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Category: Reportage

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump pulls out of WHO and Paris – how did international bodies get through deglobalisation last time around?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Perri 6, Emeritus Professor of Public Management, Queen Mary University of London

    Donald Trump has ordered the US to leave the World Health Organization. Skorzewiak / Shutterstock

    Following Donald Trump’s return to the White House, much attention has been given to his plans for tariffs on imported goods, deportations of illegal migrants, and cuts to federal government spending. Fewer column inches have addressed the implications of his presidency for global regulatory bodies.

    Just as he did during his first term, Trump has announced the withdrawal of the US from the World Health Organization (WHO) and from the Paris climate accords.

    And because his tariffs programme will challenge World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, