Australians that we live in the most precarious period since the end of the second world war. Yet, over the last three years, Labor has done nothing about it, other than rip money out of Defence, weakening strength and morale.”

Hastie said: “A Dutton Coalition government will back Australian workers and businesses in defence industry to develop the sovereign capabilities our country needs. They are a critical enabler to the Australian men and women in uniform”.

Hastie has been little seen on the campaign trail.

Marles said over the last three years the government had engaged “in the biggest peacetime increase in defence spending that Australia has seen”.

“We’ll continue to look at what the appropriate levels of defence spending are.

“Increases in defence spending will happen under this government […] because that is, in fact, what we’ve done over the last three years”.

Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Dutton promises Coalition would increase defence spending to 3% of GDP ‘within a decade’ – https://theconversation.com/dutton-promises-coalition-would-increase-defence-spending-to-3-of-gdp-within-a-decade-254993

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Is backing Welsh independence the same as being a nationalist? Not necessarily

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Robin Mann, Reader in Sociology, Bangor University

Over the past few years, support for Welsh independence has grown in ways not seen before. A recent poll commissioned by YesCymru, a pro-independence campaign group, found that 41% of people who’ve made up their minds on the issue would now vote in favour of independence.

The striking finding is that the number jumps to 72% among 25-to-34 year olds. Meanwhile older generations, particularly those aged 65 and up, remain firmly in the “no” camp, with 80% opposed.

This does seem a big shift in public mood. But does it mean Wales is becoming more nationalist? Not exactly.

The relationship between constitutional attitudes and nationalism is complicated, as research by myself and colleagues shows. Many people back independence for reasons that have less to do with feeling strongly Welsh or waving flags, and more to do with wanting better decision-making closer to home.

During 2021, as part of a broader research project on Welsh people’s views on the COVID pandemic and vaccination, we spoke to people from different ages, backgrounds and locations. Some were vaccinated, others weren’t. Some had voted in elections while others hadn’t voted in years, if ever.

Many people we talked to felt the Welsh government had done a better job than Westminster at handling the pandemic. They saw the decisions made in Wales – like keeping stricter rules in place when England relaxed theirs – as more sensible, more caring, and more in line with what they personally wanted from a government. And with that came a confidence that Wales could handle even more control over its own affairs.

Historically, Welsh nationalism was tightly linked to the Welsh language and culture. Self-government was always a part of the conversation, but not necessarily the main driver. That started changing in the late 20th century.

In 1979, Wales voted against devolution. In 1997, it narrowly voted in favour. After that, things slowly began to shift. And now, more than 25 years into devolution, support for some form of self-government is the mainstream view. Independence is no longer such a fringe idea.

Interestingly, younger generations are far more open to it – and many of them aren’t what you’d typically think of as nationalists. They may not speak Welsh or see themselves as “political” in the traditional sense. Their support often comes from practical concerns about the economy, democracy and how decisions are made.

External events like Brexit have clearly played a role. In fact, the YesCymru campaign was formed just before the EU referendum in 2016. Independence support surged afterwards, especially among Remain voters.

Many saw the Brexit fallout, as well as austerity, as proof that Westminster didn’t reflect their values or priorities. This showed how disruptive events can reshape the way people see their place within the UK.

Independence without nationalism?

One of the more surprising findings in our research – echoed in the 2025 polling – is that support for independence doesn’t always come from people who are politically engaged or pro-devolution. In fact, some support came from people who hadn’t voted in years, or felt completely disillusioned with the political system.

They expressed their support for independence through statements like: “They [the Welsh government] all need to go, but if I pay tax in Wales I want it to stay in Wales and be spent here.”

We also found a lot of people sitting on the fence. They weren’t against independence, but they had big questions about it. Would it mean isolation? Would it lead to more division?

One person told us: “I’m a little bit nationalistic, but I didn’t want the UK to leave the EU. So why would I want Wales to leave the UK?” Another said: “I don’t believe in borders, but I do think the Welsh government should run things.”

These aren’t black-and-white views. People’s feelings about independence – and nationalism – are often full of contradictions. And this reflects the wider truth that ordinary political views are often messy. Most of us don’t live in the extremes, and this is a good thing.

What’s also worth noting is that nationalism takes many forms. Some people who strongly oppose Welsh independence do so from a very rightwing populist-nationalist perspective, where calls to abolish the Senedd (Welsh parliament) sit alongside demands for hard borders and less immigration. So, the assumption that “independence equals nationalism” isn’t always true – and nor is the reverse.

Could independence really happen?

Wales isn’t alone in debating big questions about its future. In places such as Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders, political and economic crises can fuel movements for independence. In all these cases, trust in central government and a desire for more local fiscal control have played a major role.

For Wales, the question often comes back to the economy. While faith in Wales’s ability to govern is growing, many still worry whether an independent Wales could stand on its own financially. And for a lot of undecided voters, that remains the sticking point. For this reason, granting Wales more powers through devolution might do more to stave off demands for independence than anything else.

Read more:
Devolving justice and policing to Wales would put it on par with Scotland and Northern Ireland – so what’s holding it back?

But the conversation is shifting. Support for independence is no longer just about nationalist grievances. It’s about how people want to be governed, and about trust and responsiveness.

So, does supporting Welsh independence make you a nationalist? Not necessarily. For many, it’s not about nationalism at all.

Robin Mann receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council and the British Academy. He is a Reader in Sociology at Bangor University and also Co-director of the Wales Institute of Social and Economic Research and Data (WISERD).

– ref. Is backing Welsh independence the same as being a nationalist? Not necessarily – https://theconversation.com/is-backing-welsh-independence-the-same-as-being-a-nationalist-not-necessarily-254354

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Stripping federal protection for clean water harms just about everyone, especially already vulnerable communities

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jeremy Orr, Adjunct Professor of Law, Michigan State University

A Des Moines Water Works employee takes samples from a nearby river for analysis. The regional water utility delivers drinking water to more than 500,000 Iowans. AP Photo/Charlie Neibergall

Before Congress passed the Clean Water Act in 1972, U.S. factories and cities could pipe their pollution directly into waterways. Rivers, including the Potomac in Washington, smelled of raw sewage and contained toxic chemicals. Ohio’s Cuyahoga River was so contaminated, its oil slicks erupted in flames.

That unchecked pollution didn’t just harm the rivers and their ecosystems; it harmed the humans who relied on their water.

The Clean Water Act established a federal framework “to restore and maintain the chemical, physical, and biological integrity of the Nation’s waters.”

As an attorney and law professor, I’ve spent my career upholding these protections and teaching students about their legal and historical significance. That’s why I’m deeply concerned about the federal government’s new efforts to roll back those safeguards and the impact they’ll have on human lives.

A fire of an oil slick on the Cuyahoga River swept through docks at the Great Lakes Towing Company site in Cleveland in 1952, one of several times that pollution in the river caught fire.
Bettman/Getty Images

Amid all the changes out of Washington, it can be easy to lose sight of not only which environmental policies and regulations are being rolled back, but also of who is affected. The reality is that communities already facing pollution and failing infrastructure can become even more vulnerable when federal protections are stripped away. Those laws are ultimately meant to protect the quality of the tap water people drink and the rivers they fish in, and in the long-term health of their neighborhoods.

A few of the most pressing concerns in my view include the government’s moves to narrow federal water protections, pause water infrastructure investments and retreat from environmental enforcement.

Diminishing protection for US wetlands

In 2023, the Supreme Court narrowed the definition of “waters of the United States.” In its decision in Sackett vs. Environmental Protection Agency, the court determined that only wetlands that maintained a physical surface connection to other federally protected waters qualified for protection under the Clean Water Act.

Wetlands are important for water quality in many areas. They naturally filter pollution from water, reduce flooding in communities and help ensure that millions of Americans enjoy cleaner drinking water. The Clean Water Act limits what industries and farms can discharge or dump into those waterways considered “waters of the U.S.” However, mapping by the Natural Resources Defense Council found that upward of 84%, or 70 million acres, of the nation’s wetlands lacked protection after the ruling.

The Sackett ruling also called into question the definition of “waters of the U.S.”

The Trump EPA, in announcing its plans to rewrite the definition in 2025, said it would make accelerating economic opportunity a priority by reducing “red tape” and costs for businesses. Statements from the administration suggest that officials want to loosen restrictions on industries discharging pollution and construction debris into wetlands.

Toxic algae blooms fueled by farm, urban and industrial runoff can trigger fish kills and shut down beaches for days, harming tourism businesses.
Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Pollution already harms wetlands along Florida’s Gulf Coast, leading to fewer fish and degraded water quality. It also affects people whose jobs depend on healthy waterways for fishing, recreation and tourism.

This marks a shift away from the federal government protecting wetlands for the role they play in public health and resilience. Instead, it prioritizes development and industry – even if that means more pollution.

Pausing investment for rebuilding crumbling infrastructure

Public water systems are also at risk. The Trump administration on its first full day in office froze at least US$10 billion in federal water infrastructure funding. That included money for replacing lead pipes and building new water treatment plants, allocated under the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law of 2021 and the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022.

Public water systems across the country have been falling into disrepair in recent decades due to aging and sometimes dangerous infrastructure, as cities with lead water pipes have discovered.

The American Society of Civil Engineers gave the nation’s drinking water, stormwater and wastewater infrastructure grades of a C-minus, D and D-plus, respectively, in its 2025 Infrastructure Report Card. The group estimates that America’s drinking water systems alone need more than $625 billion in investment over the next 20 years to reach a state of good repair.

Jackson, Miss., volunteers distributed bottled water to residents in 2022 after the aging water system failed.
AP Photo/Steve Helber

Congress passed the Infrastructure Law and the Inflation Reduction Act to help pay for updating drinking water, wastewater and stormwater systems. That included replacing lead pipes and tackling water contamination, especially in the most vulnerable communities. Many of the same communities also have high poverty and unemployment rates and histories of racial segregation rooted in government discrimination.

Where I live in Detroit, this need is especially clear. We have the fourth-highest number of lead service lines, connecting water mains to buildings, of any city in the country, and these pipes continue to put people at risk every day. Just an hour up the road, the Flint water crisis left a predominantly Black, working-class community to suffer the consequences of lead-contaminated water.

These aren’t abstract problems; they’re happening right now, in real communities, to real people.

Dropping lawsuits meant to stop pollution

The Trump administration’s decision to drop from some environmental enforcement lawsuits filed by previous administrations is adding to the risks that communities face.

The administration argues that these decisions are about reducing regulatory burdens – dropping these lawsuits reduces costs for companies.

However, stepping back from these lawsuits leaves the communities without a meaningful way to put an end to the long-standing harms of environmental pollution. Few communities have the resources to litigate against private polluters and must rely on regulatory agencies to sue on their behalf.

Real lives are affected by these changes

What America is seeing now is more than a change in regulatory approach. It’s a step back from decades of progress that made the nation’s water safer and communities healthier.

President Donald Trump talked repeatedly on the campaign trail about wanting clean air and clean water. However, the administration’s moves to reduce protection for wetlands, freeze infrastructure investments and abandon environmental enforcement can have real consequences for both.

At a time when so many systems are already under strain, it raises the question: What kind of commitment is the federal government really making to the future of clean water in America?

Jeremy Orr works for Michigan State University College of Law and Earthjustice.

– ref. Stripping federal protection for clean water harms just about everyone, especially already vulnerable communities – https://theconversation.com/stripping-federal-protection-for-clean-water-harms-just-about-everyone-especially-already-vulnerable-communities-252267

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Some politicians who share harmful information are rewarded with more clicks, study finds

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Yu-Ru Lin, Associate Professor of Computing and Information, University of Pittsburgh

The likes pour in for some politicians who post misinformation. J Studios/DigitalVision via Getty Images

What happens when politicians post false or toxic messages online? My team and I found evidence that suggests U.S. state legislators can increase or decrease their public visibility by sharing unverified claims or using uncivil language during times of high political tension. This raises questions about how social media platforms shape public opinion and, intentionally or not, reward certain behaviors.

I’m a computational social scientist, and my team builds tools to study political communication on social media. In our latest study we looked at what types of messages made U.S. state legislators stand out online during 2020 and 2021 – a time marked by the pandemic, the 2020 election and the Jan. 6 Capitol riot. We focused on two types of harmful content: low-credibility information and uncivil language such as insults or extreme statements. We measured their impact based on how widely a post was liked, shared or commented on on Facebook and X, at the time Twitter.

Our study found that this harmful content is linked to increased visibility for posters. However, the effects vary. For example, Republican legislators who posted low-credibility information were more likely to receive greater online attention, a pattern not observed among Democrats. In contrast, posting uncivil content generally reduced visibility, particularly for lawmakers at ideological extremes.

Why it matters

Social media platforms such as Facebook and X have become one of the main stages for political debate and persuasion. Politicians use them to reach voters, promote their agendas, rally supporters and attack rivals. But some of their posts get far more attention than others.

Earlier research showed that false information spreads faster and reaches wider audiences than factual content. Platform algorithms often push content that makes people angry or emotional higher in feeds. At the same time, uncivil language can deepen divisions and make people lose trust in democratic processes.

When platforms reward harmful content with increased visibility, politicians have an incentive to post such messages, because increased visibility can lead directly to greater media attention and potentially more voter support. Our findings raise concerns that platform algorithms may unintentionally reward divisive or misleading behavior.

Political misinformation has burgeoned in recent years.

When harmful content becomes a winning strategy for politicians to stand out, it can distort public debates, deepen polarization and make it harder for voters to find trustworthy information.

How we did our work

We gathered nearly 4 million tweets and half a million Facebook posts from over 6,500 U.S. state legislators during 2020 and 2021. We used machine learning techniques to determine causal relationships between content and visibility.

The techniques allowed us to compare posts that were similar in almost every aspect except that one had harmful content and the other didn’t. By measuring the difference in how widely those posts were seen or shared, we could estimate how much visibility was gained or lost due solely to that harmful content.

What other research is being done

Most research on harmful content has focused on national figures or social media influencers. Our study instead examined state legislators, who significantly shape state-level laws on issues such as education, health and public safety but typically receive less media coverage and fact-checking.

State legislators often escape broad scrutiny, which creates opportunities for misinformation and toxic content to spread unchecked. This makes their online activities especially important to understand.

What’s next

We plan on conducting ongoing analyses to determine whether the patterns we found during the intense years of 2020 and 2021 persist over time. Do platforms and audiences continue rewarding low-credibility information, or is that effect temporary?

We also plan to examine how changes in moderation policies such as X’s shift to less oversight or Facebook’s end of human fact-checking affect what gets seen and shared. Finally, we want to better understand how people react to harmful posts: Are they liking them, sharing them in outrage, or trying to correct them?

Building on our current findings, this line of research can help shape smarter platform design, more effective digital literacy efforts and stronger protections for healthy political conversation.

The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

Yu-Ru Lin receives funding from external funding agencies such as the National Science Foundation (NSF).

– ref. Some politicians who share harmful information are rewarded with more clicks, study finds – https://theconversation.com/some-politicians-who-share-harmful-information-are-rewarded-with-more-clicks-study-finds-252491

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: I study local government and Hurricane Helene forced me from my home − here’s how rural towns and counties in North Carolina and beyond cooperate to rebuild

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jay Rickabaugh, Assistant Professor of Public Administration, North Carolina State University

Last year was a record year for disasters in the United States. A new report from the British charity International Institute for Environment and Development finds that 90 disasters were declared nationwide in 2024, from wildfires in California to Hurricane Helene in North Carolina.

The average number of annual disasters in the U.S. is about 55.

The Federal Emergency Management Agency provides funding and recovery assistance to states after disasters. President Donald Trump criticized the agency in January 2025 when he visited hurricane-stricken western North Carolina. Though 41% of Americans lived in an area affected by disaster in 2024, according to the institute’s report, the Trump administration is reportedly working to abolish or dramatically diminish FEMA’s operations.

“FEMA has been a very big disappointment. They cost a tremendous amount of money. It’s very bureaucratic, and it’s very slow,” Trump declared, saying he thought states were better positioned to “take care of problems” after a disaster.

“A governor can handle something very quickly,” he said.

Trump’s remarks have prompted a heated response, including proposals to fundamentally overhaul – but not abolish – federal disaster recovery.

But I believe the current discussion about FEMA handling U.S. disasters puts the emphasis in the wrong place.

As a scholar who researches how small and rural local governments cooperate, I believe this public debate demonstrates that many people fundamentally misunderstand how disaster recovery actually works, especially in rural areas, where locally directed efforts are particularly key to that recovery.

I know this from personal experience, too: I am a resident of Watauga County, in western North Carolina, and I evacuated during Hurricane Helene after landslides severely impaired the roads around my home.

When disaster strikes

Here, in short, is what happens after a disaster.

Federal legislation from 1988 called the Stafford Act gives governors the power to declare disasters. If the president agrees and also declares the region a disaster, that puts federal programs and activities in motion.

Yet local officials are generally involved from the very start of this process. Governors usually seek input from state and local emergency managers and other municipal officials before making a disaster declaration, and it is local officials who begin the disaster response.

That’s because small and rural local governments actually have the most local knowledge to lead recovery efforts in their area after a disaster.

Local officials determine conditions on the ground, coordinate search and rescue, and help bring utilities and other infrastructure back online. They have relationships with community members that can inform decision-making. For example, a county senior center will know which residents receive Meals on Wheels and might need a wellness check after disaster.

However, small towns cannot do all this alone. They need FEMA’s money and resources, and that can present a problem. The process of applying and complying with the requirements of the grants is incredibly complex and burdensome. According to FEMA’s website, there are eight phases in the disaster aid process, composed of 28 steps that range from “preliminary damage assesment” to “recovery scoping video” to “compliance reviews” and “reconciliation.” Getting through these eight phases takes years.

If you think this FEMA graphic shows a simple, straightforward process, there might be a job for you in emergency managment.
Public Assistance’s Consolidated Resource Centers’ 2022 New Hire Training, Federal Emergency Management Agency.

Larger cities and counties frequently have dedicated staff that apply for disaster aid and ensure compliance with regulations. But smaller governments can struggle to apply for and administer state or federal grants on their own – especially after a disaster, when demands are so high.

That’s where regional intergovernmental organizations come in. Every region has its own name for these entities. They’re often called councils of government, regional planning commissions or area development districts. My colleagues and I call them RIGOs, for their initials.

What is a RIGO?

No matter the name, RIGOs are collaborative bodies that allow local governments to cooperate for services and programs they might not otherwise be able to afford. Bringing together local elected officials from usually about three to five counties, RIGOs help local officials cooperate to address the shared needs of everyone in their area. They do this in normal times; they also do this when disasters strike.

RIGOs operate throughout most of the U.S., in big cities and rural areas, in turbulent times and in calm. They serve different needs in different regions, but in all cases, RIGOs bring together local elected officials to solve common problems.

One example of this in western North Carolina is the Digital Seniors project, launched during COVID-19. Here, the local RIGO is called the Southwestern Commission. In 2021, the RIGO area agency on aging coordinated with the Fontana Regional Library to help dozens of elders who had never been connected to the internet get online during the pandemic. The Southwestern Commission used its relationships with the local senior centers to identify people who needed the service, and the library had access to hot spots and laptops through a grant from the state of North Carolina.

In rural areas, RIGOs work alongside regional business and nonprofits to allow local governments to offer regular services and programs they might not otherwise be able to afford, such as public transportation, senior citizen services or economic development.

Part of that work is helping member governments navigate the maze of federal and state funding opportunities for the projects they hope to get done, often by employing a specialized grant administrator. Each small local government may not have enough work or revenue to justify such a staff member, but many together have the workload and funding to hire someone specially trained to abide by the rules of funding from states and the federal government.

This system helps small local governments receive their fair share in federal grant money and report back on how the money was spent.

Transparency, technical compliance and action

Disasters rarely respect borders. That’s why governments generally work together to distribute grant money for rebuilding communities.

In the summer of 2022, eastern Kentucky faced deadly flooding after receiving about 15 inches of rain over four days – 600% above normal. The North Fork of the Kentucky River crested at approximately 21 feet, killing over two dozen people and damaging 9,000 homes and more than 100 businesses.

A volunteer helps to clear debris in Perry County, Ky., after the historic floods of August 2022.
Michael Swensen/Getty Images

The Kentucky River Area Development District, a RIGO representing eight counties, played a key role in the area’s recovery. It secured millions in FEMA aid and maintained critical services, including expanded food delivery and transportation for elderly residents.

Similarly, after disastrous flooding hit Vermont in 2023 and 2024, another RIGO, the Central Vermont Regional Planning Commission, jumped into action. It quickly provided emergency communication to the 23 small villages and towns in its region and has since supported local governments applying for grants and reimbursements.

Today, it continues to assist in Vermont’s disaster planning and flood mitigation. This is also part of the recovery process.

Local control

Rebuilding after a disaster is a long, arduous process. It begins after national journalists and politicians have left the area and continues for years. That would be true no matter how Trump restructures emergency aid: The damage is massive, and so is the repair.

For example, here’s how western North Carolina looks six months after Helene: Most businesses have reopened, most folks have running water again, and people can drive in and out of the area.

But many roads are still full of broken pavement. Mud from landslides presses up against the sides of the highway, and condemned housing teeters on the edge of ravaged creek beds.

A storm-damaged apartment complex in Swannanoa, N.C., in March 2025.
Sean Rayford/Getty Images

It is, in other words, too soon to see the full impact of local government efforts to rebuild my region. But RIGOs across the region are hiring additional temporary staff to help local governments get federal money and comply with complex guidelines. Their support ensures that decisions affecting North Carolinians are voted on by the city and county leaders they elected – not decreed by governors or handed down from Washington, D.C.

Locally led rebuilding is slow and difficult work, yes. But it is, in my opinion, the most community-responsive way to deal with disaster.

Jaylen Peacox, a graduate student in public administration at North Carolina State University, contributed to this story.

Jay Rickabaugh receives grant funding from the National Science Foundation. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation.

– ref. I study local government and Hurricane Helene forced me from my home − here’s how rural towns and counties in North Carolina and beyond cooperate to rebuild – https://theconversation.com/i-study-local-government-and-hurricane-helene-forced-me-from-my-home-heres-how-rural-towns-and-counties-in-north-carolina-and-beyond-cooperate-to-rebuild-248606

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: A warning for Democrats from the Gilded Age and the 1896 election

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Adam M. Silver, Associate Professor of Political Science, Emmanuel College

Chief Justice Melville Weston Fuller administers the oath of office to William McKinley during his presidential inauguration in 1897, as outgoing President Grover Cleveland looks on. AP Photo/Library of Congress

More than five months after President Donald Trump defeated Kamala Harris, Democrats are still trying to understand why they lost the election and the Senate majority – and how the party can regroup.

These concerns have only increased in the wake of Trump’s sustained activity at the start of his second term. The American public has witnessed a Democratic Party struggling to craft a coherent strategy.

Recently, Trump has joined a chorus of people likening the current political period to the Gilded Age – the late 19th-century period known for economic industrialization and wealth inequality.

As a political scientist focused on electoral politics, I believe the Gilded Age provides a warning for the Democrats’ current situation, as the party’s internal struggles hampered its ability to wage successful national campaigns.

The party period

Scholars of U.S. political history often refer to the bulk of the 19th century as the party period due to the degree to which party politics permeated society. Parties framed political discourse through the creation of “brands” centered on distinct ideologies.

These ideologies offered coherent ideas of what it meant to be a Democrat or a Republican.

Democrats opposed a strong national government in favor of states’ rights. They resisted vesting too much economic authority in the national government. And they used their states’ rights position to justify human enslavement and racially discriminatory policies.

Republicans embraced national authority over states’ rights. It was a vision centered on a national political economy that fostered manufacturing and industrialization. This economic approach was accompanied at times by opposition to immigration in often nativist and racist rhetoric.

The Gilded Age

The Gilded Age has been compared with the present. That’s due, in part, to the period’s rapid industrialization, increased immigration and prominent debates over economic policy.

And like today, these Gilded Age years, roughly from 1870 to 1900, witnessed intense competition between Democrats and Republicans, during which only about seven states were contested in any given election due to the regional basis of support for each party.

From 1860 to 1912, Democrats won the White House only twice – Grover Cleveland in 1884 and 1892. But they won the popular vote two more times, while losing the Electoral College – Samuel Tilden in 1876 and Cleveland in 1888.

Further, from the 1870s to the 1890s, party control of Congress tended to rely on slim majorities.

Democrats usually held the House and Republicans controlled the Senate.

The 1880s and 1890s were characterized by debates over economic policies, primarily the protective tariff. That tariff was supported by Northern industrialists to protect domestic industry and opposed by Southern agrarians. The U.S. monetary standard, which determines how value is measured, also dominated discussions.

The 1888 election revealed tensions among Democrats, primarily over the tariff, that became a harbinger of the party’s struggles in 1896. The party’s inability to reconcile competing constituencies in its coalition and offer a coherent message on the tariff ultimately cost them the White House.

After winning reelection in 1892, Democrat Cleveland faced an economic depression that impeded the goals of his second term. The Democrats lost both chambers of Congress in the ensuing midterm election.

President William McKinley, a Republican, is inaugurated in 1901.
Heritage Art/Heritage Images via Getty Images

The 1896 election

The battle over the monetary standard consumed the 1896 election.

From the 1870s-1890s, debates over whether greenbacks, or paper currency, should be redeemable in gold or silver ebbed and flowed.

Republicans, buoyed by wealthy financiers, tended to support maintaining the gold standard only. Democrats, who courted laborers and farmers, usually supported the increased circulation of greenbacks redeemable in both gold and silver.

The economic depression in 1893 heightened tensions on this issue, as many Americans sought to pay off their debts with cheaper currency.

At their national convention, Democrats adopted the pro-silver position and nominated a populist firebrand for president, William Jennings Bryan.

Republicans also faced internal divisions on the issue. But, as in 1888, they were able to overcome these tensions to maintain their coalition and supported the gold standard in their platform.

The Republican candidate, William McKinley, defeated Bryan. The outcome solidified Republican primacy for 30 years.

William Jennings Bryan campaigns in 1896.
AP Photo

The legacy of 1896

Internal strife in the late 19th century hindered Democrats’ ability to advance a unified voice, mobilize their voters and attract new ones. In 1888 and 1896, these divisions harmed Democrats’ electoral prospects. Their organizational problems and intense internal discord proved too much for Bryan to overcome.

Scholar James Reichley contends that the Republicans’ more effective organizing after Reconstruction may have resulted in a coherent message compared with the Democrats.

And a lack of enthusiasm on the part of Democratic voters contributed to Republican success in 1894 and 1896, according to historian Richard White. Republicans mobilized their base and attracted new voters, while Democrats did not.

These elections solidified voter alignments until 1932.

Although Democrat Woodrow Wilson held the presidency from 1913 to 1921, Republicans dictated national policy and controlled Congress for most of those years. It took a massive economic depression to return the Democrats to the majority on the national level.

Adam M. Silver does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A warning for Democrats from the Gilded Age and the 1896 election – https://theconversation.com/a-warning-for-democrats-from-the-gilded-age-and-the-1896-election-250887

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Habeas corpus: A thousand-year-old legal principle for defending rights that’s getting a workout under the Trump administration

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Andrea Seielstad, Professor of Law, University of Dayton

Two Latin words – ‘habeas corpus’ – protect any person, whether citizen or not, from being illegally confined. deepblue4you, iStock / Getty Images Plus

In some parts of the world, a person may be secreted away or imprisoned by the government without any advanced notification of wrongdoing or chance to make a defense. This has not been lawful in the United States from its very inception, or in many other countries where the rule of law and respect for individual civil rights are paramount.

The legal doctrine of “habeas corpus,” a Latin phrase that has its American roots in English law as early as the 12th century, stands as a barrier to unlawful arrest.

In its essence, habeas corpus protects any person, whether citizen or not, from being illegally confined. Habeas corpus is Latin for “you shall have the body” and requires a judge literally to have the body of any incarcerated person brought physically forward so that the legality of their detention may be assessed.

That is why habeas, sometimes also called the “Great Writ”, is front and center right now in many of the lawsuits challenging the Trump administration’s arrest and deportation of noncitizen students, scholars, humanitarian refugees and others.

In an April 7, 2025, decision in a habeas corpus case brought by lawyers from the American Civil Liberties Union representing Venezuelans who faced deportation, the Supreme Court reaffirmed that the government must give those it aims to deport the opportunity to legally challenge their removal from the U.S. This chance for due process when deprived of liberty is what habeas corpus is and does.

Since then, several federal judges have issued habeas writs blocking certain deportations from the U.S. and even movement of potential deportees from one state to another.

The rapid deportation to El Salvador of noncitizens from the U.S. has sparked public concern about deportees’ ability to challenge the move.
Dominic Gwinn, Middle East Image / Middle East Images via AFP

Habeas corpus’s deep roots

The idea that no person shall be deprived unjustly of liberty formally dates to the 39th Clause of the Magna Carta signed by England’s King John in 1215.

The Magna Carta itself was, as the U.K. parliament describes it, “the first document to put into writing the principle that the king and his government was not above the law.”

Although the writ originally was a means of enforcing the king’s power over his subjects, as noted by the Supreme Court in reviewing the writ’s long history, English judges over time issued habeas corpus “to enforce the King’s prerogative to inquire into the authority of a jailer to hold a prisoner.”

The idea crossed the ocean to play an important part in the formation of the U.S. constitutional form of democracy. As the Supreme Court emphasized in a 2008 case holding that the habeas corpus privilege existed even for “aliens” designated as enemy combatants and detained at Guantanamo Bay: “Protection for the privilege of habeas corpus was one of the few safeguards of liberty specified in a Constitution that, at the outset, had no Bill of Rights.”

In the Federal Judiciary Act of 1789, which created lower federal courts following the ratification of the Constitution, Congress gave immediate power to the federal courts to issue habeas corpus relief.

Read more:
Trump’s use of the Alien Enemies Act to deport Venezuelans to El Salvador sparks legal questions likely to reach the Supreme Court

Congress expanded the right in 1867 to permit habeas corpus challenges to unlawful actions by state and local officials. This enabled people who were still held in slavery or indentured servitude, or otherwise detained in state jails, to seek release in federal court. This legislation also established the framework, still recognized today, for state prisoners to attack the constitutionality of their state convictions in federal court.

States and some tribes also have their own habeas corpus statutes. Congress also extended habeas to allow federal challenges to detention by tribal officials via the Indian Civil Rights Act of 1968, which made many of the constitutional rights held by individuals applicable to official action by federally recognized Native American tribes. In fact, habeas corpus is the sole remedy under the Indian Civil Rights Act for challenging any of the enumerated rights in that act.

When is habeas corpus used?

The principal use of habeas corpus, historically and in more modern times, has been “to seek release of persons held in actual, physical custody in prison or jail,” as Justice Hugo Black wrote in a 1962 Supreme Court opinion.

Its scope extends well beyond imprisonment, however. Habeas has been the vehicle for challenging interference with child custodial rights, involuntary commitment to inpatient treatment or psychiatric care, military induction, restrictive conditions of pretrial release, probation or parole, and banishment from tribal lands, to name a few examples.

Besides securing the physical release of imprisoned persons, habeas corpus may result in dismissal of criminal charges, new trials or appeals, the appointment of legal counsel, and court orders directing remediation of cruel or inhumane conditions of confinement.

The idea that no person shall be deprived unjustly of liberty formally dates back to the 39th Clause of this document, the Magna Carta, signed by England’s King John in 1215.
The National Archives

Critical safeguard of liberty

Detained individuals have been blocked from using habeas corpus less than a handful of times in American history.

In the words of the Constitution’s Article I, which governs congressional power: “The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.”

For example, it was suspended by President Abraham Lincoln during the Civil War; in Hawaii after the 1941 bombing of Pearl Harbor; during rebellions in 11 South Carolina counties overtaken by the Ku Klux Klan during Reconstruction in the years just after the Civil War; and in certain provinces of the U.S.-controlled Philippines in 1905.

Significantly, however, habeas relief has remained vital to challenges to presidential orders and congressional enactments even during times of war and other national security concerns.

The Supreme Court reaffirmed the validity of using habeas corpus in many efforts to suspend or limit the writ in cases stemming from the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

In November 2001, President George W. Bush issued a military order authorizing the indefinite detention of noncitizens suspected of being connected to terrorism. Under that order, Yaser Hamdi, who was an American citizen, was detained in U.S. military facilities without being charged, without legal counsel or the possibility of court hearings after being accused of fighting for the Taliban against the United States.

In a 2004 ruling on Hamdi’s case against the government, the Supreme Court upheld the right of every American citizen to use habeas corpus, even when declared to be an enemy combatant.

The court later ruled that Congress’ efforts to impose similar limits with respect to noncitizens being detained at Guantanamo Bay under the Military Commissions Act of 2006 were an unconstitutional abridgment of habeas corpus rights.

In the 2004 landmark case of Rasul v. Bush, the Supreme Court reaffirmed limits on when habeas corpus can be suspended – and when it cannot. The justices said that even foreign detainees captured in countries around the world and brought to Guantanamo Bay on suspected ties to terrorism had the right to challenge their detention in U.S. courts.

As these cases affirm, “Neither citizenship nor territoriality have been determined to be essential to the exercise of the writ.”

Habeas corpus is a critical safeguard of liberty. In the words of Chief Justice John Marshall in the seminal 1803 case, Marbury v. Madison, the “very essence” of civil liberty is “the right to claim the protection of the laws, whenever he receives an injury.”

Andrea Seielstad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Habeas corpus: A thousand-year-old legal principle for defending rights that’s getting a workout under the Trump administration – https://theconversation.com/habeas-corpus-a-thousand-year-old-legal-principle-for-defending-rights-thats-getting-a-workout-under-the-trump-administration-254525

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI Africa: Azule Energy Joins Angola Oil & Gas (AOG) 2025 as Gold Sponsor Ahead of Major Project Launches

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

LUANDA, Angola, April 22, 2025/APO Group/ —

International energy company Azule Energy has confirmed its participation as a Gold Sponsor at the upcoming Angola Oil & Gas (AOG) 2025 conference, taking place in Luanda on September 3-4. As Angola’s largest independent equity producer of oil and gas, Azule Energy’s return to the event underscores its continued commitment to working closely with operators, service providers and government partners to drive forward the country’s energy agenda.

Azule Energy is advancing a series of large-scale oil and gas projects across the country, including Angola’s first non-associated gas project. Led by the New Gas Consortium (NGC) with Azule Energy as operator, the project will tap gas resources from the Quiluma and Maboqueiro (Q&M) shallow water fields. In February 2025, the NGC completed the offshore platforms for the project, with the Quiluma platform departing shortly thereafter for the installation site. The full development includes two offshore platforms and an onshore gas processing plant and will supply feedstock to Angola LNG, the country’s sole LNG facility. Production is expected to start in late 2025 or early 2026, with the platforms delivered six months ahead of schedule.

AOG is the largest oil and gas event in Angola. Taking place with the full support of the Ministry of Mineral Resources, Oil and Gas; the National Oil, Gas and Biofuels Agency; the Petroleum Derivatives Regulatory Institute; national oil company Sonangol; and the African Energy Chamber; the event is a platform to sign deals and advance Angola’s oil and gas industry. To sponsor or participate as a delegate, please contact sales@energycapitalpower.com.

Another major development underway is the Agogo Integrated West Hub Development in Block 15/06. In February 2025, Azule Energy and its project partners announced the sail-away of the Agogo FPSO from the shipyard in China to Angola. The FPSO is expected to begin operations by late 2025, joining the existing Ngoma FPSO and producing hydrocarbons from the Agogo and Ndungu fields. The new unit will boost production by 120,000 barrels per day (bpd) and features cutting-edge carbon capture and storage technology. Notably, it incorporates the world’s first post-combustion CO₂ capture plants installed on an FPSO, marking a significant step forward in reducing emissions from offshore production.

Azule Energy’s broader portfolio includes 18 licenses – 11 of which the company operates – spanning both Angola and Namibia. In December 2024, the company finalized a strategic farm-in to Block 2914A in Namibia’s PEL 85, marking its first international expansion. In 2024, Azule’s net production reached 210,000 bpd, with oil and condensates making up 80% of output. The company is targeting 250,000 bpd by 2027 as it advances its upstream operations.

In addition to oil and gas, Azule Energy is leading efforts to deliver low-carbon energy solutions in Angola. In partnership with Sonangol, the company is developing the Caraculo Solar Project in Namibe Province, with a total capacity of 50 MW. Phase one came online in 2023, delivering 25 MW of clean power to the grid.

Azule Energy is also deeply committed to local content and social development. In 2024, the company inaugurated a new school in Huambo, offering educational access to 720 students. Alongside its Block 15/06 partners, it also handed over two education facilities to the Government of Cabinda in 2024, funded by project revenues and reinforcing the social impact of Angola’s energy industry

MIL OSI Africa –

April 23, 2025

MIL-OSI: Auburn National Bancorporation, Inc. Reports First Quarter Net Earnings

Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

First Quarter 2025 Highlights:

Net income of $1.5 million, or $0.44 per share, compared to $1.4 million, or $0.39 per share in 1Q 2024
Net interest income (tax-equivalent) was $7.1 million, an increase of 6% compared to 1Q 2024
Net interest margin (tax-equivalent) of 3.20%, compared to 3.04% in 1Q 2024
Strong balance sheet –
- Credit quality – Nonperforming assets to total assets were 0.05%
- Liquidity – Cash and cash equivalents to total assets increased to 11.90%, compared to 7.41% at March 31, 2024
- Capital – Tangible Common Equity (“TCE”) to total assets improved to 8.34%, compared to 7.61% at March 31, 2024

AUBURN, Ala., April 22, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Auburn National Bancorporation, Inc. (Nasdaq: AUBN) reported net earnings of $1.5 million, or $0.44 per share, for the first quarter of 2025, compared to $1.6 million, or $0.45 per share, for the fourth quarter of 2024, and $1.4 million, or $0.39 per share, for the first quarter of 2024.

“Our first quarter results reflect strong credit quality and continued improvement in our net interest margin,” said David A. Hedges, President and CEO. “While loan demand has slowed, we remain optimistic that our net interest margin will continue to improve as loans and securities re-price. Once again, our capital and liquidity remain strong and we are well positioned to meet the needs of our customers,” continued Mr. Hedges.

Net interest income (tax-equivalent) was $7.1 million in the first quarter of 2025, compared to $7.0 million in the fourth quarter of 2024, and $6.7 million in the first quarter of 2024. The increase compared to the fourth quarter of 2024 was primarily due to improvements in our net interest margin, partially offset by a decrease in average interest earning assets of 1%. The increase compared to the first quarter of 2024 was primarily due to improvements in our net interest margin and an increase in average interest earning assets of 1%.

Net interest margin (tax-equivalent) was 3.20% in the first quarter of 2025, compared to 3.09% in the fourth quarter of 2024, and 3.04% in the first quarter of 2024. The increase compared to the fourth quarter of 2024 was primarily due to improvements in our yield on interest-earning assets and a decrease in our cost of interest-bearing deposits. The increase compared to the first quarter of 2024 was primarily due to a more favorable asset mix, and improvements in our yield on interest-earning assets, which outpaced increases in the cost of our interest-bearing deposits.

Nonperforming assets were $0.5 million, or 0.05% of total assets, at March 31, 2025 and December 31, 2024, respectively, compared to $0.9 million, or 0.09% of total assets, at March 31, 2024.

The Company recorded a negative provision for credit losses of $(10) thousand in the first quarter of 2025, compared to a negative provision of $(48) thousand in the fourth quarter of 2024 and a charge to provision for credit losses of $334 thousand in the first quarter of 2024.

At March 31, 2025, the Company’s allowance for credit losses was $6.8 million, or 1.20% of total loans, compared to $6.9 million, or 1.22% of total loans, at December 31, 2024, and $7.2 million, or 1.27% of total loans, at March 31, 2024.

Noninterest income was $0.8 million for the first quarter of 2025, compared to $0.8 million for the fourth quarter of 2024, and $0.9 million in the first quarter of 2024. The decrease compared to both the fourth quarter and first quarter of 2024 was primarily due to decreases in mortgage lending income and other noninterest income.

Noninterest expense was $5.9 million for the first quarter of 2025, compared to $5.5 million for the fourth quarter of 2024, and $5.7 million in the first quarter of 2024. The increase from the fourth quarter of 2024 was primarily related to routine increases in salaries and benefits expense and an increase in net occupancy expense attributable to repairs and maintenance costs and seasonal fluctuations in utilities costs and parking revenue. The increase compared to the first quarter of 2024 was primarily related to routine increases in salaries and benefits expense.

The provision for income tax expense was $0.4 million for the first quarter of 2025, compared to income tax expense of $0.8 million for the fourth quarter of 2024, and income tax expense of $0.2 million for the first quarter of 2024.

The effective tax rate for the first quarter of 2025 was 20.40%, compared to 34.73% for the fourth quarter of 2024 and 10.68% for the first quarter of 2024. Except for the fourth quarter of 2024, the Company’s effective income tax rate is principally affected by tax-exempt earnings from the Company’s investments in municipal securities and loans, bank-owned life insurance, and New Markets Tax Credits. The provision for income tax expense and the effective tax rate for the fourth quarter of 2024 included discrete tax items associated with provision to return adjustments in conjunction with the final 2023 tax return filing, which resulted in additional tax expense. Excluding these discrete items, the effective tax rate for the fourth quarter of 2024, would have been 21.55%.

Total assets were $996.8 million at March 31, 2025, compared to $977.3 million at December 31, 2024 and $979.0 million at March 31, 2024. Loans, net of unearned income were $560.7 million at March 31, 2025, compared to $564.0 million at December 31, 2024 and $567.5 million at March 31, 2024. The decrease is primarily due to payoffs in the commercial and industrial and commercial real estate loan portfolio segments exceeding growth in construction and land development loans. Total deposits were $910.5 million at March 31, 2025, compared to $895.8 million at December 31, 2024, and $899.7 million at March 31, 2024. The increase compared to both December 31, 2024 and March 31, 2024, was primarily related to growth in both noninterest and interest-bearing demand deposit account balances.

At March 31, 2025, the Company’s consolidated stockholders’ equity (book value) was $83.1 million or $23.79 per share, compared to $78.3 million, or $22.41 per share, at December 31, 2024, and $74.5 million, or $21.32 per share, at March 31, 2024. The increase from December 31, 2024 was primarily driven by other comprehensive income of $4.2 million due to a decrease in unrealized losses on securities available-for-sale, net of tax, plus net earnings of $1.5 million. These increases in stockholders’ equity were partially offset by cash dividends paid of $0.9 million. Unrealized losses on our securities portfolio vary with market interest rates and do not affect the Bank’s capital for regulatory capital purposes.

The Company’s tangible common equity (“TCE”) ratio or total equity to total assets ratio was 8.34% at March 31, 2025, compared to 8.01% at December 31, 2024, and 7.61% at March 31, 2024. All of the Company’s marketable securities are classified as available-for-sale. Therefore, any changes in the fair value of the Company’s securities portfolio are reflected in total equity, net of tax, under generally accepted accounting principles.

The Company paid cash dividends of $0.27 per share in the first quarter of 2025. At March 31, 2025, the Bank’s regulatory capital ratios were well above the minimum amounts required to be “well capitalized” under current regulatory standards.

About Auburn National Bancorporation, Inc.

Auburn National Bancorporation, Inc. (the “Company”) is the parent company of AuburnBank (the “Bank”), with total assets of approximately $996.8 million. The Bank is an Alabama state-chartered bank that is a member of the Federal Reserve System, which has operated continuously since 1907. Both the Company and the Bank are headquartered in Auburn, Alabama. The Bank conducts its business in East Alabama, including Lee County and surrounding areas. The Bank currently operates seven full-service branches in Auburn, Opelika, Valley, and Notasulga, Alabama. The Bank also operates a loan production office in Phenix City, Alabama. Additional information about the Company and the Bank may be found by visiting www.auburnbank.com.

Cautionary Notice Regarding Forward-Looking Statements

This press release contains “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the Securities Act of 1933 and the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. All statements with respect to our objectives, expectations, anticipations, estimates and intentions and all statements other than statements of historical fact are forward-looking statements. You can identify these forward-looking statements through our use of words such as “may,” “will,” “anticipate,” “assume,” “should,” “indicate,” “would,” “believe,” “contemplate,” “expect,” “estimate,” “continue,” “designed”, “plan,” “point to,” “project,” “could,” “intend,” “target,” “seek” and other similar words and expressions of the future. Forward looking statements, include, without limitation, statements about future financial and operating results, costs and revenues, government policies and changes in policies, including Federal Reserve monetary and regulatory actions. Forward looking statements also include statements about economic conditions generally in our markets and which may affect us, loan demand, mortgage lending activity, changes in the mix of our earning assets (including those generating tax exempt income or tax credits) and our mix and cost of deposits and wholesale liabilities, net interest income and margin, yields on earning assets, the market values and performance of securities held, effects of inflation and employment, including Federal Reserve monetary policies.

Forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors, which may be beyond our control, and which may cause the actual results, performance, achievements and/or financial condition of the Company or the Bank to be materially different from future results, performance, achievements or financial condition expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements. Forward looking statements may not be realized due numerous factors, including, without limitation, changes in employment levels, actual and expected changes in interest rates and interest rate expectations (generally and those applicable to our assets and liabilities) and the shape of the yield curve, and related changes in our asset values, especially investment securities, noninterest income, loan performance, loan deferrals and modifications, nonperforming assets, other real estate owned, provision for credit losses, including possible adjustments to the fair values of securities available for sale, charge-offs, collateral values, credit quality, asset sales, insurance claims, and market trends. You should not expect us to update any forward-looking statements.

All written or oral forward-looking statements attributable to us are expressly qualified in their entirety by this cautionary notice, together with those described in the “Cautionary Note Regarding Forward-Looking Statements” and the risks and uncertainties described under “Risk Factors” and elsewhere in our annual report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2024 and otherwise in our other SEC reports and filings.

Explanation of Certain Unaudited Non-GAAP Financial Measures

This press release contains financial information determined by methods other than U.S. generally accepted accounting principles (“GAAP”). The attached financial highlights include certain designated net interest income amounts presented on a tax-equivalent basis, a non-GAAP financial measure, and the presentation and calculation of the efficiency ratio, a non-GAAP measure. Management uses these non-GAAP financial measures in its analysis of the Company’s performance and believes the presentation of net interest income on a tax-equivalent basis provides comparability of net interest income from both taxable and tax-exempt sources and facilitates comparability within the industry. Similarly, the efficiency ratio is a common measure that facilitates comparability with other financial institutions. Although the Company believes these non-GAAP financial measures enhance investors’ understanding of its business and performance, these non-GAAP financial measures should not be considered an alternative to GAAP. Along with the attached financial highlights, the Company provides reconciliations between the GAAP financial measures and these non-GAAP financial measures.

Financial Highlights (unaudited)									Quarter ended
				March 31,			December 31,		March 31,
(Dollars in thousands, except per share amounts)				2025			2024		2024
Results of Operations
Net interest income (a)			$	7,062			6,988		6,677
Less: tax-equivalent adjustment				17			19		20
	Net interest income (GAAP)			7,045			6,969		6,657
Noninterest income				747			845		887
	Total revenue			7,792			7,814		7,544
Provision for credit losses				(10	)		(48	)	334
Noninterest expense				5,880			5,472		5,675
Income tax expense				392			830		164
Net earnings			$	1,530			1,560		1,371

Per share data:
Basic and diluted net earnings			$	0.44			0.45		0.39
Cash dividends declared			$	0.27			0.27		0.27
Weighted average shares outstanding:
	Basic and diluted			3,493,699			3,493,699		3,493,663
Shares outstanding, at period end				3,493,699			3,493,699		3,493,699
Stockholders’ equity (book value)			$	23.79			22.41		21.32
Common stock price:
	High		$	23.37			24.57		21.55
	Low			20.36			20.06		18.82
	Period-end			21.59			23.49		19.27
		To earnings ratio (c)		11.42		x	12.77		83.78
		To book value		91		%	105		90
Performance ratios:
Return on average equity (annualized)				7.83		%	7.49		7.13
Return on average assets (annualized)				0.62		%	0.63		0.56
Dividend payout ratio				61.36		%	60.00		69.23
Other financial data:
Net interest margin (a)				3.20		%	3.09		3.04
Effective income tax rate				20.40		%	34.73		10.68
Efficiency ratio (b)				75.30		%	69.86		75.03
Asset Quality:
Nonperforming assets:
	Nonperforming (nonaccrual) loans		$	520			503		878
		Total nonperforming assets	$	520			503		878

Net charge-offs (recoveries)			$	64			(16	)	(67	)

Allowance for credit losses as a % of:
	Loans			1.20		%	1.22		1.27
	Nonperforming loans			1,298		%	1,366		822
Nonperforming assets as a % of:
	Loans and other real estate owned			0.09		%	0.09		0.15
	Total assets			0.05		%	0.05		0.09
Nonperforming loans as a % of total loans				0.09		%	0.09		0.15
Annualized net charge-offs (recoveries) as a % of average loans				0.05		%	(0.01	)	(0.05	)
Selected average balances:
Securities			$	240,588			255,168		267,606
Loans, net of unearned income				566,082			567,634		560,757
Total assets				987,272			991,275		976,930
Total deposits				906,805			904,605		897,051
Total stockholders’ equity				78,158			83,325		76,948
Selected period end balances:
Securities			$	242,468			243,012		260,770
Loans, net of unearned income				560,650			564,017		567,520
Allowance for credit losses				6,750			6,871		7,215
Total assets				996,786			977,324		979,039
Total deposits				910,503			895,824		899,673
Total stockholders’ equity				83,115			78,292		74,489

(a) Tax equivalent. See “Explanation of Certain Unaudited Non-GAAP Financial Measures” and “Reconciliation
	of GAAP to non-GAAP Measures (unaudited).”
(b) Efficiency ratio is the result of noninterest expense divided by the sum of noninterest income and
	tax-equivalent net interest income. See “Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Measures (unaudited)” below.
(c) Calculated by dividing period end share price by earnings per share for the previous four quarters.

Reconciliation of GAAP to non-GAAP Measures (unaudited):
				Quarter ended
		March 31,	December 31,	March 31,
(Dollars in thousands, except per share amounts)		2025	2024	2024
Net interest income, as reported (GAAP)	$	7,045	6,969	6,657
Tax-equivalent adjustment		17	19	20
Net interest income (tax-equivalent)	$	7,062	6,988	6,677

The MIL Network –

April 23, 2025

MIL-OSI: MoneyHero Offers End-to-End Car Insurance Purchase Journey in Hong Kong through Strategic Partnership with bolttech
Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

HONG KONG, April 22, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — MoneyHero Limited (NASDAQ: MNY) (“MoneyHero” or the “Company”), a leading personal finance aggregation and comparison platform, as well as a digital insurance brokerage provider in Greater Southeast Asia, today announced the launch of its end-to-end car insurance purchasing journey in Hong Kong. In collaboration with global insurtech bolttech, this innovative enhancement enables customers to compare and receive real-time insurance quotes while seamlessly completing their entire car insurance purchase directly on MoneyHero’s platform—an industry milestone in Hong Kong.

Enhancing Car Insurance Experience with AI Capabilities

The enhanced platform allows customers to:
- Compare real-time quotes from leading insurers
- Customize coverage options based on their needs
- Purchase policies instantly without redirection to third-party sites
- Receive immediate confirmation and policy issuance
By integrating bolttech’s advanced insurance exchange technology, MoneyHero ensures accuracy, efficiency, and a fast, hassle-free experience for customers. This launch marks a major advancement for MoneyHero, building on its initial strategic partnership with bolttech previously announced on October 8, 2024, which introduced real-time car insurance pricing comparisons. With the introduction of a fully integrated purchasing experience, customers can now enjoy unparalleled convenience, a streamlined process, and expedited policy issuance.

Hong Kong’s motor vehicle business recorded gross written premiums of over HK$5 billion¹, with insurance penetration in Hong Kong reaching 17.2% in 2023² — offering a compelling opportunity for transformation through data-driven, embedded distribution. For insurers, this enhancement translates to a higher volume of policies sold and improved customer acquisition, solidifying MoneyHero’s position as a valuable digital distribution partner in the evolving insurance landscape.

A Stronger Digital Insurance Offering

The introduction of this fully integrated car insurance journey aligns with MoneyHero’s strategic pillars of leading the insurance brokerage and enhancing its conversion expertise. MoneyHero’s platform has already demonstrated impressive results with travel insurance, achieving conversion rates up to two times higher due to its seamless end-to-end purchasing model. MoneyHero anticipates similar success with car insurance, which will drive increased sales for insurers and contribute to robust revenue growth.

Strong Insurance Growth and Market Expansion

MoneyHero’s insurance business has emerged as a significant growth driver, with revenues from this vertical increasing by 54% year-over-year in the first nine months of 2024. The Company expects full-year 2024 growth in its insurance business surpassing its Q3 level of 9.5% of its group revenue, driven by the expansion of end-to-end purchasing journeys across multiple insurance categories.

This enhancement builds on the success of MoneyHero’s travel insurance platform, which has experienced strong adoption and improved conversion rates due to its streamlined purchasing process. In the upcoming quarters, the Company plans to further enhance insurance purchasing experience across other markets and product lines, ensuring the Company remains at the forefront of innovation in the industry.

Rohith Murthy, CEO of MoneyHero, said: “Customers increasingly seek a seamless experience where they can compare, select, and purchase insurance all in one place. With this launch in Hong Kong, we are not only streamlining the car insurance shopping process—we are fully embracing the entire purchasing journey. Our data indicates that end-to-end insurance transactions yield significantly higher conversion rates, and we anticipate strong adoption in Hong Kong. This initiative represents a natural evolution of our partnership with bolttech³, and we believe we have found the perfect partner to enhance our offerings. Together, we are taking a pivotal step toward positioning MoneyHero as the go-to destination for digital insurance in the region. With bolttech’s technological expertise and commitment to innovation, we are confident in our ability to significantly improve the purchase experience for our customers.”

Philip Weiner, CEO for Asia and Middle East of bolttech added: “Following our partnership announcement late last year, we are excited to be heading into the next stage with MoneyHero. Our insurance exchange platform will enable them to deliver a more intuitive and transparent user experience, enhancing the overall car insurance purchasing journey for consumers in Hong Kong. Together with MoneyHero, we look forward to bringing more value-added services to consumers.”

About MoneyHero Group

MoneyHero Limited (NASDAQ: MNY) is a leading personal finance aggregation and comparison platform, as well as a digital insurance brokerage provider in Greater Southeast Asia. The Company operates in Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan and the Philippines. Its brand portfolio includes B2C platforms MoneyHero, SingSaver, Money101, Moneymax and Seedly, as well as the B2B platform Creatory. The Company also retains an equity stake in Malaysian fintech company, Jirnexu Pte. Ltd., parent company of Jirnexu Sdn. Bhd., the operator of RinggitPlus, Malaysia’s largest operating B2C platform. MoneyHero had over 270 commercial partner relationships as at September 30, 2024, and had approximately 7.4 million Monthly Unique Users across its platform for the three months ended September 30, 2024. The Company’s backers include Peter Thiel—co-founder of PayPal, Palantir Technologies, and the Founders Fund—and Hong Kong businessman, Richard Li, the founder and chairman of Pacific Century Group. To learn more about MoneyHero and how the innovative fintech company is driving Greater Southeast Asia’s digital economy, please visit www.MoneyHeroGroup.com.

About bolttech

bolttech is a global insurtech with a mission to build the world’s leading, technology-enabled ecosystem for protection and insurance. bolttech serves customers in more than 35 markets across Asia, Europe, North America, and Africa.

With a full suite of digital and data-driven capabilities, bolttech powers connections between insurers, distributors, and customers to make it easier and more efficient to buy and sell insurance and protection products.

For more information, please visit www.bolttech.io.

Forward Looking Statements

This document includes “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the United States federal securities laws and also contains certain financial forecasts and projections. All statements other than statements of historical fact contained in this communication, including, but not limited to, statements as to the Group’s growth strategies, future results of operations and financial position, market size, industry trends and growth opportunities, are forward-looking statements. Some of these forward-looking statements can be identified by the use of forward-looking words, including “outlook,” “believes,” “expects,” “potential,” “continues,” “may,” “will,” “should,” “could,” “seeks,” “predicts,” “intends,” “trends,” “plans,” “estimates,” “anticipates” or the negative version of these words or other comparable words. All forward-looking statements are based upon estimates and forecasts and reflect the views, assumptions, expectations, and opinions of the Company, which are all subject to change due to various factors including, without limitation, changes in general economic conditions. Any such estimates, assumptions, expectations, forecasts, views or opinions, whether or not identified in this communication, should be regarded as indicative, preliminary and for illustrative purposes only and should not be relied upon as being necessarily indicative of future results. The forward-looking statements and financial forecasts and projections contained in this communication are subject to a number of factors, risks and uncertainties. Potential risks and uncertainties that could cause the actual results to differ materially from those expressed or implied by forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, changes in business, market, financial, political and legal conditions; the Company’s ability to attract new and retain existing customers in a cost effective manner; competitive pressures in and any disruption to the industries in which the Company and its subsidiaries (the “Group”) operates; the Group’s ability to achieve profitability despite a history of losses; and the Group’s ability to implement its growth strategies and manage its growth; the Group’s ability to meet consumer expectations; the success of the Group’s new product or service offerings; the Group’s ability to attract traffic to its websites; the Group’s internal controls; fluctuations in foreign currency exchange rates; the Group’s ability to raise capital; media coverage of the Group; the Group’s ability to obtain adequate insurance coverage; changes in the regulatory environments (such as anti-trust laws, foreign ownership restrictions and tax regimes) and general economic conditions in the countries in which the Group operates; the Group’s ability to attract and retain management and skilled employees; the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic or any other pandemic on the business of the Group; the success of the Group’s strategic investments and acquisitions, changes in the Group’s relationship with its current customers, suppliers and service providers; disruptions to the Group’s information technology systems and networks; the Group’s ability to grow and protect its brand and the Group’s reputation; the Group’s ability to protect its intellectual property; changes in regulation and other contingencies; the Group’s ability to achieve tax efficiencies of its corporate structure and intercompany arrangements; potential and future litigation that the Group may be involved in; and unanticipated losses, write-downs or write-offs, restructuring and impairment or other charges, taxes or other liabilities that may be incurred or required and technological advancements in the Group’s industry. The foregoing list of factors is not exhaustive. You should carefully consider the foregoing factors and the other risks and uncertainties described in the “Risk Factors” section of the Company’s annual report for the year ended December 31, 2023 on Form 20-F (File No.: 001-41838), registration statement on Form F-1 (File No.: 333-275205), and other documents to be filed by the Company from time to time with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. These filings identify and address other important risks and uncertainties that could cause actual events and results to differ materially from those contained in the forward-looking statements. In addition, there may be additional risks that the Company currently does not know, or that the Company currently believes are immaterial, that could also cause actual results to differ from those contained in the forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements reflect the Company’s expectations, plans, projections or forecasts of future events and view. If any of the risks materialize or the Company’s assumptions prove incorrect, actual results could differ materially from the results implied by these forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements speak only as of the date they are made. The Company anticipates that subsequent events and developments may cause their assessments to change. However, while the Company may elect to update these forward-looking statements at some point in the future, the Company specifically disclaims any obligation to do so, except as required by law. The inclusion of any statement in this document does not constitute an admission by the Company or any other person that the events or circumstances described in such statement are material. These forward-looking statements should not be relied upon as representing the Company’s assessments as of any date subsequent to the date of this document. Accordingly, undue reliance should not be placed upon the forward-looking statements. In addition, the analyses of the Company contained herein are not, and do not purport to be, appraisals of the securities, assets, or business of the Company.

