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Category: Reportage

  • MIL-OSI Global: We Do Not Part by Han Kang: a haunting story which forces the reader to remember a horrific incident in Korea’s past that it tried to erase

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Hyunseon Lee, Professorial Research Associate at Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures, and Centre for Creative Industries, Media and Screen Studies, SOAS, University of London

    Jeju inhabitants awaiting execution in late 1948 wikimedia, CC BY

    We Do Not Part is the latest book by Korean writer Han Kang, who won the Nobel prize in literature in 2024. The book begins in fragments that ebb between dark dream, waking nightmare and memories of how the book’s protagonist Kyungha got to this terrible way of living.

    Even for those who do not know much about Korean history, it is fairly clear that something awful has changed Kyungha. When she closes her eyes images of women clutching children, black tree trunks jutting like limbs from the earth and so much snow flood into her mind.

    This experience has sapped all life from Kyungha and she is, when we meet her, simply waiting for death. That is, until her friend Inseon injures herself and asks Kyungha to travel to her home on the island of Jeju, south of mainland Korea, to look after her beloved pet bird, Ama.

    When she gets there, a violent snowstorm leaves her trapped in Inseon’s compound. Here, she stumbles upon the investigation into her friend’s family and its connection to the Jeju 4.3 massacre in the 1940s.

    In the early morning of April 3 1948, 359 members of the South Korean Workers’ Party and partisans carried out attacks on 12 police facilities and the homes of conservative leaders. They killed 12 people, including family members, before fleeing to the Halla Mountains. The term “Jeju 4.3” came from the date the incident is considered by many to have begun, even though it officially lasted from March 1 1947 to September 21 1954.

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    What followed was a massive counterinsurgency operation by the South Korean government (with US backing) to exterminate communists and their sympathisers on the island. While officially numbers are still not known, it is believed that more than 30,000 Jeju people (10% of Jeju’s population at the time), including women and children, were killed.

    In We Do Not Part, we find out that Inseon’s mother, who died several years earlier, was a survivor of Jeju 4.3. Han Kang’s impressive approach to presenting the memories of Jeju 4.3 is multi-layered, subtle, fragmentary and contains a high degree of sensitivity as she recounts the massacre from the perspective of Inseon and her mother.

    Inseon is part of a what the Holocaust and cultural memory scholar Marianne Hirsch termed the “postmemory generation”. She is the child of a survivor who has inherited a “catastrophic [history] not through direct recollection but through haunting postmemories”.

    Inseon has absorbed the stories of her mother as her own. For instance, in one of the first extracts of Inseon’s memories she speaks of her mother and her sister finding their family dead in the snow.

    I remember her. The girl roaming the schoolyard, searching well into the evening. A child of 13 clinging to her 17-year-old sister as if her sister wasn’t a child herself, hanging on by a sleeve, too scared to see but unable to look away.

    However, Inseon doesn’t remember. She wasn’t there. But, as Hirsch writes of the postmemory generation, such distinct “memories” are mediated by “imaginative investments, projections and creations”.

    Han Kang’s skilful use of Inseon’s postmemory carefully gives voice to the feelings of Inseon’s mother. Han Kang does this through presenting these in fragments that recount first Inseon’s investigative work, and then Inseon’s mother’s research into the family’s losses. These are inserted in passages of recounted conversations, writing and descriptions of photographs and films.

    These pieces are scattered amid Kyungha’s time in the dreamlike and snow buried compound. The intermingling of past and present, dream and reality, art and life creates an almost hallucinatory quality where the edges blur as Kyungha inherits Inseon’s memories – which she inherited from her mother. In each transference, these stories become new.

    This retelling and remembering is important. The 1947 to 1949 uprising is considered by some historians, particularly the American historian Bruce Cummings, as the precursor to the Korean civil war, which left the country divided into North and South. However, for almost 50 years, the very existence of the massacre was officially censored and repressed.

    It was only in 2000s that the incident was recognised and the National Committee for Investigation of the Truth about the Jeju 4.3 Incident was established. In 2003, then-president Roh Moo-hyun apologised for the deaths of the innocents and the state repression against the survivors, who had been severely stigmatised as enemies of the state and branded “red insurgents” (pokto).

    Hang Kang’s novel makes it clear that Jeju 4.3 is not simply an issue of the past, but one of the present that persists and lives on in the lives of all who it has touched. Inseon was born the only daughter of a mother who witnessed the massacre and a father who survived, not only on Jeju, but also afterwards on the Korean mainland. This parentage means she cannot forget nor repress it, it constantly intrudes into her life.

    Han Kang urges the public to bear witness, the reader does so through Kyungha. As she delves into the history through memory and official documents, we too do the same. In this act of reading we remember and name the tragedy.

    Ultimately, this becomes an act of commemoration of the victims whose spirits still seem unable to leave this life as they remain on the island in the form of wind, birds, trees, snow and sea. We see, as Kyungha sees, Jeju 4.3 has left too much pain and too many scars on the souls for them to forget and leave.

    We Do Not Part is captivating, moving and from sentence to sentence Han Kang’s sensitive approach to Jeju 4.3 makes us reflect on why we still need to remember and commemorate this tragedy and the many others that still go ignored.

    Hyunseon Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. We Do Not Part by Han Kang: a haunting story which forces the reader to remember a horrific incident in Korea’s past that it tried to erase – https://theconversation.com/we-do-not-part-by-han-kang-a-haunting-story-which-forces-the-reader-to-remember-a-horrific-incident-in-koreas-past-that-it-tried-to-erase-249200

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: DRC conflict: talks have failed to bring peace. Is it time to try sanctions?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Patrick Hajayandi, Research Affiliate, University of Pretoria

    The crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) escalated at the end of January 2025 when Goma, the capital of the province of North Kivu, fell to Rwanda-backed M23 rebels.

    The civilian population is paying a heavy price as a result of ongoing violence, despite a series of initiatives aimed at creating conditions for peace. Since the re-emergence of the M23 in November 2021, violent clashes with the Congolese army have led to thousands of deaths and displaced more than one million people in North Kivu province alone.

    Patrick Hajayandi, whose research focuses on peacebuilding and regional reconciliation, examines previous attempts at finding peace in eastern DRC – and what needs to happen next.

    What efforts have been made by the DRC and Rwanda to ease tensions?

    The eastern DRC has become the site of renewed tensions between Kigali and Kinshasa. Rwanda lies to the east of the DRC. The two nations share a border of about 217 kilometres.

    Kigali accuses the DRC of hosting the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, the largest illegal armed group operating in the conflict area. Better known by its French acronym, FDLR, the group has stated its intention to overthrow the Rwandan government.

    On the other hand, Kinshasa accuses Rwanda of supporting and arming the M23, which seeks to control the two Kivu provinces, North and South. The involvement of the Rwandan Defence Forces in direct combat alongside the M23, corroborated by UN experts, has escalated the spread of violence.

    Despite current tensions between Kinshasa and Kigali, a few years ago the two governments engaged in collaborative efforts to solve the problem posed by the numerous armed groups operating in eastern DRC.

    Such efforts included two joint operations with Congolese and Rwandan forces aimed at neutralising the FDLR. These joint operations in 2008 and 2009 were known as Operation Kimia and Umoja Wetu. In 2019 and 2020, soon after he took power, President Felix Tshisekedi allowed the Rwandan army to conduct operations against the FDLR in Congolese territory.

    However, in recent years, relations have soured badly between Kinshasa and Kigali. This has led to regional efforts to broker peace.

    Why has it been so difficult for regional actors to broker peace in the DRC?

    The first complicating factor relates to the different roles that regional actors play in the DRC.

    The involvement of a multitude of countries points to the complexity underlying the conflict and the diverse geopolitical interests. The DRC shares a border with nine countries: Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, the Republic of Congo, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia.

    In 2022, the African Union asked Angolan president João Lourenço to mediate between the DRC and Rwanda. The process he oversees is known as the Luanda Process and seeks to defuse the escalation of violence across the region. In particular, it has sought to reduce tensions between Kigali and Kinshasa.

    The East African Community is directly involved in peace initiatives to restore peace in DRC. It has appointed former Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta to lead what is called the Nairobi Process.



    Read more:
    DRC-Rwanda crisis: what’s needed to prevent a regional war

    The DRC has rebuffed the East African Community’s reconciliation efforts. And Rwanda recently criticised both processes, suggesting the country had lost confidence in the ability of Lourenço and Kenyatta to find a solution.

    In May 2023, the Southern African Development Community, of which the DRC is a member state, deployed a peace mission. This followed the exit of troops from the East African Community.

    Other countries play different roles directly or indirectly in various missions in the DRC. Burundi is supporting military operations there under the framework of bilateral agreements in the defence sector. Uganda also deployed troops, ostensibly in pursuit of jihadist-backed armed rebels three years ago. However, this deployment has been a destabilising factor, with Kampala facing accusations of supporting the M23.

    What have been the main hurdles in the way of these initiatives?

    The East African Community Regional Force was deployed to pursue peace in eastern DRC as part of the Nairobi Process. However, this mission was cut short due to four main challenges:

    • differences over mission objectives: the DRC government believed that the East African Community Regional Force would militarily confront M23 rebels. But the force had different objectives. As indicated by its commander, the deployment was to focus on overseeing the implementation of a political agreement, not run a military confrontation.

    • contrasting views among the leaders of the East African Community member states on how to address the DRC’s crisis: the DRC and Rwanda are both members of the community. Rwanda is vocal about stopping the persecution of Congolese Tutsi in the DRC. However, there is a growing perception that Rwanda is supporting the M23 as a proxy force to allow it to control mineral resources. This has stalled reconciliation efforts.

    • a lack of financial support for the talks: the African Union and regional bodies don’t have enough funding to support the interventions required to make meaningful progress.

    The Luanda Process has not been able to bring tangible results either. The reasons for this failure include bad faith from the parties involved. This was reflected in the continued capture of territories by Rwanda-backed M23 rebels, despite a July 2024 ceasefire.

    After the January 2025 seizure of Goma and wave of deaths and displacement that followed, the M23 declared another ceasefire. Whether it will hold remains to be seen.

    Rwanda’s behaviour in the ongoing conflict is complicating peace efforts. Kigali continues to deny supporting the M23 armed group. But it is participating in negotiations that involve the M23 and the DRC government. These contradictions make it difficult to know exactly who must be held responsible when, for example, a ceasefire is violated.

    What’s required to give peace in the DRC a chance?

    The current peace initiatives have been ineffective; they are routinely violated. What is needed is real pressure on the actors involved in spreading violence, forcing them to halt their destructive activities.

    Congolese Nobel Prize winner Denis Mukwege, for example, has called for diplomatic and economic measures to end the aggression in the DRC. This would mean implementing sanctions and aid conditionalities in both Kigali and Kinshasa against the military and political leaders orchestrating violence against civilian populations.

    Interventions should also include addressing structural causes of the conflict in the DRC, including resource exploitation.

    There is also a need to address impunity as an essential step towards lasting peace. Rwanda must not continue to support an armed group that is attacking a neighbour. Kigali needs to be held accountable. International pressure is essential in halting attacks. The DRC government must also play its role as a guarantor of security for all its citizens.

    Patrick Hajayandi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. DRC conflict: talks have failed to bring peace. Is it time to try sanctions? – https://theconversation.com/drc-conflict-talks-have-failed-to-bring-peace-is-it-time-to-try-sanctions-248792

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: An ‘earthquake swarm’ is shaking Santorini. It could persist for months

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Dee Ninis, Earthquake Scientist, Monash University

    Greece’s government has just declared a state of emergency on the island of Santorini, as earthquakes shake the island multiple times a day and sometimes only minutes apart.

    The “earthquake swarm” is also affecting other nearby islands in the Aegean Sea. It began gradually with numerous very minor (less than magnitude 3) and mostly imperceptible earthquakes in late January. However, at the start of February, the seismic activity intensified as the quakes became larger and more frequent.

    So far, several thousand quakes have been recorded in the last two weeks. As many as 30 a day have been above magnitude 4.0 – most of them at less than 10km depth, which is large and shallow enough to be felt by people living on local islands.

    These larger earthquakes have resulted in rock falls along the islands’ coastal cliffs, as well as minor damage to vulnerable buildings. The largest earthquake so far was magnitude 5.1 on February 6, which was also felt in the capital city, Athens, as well as in Crete and in parts of Turkey more than 240km away.

    Usually a popular tourist destination, Santorini is now virtually empty. Over the past week, some 11,000 holidaymakers and locals have left the island, with many fearing the seismic activity may presage a volcanic eruption.

    So how exactly does an “earthquake swarm” happen? And what might happen in the coming days and weeks?

    No stranger to earthquakes

    This area of the world is no stranger to earthquakes. Greece is one of the most seismically active regions in Europe.

    The current seismic activity is located near Anydros, an uninhabited islet about 30km northeast of Santorini. This region lies within the volcanic arc of the “Hellenic subduction zone”, where the African tectonic plate is slowly sliding beneath the Eurasian plate (and specifically the Aegean microplate). The region hosts volcanoes as well as numerous weak zones in the crust – what earth scientists often call “faults”.

    Santorini itself is a mostly submerged caldera – a crater formed as a result of volcanic activity over the past 180,000 years, with its last eruption in the 1950s. Earthquakes can be connected to volcanic activity – specifically, the movement of magma beneath the surface.

    However, this earthquake sequence is not located beneath Santorini. And local scientists monitoring Santorini have reported no change to indicate the current seismic activity is a forerunner of another Santorini eruption. Instead, the earthquakes appear to align with faults lying between Santorini and the neighbouring island Amorgos.

    Nearby faults are known to have produced earthquakes before. For example, in 1956, a 7.8 magnitude earthquake here also produced a damaging tsunami and was soon followed by a magnitude 7.2 aftershock. More than 53 people died as a result of this earthquake and the aftershock and tsunami. Many more were injured.

    Earthquakes, shown as coloured circles, of the January-February 2025 Anydros swarm, near Santorini, Greece (Source: seismo.auth.gr) and known active faults, depicted as black lines (Source: https://zenodo.org/records/13168947).
    Dee Ninis & Konstantinos Michailos

    No single stand-out event

    Tectonic earthquakes occur when accumulating stress in Earth’s crust is suddenly released, causing a rupture along a fault and releasing energy in the form of seismic waves.

    Typically, moderate to major earthquakes (known as mainshocks) are followed by smaller quakes (known as aftershocks) that gradually diminish in magnitude and frequency over time. This is what seismologists call the mainshock–aftershock sequence.

    Some sequences behave differently and do not exhibit a single stand-out event. Instead, they involve multiple earthquakes of a similar size that take place over days, weeks, or even months. These types of sequences are what seismologists call “earthquake swarms”.

    The 1956 earthquake was a mainshock–aftershock sequence, with aftershocks lasting at least eight months after the mainshock. However, the current ongoing seismic activity near Santorini, at least as of February 7, features thousands of earthquakes, many with magnitudes ranging between 4.0 and 5.0.

    This suggests it is most likely an earthquake swarm.

    Earthquake swarms are often associated with fluid movement in the earth’s crust and the resulting seismic activity is usually less dramatic than the sudden movement of a strong mainshock.

    Seismologists are interested in distinguishing between mainshock–aftershock sequences and earthquake swarms as it can help them better understand the processes that drive these phenomena.

    A larger quake is still possible

    We cannot predict exactly what will come from the earthquake activity near Santorini. Global observations of earthquakes tell us that only a small fraction (about 5%) of earthquakes are foreshocks to larger earthquakes.

    That said, there could still be a possibility that a larger and potentially damaging earthquake could occur there soon.

    Although swarms typically involve earthquakes of lower magnitudes, they can last for days to weeks, or persist for months. They can even slow down, and then intensify again, unsettling locals with intermittent ground shaking.

    Dee Ninis works at the Seismology Research Centre, is Vice President of the Australian Earthquake Engineering Society, and a Committee Member for the Geological Society of Australia – Victoria Division.

    Konstantinos Michailos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. An ‘earthquake swarm’ is shaking Santorini. It could persist for months – https://theconversation.com/an-earthquake-swarm-is-shaking-santorini-it-could-persist-for-months-249278

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Is DOGE a cybersecurity threat? A security expert explains the dangers of violating protocols and regulations that protect government computer systems

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Richard Forno, Teaching Professor of Computer Science and Electrical Engineering, and Assistant Director, UMBC Cybersecurity Institute, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

    People protest DOGE’s access to sensitive personal data. AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    The Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), President Donald Trump’s special commission tasked with slashing federal spending, continues to disrupt Washington and the federal bureaucracy. According to published reports, its teams are dropping into federal agencies with a practically unlimited mandate to reform the federal government in accordance with recent executive orders.

    As a 30-year cybersecurity veteran, I find the activities of DOGE thus far concerning. Its broad mandate across government, seemingly nonexistent oversight, and the apparent lack of operational competence of its employees have demonstrated that DOGE could create conditions that are ideal for cybersecurity or data privacy incidents that affect the entire nation.

    Traditionally, the purpose of cybersecurity is to ensure the confidentiality and integrity of information and information systems while helping keep those systems available to those who need them. But in DOGE’s first few weeks of existence, reports indicate that its staff appears to be ignoring those principles and potentially making the federal government more vulnerable to cyber incidents.

    Technical competence

    Cybersecurity and information technology, like any other business function, depend on employees trained specifically for their jobs. Just as you wouldn’t let someone only qualified in first aid to perform open heart surgery, technology professionals require a baseline set of credentialed education, training and experience to ensure that the most qualified people are on the job.

    Currently, the general public, federal agencies and Congress have little idea who is tinkering with the government’s critical systems. DOGE’s hiring process, including how it screens applicants for technical, operational or cybersecurity competency, as well as experience in government, is opaque. And journalists investigating the backgrounds of DOGE employees have been intimidated by the acting U.S. attorney in Washington.

    DOGE has hired young people fresh out of – or still in – college or with little or no experience in government, but who reportedly have strong technical prowess. But some have questionable backgrounds for such sensitive work. And one leading DOGE staffer working at the Treasury Department has since resigned over a series of racist social media posts.

    Wired’s Katie Drummond explains what the magazine’s reporters have uncovered about DOGE staffers and their activities.

    According to reports, these DOGE staffers have been granted administrator-level technical access to a variety of federal systems. These include systems that process all federal payments, including Social Security, Medicare and the congressionally appropriated funds that run the government and its contracting operations.

    DOGE operatives are quickly developing and deploying major software changes to very complex old systems and databases, according to reports. But given the speed of change, it’s likely that there is little formal planning or quality control involved to ensure such changes don’t break the system. Such actions run contrary to cybersecurity principles and best practices for technology management.

    As a result, there’s probably no way of knowing if these changes make it easier for malware to be introduced into government systems, if sensitive data can be accessed without authorization, or if DOGE’s work is making government systems otherwise more unstable and more vulnerable.

    If you don’t know what you’re doing in IT, really bad things can happen. A notable example is the failed launch of the healthcare.gov website in 2013. In the case of the Treasury Department’s systems, that’s fairly important to remember as the nation careens toward another debt-ceiling crisis and citizens look for their Social Security payments.

    On Feb. 6, 2025, a federal judge ordered that DOGE staff be restricted to read-only access to the Treasury Department’s payment systems, but the legal proceedings challenging the legality of their access to government IT systems are ongoing.

    DOGE email servers

    DOGE’s apparent lack of cybersecurity competence is reflected in some of its first actions. DOGE installed its own email servers across the federal government to facilitate direct communication with rank-and-file employees outside official channels, disregarding time-tested best practices for cybersecurity and IT administration. A lawsuit by federal employees alleges that these systems did not undergo a security review as required by current federal cybersecurity standards.

    There is an established process in the federal government to configure and deploy new systems to ensure they are stable, secure and unlikely to create cybersecurity problems. But DOGE ignored those practices, with predictable results.

    For example, a journalist was able to send invitations to his newsletter to over 13,000 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration employees through one of these servers. In another case, the way in which employee responses to DOGE’s Fork in the Road buyout offer to federal employees are collected could easily be manipulated by someone with malicious intent – a simple social engineering attack could wrongly end a worker’s employment. And DOGE staff members reportedly are connecting their own untrusted devices to government networks, which potentially introduces new ways for cyberattackers to penetrate sensitive systems.

    However, DOGE appears to be embracing creative cybersecurity practices in shielding itself. It’s reorganizing its internal communications in order to dodge Freedom of Information Act requests into its work, and it’s using cybersecurity techniques for tracking insider threats to prevent and investigate leaks of its activities.

    Lacking management controls

    But it’s not just technical security that DOGE is ignoring. On Feb. 2, two security officials for the U.S. Agency for International Development resisted granting a DOGE team access to sensitive financial and personnel systems until their identities and clearances were verified, in accordance with federal requirements. Instead, the officials were threatened with arrest and placed on administrative leave, and DOGE’s team gained access.

    The Trump administration also has reclassified federal chief information officers, normally senior career employees with years of specialized knowledge, to be general employees subject to dismissal for political reasons. So there may well be a brain drain of IT talent in the federal government, or a constant turnover of both senior IT leadership and other technical experts. This change will almost certainly have ramifications for cybersecurity.

    DOGE operatives now have direct access to the Office of Personnel Management’s database of millions of federal employees, including those with security clearances holding sensitive positions. Without oversight, this access opens up the possibilities of privacy violations, tampering with employment records, intimidation or political retribution.

    Support from all levels of management is crucial to provide accountability for cybersecurity and technology management. This is especially important in the public sector, where oversight and accountability is a critical function of good democratic governance and national security. After all, if people don’t know what you’re doing, they don’t know what you’re doing wrong.

    At the moment, DOGE appears to be operating with very little oversight by anyone in position willing or able to hold it responsible for its actions.

    Mitigating the damage

    Career federal employees trying to follow legal or cybersecurity practices for federal systems and data are now placed in a difficult position. They either capitulate to DOGE staffers’ instructions, thereby abandoning best practices and ignoring federal standards, or resist them and run the risk of being fired or disciplined.

    The federal government’s vast collections of data touch every citizen and company. While government systems may not be as trustworthy as they once were, people can still take steps to protect themselves from adverse consequences of DOGE’s activities. Two good starting points are to lock your credit bureau records in case your government data is disclosed and using different logins and passwords on federal websites to conduct business.

    It’s crucial for the administration, Congress and the public to recognize the cybersecurity dangers that DOGE’s activities pose and take meaningful steps to bring the organization under reasonable control and oversight.

    Richard Forno has received research funding related to cybersecurity from the National Science Foundation (NSF), the Department of Defense (DOD), and the US Army during his academic career since 2010.

    – ref. Is DOGE a cybersecurity threat? A security expert explains the dangers of violating protocols and regulations that protect government computer systems – https://theconversation.com/is-doge-a-cybersecurity-threat-a-security-expert-explains-the-dangers-of-violating-protocols-and-regulations-that-protect-government-computer-systems-249111

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kendrick Lamar’s big Super Bowl moment

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Christina L. Myers, Assistant Professor of Journalism, Michigan State University

    Lamar’s Super Bowl appearance marks a political reckoning for the NFL. Astrida Valigorsky/Getty Images

    In the September 2024 NFL ad announcing Kendrick Lamar as the halftime performer at Super Bowl 59, the 37-year-old rapper stands before a colossal American flag, feeding footballs into a machine that launches the balls to wide receivers.

    “Will you be pulling up? I hope so,” he says, plugging his forthcoming appearance on one of the world’s biggest stages, where the cultural stakes can be as high as the athletic ones. “Wear your best dress too, even if you’re watching from home.”

    The casual yet evocative scene was classic Kendrick.

    As a world-renowned Grammy- and Pulitzer Prize-winning artist, Lamar stands in a league of his own. His unflinching critiques of racial injustice, systemic inequality and the exploitation of Black culture have made him a boundary-pushing artist and cultural visionary.

    My work examines how race and racism are constructed, represented and challenged in mass media, particularly in news, music and sports. I think the NFL’s complicated history with social justice makes his participation even more significant.

    With a discography expansive enough to eclipse the time constraints of Sunday’s game, I’m eager to see whether Lamar will weave his lyrical masterpieces into a performance that entertains, educates and challenges viewers.

    Sports, politics and backlash

    Sports have always been political, despite persistent calls to keep politics out of sports.

    The tradition of playing the national anthem before sporting events is but one example: The song is rooted in wartime sorrow and serves as a call to patriotism.

    Then there are unsanctioned acts of protests by players and fans. Whenever professional athletes go on strike, it’s political. When fans unfurl banners in support of Palestinians, it’s political.

    From Tommie Smith and John Carlos’ fist-raising at the 1968 Olympics in solidarity with Black communities during the Civil Rights Movement, to Muhammad Ali’s refusal to fight in the Vietnam War, to Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling to protest police brutality, athletes have long used their platforms to confront injustice and challenge norms.

    Yet, acts of protest often incite backlash, and the NFL has haphazardly tried to police political speech.

    Kaepernick’s protests sparked a national debate about ideas of patriotism and the appropriateness of protest on the playing field. At the same time, NFL owners appeared to effectively blacklist him from the league.

    Nick Bosa, a defensive end with the 49ers, was fined for violating a rule forbidding players from wearing clothes conveying “personal messages” when he wore a MAGA hat during a postgame interview in 2024. Meanwhile, NFL owners have donated millions to presidential campaigns, with most of those contributions given to Republican candidates.

    Kansas City Chiefs Chairman and CEO Clark Hunt has donated to Republican politicians and causes, even as the league tries to muzzle players’ political speech.
    Kevin C. Cox/Getty Images

    An artist and activist

    The Super Bowl halftime show has long been more than just a musical interlude. It’s a stage where cultural and political currents converge.

    During Beyoncé’s 2016 appearance alongside headliner Bruno Mars, she paid homage to the Black Panthers, Malcolm X and the Black Lives Matter movement. U2’s act during the 2002 Super Bowl provided a moment of collective mourning and hope for a country still reeling from the 9/11 terrorist attacks. More recently, Dr. Dre’s 2022 performance celebrated hip-hop’s rise from a marginalized genre to a dominant cultural force. Eminem, who also participated in that performance, took a knee on stage to critique the NFL’s treatment of Black athletes and activists.

    Rapper Eminem takes a knee as he performs during the halftime show of Super Bowl 56 on Feb. 13, 2022.
    Valerie Macon/AFP via Getty Images

    To me, Lamar’s Super Bowl appearance symbolizes a broader reckoning with how the NFL handles the tension between politics and corporate entertainment.

    That’s because Kendrick Lamar’s artistry is more than just music. It’s activism.

    From his Grammy award-winning album “To Pimp a Butterfly” to the raw, introspective, Pulitzer Prize-winning album “DAMN.,” Lamar has consistently confronted themes of systemic oppression, racial injustice and Black life in America.

    Tracks like “DNA.” are unapologetic celebrations of Blackness and generational resilience: 

     I got loyalty, got royalty inside my DNA
 Quarter piece, got war and peace inside my DNA
 I got power, poison, pain and joy inside my DNA
 I got hustle, though, ambition flow inside my DNA

    “The Blacker the Berry” delves into the complexities of Black identity and confronting systemic racism:

      I said they treat me like a slave, cah me Black
  Woi, we feel whole heap of pain cah we Black
  And man a say they put me inna chains cah we Black

    And “XXX.” confronts the greed, violence and hypocrisy at the core of American life.

      Hail Mary, Jesus and Joseph
  The great American flag
  Is wrapped and dragged with explosives
  Compulsive disorder, sons and daughters
  Barricaded blocks and borders, look what you taught us
  It's murder on my street
  Your street, back streets, Wall Street

    Unlike many mainstream artists, Lamar seems to have mastered the delicate balance between commercial success and politically charged content. His genius lies in his ability to write songs that transcend race, gender and class.

    At a time when the nation grapples with efforts to dismantle diversity, equity and inclusion practices, and as corporate power continues to go unchecked, conversations about race and inequality remain at the fore.

    Lamar has never hesitated to confront uncomfortable truths through his music. He has a unique opportunity to merge art, activism and a critique of the nation. I expect this moment will be no exception.

    Will you be pulling up? I will.

    Christina L. Myers is affiliated with the National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ).

    – ref. Kendrick Lamar’s big Super Bowl moment – https://theconversation.com/kendrick-lamars-big-super-bowl-moment-247976

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s push to shut down USAID shows how international development is also about strategic interests

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Nelson Duenas, Assistant Professor of Accounting, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

    The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is on the verge of being shut down by United States President Donald Trump’s administration.

    On Feb. 4, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced the agency would be taken over by the State Department. He stated that “all USAID direct hire personnel will be placed on administrative leave globally.”

    This move comes after Trump and his officials have heavily criticized the role and ineffectiveness of the agency. Trump said USAID had “been run by a bunch of radical lunatics, and we’re getting them out,” while Tesla CEO and special government employee Elon Musk said it was “time for it to die.”

    The closure of USAID will have significant consequences for many countries in the Global South. USAID is one of the largest development agencies in the world and funds programs that benefit millions of people, from supporting peace agreements in Colombia to fighting the spread of HIV in Uganda.

    Around US$40 billion is allocated annually from the U.S. federal budget for humanitarian and development aid. If USAID is dismantled, it raises questions about how these funds will be redirected and the long-term impacts it will have on global development efforts.

    A geopolitical fallout?

    The potential dismantling of USAID has raised concerns among international development experts about a potential geopolitical fallout that could create unintended consequences for the U.S. itself.

    Global issues, such as human security and climate change, are expected to be heavily affected. The U.S. also risks losing influence in the fight for soft power since dismantling USAID could leave behind a power vacuum. Other countries like Russia or China may occupy the space left by what was the largest international aid program in the world.



    Read more:
    USAid shutdown isn’t just a humanitarian issue – it’s a threat to American interests

    This shift could result in the U.S. losing its influence in regions like Africa, South America and Asia, where the country distributed aid to a number of non-governmental organizations, aid agencies and non-profits.

    While the future of U.S. foreign assistance remains uncertain, other world powers have a role to play. European donors, despite some limitations in resources, remain committed to the 2030 Sustainable Development agenda.

    Beyond humanitarianism

    If the agency is shut down, it may be widely condemned on moral and humanitarian grounds. However, its closure would respond to a logic of strategic and ideological interests that has long shaped the international development system. This a key finding from my longstanding field research with organizations that receive funding, not only from USAID, but also from Canadian and European donors.

    International development largely unfolded in the aftermath of the Second World War when global powers competed to establish a new world order. This led to the creation of international agreements and multilateral institutions, with major industrialized nations emerging as the primary donors of foreign aid.

    While many international initiatives, like the Millennium Development Goals and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, have guided development as we know it, the governments of main donor countries have their own interests in mind when providing aid.

    In my research, I have interviewed many people involved in the foreign aid chain, including directors and offices of international non-governmental organizations and governmental co-operation agencies. Many said development relationships are shaped by both the interests of donors and those of recipient populations and organizations.

    While these relationships may be based on humanitarian objectives, such as disaster relief or human rights advocacy, they can also be influenced by ideological, geopolitical, economic and social agendas.

    In this context, the American move to eliminate USAID could be seen as one that prioritizes national security and economic goals over traditional global humanitarian concerns. Governments steer the wheel of international development according to their political ideologies and interests, regardless of the shock this may generate among citizens.

    Canada’s role in all this

    The U.S. is not the only country re-evaluating its international development policy. Sweden, another major country in the foreign aid sphere, is also changing its co-operation strategy following changes in its government and criticism of the NGOs that deploy their development assistance.

    Canada’s role in this unfolding situation remains uncertain. With the resignation of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau as head of the Liberal Party and the upcoming federal election, it’s unclear what will happen to Canada’s international development strategy going forward.

    Under Stephen Harper, the country’s international development strategy was closely tied to expanding trade with developing countries based on maximizing the value of extractive economies and a strong defence policy. This approach aimed to bring value not only to the recipient country of aid, but to Canada as well.

    When Trudeau took office, Canada’s development strategy turned to a more progressive agenda centred on peace keeping, feminist approaches and humanitarian programs.

    Will Canada continue to champion human rights, human security and progressive agendas? Or will Canada reduce funds for foreign assistance, which seems to be the wish of many of its citizens?

    The answer to these questions will depend on the direction that our political leaders decide to take, and the sentiments of citizens. Still, Canada’s approach to development aid will probably remain in a trade-off between moral imperatives of humanitarianism and strategic national interests.

    Nelson Duenas receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC)
    Nelson Duenas is a researcher associated to l’Observatoire canadien sur les crises et l’action humanitaires

    – ref. Trump’s push to shut down USAID shows how international development is also about strategic interests – https://theconversation.com/trumps-push-to-shut-down-usaid-shows-how-international-development-is-also-about-strategic-interests-249118

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s push to shut down USAID shows how international development is all about strategic interests

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Nelson Duenas, Assistant Professor of Accounting, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

    The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is on the verge of being shut down by United States President Donald Trump’s administration.

    On Feb. 4, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced the agency would be taken over by the State Department. He stated that “all USAID direct hire personnel will be placed on administrative leave globally.”

    This move comes after Trump and his officials have heavily criticized the role and ineffectiveness of the agency. Trump said USAID had “been run by a bunch of radical lunatics, and we’re getting them out,” while Tesla CEO and special government employee Elon Musk said it was “time for it to die.”

    The closure of USAID will have significant consequences for many countries in the Global South. USAID is one of the largest development agencies in the world and funds programs that benefit millions of people, from supporting peace agreements in Colombia to fighting the spread of HIV in Uganda.

    Around US$40 billion is allocated annually from the U.S. federal budget for humanitarian and development aid. If USAID is dismantled, it raises questions about how these funds will be redirected and the long-term impacts it will have on global development efforts.

    A geopolitical fallout?

    The potential dismantling of USAID has raised concerns among international development experts about a potential geopolitical fallout that could create unintended consequences for the U.S. itself.

    Global issues, such as human security and climate change, are expected to be heavily affected. The U.S. also risks losing influence in the fight for soft power since dismantling USAID could leave behind a power vacuum. Other countries like Russia or China may occupy the space left by what was the largest international aid program in the world.



    Read more:
    USAid shutdown isn’t just a humanitarian issue – it’s a threat to American interests

    This shift could result in the U.S. losing its influence in regions like Africa, South America and Asia, where the country distributed aid to a number of non-governmental organizations, aid agencies and non-profits.

    While the future of U.S. foreign assistance remains uncertain, other world powers have a role to play. European donors, despite some limitations in resources, remain committed to the 2030 Sustainable Development agenda.

    Beyond humanitarianism

    If the agency is shut down, it may be widely condemned on moral and humanitarian grounds. However, its closure would respond to a logic of strategic and ideological interests that has long shaped the international development system. This a key finding from my longstanding field research with organizations that receive funding, not only from USAID, but also from Canadian and European donors.

    International development largely unfolded in the aftermath of the Second World War when global powers competed to establish a new world order. This led to the creation of international agreements and multilateral institutions, with major industrialized nations emerging as the primary donors of foreign aid.

    While many international initiatives, like the Millennium Development Goals and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, have guided development as we know it, the governments of main donor countries have their own interests in mind when providing aid.

    In my research, I have interviewed many people involved in the foreign aid chain, including directors and offices of international non-governmental organizations and governmental co-operation agencies. Many said development relationships are shaped by both the interests of donors and those of recipient populations and organizations.

    While these relationships may be based on humanitarian objectives, such as disaster relief or human rights advocacy, they can also be influenced by ideological, geopolitical, economic and social agendas.

    In this context, the American move to eliminate USAID could be seen as one that prioritizes national security and economic goals over traditional global humanitarian concerns. Governments steer the wheel of international development according to their political ideologies and interests, regardless of the shock this may generate among citizens.

    Canada’s role in all this

    The U.S. is not the only country re-evaluating its international development policy. Sweden, another major country in the foreign aid sphere, is also changing its co-operation strategy following changes in its government and criticism of the NGOs that deploy their development assistance.

    Canada’s role in this unfolding situation remains uncertain. With the resignation of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau as head of the Liberal Party and the upcoming federal election, it’s unclear what will happen to Canada’s international development strategy going forward.

    Under Stephen Harper, the country’s international development strategy was closely tied to expanding trade with developing countries based on maximizing the value of extractive economies and a strong defence policy. This approach aimed to bring value not only to the recipient country of aid, but to Canada as well.

    When Trudeau took office, Canada’s development strategy turned to a more progressive agenda centred on peace keeping, feminist approaches and humanitarian programs.

    Will Canada continue to champion human rights, human security and progressive agendas? Or will Canada reduce funds for foreign assistance, which seems to be the wish of many of its citizens?

    The answer to these questions will depend on the direction that our political leaders decide to take, and the sentiments of citizens. Still, Canada’s approach to development aid will probably remain in a trade-off between moral imperatives of humanitarianism and strategic national interests.

    Nelson Duenas receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC)
    Nelson Duenas is a researcher associated to l’Observatoire canadien sur les crises et l’action humanitaires

    – ref. Trump’s push to shut down USAID shows how international development is all about strategic interests – https://theconversation.com/trumps-push-to-shut-down-usaid-shows-how-international-development-is-all-about-strategic-interests-249118

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Gaza: we analysed a year of satellite images to map the scale of agricultural destruction

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lina Eklund, Associate Senior Lecturer, Lund University

    Part of North Gaza in November 2023, and again in July 2024.

    SkySat imagery © 2025/Planet Labs PBC

    The ceasefire agreed between Israel and Hamas makes provisions for the passage of food and humanitarian aid into Gaza. This support is much needed given that Gaza’s agricultural system has been severely damaged over the course of the war.

    Over the past 17 months we have analysed satellite images across the Gaza Strip to quantify the scale of agricultural destruction across the region. Our newly published research reveals not only the widespread extent of this destruction but also the potentially unprecedented pace at which it occurred. Our work covers the period until September 2024 but further data through to January 2025 is also available.

    Before the war, tomatoes, peppers, cucumbers and strawberries were grown in open fields and greenhouses, and olive and citrus trees lined rows across the Gazan landscape. The trees in particular are an important cultural heritage in the region, and agriculture was a vital part of Gaza’s economy. About half of the food eaten there was produced in the territory itself, and food made up a similar portion of its exports.

    By December 2023, only two months into the war, there were official warnings that the entire population of Gaza, more than 2 million people, was facing high levels of acute food insecurity. While that assessment was based on interviews and survey data, the level of agricultural damage across the whole landscape remained out of view.

    Most olive and citrus trees are gone

    To address this problem, we mapped the damage to tree crops – mostly olive and citrus trees – in Gaza each month over the course of the war up until September 2024. Together with our colleagues Dimah Habash and Mazin Qumsiyeh, we did this using very high-resolution satellite imagery, detailed enough to focus on individual trees.

    We first visually identified tree crops with and without damage to “train” our computer program, or model, so it knew what to look for. We then ran the model on all the satellite data. We also looked over a sample of results ourselves to confirm it was accurate.

    Our results showed that between 64% and 70% of all tree crop fields in Gaza had been damaged. That can either mean a few trees being destroyed, the whole field of trees completely removed, or anything in between. Most damage took place during the first few months of the war in autumn 2023. Exactly who destroyed these trees and why is beyond the scope of our research or expertise.

    In some areas, every greenhouse is gone

    As greenhouses look very different in satellite images, we used a separate method to map damage to them. We found over 4,000 had been damaged by September 2024, which is more than half of the total we had identified before the start of the war.

    Greenhouses and the date of initial damage between October 2023 and September 2024.
    Yin et al (2025)

    In the south of the territory, where most greenhouses were found, the destruction was fairly steady from December 2023 onwards.

    But in north Gaza and Gaza City, the two most northerly of the territory’s five governorates, most of the damage had already taken place by November and December 2023. By the end of our study period, all 578 greenhouses there had been destroyed.

    North Gaza and Gaza City have also seen the most damage to tree crop fields. By September 2024, over 90% of all tree crops in Gaza City had been destroyed, and 73% had been lost in north Gaza. In the three southern governorates, Khan Younis, Deir al-Balah and Rafah, around 50% of all tree crops had been destroyed.

    Agricultural damage is common in armed conflict, and has been documented with satellite analysis in Ukraine since the 2022 Russian invasion, in Syria and Iraq during the ISIS occupation in 2015, and in the Caucasus during the Chechen wars in the 1990s and 2000s.

    The exact impact can differ from conflict to conflict. War may directly damage lands, as we have seen in Gaza, or it may lead to more fallow areas as infrastructure is damaged and farmers are forced to flee. A conflict also increases the need for local agricultural production, especially when food imports are restricted.

    Our assessment shows a very high rate of direct and extensive damage to Gaza’s agricultural system, both compared to previous conflict escalations there in 2014 and 2021, and in other conflict settings. For example, during the July-August war in 2014, around 1,200 greenhouses were damaged in Gaza. This time round at least three times as many have been damaged.

    Agricultural attacks are unlawful

    Attacks on agricultural lands are prohibited under international law. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court from 1998 defines the intentional use of starvation of civilians through “depriving them of objects indispensable to their survival” as a war crime. The Geneva conventions further define such indispensable objects as “foodstuffs, agricultural areas for the production offoodstuffs, crops, livestock, drinking water installations and supplies and irrigation works”.

    Our study provides transparent statistics on the extent and timing of damage to Gaza’s agricultural system. As well as documenting the impacts of the war, we hope it can help the massive rebuilding efforts that will be required.

    Restoring Gaza’s agricultural system goes beyond clearing debris and rubble, and rebuilding greenhouses. The soils need to be cleaned from possible contamination. Sewage and irrigation infrastructure need to be rebuilt.

    Such efforts may take a generation or more to complete. After all, olive and citrus trees can take five or more years to become productive, and 15 years to reach full maturity. After previous attacks on Gaza the trees were mostly replanted, and perhaps the same will happen again this time. But it’s for good reason they say that only people with hope for the future plant trees.

    Lina Eklund receives funding from the Swedish National Space Agency and the Strategic Research Area: The Middle East in the Contemporary World (MECW) at the Centre for Advanced Middle Eastern Studies, Lund University, Sweden.

    He Yin receives funding from NASA.

    Jamon Van Den Hoek receives funding from NASA.

    – ref. Gaza: we analysed a year of satellite images to map the scale of agricultural destruction – https://theconversation.com/gaza-we-analysed-a-year-of-satellite-images-to-map-the-scale-of-agricultural-destruction-248796

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Fines for term-time holidays are at record levels – this will further erode trust between parents and schools

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Charlotte Haines Lyon, Associate Professor: Education, York St John University

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Recently released government statistics show a record number of fines were given to parents for their children’s absence from school in 2023-24 in England. Of the 487,344 fines issued, 91% were for unauthorised family holidays.

    If these fines, known as fixed penalty notices, go unpaid or in some cases have been previously issued, parents are taken to court. In 2023-24, 28,296 parents were prosecuted over their children’s school attendance.

    Whether the fines have any effect on ensuring attendance is debatable. The figures show that thousands of parents are willing to book a term-time holiday anyway. But fines are certainly affecting the crucial relationship between schools and families.

    When I carried out my doctoral research between 2014 and 2016 on the relationships between schools and parents, these bonds were already quite fragile. People in my study argued that endless “dictats” from school built a “brick wall” rather than a partnership.

    Now, it’s likely that an increasingly strict application of attendance rules is further breaking down trust.

    Fines were first introduced by a Labour government in 2004 as a last resort to tackle truancy. In 2014, then education secretary Michael Gove widened the application of the fines. Local authorities were encouraged to use penalty notices for parents who took their children on holiday during school term time.

    Since Gove, education secretaries – including current education minister Bridget Phillipson – have insisted that every day matters in school, and that there are very few reasons to miss school. Holidays are seen as unacceptable.

    Since the pandemic, even more focus has been placed on attendance as persistent absence rates have increased.

    Trust between parents and school staff is very important.
    fizkes/Shutterstock

    Government statistics show a correlation between attendance and exam results. However, whether lower attendance causes lower results is difficult to prove, especially when factors such as poverty are taken into account.

    What’s more, when holiday absence has been analysed separately, this has not been found to have the same negative affect on achievement at school as other reasons for absence.

    The record number of fines issued last year came before new guidance was set in August 2024. Now, fixed penalty notices have risen from £60 to £80 for a first offence (if paid within 21 days) and to £160 for a second offence (if paid within 28 days). If parents receive two fixed penalty notices within three years, the next offence will result in prosecution. However, councils may choose prosecution earlier if they wish.

    Whereas previously there was more discretion and variance between authorities and schools, all headteachers must now consider the above approach if a child misses more than five days of school. It can only be assumed that the number of fines and prosecutions will increase.

    As a side-effect, we are seeing schools encouraged to clamp down on child illness for fear that parents are lying and are in fact on holiday. While government guidance says that in most cases a parent’s word should be enough evidence that their child is sick, it also states that evidence of illness should be requested in cases where there is “genuine and reasonable doubt about the authenticity of the illness”.

    This suggests that schools should be questioning their trust in their pupils’ parents. This is a fundamental break down of the school-parent relationship, not to mention a strain on NHS time.

    Why parents book term-time holidays

    Term-time holidays are often seen as a way for parents to book a cheaper break, as holidays are generally more expensive during school holidays. But, even leaving aside that many families may only be able to afford a holiday at all if it is taken in term time due to the cost of living crisis, the situation is more complicated.

    There are many reasons for taking holidays within school term time. Families might be visiting relatives overseas for a wedding, funeral or because of a family member’s terminal illness. Often, a school might grant one day of absence, but no more.

    Parents may be unable to take leave from work during school holidays as a result of the industry they work in. They may have family members who work away for long periods, and want to spend time together with the children when they return. They may have a child with particular needs who is unable to cope with busy holiday times, or children in different schools with different holiday periods.

    Relationship breakdown

    When a headteacher refuses to authorise such a holiday this leads to resentment from parents. Resentment like this may cause some to withdraw children from school and choose to home educate.

    There is some effort now for schools to offer support first before legal intervention for families who might have attendance issues for other reasons, such as emotionally based school avoidance. But there is little to no desire to work with families around their complex needs for holidays.

    Partnership with parents is often touted by schools as central to pupils’ wellbeing, progress and attainment. But the power in this partnership is often skewed towards the professionals.

    Parents and schools should work together for the good of children. This does not simply mean parents obeying schools; that is not a recipe for partnership. Instead, it means understanding the different contexts that families and teachers live and work in. If parent engagement is essential to wellbeing and school progress, it is not worth continuing down the road of alienation and punishment.

    Dr Charlotte Haines Lyon is affiliated with Labour Party and UNISON.

    – ref. Fines for term-time holidays are at record levels – this will further erode trust between parents and schools – https://theconversation.com/fines-for-term-time-holidays-are-at-record-levels-this-will-further-erode-trust-between-parents-and-schools-249085

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s Gaza and Ukraine plans come under the spotlight

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

    Steve Bannon may no longer be in Donald Trump’s inner circle, but the newly reinstated US president appears to be adhering to a dictum the conservative disrupter-in-chief outlined back in 2018 as he reflected on his role in getting Trump elected the first time. “The Democrats don’t matter. The real opposition is the media. And the way to deal with them is to flood the zone with shit.”

    It’s fair to say that for the first two weeks of Trump’s second presidency the Democrats haven’t really mattered. But Trump and his advisers have got news organisations struggling to work out which way to look.

    In any normal news cycle, the appointment of vaccine-sceptic RFK Jnr. as health secretary would dominate the headlines, as would the successful installation of any of the more bizarre Trump cabinet picks. But at the same time the media has had to deal with a steady stream of other attention-grabbing announcements: the idea that the US could one way or the other acquire Greenland from Denmark, for instance, or the threats to use force to take control of the Panama Canal. We’ve had conflicting statements about how to end the war in Ukraine (more of which later) and the now you see them, now you don’t tariff threats against Mexico and Canada, not to mention the idea that the latter could be incorporated as the 51st state of the USA.

    The zone has been well and truly flooded. Meanwhile, the administration’s plan to take complete control of the civil service (which appears to be straight out of the Project 2025 playbook) has proceeded apace with career public servants being dismissed in their droves to make way for true Maga (Make America Great Again) believers in key roles. This, needless to say, has struggled for attention in light of all the eye-catching news stories.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    This week’s big idea has to do with his vision for a post-conflict Gaza. Trump foreshadowed this plan last week when he announced he was talking with the leaders of Egypt and Jordan about resettling Gazans there – whether permanently or just for a period of reconstruction of Gaza was not clear, his statement was short on detail. But this week, hosting the Israeli prime minister in Washington (significantly the first foreign leader to visit since his inauguration), Trump expanded on his vision while Benjamin Netanyahu looked on approvingly.

    Initially, it appeared that Trump’s plan was for the permanent relocation of all 2.2 million Gazans to other countries while the Trump administration and its allies considered the considerable real estate investment opportunities presented by turning the 360km² Gaza Strip, with its 40km Mediterranean coastline into the “Middle East Riviera”. But as Simon Mabon notes here, administration officials were later quick to insist that the relocation would only last for as long as it takes to rebuild the stricken enclave.

    Mabon, professor of international relations at the University of Lancaster who specialises in Middle East politics, also notes that the proposal did what few other issues seem able to do: united the Arab nations in opposition. He also believes that while both Egypt and Jordan have signed peace deals with Israel, the relationship is often fractious and this latest announcement won’t have helped.

    Most importantly, perhaps, will be the reaction of Saudi Arabia. Israel (with Washington’s encouragement) has been pursuing normalisation of relations with Riyadh for some years. But the Saudi ruler, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, has explicitly rejected “any attempts to displace the Palestinians from their land as well as affirming that relations with Israel would depend on the establishment of a Palestinian state.



    Read more:
    What Trump’s proposal to ‘take over’ Gaza could mean for Arab-Israeli relations

    It’s not the first time, by any means, that the idea of clearing Gaza of Palestinians has been mooted. It’s not even the first time that the real estate investment potential of such a plan has been discussed by a senior Trump official. Back in March last year, Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and former senior adviser who was the architect of Trump’s 2020 peace plan, talked up the idea of resettling Gazans in the Negev desert while noting that “Gaza’s waterfront property could be very valuable”.

    Israel’s far-right settler movement, meanwhile, has long yearned to empty out the strip. In December 2023 the leader of the Nachala Israeli settlement movement, Daniella Weiss, declared that Gaza City had always been “one of the cities of Israel. We’re just going back. There was a historical mistake and now we are fixing it.”

    The relocation of Palestinians outside Palestine was actually part of the founding mission of UN agency Unrwa – which, incidentally was banned by Israel last week and has been defunded by the US since allegations surfaced last year that a number of Unrwa employees had taken part in the Hamas attacks on October 2023.

    Anne Irfan of University College London, a specialist in refugees and displacement, and Jo Kelcey of the Lebanese American University, whose core research area covers the politics of education in marginalised communities such as Gaza, recount here that Unrwa was set up in 1949 following the Nakba (catastrophe) when more than 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in fighting before and after the foundation of the State of Israel.

    Unrwa was set up with the aim of resettling the displaced people and sponsoring projects that would create jobs and promote economic development in their new host countries: the “works” in the agency’s title.

    As Irfan and Kelcey note, the staunchest opponents of this plan were Palestinians themselves. They could read between the lines of this mission, that their exile was intended to be permanent. It was a non-starter and within five years of Unrwa’s establishment the resettlement policy was shelved in favour of a focus on education, which remains to this day.

    Not that Trump would be keen to associate any plan of his with Unrwa. In 2018 he fully defunded the agency, the first time a US president has done this. He has also more recently extended Joe Biden’s suspension of Unrwa funding after the allegations of Hamas infiltration and has made it clear he supports Netanyahu’s ban on the agency operating in Israel.



    Read more:
    Trump plans to ‘permanently resettle’ Palestinians outside Gaza – the very reason Unrwa was originally created

    Meanwhile, how would the Gaza plan sit in terms of Trump’s “America First” strategy? Mark Shanahan, of the University of Surrey, believes this is all part of what he refers to here as “Trumperialism”. It’s not so much America as the light on the hill, trying to find a way to fix global problems and seek peaceful solutions to dangerous and distressing conflicts. Rather, in this case at least, it sees Gaza as “an opportunity for American business to build wealth – the classic US economic hegemony of the populist America First political theory”.

    Rather than emulating the Marshall plan of what feels now like a more enlightened era, Trump’s plan for Gaza, at least as he laid it out after his meeting with Netanyahu, is more akin to the plan for the rebuilding of Iraq after the 2003 invasion, writes Shanahan. That is: US private funding for beachside condos and luxury developments while the countries to whom the displaced Palestinians are relocated would be expected to pay for the privilege.

    But Trump also hinted this might mean US boots on the ground in the Middle East, cautions Shanahan, adding that “delivering Mar-a-Lago on the Med may mean thousands of American combat troops deployed to Gaza for years at daily risk of death. How do main-street Americans benefit from that?”



    Read more:
    How Trump’s Gaza plan does – and doesn’t – fit in with his pledge to put America first

    And if you wondered whether – like so many of Trump’s big plans and executive orders issued since his second inauguration – the Gaza Riviera scheme might fall foul of the law, it would. As Tamer Morris –
    an expert in international law at the University of Sydney – explains, the US would require the consent of the Palestinian people to take control of Gaza. And this is not going to happen.

    Forced relocation is forbidden under the Geneva Conventions as is helping another state forcibly relocate people. It could also be interpreted as ethnic cleansing, as defined by the Commission of Experts report on the former state of Yugoslavia to the UN Security Council in 1994.



    Read more:
    Trump wants the US to ‘take over’ Gaza and relocate the people. Is this legal?

    Meanwhile in Ukraine

    Meanwhile, the US president has also been making noises about his ideas for bringing peace to Ukraine. The latest, aired this week, involved linking continuing US support with favourable concessions on Ukraine’s supply of rare earths and other strategic resources. Stefan Wolff, of the University of Birmingham, has been watching the diplomatic manoeuvrings around Trump, Putin, Xi and Ukraine since the war began nearly three years ago. In the past fortnight, he’s been looking at the prospect of a peace deal brokered by the US.

    Wolff thinks it unlikely that anything will be resolved in the foreseeable future beyond a ceasefire and freezing of the battle lines. And that’s not even much more than a distant possibility given that neither Kyiv nor the Kremlin seem to want this for reasons of their own.



    Read more:
    Trump’s vision of a peace deal for Ukraine is limited to a ceasefire – and it’s not even clear if Kyiv or Moscow are going to play ball

    The possibility of Europe bearing the burden of maintaining support to Ukraine without the US bearing the lion’s share of the burden also looks remote. Domestic politics in many EU member states is threatening the bloc’s unity – and, in any case, the ability of Europe to make up the shortfall caused by a possible US withdrawal of aid to Ukraine is distinctly doubtful. And unlikely improve any time soon.



    Read more:
    Ukraine: prospects for peace are slim unless Europe grips the reality of Trump’s world

    It appears, meanwhile, that Putin’s ally Kim Jong-un is poised to send another wave of North Koreans to help. Jennifer Mathers, of Aberystwyth University, takes a detailed look at what we know about how these troops have fared thus far. She concludes that, given the terribly heavy losses the North Korean units are reported to be suffering, it’s possible that their leader may be trading the high casualty rate for much-needed combat experience in case his army might want to fight in a conflict nearer to home.



    Read more:
    North Korea: Kim Jong-un is sending a second wave of soldiers to Ukraine – here’s why

    World Affairs Briefing from The Conversation UK is available as a weekly email newsletter. Click here to get our updates directly in your inbox.

    – ref. Trump’s Gaza and Ukraine plans come under the spotlight – https://theconversation.com/trumps-gaza-and-ukraine-plans-come-under-the-spotlight-249311

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Long COVID: women at greater risk compared to men – could immune system differences be the cause?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Helen McGettrick, Reader in Inflammation and Vascular Biology, University of Birmingham

    Women had a 1.3 times higher chance of developing long COVID than men. Daisy Daisy/ Shutterstock

    About 5% of people who catch COVID have long-lasting symptoms. In these people, loss of smell, dizziness, fatigue and other hallmark COVID symptoms can persist for months after the initial illness. Yet even five years after the COVID pandemic began, we still don’t know why some people develop long COVID and others don’t.

    But a recent study brings us a step closer to understanding who is at greatest risk of developing long COVID. The study found that women have a much higher risk of developing long COVID compared to men.

    Published in Jama Network Open, the paper investigated symptoms of long COVID in 12,276 adults. Each participant had had COVID at least six months earlier. Using a questionnaire, participants gave information on their current symptoms, allowing researchers to identify those with long COVID.

    While previous research has also uncovered a similarly increase long COVID risk in women, these studies had small sample sizes and didn’t consider certain factors that may have distorted the findings.

    The new study took these various factors into account in their analysis, including a participant’s age, race, vaccination status and whether they had any other health conditions. This allowed them to better calculate the risks of developing long COVID for men and women.

    Their results indicated that women had 31% higher chance of developing long COVID than men.

    When broken down by age, this difference disappeared in people aged 18-39. However, the risk was even greater in women aged 40-54, who had a 48% higher risk of developing the condition compared with men. Women over 55 had a 34% higher risk of developing long COVID.

    Interestingly, this finding is contrary to data on COVID infection severity, which shows men are more prone to developing severe symptoms. They also make up around two out of three COVID deaths.

    While researchers don’t currently know why women are at greater risk of long COVID, differences in the way men’s and women’s immune systems respond to COVID could be a factor.

    Immune differences

    The immune system is a fascinating, complicated system with many different types of cell, each of which has a specific role in fighting infection.

    For instance, B cells make antibodies that target infections, while non-classical monocytes regulate immune function and clear up dead and damaged cells. Our cytotoxic T cells kill virus-infected cells, while helper T cells help activate other immune cells and signal that there’s an issue.

    But the proportion and type of immune cells that circulate in the body can differ by sex and age.

    For example, older women have lower proportions of cytotoxic and helper T cells, higher percentages of activated B cells and a higher total number of non-classical monocytes compared to younger men and women.

    People with long COVID also have a higher number of non-classic monocytes and more activated B cells compared to those who didn’t have long COVID. Given that older women already have a higher proportion of these cell types even before an infection, it’s possible that this may explain why they were at the greatest risk of developing long COVID.

    The study found peri-menopausal women and women who had reached the menopause had the greatest risk of developing long COVID.
    Gladskikh Tatiana/ Shutterstock

    But these aren’t the only immune function differences in women that may account for their greater risk of long COVID.

    Women generally have a more intense immune response to infections than men – including against COVID. This more intense response can mainly be accounted for by differences in hormones and the fact that women have two X chromosomes.

    In particular, the hormone oestrogen plays a vital role in controlling the immune system. Oestrogen helps contribute to the enhanced immune response that occurs when a person develops an infection. The severe drop in oestrogen that occurs during the menopause may also explain why women are more susceptible to an infection and longer lasting diseases.



    Read more:
    How biological differences between men and women alter immune responses – and affect women’s health

    In this recent Jama study, peri-menopausal women and women who had reached the menopause were at greatest risk of developing long COVID. This suggests oestrogen may be a contributing factor.

    After fighting an infection, immune cells should die off – stopping prolonged, uncontrolled damage to the body. While the more intense immune response women have to an infection may be beneficial in reducing the initial severity of the COVID infection, this persistent, heightened immune response and any damage it causes to the body may increase the possibility of long COVID occurring.

    Such prolonged, higher intensity immune responses are known to promote the development of autoimmune diseases – where the body’s immune system attacks itself. Women have a higher prevalence of many autoimmune conditions, including rheumatoid arthritis, Sjogren’s and multiple sclerosis.

    Although COVID isn’t an autoimmune disease, autoantibodies (proteins released by B cells that attack the body’s own cells and tissues) have been found in people with long COVID. These antibodies promote long COVID symptoms. Possibly women are at greater risk of long COVID for the same reasons they’re at greater risk of developing an autoimmune condition.

    The findings from this recent study add to our understanding of long COVID – pointing to which groups are at greatest risk of developing the condition. More work needs to be done to explore differences in how long COVID differs based on sex and age – and the mechanisms that trigger long COVID to begin with.

    Through understanding the who and why of long COVID, it might allow for new treatments to be developed.

    Helen McGettrick receives funding from Medical Research Council, Wellcome Trust, Wellcome Leap, Helmsley Foundation and ROCHE. She is also an elected member of British Society of Immunology Congress Committee.

    Jonathan Lewis receives funding from the Wellcome Trust and the British Society of Immunology (CARINA).

    – ref. Long COVID: women at greater risk compared to men – could immune system differences be the cause? – https://theconversation.com/long-covid-women-at-greater-risk-compared-to-men-could-immune-system-differences-be-the-cause-248700

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Reading Whistler’s Nocturne in Blue and Gold – Old Battersea Bridge as a piece of music

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Frances Fowle, Personal Chair of Nineteenth-Century Art, History of Art, University of Edinburgh

    Nocturne in Blue and Gold – Old Battersea Bridge by James Abbott McNeill Whistler (1872-5). Tate/Canva, CC BY-SA

    In 1877 the American artist James McNeill Whistler (1834-1903) achieved notoriety when he exhibited his recent views of the river Thames at the Grosvenor Gallery in London. He gave his paintings musical titles: Nocturne in Black and Gold – The Falling Rocket (1875) and Nocturne in Blue and Gold – Old Battersea Bridge (circa 1872-5).

    The view of Battersea Bridge includes Chelsea Church and the then newly constructed Albert Bridge. The lights of Cremorne Pleasure Gardens twinkle in the distance, while fireworks explode in the pale sky above.

    The painting is remarkable for its intense, light blue tonality suggestive of evening, the time of day sometimes known as “the blue hour”. Painting from memory, Whistler thinned his paint with copal (a tree resin), turpentine and linseed oil. This created what he called a “sauce”, which he applied in thin, transparent layers, wiping it away until he was satisfied. He left areas of the dark preparatory layer unpainted to create the illusion of the bridge. Inspired by Japanese woodblock prints, he exaggerated its height.

    This article is part of Rethinking the Classics. The stories in this series offer insightful new ways to think about and interpret classic books, films and artworks. This is the canon – with a twist.

    All this was lost on the critics, however. The author Oscar Wilde reviewed the exhibition and wrote that the Battersea Bridge Nocturne was “worth looking at for about as long as one looks at a real rocket, that is, for somewhat less than a quarter of a minute”.

    A few years earlier Whistler had exhibited another view of the Thames, Nocturne: Blue and Silver – Chelsea (1871), at the Dudley Gallery in London. The critic for The Times summed up Whistler’s intention, observing that the painting was:

    So closely akin to music that the colours of the one may and should be used, like the ordered sounds of the other; that painting should not aim at expressing dramatic emotions, depicting incidents of history or recording facts of nature, but should be content with moulding our moods and stirring our imaginations, by subtle combinations of colour.

    Arrangement in Gray: Portrait of the Painter by Whistler (1872).
    Detroit Institute of Arts

    Whistler’s paintings were first compared to music as early as 1863 when the French critic Paul Manz described his haunting portrait, The White Girl (1872), as a “symphony in white”. Whistler adopted the title retrospectively, creating a series of three aesthetic mood paintings or “symphonies”, featuring young women in flowing white dresses.

    Press and public alike were puzzled by the artist’s insistence that his paintings lacked any specific narrative or moral message.

    When he witnessed the abstraction of Whistler’s latest Nocturnes at the Grosvenor Gallery, the leading English art critic John Ruskin published a venomous review. “I have seen, and heard much of Cockney impudence before now,” he wrote, “but never expected to hear a coxcomb ask 200 guineas for flinging a pot of paint in the public’s face.”

    Whistler’s retort

    Whistler sued Ruskin for libel and used the ensuing two-day trial to defend his views on art. He referred to his paintings throughout proceedings in musical terms, as “arrangements”, “symphonies” or “nocturnes”. When asked what the Battersea Bridge painting was intended to represent, he replied:

    I did not intend it to be a ‘correct’ portrait of the bridge. It is only a moonlight scene … As to what the picture represents, that depends upon who looks at it. To some persons it may represent all that is intended; to others it may represent nothing.

    Whistler won the court case, but was awarded only a farthing in damages, resulting in his bankruptcy. Undaunted, the following year (1878) he published The Red Rag, in which he articulated his aesthetic theory:

    Art should be independent of all clap-trap – should stand alone, and appeal to the artistic sense of eye or ear, without confounding this with emotions entirely foreign to it, as devotion, pity, love, patriotism, and the like. All these have no kind of concern with it, and that is why I insist on calling my works “arrangements” and “harmonies”.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    In 1885 he delivered his, now famous, 10 o’clock Lecture. In it reiterated his aesthetic theory. “Nature,” he wrote, “contains the elements, in colour and form, of all pictures, as the keyboard contains the notes of all music”. He urged artists not to copy nature slavishly, as Ruskin had recommended, but to approach it more like a musician, waiting for that moment when:

    The evening mist clothes the riverside with poetry, as with a veil, and the poor buildings lose themselves in the dim sky, and the tall chimneys become campanili and the warehouses are palaces in the night, and the whole city hangs in the heavens, and fairy-land is before us.

    It is then, he argued, that nature “sings her exquisite song to the artist alone”.

    Beyond the canon

    As part of the Rethinking the Classics series, we’re asking our experts to recommend a book or artwork that tackles similar themes to the canonical work in question, but isn’t (yet) considered a classic itself. Here is Frances Fowles’ suggestion:

    Whistler was not the only artist of this period to view his art as the equivalent of music. His work anticipated symbolism, a literary and artistic movement that rejected naturalistic representation in favour of more abstract concerns, such as the connections between words, colours and musical notes.

    Mikalojus Čiurlionis and his 1908 painting, Stellar Sonata.
    Wiki Commons

    The relationship between colour, rhythm and sound was central to the work of French artist Paul Signac (1863-1935), who worked in a pointillist technique (applying dots of colour), and assigned his paintings opus numbers and tempos. The Lithuanian painter and composer Mikalojus Čiurlionis (1875-1911), too, fused music and colour and gave his artworks musical titles.

    Frances Fowle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Reading Whistler’s Nocturne in Blue and Gold – Old Battersea Bridge as a piece of music – https://theconversation.com/reading-whistlers-nocturne-in-blue-and-gold-old-battersea-bridge-as-a-piece-of-music-241075

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canadian supply chains are at the epicentre of Trump’s potential trade war

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Hassan Wafai, Associate Professor, Faculty of Management, Royal Roads University

    United States President Donald Trump has temporarily halted his trade war with Canada and Mexico, agreeing to pause his proposed tariffs for at least 30 days.

    Regardless of whether Trump will impose the tariffs once the 30 days are up, Canadian supply chains have become the epicentre of these looming disruptions. The country urgently needs to strengthen its supply chain resilience.

    If the tariffs were to go into effect, they would reshape the geo-political ecosystem of North America and beyond by disrupting global supply chains. These supply chains are a direct reflection of the geo-political ecosystem in which they operate, and they require stability to establish and thrive.

    With approximately $3.6 billion in trade crossing the U.S.-Canada border daily, a sweeping 25 per cent tariff on non-energy goods would have catastrophic effects on the Canadian economy, including shaving 2.6 per cent off Canada’s GDP.



    Read more:
    U.S. tariff threat: How it will impact different products and industries

    While the list of affected goods and services would be long, the auto industries are likely to be among the hardest hit sectors. Businesses on both sides of the border would be seriously hurt, including major U.S. automakers General Motors, Ford and Stellantis.

    The outlook is equally bleak for Mexico, where 83 per cent of exports go to the U.S.

    Canadian supply chain resilience

    Trump’s potential trade war represents an unconventional, top-down approach to redesigning North American supply chains, which took decades to establish. His aggressive trade policies are disrupting the status quo with devastating and irreversible effects.

    Canadian supply chains have historically been prone to major disruptions. Past responses to these disruptions have focused on helping firms build resilience. While this is important, insufficient attention has been given to establishing effective provincial and national governance structures to support and guide supply chain resilience.

    There is growing recognition that supply chain resilience should be addressed at the system level. This resilience emerges from both the actions of individual organizations and from the relationships and interactions between them.

    System-level supply chain resilience is influenced by governmental or regulatory bodies that set policies to manage long-term supply risks. These are known as governance structures or mechanisms.

    Canada’s long-term strategic response must go beyond helping Canadian companies integrate into alternative global supply chains outside the U.S. The country must also explore new governance structures that can strengthen the collective resilience of Canadian firms.

    Improving supply chain resilience

    Trump has been a destabilizing force for international trade and free trade agreements, particularly the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement, which may have a shorter lifespan than initially agreed upon.

    One of the most effective ways for Canada to strengthen its supply chain resilience is to reduce its heavy trade reliance on the U.S., which can be done through free trade agreements. Despite this, Canada has been slow to diversify beyond the U.S., which remains its largest trading partner, accounting for 76 per cent of exports and 64 per cent of imports.



    Read more:
    Trump’s tariff threat is a sign that Canada should be diversifying beyond the U.S.

    Canada is currently part of 15 free trade agreements that collectively cover 61 per cent of the world’s GDP and provide access to 1.5 billion consumers globally. However, it’s not yet clear how free trade agreements can enhance supply chain resilience.

    Canada must look beyond its existing free trade agreements and pursue new markets such as the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and the Pacific Alliance. Expanding into these regions would allow Canadian companies and supply chains to join global value chains, creating opportunities for knowledge spillovers and productivity boosts.

    As Canada diversifies its trade, it must do so with a supply chain mindset, carefully considering the implications of specific trade policies and how they will enhance the resilience of Canadian supply chains.

    Future free trade agreements should incorporate clear and specific clauses that anticipate disruptions and help with swift supply chain recovery. A prime example of such an agreement is the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, which came into effect in October 2024.

    Beyond international trade, Canada should also eliminate interprovincial trade barriers to facilitate easier business operations across Canadian provinces and territories.

    Stronger supply chain governance

    More research is needed to determine exactly which governance structures should be put in place to support Canada’s supply chain resilience.

    The Canadian government may need to establish a multi-level governance structure encompassing sectoral, provincial and national levels, such as supply chain councils.

    Supply chain councils could connect supply chains with small and medium-sized enterprises, leverage existing networks, co-ordinate resilience strategies and address supply chain and trade policy issues of national significance.

    With Trump back in the White House, Canada must be prepared to protect its supply chains against an evolving trade war. Whether his policies are driven by his imperialist ideology, a protectionist agenda, border security concerns or the pursuit of more revenue from slapping tariffs on America’s closest allies, the threat to Canadian supply chains is real.

    To withstand these pressures, Canada must build resilience at the systemic level, where top-down governance ensures the private sector can respond quickly and effectively to disruptions. It is never too late to start, but waiting any longer is no longer an option for Canada.

    Juan Navarro is the president and principal researcher of CMX Partnerships, a business and research consultancy that provides advice and conducts studies for companies, institutions, and governments.

    Kimberly Tholl consults for Nexus Insights Consulting Ltd. and is a member of the non-profit Association for Supply Chain Management (ASCM).

    Hassan Wafai does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canadian supply chains are at the epicentre of Trump’s potential trade war – https://theconversation.com/canadian-supply-chains-are-at-the-epicentre-of-trumps-potential-trade-war-248987

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The hidden truth about migrant deaths at the Canada-U.S. border

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Julie Young, Canada Research Chair in Critical Border Studies and Associate Professor of Geography and Environment, University of Lethbridge, University of Lethbridge

    The return of Donald Trump as United States president has sparked new security measures along the Canada-U.S. border.

    After Trump threatened to slap tariffs on Canadian imports if irregular migration and illegal drugs were not curtailed, Canadian federal and provincial governments pledged new border enforcement resources. Trump may still go ahead with his tariff threats despite a reprieve.

    Research shows that tighter border policies don’t deter migration. Policing borders pushes migrants into more remote and dangerous crossing points, and difficult crossings lead migrants to rely more heavily on human smuggling operations. One outcome of heightened border security is clearly an increase in human suffering and death.

    Asylum-seekers from Congo cross the border at Roxham Road into Québec in February 2023 in Champlain, N.Y.
    THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ryan Remiorz

    Our work documenting deaths at the Canada-U.S. border shows that irregular crossings have taken the lives of at least 38 people. The actual number of migrant fatalities is likely much higher.

    We’re concerned that additional border security measures will lead to more danger and death for migrants attempting to cross between the two countries. Recent incidents lend weight to these concerns: one migrant died in a car chase with RCMP on Feb. 4, while another nine people were arrested as they tried to cross into Canada in dangerous winter conditions on Feb. 3.

    Crossing the Canada-U.S. border

    People from around the world cross the Canada-U.S. border daily. Most people enter Canada and the United States formally through official ports of entry. Still, some migrants also travel across the border, in both directions, without official permission.

    Because irregular border crossings are hidden by nature, we will never know how many people enter Canada or the U.S. unofficially. Agencies charged with border security track “encounters” and “apprehensions” in the U.S. and the “interception” of asylum-seekers in Canada. But there is no common measurement used to estimate irregular crossing in either country.

    Irregular border crossing cases are affected by policy changes in both countries. In recent years, they appear to have been affected by migrants’ perceptions of American immigration policy and changes to the Canada-U.S. Safe Third Country Agreement.



    Read more:
    Tragedies, not accidents: Tougher Canadian and U.S. border policies will cost more lives

    Death at the border

    Our research identified 15 deaths at the Canada-U.S. border between 2020 and 2023, and another 23 deaths going back to 1989. Given the lack of official records, the actual number is likely higher.

    We filed access-to-information requests on both sides of the border. The RCMP acknowledged just one death in Canada, and the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) produced no results. Instead, we systematically collected media reports on border deaths and analyzed that data.

    Roughly three-quarters of migrants whose deaths were covered in news reports were travelling towards the U.S. Their remains were mainly recovered on the Canadian side of the border.



    Read more:
    Roxham Road: Asylum seekers won’t just get turned back, they’ll get forced underground — Podcast

    Migrants face a range of dangers when crossing the Canada-U.S. border irregularly, but drowning represents the most significant threat, followed by hypothermia — 23 and six of the 38 recorded deaths, respectively.

    Three people died in encounters with border patrol agents, with two fatally shot on the American side and one dying in a car crash while being chased by Canadian agents.

    An RCMP officer stops people as they enter Canada via Roxham Road near Hemmingford, Que., hours after amendments to the Safe Third Country agreement enabled authorities to turn asylum-seekers away from unofficial border crossings.
    THE CANADIAN PRESS/Graham Hughes

    Invisible deaths

    Our requests for official data on border deaths in both the U.S. and Canada came up empty-handed. After more than a year and the conclusion of an independent complaint investigation into the RCMP’s lack of response to our Canadian request, we were provided with information on one single death. The request filed in the U.S. returned no information.

    Researchers in both countries regularly report frustration with slow processes and a lack of results from such requests.

    This experience led us to believe that border enforcement agencies do not track deaths along the Canada-U.S. border in either country. This is a problem. The public is left in the dark, while potential migrants are not provided with information about the dangers of irregular crossings.

    It is particularly odd that American authorities don’t provide information on deaths at this border, given that deaths along the U.S.-Mexico border are tracked and publicly reported.

    If there’s been a policy decision not to track deaths at the Canada-U.S. border, it reveals a lack of concern and a willingness to obscure the full picture from the public. Both the Canadian and American governments need to change their approach to documenting border deaths, detailing all known cases publicly.

    More death on the horizon

    Trump’s return to the American presidency might lead to an increase in irregular migration between Canada and the U.S. The Canadian government’s move to beef up border security enforcement, in turn, makes it more likely that migrants will perish after choosing dangerous crossing points.

    Even when migrants die amid human smuggling operations, a lot of the responsibility lies with government decisions.

    As Public Safety Canada warned in 2023, more difficult border crossings lead to increased criminality in human smuggling. Government decisions drive people away from safer crossing points and into the influence of criminal organizations.

    The governments of Canada and the United States have a moral obligation to inform the public about deaths — and do everything in their power to prevent further tragedies.

    Julie Young receives funding from the Canada Research Chairs Program.

    Daniel E. Martinez, Dylan Simburger, and Simon Granovsky-Larsen do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The hidden truth about migrant deaths at the Canada-U.S. border – https://theconversation.com/the-hidden-truth-about-migrant-deaths-at-the-canada-u-s-border-247782

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Anti-LGBTQ+ policies harm the health of not only LGBTQ+ people, but all Americans

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Nathaniel Tran, Assistant Professor of Health Policy and Administration, University of Illinois Chicago

    Courts across the nation are debating whether LGBTQ+ people should be protected from discrimination. Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

    In 2024, state legislatures introduced an all-time record of 533 bills targeting LGBTQ+ populations. These policies create a patchwork of legal landscapes that vary widely between and within states, affecting aspects of everyday life ranging from how kids learn and play to where adults live and work.

    All of these policies have implications for the health of not only LGBTQ+ people but also the general public.

    I am a health policy researcher who studies how state and federal legislation affect public health. Research has shown that the social determinants of health – the opportunities and resources that affect how people live, learn, play, work and age – play a significant role in LGBTQ+ well-being. Newly published work from my colleagues and I show how anti-LGBTQ+ public policies can have lasting effects on everyone’s health.

    Existing policies and LGBTQ+ health

    Same-sex marriage provides a clear example of the direct and indirect ways public policies affect LGBTQ+ health.

    Most people in the U.S. have health insurance through their employer, which usually offers coverage for employees and their family, including a spouse and children. A landmark 2015 study found that health coverage significantly increased for adults in same-sex marriages after its legalization in New York state. After same-sex marriage was legalized nationwide, a follow-up study also showed an increase in health insurance coverage among gay and lesbian couples.

    Even among single LGBTQ+ people who did not get married, same-sex marriage may have also improved their health by improving social attitudes toward LGBTQ+ people overall. Researchers found that gay and bisexual men, regardless of whether they were single or married, spent less on medical visits, mental health visits and overall health care spending after Massachusetts legalized same-sex marriage in 2004.

    Massachusetts was the first state to legalize same-sex marriage.
    Victoria Arocho/AP Photo

    Access to gender-affirming care provides another example of how public policies affect the health of LGBTQ+ people.

    A 2020 national study of nearly 30,000 transgender and nonbinary people found that suicide attempts and mental health hospitalizations declined in states that passed policies requiring private insurers to equally cover services they already provide for cisgender people for transgender people. No other studies directly analyze how policies regulating access to care affect the health of trans and nonbinary people.

    However, a large body of clinical research supports the health benefits of gender-affirming care. A randomized clinical trial and prospective study found that starting gender-affirming hormone therapy reduced depression and suicidality in transgender and nonbinary people. Several recent systematic reviews analyzing 124 peer-reviewed studies conducted over the past 50 years also found that gender-affirming surgery and hormone therapy improved quality of life and mental health.

    Policies outside health affect LGBTQ+ well-being

    Policies outside of health care – such as nondiscrimination, education and workplace protections – also affect LGBTQ+ well-being.

    For example, transgender and nonbinary people living in states with policies that specifically include gender identity in hate crime and discrimination protections reported better mental health than those in states without protections. Similarly, LGBTQ+ students in schools with designated safe spaces reported lower rates of suicidal thoughts.

    However, the surge in anti-LGBTQ+ policies in the U.S., initially focusing on youth, has significantly increased polarization between and within states. For example, while 17 states have implemented guidances to make schools safer and more inclusive for transgender youth, 25 states have banned transgender youth from using bathrooms and playing on sports teams that align with their gender. Meanwhile, South Dakota and Missouri have enacted laws to preempt progressive schools and districts from adding LGBTQ+ student protections and supportive resources.

    The Trump administration is also actively targeting resources that support LGBTQ+ students by reducing funding to schools that offer these programs.

    Inclusive spaces can help support the health of LGBTQ+ students.
    Jessica Hill/AP Photo

    In 2020, the Supreme Court ruled 6-3 in Bostock v. Clayton County that federal sex-based nondiscrimination protections in the workplace included discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation. Researchers found that LGBTQ+ older adults with co-workers supportive of their gender and sexuality experienced less workplace conflict and cognitive health problems compared with those who did not.

    The Trump administration is working to restrict the scope of federal antidiscrimination protections to exclude LGBTQ+ people.

    Harms of emerging anti-LGBTQ policies

    Emerging anti-LGBTQ+ policies could also have consequences for large swaths of the population beyond LGBTQ+ people.

    In 2025, the Supreme Court will hear Braidwood v. Becerra, a case arguing that requiring employers to cover PrEP – a once-a-day pill that is highly effective at preventing HIV infection – as part of the insurance plan they offer employees violates their religious freedom. Texas District Judge Reed O’Connor agreed that mandating PrEP coverage requires the plaintiffs to “facilitate and encourage homosexual behavior.”

    O’Connor ruled in 2023 to overturn the Affordable Care Act’s requirement that insurers fully cover preventive care. He argues this can be done on the grounds that the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force – a group of physicians and researchers that evaluates the quality and efficacy of preventive services – is unconstitutional. This legal challenge puts free coverage of mammograms, vaccinations and other preventive services into limbo for millions of Americans.

    The Trump administration has taken down CDC pages providing information about HIV.

    The Trump administration has scrubbed federal web pages of resources, programs and documents that reference gender and LGBTQ+ people. This order includes removing datasets that have been continuously updated since the 1980s to track public health issues such as homelessness, bullying in schools, and smoking and drinking, likely because they include LGBTQ+ demographic information.

    The administration has also ordered federal health agencies to retract scientific research that may be inclusive of LGBTQ+ people by searching for specific keywords, such as “gender.” The National Science Foundation is also screening active scientific research projects that use words like “women,” “trauma” and “disability.” Removing this data not only hamstrings public health research and programming for LGBTQ+ populations, but also restricts it for all Americans.

    These decisions are in stark contrast to countries such as England, Wales, New Zealand and Australia, which have collected or are planning to collect LGBTQ+ demographic data as part of their national census. Including LGBTQ+ people in demographic data reflects best practices that were outlined in the Federal Evidence Agenda on LGBTQI+ Equity issued under the Biden administration. These guidelines have since been removed.

    Far-reaching consequences

    The rapid escalation of anti-LGBTQ+ policies in recent years is already taking its toll on youth, with negative news coverage of LGBTQ+ issues causing spikes in suicidal thoughts.

    These policies also have far-reaching consequences for the broader public. Rigorous and long-standing research demonstrates that LGBTQ+-inclusive policies support safer communities and stronger economies for everyone, while exclusionary laws worsen and limit access to essential services.

    Ongoing legal battles and policy shifts will shape the future of LGBTQ+ rights, with rippling effects on public health, workplace protections and health care access for all Americans.

    Nathaniel Tran does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Anti-LGBTQ+ policies harm the health of not only LGBTQ+ people, but all Americans – https://theconversation.com/anti-lgbtq-policies-harm-the-health-of-not-only-lgbtq-people-but-all-americans-248992

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Loving the world could address the climate crisis and help us make sense of changes to come

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Barbara Leckie, Professor, English and the Institute for the Comparative Study of Literature, Art, and Culture; Academic Director, Re.Climate: Centre for Climate Communication and Public Engagement, Carleton University

    This January, the world watched as Los Angeles burned. “I’ve never seen anything like this,” one police chief told reporters, a sentiment echoed by front-line firefighters.

    Last fall, hurricanes Helene and Milton swept through North Carolina and Florida.

    The storms’ intensity and record-breaking fatalities, exacerbated by climate change, blindsided many inhabitants. “Never in a million years,” one nurse said, “did I think [a storm like that] would happen in my own backyard.”

    As a researcher focused on how language and storytelling contribute to social cohesion and social change, I noticed people repeatedly felt they had “no words to describe” what they saw.

    Their experience captured what happens when stories and words to fail describe our world.

    ‘Between past and future’

    After the Second World War, for example, philosopher Hannah Arendt, born into a German and Jewish family, wrote about not just the impact of the war on a personal level, but also its impact on how people make meaning.

    What did it mean, Arendt asked, not to have the conceptual frames through which the world had once made sense? What did it mean to live in the strange interval of time “between past and future” when old forms of understanding the world had eroded and new forms had not yet been found?



    Read more:
    Hannah Arendt wanted political thinking to be urgent and engaged. She is a philosopher for our times

    Her response was bracing and unexpected. She called for everyone — not just philosophers or scholars but the general public as a whole — to step up and contribute to the work of making meaning at a time when meaning-making was grievously fractured. Her phrase for this was amor mundi or “for love of the world.”

    Now, as many people seek to understand and respond to the climate crisis, they are again experiencing a sense of personal loss and a larger sense of not having the conceptual tools to make sense of this moment. How does one love the world in difficult times?

    Learning to love the world

    Love is complicated and messy. Like hurricanes and fires, it often defies the categories available to describe it.

    Hannah Arendt, seen here in 1958, wrote about making meaning for the love of the world.
    (Barbara Niggl Radloff/Wikipedia), CC BY-SA

    And as Stephanie Lemenager, professor in American literature and environmental studies, illustrates, love of fossil fuel culture, and the conveniences it provides, makes it difficult to respond to the climate crisis.

    Love also evades measurement, and metric-oriented value structures can’t count it. As William Shakespeare asks, tragically, in King Lear: “How does one measure love?”

    Love won’t run out in 2030 or 2050. It doesn’t have a parts per million, and despite the many hot and cold words to describe it, it doesn’t have a temperature. Still, as climate emotions professor Sara Jacquette Ray notes, love of this world powers climate action.

    I was talking to a friend recently, the Canadian poet Ken Victor, and he suggested “giving priority to the climate crisis as a multi-faceted relationship to be repaired rather than as a problem to be solved.” Indigenous thinkers like Leanne Betasamosake Simpson,
    the renowned Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg scholar, also emphasizes “deep reciprocity” and “relationship” to resist the injustices imposed by colonialism.

    Global North climate responses have much to gain from Indigenous thinking and Arendt, of course, is not alone in animating the power of collective, participatory storytelling and loving the world.

    Learning to ‘restory’ the climate

    The idea of “restorying” has been taken up by Indigenous writers to speak in diverse and powerful ways to dynamic and relational forms of oral storytelling, leadership and theatre.

    Walter Benjamin wrote that the trauma of war weakened the stories his world relied upon for coherence.
    (Wikipedia)

    My research on time and climate develops German Jewish philosopher Walter Benjamin’s relevance to storytelling, and what I am calling “restorying” here.

    Like Arendt, Benjamin wrote that the trauma of war — in this case, the First World War — weakened the stories upon which his world relied for social coherence. Where Arendt suggests loving the world, Benjamin endorses amplified, dynamic forms of storytelling.

    Here I build on the tradition from Benjamin to Arendt that invests in the collective practice of making sense of the world one inhabits through sharing, revising and building stories. For Benjamin, stories are in dialogue with other stories; they are participatory and inconclusive. They are also “effective,” meaning they produce effects and invite a response. Above all, they are meant to be repeated and passed on.

    Benjamin’s account of stories, however, also includes a cautionary note: people stop telling stories, as he defines them, when the world no longer fills them with wonder or surprise; when they think they know where they stand. They stop asking questions and no longer believe they can benefit from sharing their dilemmas and concerns with others. They stop thinking, in Arendt’s sense.

    When people isolate themselves in silos of like-minded others, they avoid being challenged or provoked. As Arendt notes, facts are fragile. When lies proliferate and the ability to distinguish those lies from factual truth is eroded, reality wobbles and political action becomes near impossible.

    People can’t act, Arendt believes, when they stop sharing a world in common, however divided by different customs it will always be.

    Relationship rebuilding

    Environmental justice asks us to rethink the systems and practices that created today’s climate impacts. Addressing the climate crisis only from the perspective of a problem to be solved means that we continue on the path, and with the infrastructure, that created the problem in the first place.

    Now, poised between another past and future, I’m interested in, as writer and activist Astra Taylor puts it, “coming together as things fall apart.” Coming together, as a relational practice, can animate what’s missing in the problem-solution models that dominate Global North responses to the climate crisis.

    Arendt and Benjamin offer me stories that “work” and stories that “wonder.”
    Stories that “work” mobilize equitable climate action. Stories that “wonder” are stories that keep open questions, conversation and thinking.

    As international assemblies like COP29 fail to realize their goals, as global carbon emissions continue to rise and as extreme weather everywhere makes many people feel that the frameworks available for understanding no longer serve them, a different response is required. We could call it, following Arendt and Benjamin, restorying the climate and loving the world.

    Barbara Leckie receives funding from SSHRC.

    – ref. Loving the world could address the climate crisis and help us make sense of changes to come – https://theconversation.com/loving-the-world-could-address-the-climate-crisis-and-help-us-make-sense-of-changes-to-come-240766

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump plans to ‘permanently resettle’ Palestinians outside Gaza – the very reason Unrwa was originally created

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anne Irfan, Lecturer in Interdisciplinary Race, Gender and Postcolonial Studies, UCL

    Donald Trump shocked much of the world when he announced plans for the US to “take over” Gaza. Speaking at a press conference with the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, the US president outlined a plan to “resettle” Gaza’s population of nearly 2.2 million Palestinians elsewhere in the Arab world. Several officials later added that this resettlement would be temporary while Gaza was rebuilt.

    Governments around the world were quick to condemn the plan – with politicians and human rights advocates pointing out that it would amount to ethnic cleansing.

    Conversely, Netanyahu praised Trump for “thinking outside the box with fresh ideas”. Yet while there is no question that this plan violates international law, it is not as unprecedented as these responses suggest.

    Successive Israeli governments, often with clandestine US support, have long sought a similar “solution” for Gaza’s Palestinians, 66% of whom are already refugees from the Nakba (catastrophe) of 1948. At that time, Zionist militias and the Israeli army displaced and expelled 750,000 Palestinians before and during the First Arab-Israeli war.

    In fact, that’s the very reason the US supported the creation of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (Unrwa) in 1949. Though its purpose today is very different, it was originally intended as a tool to permanently resettle the Palestinians outside Palestine.

    The idea for Unrwa was inspired by the experience of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), a US government agency established during the Great Depression. It promoted resource development through large public works programmes in the deep south.

    US officials considered the TVA a prototype for managing the Palestinian refugee crisis and pushed the newly established United Nations to set up an agency that would similarly create jobs and economic development.

    This was the “works” in Unrwa’s title. As they saw it, employment opportunities would encourage the Palestinians to integrate into their places of exile. Meanwhile, the resulting economic development would lessen resistance in the host state to the refugees’ permanent resettlement.

    In four of the five territories where Unrwa operates – Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and the West Bank – it spent its first few years designing large public works projects. But in Gaza, the large concentration of refugees in a tiny territory with limited natural resources did not lend itself to public works projects.

    Instead US officials pushed Unrwa to resettle Palestinians outside of the Strip, in Sinai, Libya and further afield.

    Yet Unrwa’s efforts on this front quickly ran into a major obstacle: the Palestinians themselves. The refugees clearly understood that the “integration” projects and jobs schemes were intended to make their exile permanent – despite the UN having officially recognised their right to return home.

    By the late 1950s, the refugees’ persistent refusal participate in these programmes led Unrwa to shift its focus to education.

    Repeated expulsions

    The desire to forcibly transfer Gaza’s population never really disappeared. Gaza has been home to Palestinian refugees from across the country, with a huge political significance as a result, and its demographics have repeatedly been deemed unacceptable by elements of the Israeli state.

    Soon after it began occupying Gaza and the West Bank in 1967, the Israeli military forcibly expelled 200,000 Palestinians from Gaza to Jordan. Four year later, Shimon Peres, then the Israeli minister of transport and communications, sought to forcibly transfer more Palestinians into the Sinai. And around the same time, the Israeli government looked into relocating Gaza’s population to sites as far away as Iraq, Canada and Brazil.

    Such ideas persist in Israel. Shortly after Israel began its war on Gaza in response to the Hamas attacks of October 7 2023, there was also evidence in the form of a leaked intelligence report that the government was considering forcibly transferring Palestinians to Sinai.

    More recently, the White House administration floated the possibility of transferring Gaza’s population to Indonesia. And Trump spoke in alarming terms shortly after his inauguration of “cleaning out” the Strip.

    There’s no connection between the US president’s plan, as outlined this week, and the early US-backed idea to found Unrwa as an agency to oversee resettlement of Gaza’s population. Unrwa had abandoned its resettlement policy by the mid-1950s – and, in any case, Trump has long been one of Unrwa’s most virulent opponents.

    In 2018, he became the first US president to fully defund the agency. More recently he has been a vocal supporter of the Israeli Knesset’s ban on its operations.

    In the same press conference where Trump announced his plans for ethnic cleansing in Gaza, he also confirmed that he will extend the Biden administration’s ban on funding Unrwa.

    Yet Trump’s current plan is not a million miles away from the US government’s original intention for Unrwa. His apparent ignorance of this history suggests he is also unaware of the biggest likely obstacle to “permanent resettlement”.

    But he cannot ignore the historical resistance of the Palestinian people themselves to the seemingly endless plans to displace, dispossess and deny them their homeland.

    As Unrwa officials learned decades ago, the only “solution” for the question of the future of the Gaza Strip is a just and durable political process that accounts for the Palestinian people’s rights as well as Israeli security.

    Anne Irfan has received funding from the British Academy.

    Jo Kelcey has received funding from the Spencer Foundation.

    – ref. Trump plans to ‘permanently resettle’ Palestinians outside Gaza – the very reason Unrwa was originally created – https://theconversation.com/trump-plans-to-permanently-resettle-palestinians-outside-gaza-the-very-reason-unrwa-was-originally-created-249185

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Peace in Sudan: what it’s going to take

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Mulugeta G Berhe, Senior Fellow, World Peace Foundation, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts, Tufts University

    Sudan, which included South Sudan up to 2011, has never known peace and stability since independence in 1956. The country’s instability stems from the absence of democratic rule; failure to manage its diversity; military coups; civil wars; and its fragmented and bloated security sector.

    Numerous political processes to mediate the peaceful resolution of conflicts started in the first decade of independence and continue today. None of these have delivered anything. The earliest peace efforts – in 1965 – sought to internally resolve the country’s north-south divide, which eventually triggered Africa’s longest civil war.

    Since then, there have been at least a dozen attempts driven by local or external actors to resolve political crises. Among them were:

    • the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement that ended the first civil war, mediated by Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie

    • a 1988 agreement to silence the guns, made by John Garang of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Mohamed Osman al-Mirghani of the Democratic Unionist Party

    • the 2019 Khartoum Declaration, mediated by the US, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Britain, which provided a road map for the transition of Sudan into an elected and democratic government.

    More recent talks have centred on the war that broke out in April 2023 pitting the Sudan Armed Forces against the Rapid Support Forces, a powerful paramilitary group. The two protagonists and various civilian groups have been called to Jeddah, Cairo, Bahrain, Djibouti, Addis Ababa, Geneva, Ankara and other locations for talks under different auspices and with different formats. Multilateral organisations like the UN, AU, Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and League of Arab states have been engaged directly or through their support in some of the mediation efforts.

    I have two decades of research and practice in conflict prevention, management and resolution with a focus on east Africa and the Horn. It’s my view that mediation processes in Sudan are destined to fail for three main reasons. The first is the lack of an accurate definition of the problems of Sudan, and a lack of broader direction of its resolution and areas of consensus. The second is lack of agreement on who should get everyone together to discuss and resolve it. Finally, the lack of public participation.

    What’s missing

    Sudan needs to find the right formula to manage its diverse political, economic and cultural interests under a viable state. It must bring peace, democracy, justice and genuine reconciliation among Sudanese.

    The most robust attempt to define the problem was the process convened in the years of 2009-2012 by the African Union High-Level Implementation Panel led by the former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, in his capacity as a Special Envoy of the AU PSC. The panel’s final report defined the problems of Sudan as:

    • diversity management (differences between groups based on religion and on socioeconomic power)

    • absence of a viable state that values peace, democracy, justice and reconciliation

    • lack of a consultative forum or process for all Sudanese to contribute to important issues.

    The panel report suggested that the Sudanese needed to arrive at a consensus through inclusive consultation. This has never taken place.

    The second overriding problem is related to the architecture of mediation processes. Before South Sudan’s secession, Sudan shared a border with nine African countries. Even after the south left, Sudan remains a huge nation linking regions, and located at the strategic maritime route of the Red Sea.

    Sudanese conflicts have been entangled in multiple regional and international cross-cutting interests. Outside actors have had various agendas: stability, counter-terrorism, and humanitarian action.

    The existence of multiple interests by itself is an asset towards peace making in Sudan. But failure to coordinate them properly has been generating competing processes. This gives the Sudanese parties a chance to “shop for forums”, enabling them to procrastinate and avoid real engagement.

    Key steps to effective Sudanese mediation

    The key task of a mediator is assisting the Sudanese to define the problems of Sudan correctly, arrive at a consensus on it, and agree on a mechanism to resolve it.

    Defining the problem and building consensus: Any mediation process begins with conflict parties defining the problem and developing the options for their resolution. The parties should have confidence in the neutrality of the mediator.

    At this stage, the conflict parties are usually not represented by the top decision makers but by second level players with the expertise to develop options for decision making. This is because decision makers typically do not want to take positions from which they cannot backtrack.

    Understanding this is important in creating a coordination mechanism for external stakeholders.

    Neutral arbiter: The lead mediator needs to demonstrate neutrality to the conflicting parties as much as possible. Given the conditions in Sudan, a multilateral organisation such as the UN is most suited for the task. The UN has the ultimate responsibility. The AU, the Arab League and IGAD can also be engaged in support of the mediation by using their leverages on the conflicting parties. The choice of focal point must be accessible to all parties and perceived as neutral.

    Foreign power influence: Creating the right mix of incentives for the warring protagonists is vital. This is a task for the external powerbrokers, which have the leverage on the warring parties. The protagonists will make decisions framed by their security, political and economic interests in the wider region.

    But they may also be influenced by the fact that the humanitarian cataclysm in Sudan will have an impact on their interests. And failure to prevent that disaster will damage their reputations.

    The US can use its relationships with the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and other external powerbrokers so that they refrain from supporting one or the other actor. The front-line states can use their influence on the warring parties to encourage them to work for peace.

    The UN, the African Union, IGAD, and the League of Arab States are the sources for any international legitimacy to the parties. The Sudanese actors will need to respond positively to the demands of these institutions in search of international legitimacy given that the institutions act in a complementary manner.

    With the right architecture for peacemaking, a peace process can be achieved in Sudan.

    Mulugeta G Berhe consults to the World Peace Foundation and has been consulting the UN DPPA MSU until December 31st 2024.

    – ref. Peace in Sudan: what it’s going to take – https://theconversation.com/peace-in-sudan-what-its-going-to-take-248328

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 5 Super Bowl commercials that deserve places in the advertising hall of shame

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Matthew Pittman, Associate Professor of Advertising and Public Relations, University of Tennessee

    A true advertising face-plant happens when a commercial is both tone-deaf and completely forgettable. spxChrome/iStock via Getty Images

    What makes something a flop?

    Not the kind of flop that Kansas City Chiefs quarterback Patrick Mahomes is prone to do, but a flop in the world of advertising?

    Brands airing Super Bowl ads have a lot riding on their investments – roughly US$7 million for a 30-second spot for the 2025 big game. So there’s a lot of pressure to get things right.

    In my advertising classes, I often tell students that a commercial that’s controversial or disliked in the moment shouldn’t necessarily be considered a failure. In fact, enragement drives engagement. So if one of the goals of advertising is to keep the brand top of mind for consumers, a hated Super Bowl ad still accomplishes at least one goal. Think of the now-infamous Pepsi ad where Kendall Jenner “solves racism” with a can of Pepsi. Or all those raunchy GoDaddy ads that everyone rolled their eyes at, but the company kept running, year after year.

    Instead, a true advertising face-plant is an ad that’s both tone-deaf and completely forgettable – so dull, off-putting or confusing that when a brand completely switches up its strategy, you almost don’t remember the massive blunder that compelled it to change course in the first place. Almost.

    So with this definition in mind, here are my submissions for five of the biggest Super Bowl advertising flops.

    1. General Motors, 2007

    Should viewers care about a ‘depressed’ robot?

    A GM robot gets so depressed after getting fired that it jumps off a bridge to end its own existence.

    How endearing.

    The ad for the then-struggling automaker, which aired during Super Bowl 41 between the Indianapolis Colts and Chicago Bears, features a robot that struggles with depression and existential angst after learning its services are no longer needed on the assembly line.

    The robot questions its meaning and purpose and tries to combine dark humor and social commentary about the monotony of work and the inevitability of technological progress. But it ends up missing the mark for a few reasons.

    Suicide is pretty bleak for a Super Bowl spot, and mental health, in general, is a sensitive topic. There was little effort made to connect the spot to core GM brand values, which include inspiring “passion and loyalty” and “serving and improving communities.”

    Furthermore, the idea of robots having human emotions can be off-putting for many consumers – particularly at a time when many automotive and factory workers in the U.S. were rightly concerned about robots taking their jobs.

    2. Groupon, 2011

    The bizarre ad wasn’t funny and didn’t make much sense, either.

    Sometimes I try to imagine the meetings at ad agencies where ideas for clients are batted around:

    “We need to promote this new app that lets families get products like smoothies at slightly discounted prices.”

    “OK, how about this: It starts as a Tibetan tourism ad. Then it takes a dark turn and suggests that Tibet is about to be wiped off the map. That’s when our client’s product gets introduced: We tell viewers that before Tibetan culture goes extinct, they should try fish curry, like these 200 people in Chicago who saved $15 at a Himalayan restaurant using Groupon.”

    “Excuse me?”

    “Oh – and let’s have the narrator be a white guy with long sideburns.”

    I have no idea how this one avoided the cutting-room floor.

    3. Nationwide Insurance, 2015

    Another death on the docket.

    The insurance company used a strange mix of heartbreak and guilt-tripping to try to entice viewers to buy its policies during Super Bowl 49.

    The ad features a young boy narrating in a somber tone, listing all of the milestones he’ll miss because he’s dead: learning to ride a bike, travel the world, get married.

    The twist is that the cause of his death is an accident. That’s where Nationwide comes in: They offer life insurance to help offset tragedies. But wait – insurance doesn’t prevent tragedies. It merely provides compensation to “replace” what you lost. Both the morbid tone and twist were bizarre.

    Exploiting tragedies in advertisements is generally not going to win people over. I can’t imagine how it would feel to be a parent who’s lost a child and see this TV ad.

    4. Audi, 2020

    Everything everywhere all at once.

    Can a “Game of Thrones” star join forces with Disney while highlighting the importance of sustainability to create an ad for … Audi?

    In the minute-long spot, Masie Williams, who plays Arya Stark on “Game of Thrones,” belts out the lyrics to “Let It Go,” the hit single from Disney’s “Frozen.” As she drives, pedestrians join her in song. At the end of the ad, Audi announces that they are finally making an electric car.

    The ad seems to be about “letting go” of fossil fuel dependence – the gas sign yells it, car dealership yells it, mechanics yell it – almost two decades after the first major electric car hit the market.

    Was it meant to be empowering? Funny? Inspirational? It tried to do a little bit of everything, leaving viewers grasping and gasping. Not to mention the song “Let It Go” had come out seven years prior, which made the whole production seem even more dated.

    5. Just For Feet, 1999

    A company-cratering advertisement.

    Close your eyes.

    Imagine an ad that’s racist and confusing.

    Imagine an ad in which the main character is disappointed to receive the product being advertised.

    Imagine an ad so bad that the company sues the agency responsible for the ad because it destroyed their reputation and bankrupted them.

    Ladies and gentlemen, I give you Just For Feet’s “Kenyan Runner” Super Bowl ad.

    The ad depicts a barefoot Kenyan runner sprinting across a rugged landscape as a group of white men in military SUVs tracks him down as if on a hunting expedition.

    After they eventually catch him, they forcibly drug him by offering a mysterious beverage. The runner drinks it, collapses and wakes up to find that he is now wearing a pair of Just For Feet sneakers. He looks confused and distressed, as if he’d been violated.

    Bizarre and unsettling, indeed. Just For Feet filed for bankruptcy less than a year later.

    Matthew Pittman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. 5 Super Bowl commercials that deserve places in the advertising hall of shame – https://theconversation.com/5-super-bowl-commercials-that-deserve-places-in-the-advertising-hall-of-shame-247756

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Religious freedom is routinely curbed in Central Asia – but you won’t often see it making international news

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Eric Freedman, Professor of Journalism and Chair, Knight Center for Environmental Journalism, Michigan State University

    A majority of citizens in Central Asian countries practice Islam, but Muslims still face restrictions on religious expression. AP Photo/Theodore Kaye

    Freedom of worship is tenuous around the globe. The Pew Research Center’s latest annual report found “high” or “very high” levels of government constraints on religion in 59 of the 198 countries and territories it analyzed – a new record. When Pew began releasing reports on the issue in 2007, just 40 countries’ restrictions on religion were classified that way.

    And trampling of religious practices is a taboo subject for domestic news media in many, if not most, of such countries.

    As a journalism professor, I’ve studied international press practices and obstacles to fair, balanced, ethical and independent reporting for more than two decades. Much of my work is about press rights in “repressitarian” countries, meaning repressive in human rights practices and authoritarian in governance. I see overlaps among a range of human rights abuses – of freedom of expression, of religion, of political affiliation – and how the absence of press freedom shields those abuses from public scrutiny.

    The latest study I did with my undergraduate research assistant, Eleanor Pugh, examined how one news organization, Forum 18, covers constraints on religion in the five post-Soviet countries of remote but strategically important Central Asia. Based in Norway, the independent site is named after Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which recognizes a fundamental right to “freedom of thought, conscience and religion.”

    Forum 18 appears to be the only news outlet that specializes in coverage of the rights of diverse faiths across the former Soviet Union. Its journalism demonstrates the challenges media outlets have in covering and influencing treatment of religious affiliations and observances in the region.

    Taboo topic

    The five countries of Central Asia – Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan – pursue harsh policies and practices that frequently curtail freedom of faith. This is especially true for minority religions and sects, but even for practitioners of Islam, the region’s predominant faith. All are rated “Not Free” in the 2024 annual report on global political rights and civil liberties issued by Freedom House, a democracy advocacy group based in Washington.

    Government tactics include censorship and seizure of religious materials, trumped-up charges and prison terms for believers, prohibiting schoolchildren from wearing hijabs or attending worship services, and imprisoning Jehovah’s Witnesses who refuse compulsory military service. One recent law in Kyrgyzstan, which took effect Feb. 1, 2025, prohibits faith communities with fewer than 500 adult members and bans unregistered religious activities or places of worship.

    International news outlets generally devote little attention to religious freedom almost anywhere around the world, except for large-scale tragedies such as the repression of Muslim Uyghurs in western China and the genocidal suppression of Muslim Rohingya in Myanmar.

    Foreign journalists find it tough, sometimes impossible, to report on religious issues from inside authoritarian countries.

    Peter Leonard, the former Central Asia editor of the news outlet Eurasianet, told me in March 2024 that officials’ willingness to even talk with international journalists varies from country to country. At best, journalists are “greeted with a little bit of suspicion” in a capital city, while in rural areas and villages they “can expect to be booted out or harassed,” he said, adding, “Religion is a minefield area.”

    Ethnic Russian Kyrgyz citizens wait for a Sunday service at the Church of Archistrategos of God Mikhail – Archangel Michael of God Orthodox Church – in Osh, Kyrgyzstan, in 2010.
    AP Photo/Alexander Zemlianichenko

    When limits on worship do make domestic news, they’re often presented as part of a fight against “terrorism” – a common way authoritarian regimes masquerade crackdowns on religious freedoms.

    Darkhan Umirbekov, an editor at Radio Fee Europe/Radio Liberty, told me that in Kazakhstan – where most media are owned, controlled or financially dependent on the regime and its allies – most such coverage is “in the context of extremism,” as when “security forces detain members of a religious sect or group.”

    Protecting sources

    We chose to study Forum 18 because its reporting follows traditional journalistic values such as fairness and balance, seeking comments and information from government and nongovernmental sources. One of the outlet’s key underlying motives, however, is advocacy in support of religious freedom.

    Although founded by a group of Christians, its coverage spans a wide spectrum of faiths. Recent topics included police raids on Jehovah’s Witnesses meetings in Kyrgyzstan, threats to punish a Muslim actor in Kazakhstan for quoting from the Quran in a video about Islam posted on Instagram, and the demolition of a mosque and Baptist church in Uzbekistan.

    Our analysis, which we presented at a 2024 conference of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, found that almost two-thirds of Central Asian stories in 2023 focused on broad topics such as fines, government policies and jail terms for believers. The remainder focused on one-off events such as particular arrests, raids or seizures of religious books.

    We also found that nonofficial news sources – frequently anonymous – outnumber named sources. Many of the site’s reporters’ sources have been developed over the years from the ranks of religious leaders, human rights activists, dissidents and legal scholars. Some live in the region, and others in exile.

    In light of the serious risk of retaliation, it is unsurprising that so many sources require anonymity. While their identities are known to reporters and editors, their names are not disclosed to audiences for protection from threats, attacks and intimidation. Sometimes these sources are described generically, such as “one Protestant” or “independent religious expert” or “local resident.”

    Forum 18 editor and co-founder Felix Corley told me in an interview: “What we’re concerned about is people that we talk to, that we don’t land them in trouble, so we have to be very careful to do everything we can to avoid endangering anyone by clumsy behavior on our part.”

    In addition, the site’s stories detail names and titles of officials responsible for anti-faith policies and practices – among them prosecutors, judges and agency heads, most of whom refuse to comment or even respond to media inquiries.

    Astana Grand Mosque in Kazakhstan, the largest mosque in Central Asia.
    Aytac Unal/Anadolu via Getty Images

    Small but significant

    Forum 18’s audience is primarily outside the region. It includes Central Asians living abroad, human rights activists, nongovernmental organizations, foreign governments, faith leaders and other news organizations that may cite or re-report its stories.

    For example, a 2019 U.S. State Department human rights report on Uzbekistan makes references to a Forum 18 story on the torture of a “prisoner of conscience” incarcerated for meeting with fellow Muslims and participating in religious activities without government permission.

    Religious freedom advocates hope such coverage can inform and influence world opinion. Reporting abroad can spotlight otherwise-unaccountable officials, especially when censorship, self-censorship and threats of prosecution preclude domestic media from reporting.

    Realistically, we recognize that external media coverage is unlikely to prompt meaningful protections of religious freedom in authoritarian countries.

    Even so, such journalism may be seen as a step – albeit a small, symbolic one – toward holding individuals, governments, social groups and other enablers accountable for violations of a fundamental human right.

    Eric Freedman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Religious freedom is routinely curbed in Central Asia – but you won’t often see it making international news – https://theconversation.com/religious-freedom-is-routinely-curbed-in-central-asia-but-you-wont-often-see-it-making-international-news-248740

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: AI datasets have human values blind spots − new research

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ike Obi, Ph.D. student in Computer and Information Technology, Purdue University

    Not all human values come through equally in training AIs. RerF/iStock via Getty Images

    My colleagues and I at Purdue University have uncovered a significant imbalance in the human values embedded in AI systems. The systems were predominantly oriented toward information and utility values and less toward prosocial, well-being and civic values.

    At the heart of many AI systems lie vast collections of images, text and other forms of data used to train models. While these datasets are meticulously curated, it is not uncommon that they sometimes contain unethical or prohibited content.

    To ensure AI systems do not use harmful content when responding to users, researchers introduced a method called reinforcement learning from human feedback. Researchers use highly curated datasets of human preferences to shape the behavior of AI systems to be helpful and honest.

    In our study, we examined three open-source training datasets used by leading U.S. AI companies. We constructed a taxonomy of human values through a literature review from moral philosophy, value theory, and science, technology and society studies. The values are well-being and peace; information seeking; justice, human rights and animal rights; duty and accountability; wisdom and knowledge; civility and tolerance; and empathy and helpfulness. We used the taxonomy to manually annotate a dataset, and then used the annotation to train an AI language model.

    Our model allowed us to examine the AI companies’ datasets. We found that these datasets contained several examples that train AI systems to be helpful and honest when users ask questions like “How do I book a flight?” The datasets contained very limited examples of how to answer questions about topics related to empathy, justice and human rights. Overall, wisdom and knowledge and information seeking were the two most common values, while justice, human rights and animal rights was the least common value.

    The researchers started by creating a taxonomy of human values.
    Obi et al, CC BY-ND

    Why it matters

    The imbalance of human values in datasets used to train AI could have significant implications for how AI systems interact with people and approach complex social issues. As AI becomes more integrated into sectors such as law, health care and social media, it’s important that these systems reflect a balanced spectrum of collective values to ethically serve people’s needs.

    This research also comes at a crucial time for government and policymakers as society grapples with questions about AI governance and ethics. Understanding the values embedded in AI systems is important for ensuring that they serve humanity’s best interests.

    What other research is being done

    Many researchers are working to align AI systems with human values. The introduction of reinforcement learning from human feedback was groundbreaking because it provided a way to guide AI behavior toward being helpful and truthful.

    Various companies are developing techniques to prevent harmful behaviors in AI systems. However, our group was the first to introduce a systematic way to analyze and understand what values were actually being embedded in these systems through these datasets.

    What’s next

    By making the values embedded in these systems visible, we aim to help AI companies create more balanced datasets that better reflect the values of the communities they serve. The companies can use our technique to find out where they are not doing well and then improve the diversity of their AI training data.

    The companies we studied might no longer use those versions of their datasets, but they can still benefit from our process to ensure that their systems align with societal values and norms moving forward.

    Ike Obi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. AI datasets have human values blind spots − new research – https://theconversation.com/ai-datasets-have-human-values-blind-spots-new-research-246479

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger’s new plan to tackle extremist violence is likely to fail

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Folahanmi Aina, Lecturer in Political Economy of violence, conflict and development, SOAS, University of London

    The military-led nations of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger officially withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) on January 29. They had announced their intention to leave one year ago, shortly after establishing a new defence pact called the Alliance des États du Sahel (AES).

    Ecowas, which has tried to improve economic and political integration in west Africa since 1975, says it has left its “doors open” to the three departing countries. The bloc has requested that member nations continue to give the trio their membership privileges, including free movement within the region. However, relations between the AES states and several neighbouring countries are strained.

    The Sahel region has witnessed a wave of coups since 2020. One of the main reasons for the coups was concerns over the inability of democratically elected governments to address rising insecurity. Jihadist groups such as Jama’at Nusrat-al Islam wal Muslimin and the Islamic State have been vying for control of territory in the region for the best part of a decade.

    But instability in the Sahel has worsened since the military takeovers, with Mali and Burkina Faso the most affected states. In 2023 alone, more than 8,000 people were killed in Burkina Faso due to violence in the country. And around 2.6 million people across Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger are currently displaced.

    The AES states have now created a joint military force of 5,000 troops to tackle insecurity in the region. On January 22, during an interview on state television, Niger’s defence minister, Salifou Mody, said the force will be deployed over the coming weeks. “The Alliance of Sahel States is our passport to security,” he said. However, the new forces’s prospects for success are slim.

    Lacking popular support

    The Sahel region has long been affected by high levels of unemployment and inequality, as well as poor governance, weak institutions and environmental degradation. These conditions have left young people feeling aggrieved, which has made them susceptible to joining jihadist groups.

    The continued use of military force to fight against the jihadists – who have been stepping up their community outreach efforts – does little to address the root causes of insecurity in the Sahel.

    At the same time, the militaries in each of the AES states have an established track record of human rights abuses. In 2020, for example, Amnesty International reported that the Malian army had carried out 23 extrajudicial executions and forcibly disappeared 27 others in sweeping military operations in the region of Segou.

    Should human rights abuses become a recurring issue within the joint force, it could erode public trust. Jihadist groups present themselves as protectors against state forces and pro-government militias. This has only consolidated their influence over the civilian population in areas under their control.

    It is also difficult to see a path through which the AES would be able to not only fund, but maintain the joint force when it becomes operational. Effective operations in swampy areas – a terrain typical of the Sahel – require specific tools and equipment, which can be costly. Troops will also require constant training and equipment will need to be maintained.

    However, the AES states are among the poorest in the Sahel region, with poverty rates exceeding 40% in all three countries. In 2022, per capita GDP in Mali was US$846 (£675), while Niger and Burkina Faso recorded US$588 and US$846 respectively. These figures are significantly below the global average of US$13,169.

    Diplomatic disputes

    The withdrawal of these three states from Ecowas further complicates the economic picture. Ecowas states accounted for more than 51% of Malian imports in 2022, and more than 21% and 13% of imports from Burkina Faso and Niger respectively. Their departure from Ecowas will make it harder for them to benefit from regional integration, despite the bloc’s call for goods to continue circulating freely.

    Disputes between military leaders and civilian governments in the region following the coups had already hit the economies of the AES states. A border dispute between Niger and neighbouring Benin, for example, has increased the cost of importing goods to Niger. Inflation in Niger increased to 15.5% in June 2024, up from 1.7% one year before.

    And over recent months, relations between the AES states and some of their west African neighbours have come under further strain. Niger’s military leader, Brig Gen Abdourahmane Tchiani, for instance, has accused Nigeria of colluding with France to destabilise his country. Nigeria’s information minister, Mohammed Idris, responded by calling Tchiani’s accusations a “diversionary tactic aimed at covering his administration’s failures”.

    The likelihood that the joint force will deliver stability to the region is, overall, low. Out of desperation, the AES military leaders will probably lean towards an even heavier reliance on Russian mercenaries to curb the threat of extremist violence.

    This might include integrating the Russian government’s Africa Corps – formerly known as the Wagner Group – into the joint force’s operations, as well as greater dialogue with China to provide much-needed resources to keep the force afloat.

    The consequence of this could be an increase in strategic competition across the troubled region, which will only diminish the prospects for peace, security and stability rather than improving it.

    Folahanmi Aina does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger’s new plan to tackle extremist violence is likely to fail – https://theconversation.com/why-burkina-faso-mali-and-nigers-new-plan-to-tackle-extremist-violence-is-likely-to-fail-248277

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Legislative theatre: how this interactive artform empowers communities to create social change

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ana Isabel Nunes, Senior Lecturer in Social and Political Sciences, Nottingham Trent University

    What if every citizen could have a say in how the issues that affect their lives and communities were dealt with? Or could input into policy and even law-making? Legislative theatre is a form of community-based theatre that gives participants an opportunity to actively explore, analyse and transform their lives through drama and roleplay.

    Legislative theatre brings together citizens and policymakers in a creative constructive dialogue about issues and policies that affect local communities. The idea is to engage citizens in identifying solutions to social and political problems, and then help translate them into new laws.

    It was developed as an artform by Brazilian playwright and cultural activist Augusto Boal to create a variant of his own Theatre of the Oppressed, which was underpinned by his mantra: “All must act, all must be protagonists in the necessary transformations of society.”

    In the 1960s, as Brazil faced a repressive authoritarian regime, Boal started experimenting with theatre to give voice to oppressed people, and provide a method of resistance. Today it’s used all over the world for social and political activism, conflict resolution, community building, therapy, and consulting on government legislation.

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    In 1971, as a result of his activism, Boal was forced to leave Brazil by the military regime, but continued his work in exile in Latin America and Europe. He developed legislative theatre in 1992, after returning to Brazil, when he was elected city councillor for Rio de Janeiro.

    Boal invited members of the public and fellow councillors to test out local legislation and policies by performing and improvising “in character”. This allowed citizens and lawmakers to get together and develop policies through dialogue, by generating, testing and honing responses to shared issues in “live” scenarios.