For MoneyHero inquiries, please contact:

Investor Relations:
MoneyHero IR Team
IR@MoneyHeroGroup.com

Media Relations:
MoneyHero PR Team
Press@MoneyHeroGroup.com

For bolttech inquiries, please contact:
FTI Consulting on behalf of bolttech
bolttech@fticonsulting.com

_______________________________

¹ Insurance Authority, Market Overview, https://www.ia.org.hk/en/infocenter/statistics/files/GB_Market_Overview_2023_Eng_Final.pdf

² Financial Services and the Treasury Bureau, https://www.fstb.gov.hk/en/financial_ser/insurance-industry.htm

³ An affiliate of the Company.

The MIL Network –
April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI: Teads Celebrates Major Milestone as CTV HomeScreen Powers 1,500 Campaigns

Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

NEW YORK, April 22, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — The new Teads (NASDAQ: OB), the omnichannel outcomes platform for the open internet, today announced a significant milestone for CTV HomeScreen (formerly CTV Native), an immersive way for advertisers to reach audiences on exclusive experiences at incremental moments of high attention. Since its launch in 2023, 1,500 CTV HomeScreen campaigns have been run by premium brands globally, including Cartier, Nestlé, and Air France.

As brands prioritize omnichannel strategies, CTV HomeScreen enables advertisers to place content directly on the first screen consumers see when turning on their connected televisions. By integrating within the operating systems of major television manufacturers such as LG and Hisense, Teads’ CTV HomeScreen ads provide brands with access to audiences that may not otherwise be reachable through ad-supported tiers on streaming platforms. CTV HomeScreen ads deliver high levels of attention through impactful, unique creative experiences. Teads’ programmatic advertiser platform, Teads Ad Manager (TAM) enables brands to connect the moments of the consumer journey across all screens — creating a continuity of advertising experiences from CTV to web and app.

“By placing high-impact native ads directly on smart TV home screens, we provide brands with premium, brand-safe placements that capture superior attention at the moment of content discovery,” said Jeremy Arditi, Co-President, Chief Business Officer of the Americas. “This approach ensures brands own the first moment on TV screens, maximizing both visibility and engagement in an uncluttered environment.”

Over the past year, Teads has strengthened its CTV offering through expanded access to premium HomeScreen inventory, including exclusive partnerships with VIDAA US and LG Ad Solutions covering 330 million TV screens worldwide, in over 50 countries. In addition to Homescreen, TAM enables advertisers to reach audiences across more than 7,000 CTV apps globally, optimizing performance through CTV instream video campaigns.

“The partnership between LG and Teads unlocks a powerful value proposition for advertisers,” said Serge Matta, President of Global Ad Sales at LG Ad Solutions. “From the moment a viewer powers on their TV, they’re met with stunning creatives, brought to life by Teads. It’s a seamless blend of innovation and scale.”

Capturing Audience Attention at Scale

CTV HomeScreen placements are displayed on the first screen viewers see when they turn on their smart TVs. This enhances ad effectiveness and extends audience reach beyond traditional commercial breaks. According to TVision (2024), viewers often spend time browsing for content—up to 10 minutes—before encountering ad clutter, making this window a high-attention moment. In fact, 74% of attention goes to the first ad seen on the home screen.

In 1,500 CTV HomeScreen campaigns, Teads has helped brands like Cartier, Nestlé, Air France, Bvlgari, and Nissan deliver impactful moments that drive measurable engagement. Cartier’s first-ever 3D CTV HomeScreen campaign generated over 12 million impressions, while Air France saw a 22% increase in recommendation intent by securing premium placements on Smart TV home screens. In addition, Nestlé achieved a 9% lift in ad recall, leveraging Teads’ high-attention CTV HomeScreen formats to enhance brand impact.

“This initiative showcases how advertising innovation and precise data can strengthen brand image and consumer engagement. Teads’support in this campaign allowed us to combine exclusive formats with rigorous measurement, demonstrating real value for the brand,” said Catherine Masson, Director of Brand Media Strategy and Media Buying at Air France.

Now Available in Teads Ad Manager

Brands can now seamlessly combine CTV HomeScreen with mobile and desktop formats within a single buying platform, making it easier to plan, execute, and optimize omnichannel campaigns and ensuring a more cohesive, data-driven approach to audience engagement.

With real-time attention measurement, contextual targeting, and planning and insight tools, Teads Ad Manager offers advertisers an all-in-one solution to maximize impact across every screen. This latest integration reflects Teads’ commitment to future-proofing CTV advertising by delivering premium placements, innovative ad formats, and advanced measurement tools.

Teads was recently announced as a finalist in the Best CTV Ad Tech Platform category by the Digiday Streaming and Video Awards. For more information on Teads’ CTV HomeScreen solutions, visit https://thenewteads.com/.

About The New Teads
Outbrain Inc. (Nasdaq: OB) and Teads S.A. combined on February 3, 2025 and are operating under the new Teads brand. The new Teads is the omnichannel outcomes platform for the open internet, driving full-funnel results for marketers across premium media. With a focus on meaningful business outcomes, the combined company ensures value is driven with every media dollar by leveraging predictive AI technology to connect quality media, beautiful brand creative, and context-driven addressability and measurement. One of the most scaled advertising platforms on the open internet, the new Teads is directly partnered with more than 10,000 publishers and 20,000 advertisers globally. The company is headquartered in New York, with a global team of nearly 1,800 people in 36 countries.

For more information, visit https://thenewteads.com/.

Forward-Looking Statements

This press release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of the federal securities laws, which statements involve substantial risks and uncertainties. Forward-looking statements may include, without limitation, statements generally relating to possible or assumed future results of our business, financial condition, results of operations, liquidity, plans and objectives, and statements relating to our recently completed acquisition (the “Acquisition”) of TEADS, a private limited liability company (société anonyme) incorporated and existing under the laws of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg (“Teads”). You can generally identify forward-looking statements because they contain words such as “may,” “will,” “should,” “expects,” “plans,” “anticipates,” “could,” “intends,” “guidance,” “outlook,” “target,” “projects,” “contemplates,” “believes,” “estimates,” “predicts,” “foresee,” “potential” or “continue” or the negative of these terms or other similar expressions that concern our expectations, strategy, plans or intentions or are not statements of historical fact. We have based these forward- looking statements largely on our expectations and projections regarding future events and trends that we believe may affect our business, financial condition, and results of operations. The outcome of the events described in these forward-looking statements is subject to risks, uncertainties and other factors including, but not limited to: the ability of Outbrain to successfully integrate Teads or manage the combined business effectively; our ability to realize anticipated benefits and synergies of the Acquisition, including, among other things, operating efficiencies, revenue synergies and other cost savings; our due diligence investigation of Teads may be inadequate or risks related to Teads’ business may materialize; unexpected costs, charges or expenses resulting from the Acquisition; the outcome of any securities litigation, stockholder derivative or other litigation related to the Acquisition; our ability to raise additional financing in the future to fund our operations, which may not be available to us on favorable terms or at all; the volatility of the market price of our common stock and any drop in the market price of our common stock following the Acquisition; our ability to attract and retain customers, management and other key personnel; overall advertising demand and traffic generated by our media partners; factors that affect advertising demand and spending, such as the continuation or worsening of unfavorable economic or business conditions or downturns, instability or volatility in financial markets, and other events or factors outside of our control, such as tariffs and trade wars, U.S. and global recession concerns, geopolitical concerns, including the ongoing war between Ukraine-Russia and conditions in Israel and the Middle East, supply chain issues, inflationary pressures, labor market volatility, bank closures or disruptions, the impact of challenging economic conditions, political and policy changes or uncertainties in connection with the new U.S. presidential administration, and other factors that have impacted and may further impact advertisers’ ability to pay; our ability to continue to innovate, and adoption by our advertisers and media partners of our expanding solutions; the potential impact of artificial intelligence (“AI”) on our industry and our need to invest in AI-based solutions; the success of our sales and marketing investments, which may require significant investments and may involve long sales cycles; our ability to grow our business and manage growth effectively; our ability to compete effectively against current and future competitors; the loss or decline of one or more of our large media partners, and our ability to expand our advertiser and media partner relationships; conditions in Israel, including the sustainability of the recent cease-fire between Israel and Hamas and any conflicts with other terrorist organizations or countries; our ability to maintain our revenues or profitability despite quarterly fluctuations in our results, whether due to seasonality, large cyclical events, or other causes; the risk that our research and development efforts may not meet the demands of a rapidly evolving technology market; any failure of our recommendation engine to accurately predict attention or engagement, any deterioration in the quality of our recommendations or failure to present interesting content to users or other factors which may cause us to experience a decline in user engagement or loss of media partners; limits on our ability to collect, use and disclose data to deliver advertisements; our ability to extend our reach into evolving digital media platforms; our ability to maintain and scale our technology platform; our ability to meet demands on our infrastructure and resources due to future growth or otherwise; our failure or the failure of third parties to protect our sites, networks and systems against security breaches, or otherwise to protect the confidential information of us or our partners; outages or disruptions that impact us or our service providers, resulting from cyber incidents, or failures or loss of our infrastructure; significant fluctuations in currency exchange rates; political and regulatory risks in the various markets in which we operate; the challenges of compliance with differing and changing regulatory requirements, including with respect to privacy; the timing and execution of any cost-saving measures and the impact on our business or strategy; and the risks described in the section entitled “Risk Factors” and elsewhere in the Annual Report on Form 10-K filed for the year ended December 31, 2024and in subsequent reports filed with the SEC. Accordingly, you should not rely upon forward-looking statements as an indication of future performance. We cannot assure you that the results, events and circumstances reflected in the forward-looking statements will be achieved or will occur, and actual results, events, or circumstances could differ materially from those projected in the forward-looking statements. The forward-looking statements made in this press release relate only to events as of the date on which the statements are made. We may not actually achieve the plans, intentions or expectations disclosed in our forward-looking statements and you should not place undue reliance on our forward-looking statements. We undertake no obligation and do not assume any obligation to update any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or circumstances after the date on which the statements are made or to reflect the occurrence of unanticipated events or otherwise, except as required by law.

Media Contact

press@outbrain.com

Investor Relations Contact

IR@outbrain.com

(332) 205-8999

The MIL Network –

April 23, 2025
MIL-OSI: Rigetti Wins Innovate UK’s Quantum Missions Pilot Competition to Advance Quantum Error Correction Capabilities on Superconducting Quantum Computers
Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

Rigetti, in collaboration with Riverlane and the National Quantum Computing Centre (NQCC), has been selected as one of the winners of Innovate UK’s Quantum Missions pilot competition. Leveraging Rigetti’s quantum computer hosted at the NQCC, the £3.5 million Rigetti-led consortium aims to benchmark and enhance the quantum error correction capabilities of superconducting quantum computers — a requirement for achieving large-scale fault-tolerant quantum computing.

BERKELEY, Calif., April 22, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Rigetti UK Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Rigetti Computing, Inc. (Nasdaq: RGTI) (“Rigetti” or the “Company”), a pioneer in full-stack quantum-classical computing, today announced that it has been selected as one of the winners of Innovate UK’s Quantum Missions pilot competition to benchmark and enhance quantum error correction (QEC) capabilities on superconducting quantum computers. Rigetti will lead a £3.5 million consortium alongside Riverlane and the NQCC Superconducting Circuits Team to leverage Rigetti’s superconducting quantum computer hosted at the NQCC to conduct ambitious QEC tests that advance state-of-the-art metrics and demonstrate real-time QEC capabilities — a requirement for universal, fault-tolerant quantum computing.

Fault-tolerant quantum computing has the potential to usher in a new era of computational power to solve real-world problems. Achieving fault tolerance requires QEC to be effectively integrated with quantum computing technology, and with that comes addressing critical challenges. These include processing bottlenecks in classical control systems and their integration with quantum error decoding technology, as well as the high error rates of current quantum computers. The project aims to make measurable advancements towards overcoming these challenges by developing key capabilities required for executing a large number of quantum operations on Rigetti’s UK-based quantum computer.

As part of the project, Rigetti will upgrade its existing NQCC quantum computer. The upgrades will include:
- Deploying a larger 36-qubit quantum processing unit (QPU), updating from the current 24-qubit QPU
- Integrating Rigetti’s latest generation control system, enabling improved qubit control and a fully programmable, low-latency interface with Riverlane’s Quantum Error Correction (QEC) Stack
Riverlane will lead the QEC experiments, identifying key improvements to enhance system performance and meet crucial QEC metrics. The NQCC Superconducting Circuits Team will support the system upgrade and provide quality assurance for the QEC experiments.

“Our NQCC testbed continues to serve as a critical resource for advancing our technology capabilities. We believe that we have a tremendous advantage on our path to fault-tolerant quantum computing with Riverlane’s QEC expertise and our modular, open architecture that lends itself to flexible and innovative solutions to scale our technology,” says Dr. Subodh Kulkarni, Rigetti CEO. “Moreover, we benefit from the strong advantages of superconducting qubits, which we believe are the winning qubit modality given their fast gate speeds and clear path to scaling.”

“Developing high-performance quantum error correction is critical to achieving fault-tolerant quantum computing, and this project provides an ideal environment to advance those capabilities,” said Steve Brierley, Riverlane CEO & Founder. “By integrating our QEC stack with Rigetti’s upgraded superconducting quantum computer, we aim to achieve measurable improvements in key performance metrics, including throughput, latency, and decoding accuracy, which are essential for real-time error correction. We look forward to making significant progress through this collaboration.”

The Quantum Missions pilot competition was established to accelerate quantum computing and quantum networking projects by increasing their capabilities and removing technological barriers to their commercialization and adoption. Rigetti was also awarded two additional Quantum Missions pilot competition projects:
- Collaboration with SEEQC to integrate its digital chip-based technology with Rigetti’s 9-qubit Novera™ QPU hosted at the NQCC with the goal of identifying and understanding the key system components needed for scalable QEC. The project partners also include Cambridge Consultants, Oxford Instruments Nanotechnology Tools, NQCC, and University of Edinburgh.
- Collaboration with TreQ, Qruise, Q-CTRL, and Oxford Ionics to create an open-architecture quantum computing testbed. The project will offer eight unique configurations by combining two quantum processors, two control systems, and two quantum software stacks. The project will also deliver an open specification for quantum workflows, creating a common interface between quantum software and hardware.
These projects build on Rigetti’s leadership in the UK’s quantum computing ecosystem, including launching the first fully operational quantum computer at the NQCC and leading a three-year £10 million consortium to deploy one of the first UK-based quantum computers hosted at Oxford Instruments’ Tubney Woods facility.

About Rigetti
Rigetti is a pioneer in full-stack quantum computing. The Company has operated quantum computers over the cloud since 2017 and serves global enterprise, government, and research clients through its Rigetti Quantum Cloud Services platform. In 2021, Rigetti began selling on-premises quantum computing systems with qubit counts between 24 and 84 qubits, supporting national laboratories and quantum computing centers. Rigetti’s 9-qubit Novera QPU was introduced in 2023 supporting a broader R&D community with a high-performance, on-premises QPU designed to plug into a customer’s existing cryogenic and control systems. The Company’s proprietary quantum-classical infrastructure provides high-performance integration with public and private clouds for practical quantum computing. Rigetti has developed the industry’s first multi-chip quantum processor for scalable quantum computing systems. The Company designs and manufactures its chips in-house at Fab-1, the industry’s first dedicated and integrated quantum device manufacturing facility. Learn more at https://www.rigetti.com/.

Rigetti Computing Media Contact:
press@rigetti.com

Cautionary Language Concerning Forward-Looking Statements
Certain statements in this communication may be considered “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the federal securities laws, including but not limited to, expectations with respect to the Company’s business and operations, including its expectations related to the Innovate UK grants as part of the Quantum Missions pilot competition and work with Riverlane to benchmark and enhance quantum error correction (QEC) capabilities on superconducting quantum computers; SEEQC, NQCC, Cambridge Consultants, Oxford Instruments Nanotechnology Tools, and University of Edinburgh to integrate a digital chip-based technology with Rigetti’s 9-qubit Novera™ QPU hosted at the NQCC with the goal of identifying and understanding the key system components needed for scalable QEC; and TreQ, Qruise, Q-CTRL, and Oxford Ionics to create an open-architecture quantum computing testbed. Forward-looking statements generally relate to future events and can be identified by terminology such as “commit,” “may,” “should,” “could,” “might,” “plan,” “possible,” “intend,” “strive,” “expect,” “intend,” “will,” “estimate,” “believe,” “predict,” “potential,” “pursue,” “aim,” “goal,” “outlook,” “anticipate,” “assume,” or “continue,” or the negatives of these terms or variations of them or similar terminology. Such forward-looking statements are subject to risks, uncertainties, and other factors which could cause actual results to differ materially from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements are based upon estimates and assumptions that, while considered reasonable by Rigetti and its management, are inherently uncertain. Factors that may cause actual results to differ materially from current expectations include, but are not limited to: Rigetti’s ability to achieve milestones, technological advancements, including with respect to its roadmap, help unlock quantum computing, and develop practical applications; the ability of Rigetti to complete ongoing negotiations with government contractors successfully and in a timely manner; the potential of quantum computing; the ability of Rigetti to obtain government contracts and the availability of government funding; the ability of Rigetti to expand its QCS business; the success of Rigetti’s partnerships and collaborations; Rigetti’s ability to accelerate its development of multiple generations of quantum processors; the outcome of any legal proceedings that may be instituted against Rigetti or others; the ability to continue to meet stock exchange listing standards; costs related to operating as a public company; changes in applicable laws or regulations, including taxes and tariffs; the possibility that Rigetti may be adversely affected by other economic, business, or competitive factors; Rigetti’s estimates of expenses and profitability; the evolution of the markets in which Rigetti competes; the ability of Rigetti to execute on its technology roadmap; the ability of Rigetti to implement its strategic initiatives, expansion plans and continue to innovate its existing services; disruptions in banking systems, increased costs, international trade relations, political turmoil, natural catastrophes, warfare, and terrorist attacks; and other risks and uncertainties set forth in the section entitled “Risk Factors” and “Cautionary Note Regarding Forward-Looking Statements” in the Company’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2024, and other documents filed by the Company from time to time with the SEC. These filings identify and address other important risks and uncertainties that could cause actual events and results to differ materially from those contained in the forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements speak only as of the date they are made. Readers are cautioned not to put undue reliance on forward-looking statements, and the Company assumes no obligation and does not intend to update or revise these forward-looking statements other than as required by applicable law. The Company does not give any assurance that it will achieve its expectations.

The MIL Network –
April 23, 2025

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