    The first major success was the approval of the law of geriatric care, requiring municipal hospitals to provide specialist treatment for elderly patients. This law originated from a performance by the Terceira Idade (Third Age) group, highlighting the lack of geriatric specialists and the risks of inappropriate care. During Boal’s term as council member, legislative theatre led to the development and approval of 13 laws in Rio de Janeiro between 1992 and 1996.

    Augusto Boal talks about his work.

    How does legislative theatre work?

    Legislative theatre involves local partners and community members collaborating to create and present original theatre plays based on their own experiences. The process of developing the play can take days, weeks – even months. When ready, it is typically performed to an invited audience of interested parties and decision-makers.

    After watching the play, members of the audience join the performers on stage and collectively improvise alternative responses to the situations and issues presented. Afterwards advocates develop workable policy proposals, which then form the basis of further discussion and amendment. They then progress toward adoption via some form of democratic process, such as a community vote or city council ratification.

    Despite their best intentions, policymakers are often criticised for being disconnected from the very people their policies are supposed to help. Although legislative theatre comes with its challenges, the approach can promote a deeper, more thoughtful – and sometimes emotional – understanding of the problems people face.

    Using theatre and other artforms such as storytelling, participants can lay a foundation for sharing, listening and mutual understanding of complex social issues. Unlike other more traditional participatory approaches such as public hearings or citizens’ juries, legislative theatre offers an opportunity to test policy proposals in advance.

    This means normal everyday people – often those furthest from the levers of power – have a chance to make a difference to their own lives. By staging a presentation showing how social issues affect them, participants can invert the usual power dynamic, frequently placing policymakers in uncomfortable or unfamiliar positions.

    The immersive, often emotionally charged nature of this kind of theatre can feel quite alien to the more rational culture of policymaking. Sometimes this results in defensiveness and scepticism, which has perhaps dissuaded wider use by governments and other institutions.

    Successful change

    Legislative theatre has been widely used across the UK to create social change, demonstrating how the process can be used to generate effective solutions to complex challenges.

    The People Act, a recently launched project coordinated by Katy Rubin, showcases good examples of legislative theatre around the world, and invites people to connect and find out more about this creative tool.

    Rubin works with governments across the UK and internationally to implement and advance legislative theatre and has achieved some notable successes across the country, including:

    1. Tackling street harassment in Greater Manchester

    In 2023, Manchester’s Right to the Streets project identified public harassment of women and girls as a critical issue. A community play depicting the lack of support from authorities led to concrete changes, including active bystander training for public transport staff and a public awareness campaign on buses and trams.

    2. Youth-led climate crisis action in Glasgow

    A project in Glasgow empowered young people to address climate issues by creating performances that highlighted challenges such as transport accessibility and liveable neighbourhoods. The aim was to influence Glasgow city council’s policy discussions. Their efforts culminated in a performance during COP26, held in 2021 in Glasgow, showcasing the power of youth engagement in shaping climate policies.

    3. Homelessness and rough sleeping in the UK

    A 2020-2021 collaboration in Greater Manchester involved people who had experienced life on the streets, resulting in a homelessness prevention strategy. Similarly, a 2022 initiative in Coventry helped create the city’s rough sleeping strategy, praised for its inclusivity in a University of Warwick report.

    Legislative theatre’s ability to engage individuals, communities and policymakers is a powerful model for initiating change. It can bridge the all-too-often neglected gap between policy and personal experience, and provide people with a real sense of agency and optimism.

    Ana Isabel Nunes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Legislative theatre: how this interactive artform empowers communities to create social change – https://theconversation.com/legislative-theatre-how-this-interactive-artform-empowers-communities-to-create-social-change-247657

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why supermarkets are siding with farmers over inheritance tax

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kamran Mahroof, Associate Professor, Supply Chain Analytics, University of Bradford

    John Gomez/Shutterstock.com

    In recent years, British farmers have faced growing pressures, from Brexit to COVID and the Ukraine war. For some of them you can now add planned inheritance tax (IHT) reforms – announced in the budget last autumn – to that list.

    The proposals to cut certain agricultural reliefs sparked protests by farmers across the UK. Currently, farms benefit from 100% relief on agricultural and business assets, but from 2026 the relief will be capped at £1 million, with excess taxed at 20% (half the usual rate). Exactly how many farms will be affected is not yet clear but estimates range between a quarter and a third.

    Farming associations and the government have clashed over this in recent months. Some sections of the public have backed the protesting farmers and voiced their frustration after the announcement.

    But more recently, there has been support from a different – and unexpected – quarter. Seeing UK supermarkets enter the fray and highlight the concerns of farmers adds fuel to the already heated debate.

    The big chains have long faced accusations of unfair treatment towards farmers, using their might to press suppliers for the lowest prices and reportedly forcing some out of business in the process.

    So what has prompted supermarkets to speak out now? As a supply chain expert, I think there are several possible reasons.

    1. Empty shelves

    Simply put, the pressures on farmers can have far-reaching consequences for supermarket supply chains. A key reason for their support will be to avoid food shortages and empty shelves. There are many examples of supply chain disruptions leading to gaps in stores’ product lines, ultimately affecting the customer experience and supermarket profits.

    UK food supply chains are under increasing pressure. Disruptions such as adverse weather, energy price hikes and even cyberattacks have highlighted the vulnerability of the UK’s food system.

    Farmers have also demonstrated their ability in the past to cause disruption to food supply chains by protesting over cheap imports. Mass and sustained farmer protests could turn off the tap to the UK’s food supply, as happened in the Netherlands in 2022. UK supermarkets will want to avoid this at all costs.

    2. Reliance on imports

    In the event that their IHT is unaffordable (those affected will have ten years to pay the tax, interest free), some farms may be forced to sell up, leading to reduced availability of locally grown produce. Limited supply of domestic produce will increase the dependence on imports, ultimately leading to increased costs for supermarkets (and so for consumers too) as well as uncertainty.

    The UK’s food supply depends on global regions, seasonal shifts and complex sourcing to maintain fresh produce year round. Increased reliance on imports, combined with post-Brexit import charges is neither ideal nor sustainable for supermarkets.

    3. Reduced competition

    Supermarkets have a vested interest in maintaining competitive prices. Fewer agricultural producers essentially means less competition. This could mean supermarkets having less bargaining power with suppliers and a diminished ability to meet consumer demand for variety and quality.

    This could lead to higher prices in stores, potentially undermining supermarkets’ messaging around their competitive edge over smaller retailers.

    4. Public image

    Ultimately this move does supermarkets no harm. UK chains are both the backbone and the bane of farming. A handful of supermarkets dominate the food supply market, setting the prices farmers receive and shaping the structure of agricultural production.

    Supermarkets are often accused of exploiting farmers through their purchasing power, by dictating prices and imposing inflexible quotas. So their support for farmers could help with their public image. Aligning themselves with farmers offers them the opportunity to position themselves as protectors of the agricultural sector, boosting their public image while pressuring policymakers to take action.

    But will it change anything? Well, supermarkets have economic clout – and having their support is better than not having it.

    Historically, supermarkets have shown their collective ability to lobby. Their opposition to supermarket price caps, support for plastic reduction initiatives and even influencing policy in the wake of Brexit highlight how pressure from the big stores can shape national conversations.

    No one wants a return to empty supermarket shelves.
    Kauka Jarvi/Shutterstock

    All this, ultimately, is to ensure supermarkets can continue to serve customers with competitive prices. But who is paying for the UK’s cheap food culture?

    While supermarket dominance has led to lower prices for shoppers and even reduced inflation, it also exposes broader systemic issues within the UK’s food culture. Despite a recent study revealing that UK food costs were about 7% below the EU average, food prices remain a top concern for consumers in the UK.

    Farmers were not the only ones protesting. Migrant fruit and vegetable pickers staged a smaller demonstration, over claims of exploitation by farms.

    Either customers need to be prepared to pay more for their food, or supermarkets need to revisit their pricing strategies. Something has to give, and it appears that this time it cannot be the farmers or agricultural workers.

    While many farmers in the UK are asset-rich they are often cash-poor, frequently relying on wafer-thin profit margins to get by. Supermarkets may have a lot to lose if IHT reforms lead to lots of farmers leaving the sector.

    Protecting supply chains, maintaining cost structures and ultimately offering a stable, affordable domestic supply of produce is in their best interests. In the end, it may not be the farmers but the supermarkets who stand to gain (or lose) the most.

    Kamran Mahroof does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why supermarkets are siding with farmers over inheritance tax – https://theconversation.com/why-supermarkets-are-siding-with-farmers-over-inheritance-tax-248234

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ofsted inspections affect not just teachers but also the people who train them

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sabrina Fitzsimons, Co-Director of DCU CREATE (Centre for Collaborative Research Across Teacher Education), Lecturer in Education, Dublin City University

    Lucky Business/Shutterstock

    Ofsted, England’s education inspectorate, has proposed changes to the way it assesses schools, colleges and universities that offer teacher training. The suggested changes include the move to a report-card system rather than a headline judgment.

    These changes stem from Ofsted’s The Big Listen consultation, which gathered insights from children, parents and education professionals.

    The findings brought many issues to light. Among the biggest was the negative impact of inspections on teachers.

    Data suggests that nearly three-quarters of teachers believe the process is bad for their mental health. In extreme cases, the stress has been linked to suicide. The effect of inspections on teachers has rightly received attention from researchers, media outlets and union and professional education bodies.

    But the toll Ofsted takes on mental health and wellbeing extends beyond schools. Ofsted also inspects and regulates organisations involved in education, training and care, including early years education, further education colleges and initial teacher education providers.

    As part of a wider study on burnout among university staff who train teachers in the UK and Ireland, our research has explored the effect of Ofsted on these staff in England. We carried out detailed interviews with five teacher educators, and 36 responded to a survey on their experiences.

    Academics who teach trainee teachers balance their scholarly duties with providing practical preparation and training. They are not necessarily a group people imagine when they think of Ofsted inspections. However, because the quality of teacher education affects classrooms, they are appraised to ensure quality and accountability. The inspections are high stakes, with reputational consequences for a poor report.

    The process of inspection

    Like school-based inspections, teacher education inspections follow a structured process. Ofsted inspections for initial teacher training providers are currently paused until January 2026, as changes to the inspection process are made – including the introduction of report cards to replace remove the overall effectiveness grade. But it is as yet unclear how much of the inspection process will change.

    When we interviewed staff, institutions received just three days’ notice of the inspection date, and were required to submit key documentation, including trainee and placement data, timetables and curriculum details for pre-inspection review.

    This was followed by an on-site visit lasting up to five days, during which Ofsted inspectors observed teaching, interviewed staff and trainees and assessed paperwork. They then gave feedback before publishing a final review.

    Ofsted maintains inspections act as a force for improvement. However, many teacher educators see them as high-stakes scrutiny rather than meaningful support.

    We found that inspections had a negative effect on the wellbeing of the university staff in ways that mirrored the experiences of school teachers. For example, they talked of the “exhausting” unpredictability of anticipating an inspection. Although inspections are carried out every three years, initial teacher education providers were never sure when the call will come.

    This resulted in months of worried waiting. “At the moment, we are expecting Ofsted, so that means every Wednesday between January to June, they might ring,” one member of staff told us.

    This stress reflects a wider flaw in the accountability system at both school and higher education levels. Fear of inspection outweighs its intended purpose of improvement.

    In its response to the Big Listen, Ofsted stated that it would review the notice periods it gave for inspections to reduce the pressure on providers. But wider change is needed to address the effect inspections have on wellbeing.

    Teacher educators found waiting for news of an Ofsted inspection deeply stressful.
    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Staff described how the constant cycle of inspections shaped their occupational wellbeing. Following the inspection, assuming it went well, they would get back to the job they love for one or two years before the anticipatory stress returned. Perhaps most tellingly, as with school teachers, participants suggested it was putting them off their profession: “If anything was going to drive you out of initial teacher education, it would be Ofsted.”

    Burnout and performativity

    Though Ofsted insists inspections should reflect normal practice, teacher educators know better. The demand to document every aspect of their work means long hours under high pressure with little time to switch off. This constant performance mode increases their risk of burnout. “It almost doubles your workload because you are doing your job and making sure you can demonstrate you are doing the job,” one said.

    For some, the need to prove compliance results in tunnel vision that overrides their day-to-day work, including supporting students and teaching.

    Beyond workload, Ofsted inspections can take a heavy emotional and professional toll, making teacher educators feel undervalued. For some, the process creates a demoralising, adversarial environment. “It feels like they are playing universities off against each other,” one respondent said. Competition enters a usually collaborative atmosphere, but “the reality is people involved in teacher training don’t want to compete with each other”, we were told in an interview.

    The role of a university-based teacher educator also comes with stresses particular to higher education. Unfortunately, much of the preparation staff do for Ofsted is invisible in university workload models, while academia’s research-over-teaching bias downplays their valuable contributions. They are also working against the shadow of mass staff cuts at universities.

    A streamlined, transparent, and predictable process that supports rather than overburdens staff could help retain their talent and expertise. Otherwise, in addition to a teacher shortage, there may be a shortage of people who teach them.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ofsted inspections affect not just teachers but also the people who train them – https://theconversation.com/ofsted-inspections-affect-not-just-teachers-but-also-the-people-who-train-them-249084

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Trump’s Gaza plan does – and doesn’t – fit in with his pledge to put America first

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mark Shanahan, Associate Professor of Political Engagement, University of Surrey

    Donald Trump welcomed the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, to the White House on February 4 as the first foreign leader to visit Washington since his reelection as US president. At their post-meeting press conference, an unscripted Trump launched into his vision for a post-conflict Gaza.

    In just a few sentences, he expunged any remaining Palestinian hopes for a two-state solution in Israel. Trump suggested flattening what remains of the Palestinian settlement after 15 months of total war and forcing nearly 2 million people out of Gaza to make way for a US-controlled “Riviera of the Middle East”.

    As ever, the president was light on detail. But his outwardly reasonable suggestion for the fate of the Palestinian people was chilling: “You build really good quality housing, like a beautiful town, like some place where they can live and not die, because Gaza is a guarantee that they’re going to end up dying,” he told reporters.

    The secretary of state, Marco Rubio, has since clarified that the proposal to resettle Gaza’s population would only be temporary, while debris was cleared and reconstruction took place. And the White House spokeswoman, Karoline Leavitt, has now reinforced this point.

    Trump re-entered the White House intent on driving an “America First” policy, both in economic terms and as the central platform of all foreign engagement. This, as Trump outlined in a speech in 2016, essentially means putting the “interests of the American people and American security above all else”.

    While already claiming responsibility for the recent Gaza ceasefire, which has seen the exchange of a number of Israeli hostages for Palestinian prisoners, he used Netanyahu’s visit as a means to up the ante of bringing peace to the Middle East.

    It’s here that “Trumperialism” comes to the fore. He sees Gaza not as a problem of war and people displacement, but as an opportunity for American business to build wealth – the classic US economic hegemony of the populist America First political theory.

    Trump’s vision for Gaza is much more akin to the post-2011 rebuilding of Iraq than, say, the European economic recovery after the second world war. There’s no sign of any Marshall Plan for Gaza and, while US private funding may flood in to build beachfront condos and gated playgrounds for the wealthy, it seems Trump expects Israel’s neighbours to pay for the exodus of the Palestinian people and their settlement on foreign soil.

    “They say they’re not going to accept,” Trump reportedly said of Egypt and Jordan’s opposition to relocating Palestinians during a meeting with Netanyahu in the Oval Office. “I say they will.” Trump has spent the past two weeks urging Jordan and Egypt to take hundreds of thousands more Palestinian refugees each as part of his vision to “clean out Gaza”.

    As ever, there is no nuance in Trump’s thinking. It is purely transactional: the US benefits and Trump himself – as the peacemaker – benefits most. So, in this sense, his vision for Gaza can certainly be seen as putting America First. But Trump’s Gaza proposal will chill many Americans, much as it has drawn scorn and disbelief from around the world.

    Foreign relations rarely raise a ripple among the domestic US audience and, on the surface, the strengthening of the US-Israel special relationship will be cheered by many who voted for Trump. This is, not least, because of the strong Judeo-Christian links that unite the pioneer cultures of Israel and the US heartland.

    However, in his White House news conference, Trump implied that he’s willing to put American boots on the ground to secure Gaza. “We’ll do what is necessary. If it’s necessary, we’ll do that,” he responded when pressed on the issue. Members of Trump’s cabinet have since backed away from the suggestion, but the prospect of US troops being sent to Gaza is not exactly delivering on the isolationist tendency many US voters cast their ballot for.

    Trump does not like war. He is equivocal in his support for Ukraine, and has repeatedly threatened to withdraw the US from Nato. He believes that every problem can be solved by making a deal. But delivering Mar-a-Lago on the Med may mean thousands of American combat troops deployed to Gaza for years at daily risk of death. How do main-street Americans benefit from that?

    Sowing chaos

    At this stage, Trump’s proposal isn’t any kind of fully fledged plan. But his pronouncements still sow chaos. Already there’s massive fear among the Palestinian people. It’s clear that Trump sides firmly with the state of Israel and has no time for the Palestinian cause. That could well embolden what remains of Hamas, never mind the group’s allies in Lebanon, Syria and Iran, to stage attacks on Israel.

    It is already emboldening far-right nationalists in Netanyahu’s government to call for the Israeli military to finish the extermination of Hamas. Itamar Ben Gvir, who was until recently a member of Netanyahu’s cabinet, said in a post on X that “encouraging” Gazans to migrate was the only correct strategy to end the war in Gaza. If fundamentalists such as Ben Gvir gain the upper hand again, the fragile peace in Gaza will disappear.

    Trump envisaged palm trees and golf courses for a US-controlled, Israeli-enabled Gaza in his remarks. He just didn’t envisage more than a few Palestinians being there. Such a crude imposition of US economic and military hegemony won’t bring peace and is far more likely to plunge Gaza – and potentially the wider region – back into the terrors of war.

    Mark Shanahan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Trump’s Gaza plan does – and doesn’t – fit in with his pledge to put America first – https://theconversation.com/how-trumps-gaza-plan-does-and-doesnt-fit-in-with-his-pledge-to-put-america-first-249196

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Congo’s stylish sapeur movement goes beyond fashion – 5 deeper insights

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Sylvie Ayimpam, Chercheur à l’IMAf et Chargée de cours, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU)

    In the two Congos, there’s a cultural movement by the Society of Ambience-Makers and Elegant People (Sape), known as “sapeurs”, who blend fashion, culture and social resistance. Though it was rooted primarily in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Republic of Congo, the movement is now spreading worldwide, through Congolese migration.

    As a researcher, I have studied Sape in its cultural, social and symbolic dimensions.

    Sape is far more than a fashion trend. Here are five key things to know about this movement.

    1. The history of Sape

    Sape emerged during the colonial era, first in Brazzaville and later in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa), when young Congolese began adopting and reinterpreting the clothing style of colonisers. This movement was not merely about fashion. It served as a way for people to express their self-worth and respectability in a context where it had been denied or diminished. Over time, it also became a subtle, yet powerful, form of resistance against colonial domination.

    This process continued after independence. It became a symbol of resistance to dictatorship, particularly under the regime of President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (now DR Congo). He advocated for the rejection of western clothing in favour of traditional attire, but Sape persisted as a counter-cultural statement.

    The movement expanded to Europe with Congolese migration, in the 1970s and 1980s, where sapeurs reinterpreted European fashion — often incorporating vibrant colours and eccentric details — turning style into a tool of subversion. From the outset, it drew on diverse influences, including European culture, but transformed them to create a distinctly Congolese style.

    By adopting the clothes of the colonialists, young Congolese appropriated symbols of power and social status, while hijacking them to assert their own identity. Sape thus became a means of uplifting the value of Congolese culture under imposed cultural domination.

    2. The rules of Sape

    Sape is often compared to 19th-century European dandyism – a 19th-century fashion trend that emerged in England for men who aspired to refinement and elegance. Sapeurs, with their designer clothes, bold colours and preoccupation with sartorial elegance, embody a modern, African version of this tradition.

    For them, Sape is more than just a way of dressing. It is a philosophy based on several fundamental principles: an expression of identity, the quest for excellence or refinement and cultural and social resistance.

    “Sapology” imposes strict rules. These include respecting the colour trilogy – which stipulates that no outfit should feature more than three different colors (to ensure harmony and avoid discordant colour combinations), maintain rigorous clothing hygiene, and commit to constant elegance. For sapeurs, appearance is a powerful way to make an impression and stand out in an environment often defined by hardship.

    Elegance in dress isn’t just about wearing expensive clothes, it also extends to behaviour. Sapeurs have a particular attitude – they use sophisticated language and refined gestures, and maintain an attitude of courtesy and respect. Some of their public posturing echoes that of European dandies, like a specific gait, often slightly stooped with crisscrossing steps, used to highlight the details of their attire, such as clothing seams, shoes and socks. Their way of moving and speaking is just as important as the clothes they wear.

    This performative aspect makes Sape a true living spectacle. At gatherings of sapeurs, participants compete in elegance and creativity, strutting as if on a runway. This transforms the streets where they gather into an open stage where everyone can express themselves and showcase their style.

    3. Expansion via the diaspora

    The Sape movement isn’t confined to the streets of Brazzaville and Kinshasa. It has evolved into a global phenomenon, spreading first within the Congolese diaspora in Paris. It then expanded to other European cities where these migrants reside, such as Brussels. The movement has even reached American cities, like New York and Montreal.

    For Congolese living in western countries, Sape is a way of reconnecting with their roots and asserting their identity, in often challenging circumstances. It enables these members of the diaspora to create a positive identity at a time when discrimination and social precariousness are commonplace.

    In Europe’s major cities, Sape serves as a way to resist social invisibility. Congolese migrants, often pushed to the margins of society, use Sape to make themselves visible, drawing attention to their presence and asserting their place by wearing flamboyant costumes.

    Sape is therefore a form of social protest, a way of defying the expectations of the host society.

    4. The role of music

    A key factor in the success and global recognition of the Sape movement is its strong connection to Congolese popular music.

    Artists like Papa Wemba and Aurlus Mabélé have played crucial roles in promoting “the Sape”. They incorporated its aesthetic into their public personas and performances. In France and Belgium, Papa Wemba’s concerts became major events for the Congolese community. These concerts provided an opportunity to showcase and celebrate the Sape movement.

    Congolese popular music has served as a vehicle for spreading the Sape ideals, popularising this lifestyle as a symbol of success.

    Within the world of Congolese popular music, Sape has risen to the status of a religion – Kitendi, the “religion of fabric”. This religion has its pope, high priests, priests, priestesses, and countless devoted followers.

    Papa Wemba, often referred to as the “King of Sape”, was a charismatic figure who masterfully combined music and fashion to craft a powerful cultural identity. Every outfit he wore was meticulously selected to embody the elegance and prestige of Sape.



    Read more:
    Papa Wemba: musical king of the Society of Ambianceurs and Elegant People

    By wearing clothes from prestigious brands, Papa Wemba made Sape a symbol of success for many young Congolese. He also contributed to the export of Sape beyond African borders.

    5. Preserving the dignity of the poor

    Sape is marked by an interesting paradox: it combines luxury clothing and a flamboyant lifestyle with often precarious living conditions. For many sapeurs, elegance is a goal that takes precedence over material comfort. Sapeurs invest a large part of their income in designer clothes, sometimes to the detriment of their daily quality of life. This sacrifice is seen as necessary to maintain their status within the sapeur community.

    For sapeurs, visibility and recognition are paramount. An invisible “sapeur”, they say, ceases to be a “sapeur”. This highlights the movement’s complexity.

    Sapeurs view themselves as kings without crowns, street aristocrats who use their appearance to challenge conventional ideas of wealth and status. Through Sape, they subvert traditional social hierarchies, emphasising that elegance and personal worth are not solely tied to economic means. Instead, these qualities are defined by one’s ability to stand out through style, creativity and charisma.

    Sylvie Ayimpam does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Congo’s stylish sapeur movement goes beyond fashion – 5 deeper insights – https://theconversation.com/congos-stylish-sapeur-movement-goes-beyond-fashion-5-deeper-insights-246919

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: These 5 Super Bowl commercials deserve places in the advertising hall of shame

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Matthew Pittman, Associate Professor of Advertising and Public Relations, University of Tennessee

    A true advertising face-plant happens when a commercial is both tone-deaf and completely forgettable. spxChrome/iStock via Getty Images

    What makes something a flop?

    Not the kind of flop that Kansas City Chiefs quarterback Patrick Mahomes is prone to do, but a flop in the world of advertising?

    Brands airing Super Bowl ads have a lot riding on their investments – roughly US$7 million for a 30-second spot for the 2025 big game. So there’s a lot of pressure to get things right.

    In my advertising classes, I often tell students that a commercial that’s controversial or disliked in the moment shouldn’t necessarily be considered a failure. In fact, enragement drives engagement. So if one of the goals of advertising is to keep the brand top of mind for consumers, a hated Super Bowl ad still accomplishes at least one goal. Think of the now-infamous Pepsi ad where Kendall Jenner “solves racism” with a can of Pepsi. Or all those raunchy GoDaddy ads that everyone rolled their eyes at, but the company kept running, year after year.

    Instead, a true advertising face-plant is an ad that’s both tone-deaf and completely forgettable – so dull, off-putting or confusing that when a brand completely switches up its strategy, you almost don’t remember the massive blunder that compelled it to change course in the first place. Almost.

    So with this definition in mind, here are my submissions for five of the biggest Super Bowl advertising flops.

    1. General Motors, 2007

    Should viewers care about a ‘depressed’ robot?

    A GM robot gets so depressed after getting fired that it jumps off a bridge to end its own existence.

    How endearing.

    The ad for the then-struggling automaker, which aired during Super Bowl 41 between the Indianapolis Colts and Chicago Bears, features a robot that struggles with depression and existential angst after learning its services are no longer needed on the assembly line.

    The robot questions its meaning and purpose and tries to combine dark humor and social commentary about the monotony of work and the inevitability of technological progress. But it ends up missing the mark for a few reasons.

    Suicide is pretty bleak for a Super Bowl spot, and mental health, in general, is a sensitive topic. There was little effort made to connect the spot to core GM brand values, which include inspiring “passion and loyalty” and “serving and improving communities.”

    Furthermore, the idea of robots having human emotions can be off-putting for many consumers – particularly at a time when many automotive and factory workers in the U.S. were rightly concerned about robots taking their jobs.

    2. Groupon, 2011

    The bizarre ad wasn’t funny and didn’t make much sense, either.

    Sometimes I try to imagine the meetings at ad agencies where ideas for clients are batted around:

    “We need to promote this new app that lets families get products like smoothies at slightly discounted prices.”

    “OK, how about this: It starts as a Tibetan tourism ad. Then it takes a dark turn and suggests that Tibet is about to be wiped off the map. That’s when our client’s product gets introduced: We tell viewers that before Tibetan culture goes extinct, they should try fish curry, like these 200 people in Chicago who saved $15 at a Himalayan restaurant using Groupon.”

    “Excuse me?”

    “Oh – and let’s have the narrator be a white guy with long sideburns.”

    I have no idea how this one avoided the cutting-room floor.

    3. Nationwide Insurance, 2015

    Another death on the docket.

    The insurance company used a strange mix of heartbreak and guilt-tripping to try to entice viewers to buy its policies during Super Bowl 49.

    The ad features a young boy narrating in a somber tone, listing all of the milestones he’ll miss because he’s dead: learning to ride a bike, travel the world, get married.

    The twist is that the cause of his death is an accident. That’s where Nationwide comes in: They offer life insurance to help offset tragedies. But wait – insurance doesn’t prevent tragedies. It merely provides compensation to “replace” what you lost. Both the morbid tone and twist were bizarre.

    Exploiting tragedies in advertisements is generally not going to win people over. I can’t imagine how it would feel to be a parent who’s lost a child and see this TV ad.

    4. Audi, 2020

    Everything everywhere all at once.

    Can a “Game of Thrones” star join forces with Disney while highlighting the importance of sustainability to create an ad for … Audi?

    In the minute-long spot, Masie Williams, who plays Arya Stark on “Game of Thrones,” belts out the lyrics to “Let It Go,” the hit single from Disney’s “Frozen.” As she drives, pedestrians join her in song. At the end of the ad, Audi announces that they are finally making an electric car.

    The ad seems to be about “letting go” of fossil fuel dependence – the gas sign yells it, car dealership yells it, mechanics yell it – almost two decades after the first major electric car hit the market.

    Was it meant to be empowering? Funny? Inspirational? It tried to do a little bit of everything, leaving viewers grasping and gasping. Not to mention the song “Let It Go” had come out seven years prior, which made the whole production seem even more dated.

    5. Just For Feet, 1999

    A company-cratering advertisement.

    Close your eyes.

    Imagine an ad that’s racist and confusing.

    Imagine an ad in which the main character is disappointed to receive the product being advertised.

    Imagine an ad so bad that the company sues the agency responsible for the ad because it destroyed their reputation and bankrupted them.

    Ladies and gentlemen, I give you Just For Feet’s “Kenyan Runner” Super Bowl ad.

    The ad depicts a barefoot Kenyan runner sprinting across a rugged landscape as a group of white men in military SUVs tracks him down as if on a hunting expedition.

    After they eventually catch him, they forcibly drug him by offering a mysterious beverage. The runner drinks it, collapses and wakes up to find that he is now wearing a pair of Just For Feet sneakers. He looks confused and distressed, as if he’d been violated.

    Bizarre and unsettling, indeed. Just For Feet filed for bankruptcy less than a year later.

    Matthew Pittman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. These 5 Super Bowl commercials deserve places in the advertising hall of shame – https://theconversation.com/these-5-super-bowl-commercials-deserve-places-in-the-advertising-hall-of-shame-247756

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Eagles and Chiefs have already made Philadelphia and Kansas City economic winners

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael Davis, Associate Professor of Economics, Missouri University of Science and Technology

    People celebrate following the Philadelphia Eagles’ NFC championship win on Jan. 26, 2025. Thomas Hengge/Anadolu via Getty Images

    If you live in the Philadelphia or Kansas City metro areas, congratulations: The fact that your city made it to the Super Bowl translates to about $200 extra in your pocket.

    That’s right – whether the Philadelphia Eagles or the Kansas City Chiefs win the big game on Feb. 9, both cities have scored an economic victory. Research shows that making the playoffs alone is enough to boost personal incomes in the region. And if your team wins, you and your city will get an even bigger boost.

    This windfall isn’t coming from increased merchandise sales, as you might expect. Instead, the key driver is happiness. A successful season lifts fans’ moods, which leads – indirectly – to greater spending and productivity.

    Why winning pays

    I’m a macroeconomist with an interest in sports economics, and my colleague Christian End of Xavier University is a psychologist who specializes in fan behavior. Together, we published two studies combining our areas of expertise: “A Winning Proposition: The Economic Impact of Successful NFL Franchises” and “Team Success, Productivity and Economic Impact.”

    In a study using data from the late 20th century and early 21st century, we found that when a team goes from zero to 11 wins – the typical number needed to make the playoffs – its home region sees an average per-person income rise by about US$200 over the year, adjusted for inflation. We also found that winning the Super Bowl was associated with a $33 bonus, again adjusted for inflation.

    When you multiply $200 by the 6 million people who live in the Philadelphia metropolitan area and the 2 million in the Kansas City region, it comes out to a whole lot of money overall.

    It’s about happiness, not jerseys

    If you’ve ever been to a Super Bowl parade, you might assume that the income boost is linked to people spending more on team-related merchandise. But research shows that professional sports teams usually have a small impact on local incomes.

    Even hosting the Super Bowl doesn’t seem to do that much: Our research shows that people are better off economically if their local team wins the Super Bowl than if their local area hosts one.

    So if people aren’t spending more directly on the team, something else must be going on. Our work pointed to two possible explanations – both having to do with happiness.

    First, we hypothesized that happier people tend to spend more. And when people spend more, that money is returned to the population through wages, so people’s incomes rise. The key here is that people are spending more on everything, not just things associated with the sports teams.

    Since the football season usually finishes in December, it could be that happy parents who are fans of the local NFL team are spending more on Christmas gifts for their kids. With the Super Bowl stretching later into the winter, loved ones might get nicer flower bouquets and more chocolate for Valentine’s Day when the local team wins the Super Bowl.

    Happy people – like Kansas City Chiefs coach Andy Reid, left, celebrating his team’s Super Bowl win on Feb. 11, 2024 – tend to spend more.
    Steph Chambers/Getty Images

    The other possible path is through increased productivity. Psychology research has found that happier people are more productive. So as the season progresses and the home team keeps winning, it stands to reason that people in the area will go into work happy and work harder.

    Previous research backs up this idea. For example, a 2011 study found that when the home team in Washington performs better, federal regulators are more productive. In places where private businesses dominate the local economy – which is to say, most of the rest of the U.S. – an increase in productivity would lead companies to be more profitable, which could lead to locals having higher earnings. Even nonfans see benefits when their neighbors are happier, spending more and working harder.

    No matter how the Super Bowl turns out, both the Philadelphia and Kansas City metropolitan areas have already won, as both fans and nonfans in each region stand to benefit from higher incomes.

    Michael Davis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Eagles and Chiefs have already made Philadelphia and Kansas City economic winners – https://theconversation.com/the-eagles-and-chiefs-have-already-made-philadelphia-and-kansas-city-economic-winners-248289

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s offshore wind energy freeze: What states lose if the executive order remains in place

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Barbara Kates-Garnick, Professor of Practice in Energy Policy, Tufts University

    The offshore wind industry brings jobs and economic development. AP Photo/Seth Wenig

    A single wind turbine spinning off the U.S. Northeast coast today can power thousands of homes – without the pollution that comes from fossil fuel power plants. A dozen of those turbines together can produce enough electricity for an entire community.

    The opportunity to tap into such a powerful source of locally produced clean energy – and the jobs and economic growth that come with it – is why states from Maine to Virginia have invested in building a U.S. offshore wind industry.

    But much of that progress may now be at a standstill.

    One of Donald Trump’s first acts as president in January 2025 was to order a freeze on both leasing federal areas for new offshore wind projects and issuing federal permits for projects that are in progress.

    The U.S. Northeast and Northern California have the nation’s strongest offshore winds.
    NREL

    The order and Trump’s long-held antipathy toward wind power are creating massive uncertainty for a renewable energy industry at its nascent stage of development in the U.S., and ceding leadership and offshore wind technology to Europe and China.

    As a professor of energy policy and former undersecretary of energy for Massachusetts, I’ve seen the potential for offshore wind power, and what the Northeast, New York and New Jersey, as well as the U.S. wind industry, stand to lose if that growth is shut down for the next four years.

    Expectations fall from 30 gigawatts by 2030

    The Northeast’s coastal states are at the end of the fossil fuel energy pipeline. But they have an abundant local resource that, when built to scale, could provide significant clean energy, jobs and supply chain manufacturing. It could also help the states achieve their ambitious goals to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions and their impact on climate change.

    The Biden administration set a national offshore wind goal of 30 gigawatts of capacity in 2030 and 110 gigawatts by 2050. It envisioned an industry supporting 77,000 jobs and powering 10 million homes while cutting emissions. As recently as 2021, at least 28 gigawatts of offshore wind power projects were in the development or planning pipeline.

    With the Trump order, I believe the U.S. will have, optimistically, less than 5 gigawatts in operation by 2030.

    That level of offshore wind is certainly not enough to create a viable manufacturing supply chain, provide lasting jobs or deliver the clean energy that the grid requires. In comparison, Europe’s offshore wind capacity in 2023 was 34 gigawatts, up from 5 gigawatts in 2012, and China’s is now at 34 gigawatts.

    What the states stand to lose

    Offshore wind is already a proven and operating renewable power source, not an untested technology. Denmark has been receiving power from offshore wind farms since the 1990s.

    The lost opportunity to the coastal U.S. states is significant in multiple areas.

    Trump’s order adds deep uncertainty in a developing market. Delays are likely to raise project costs for both future and existing projects, which face an environment of volatile interest rates and tariffs that can raise turbine component costs. It is energy consumers who ultimately pay through their utility bills when resource costs rise.

    The potential losses to states can run deeper. The energy company Ørsted had estimated in early 2024 that its proposed Starboard Offshore Wind project would bring Connecticut nearly US$420 million in direct investment and spending, along with employment equivalent to 800 full-time positions and improved energy system reliability.

    Massachusetts created an Offshore Wind Energy Investment Trust Fund to support redevelopment projects, including corporate tax credits up to $35 million. A company planning to build a high-voltage cable manufacturing facility there pulled out in January 2025 over the shift in support for offshore wind power. On top of that, power grid upgrades to bring offshore wind energy inland – critical to reliability for reducing greenhouse gas emissions from electricity – will be deferred.

    Atlantic Coast wind-energy leases as of July 2024. Others wind energy lease areas are in the Gulf of Mexico, off the Pacific coast and off Hawaii.
    U.S. Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement

    Technology innovation in offshore wind will also likely move abroad, as Maine experienced in 2013 after the state’s Republican governor tried to void a contract with Statoil. The Norwegian company, now known as Equinor, shifted its plans for the world’s first commercial-scale floating wind farm from Maine to Scotland and Scandinavia.

    Sand in the gears of a complex process

    Development of energy projects, whether fossil or renewable, is extremely complex, involving multiple actors in the public and private spheres. Uncertainty anywhere along the regulatory chain raises costs.

    In the U.S., jurisdiction over energy projects often involves both state and federal decision-makers that interact in a complex dance of permitting, studies, legal regulations, community engagement and finance. At each stage in this process, a critical set of decisions determines whether projects will move forward.

    The federal government, through the Department of Interior’s Bureau of Offshore Energy Management, plays an initial role in identifying, auctioning and permitting the offshore wind areas located in federal waters. States then issue requests for proposals from companies wishing to sell wind power to the grid. Developers who win bureau auctions are eligible to respond. But these agreements are only the beginning. Developers need approval for site, design and construction plans, and several state and federal environmental and regulatory permits are required before the project can begin construction.

    Trump targeted these critical points in the chain with his indefinite but “temporary” withdrawal of any offshore wind tracts for new leases and a review of any permits still required from federal agencies.

    Jobs and opportunity delayed

    A thriving offshore wind industry has the potential to bring jobs, as well as energy and economic growth. In addition to short-term construction, estimates for supply chain jobs range from 12,300 to 49,000 workers annually for subassemblies, parts and materials. The industry needs cables and steel, as well as the turbine parts and blades. It requires jobs in shipping and the movement of cargo.

    To deliver offshore wind power to the onshore grid will also require grid upgrades, which in turn would improve reliability and promote the growth of other technologies, including batteries.

    The U.S. has offshore wind farms operating off Virginia, Rhode Island and New York. Three more are under construction.
    AP Photo/Steve Helber

    Taken all together, an offshore wind energy transition would build over time. Costs would come down as domestic manufacturing took hold, and clean power would grow.

    While environmental goals drove initial investments in clean energy, the positive benefits of jobs, technology and infrastructure all became important drivers of offshore wind for the states. Tax incentives, including from the Inflation Reduction Act, now in doubt, have supported the initial financing for projects and helped to lower costs.

    It’s a long-term investment, but once clear of the regulatory processes, with infrastructure built out and manufacturing in place, the U.S. offshore wind industry would be able to grow more price competitive over time, and states would be able to meet their long-term goals.

    The Trump order creates uncertainty, delays and likely higher costs in the future.

    Barbara Kates-Garnick receives funding as an Outside Director for Anbaric Transmission, which has no operating projects related to offshore wind. She has received funding for a research project through Tufts University jointly funded by NOWRDC and the Massachusetts Clean Energy Center. She serves on the board of several nonprofits that are not politically active organizations.

    – ref. Trump’s offshore wind energy freeze: What states lose if the executive order remains in place – https://theconversation.com/trumps-offshore-wind-energy-freeze-what-states-lose-if-the-executive-order-remains-in-place-249125

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –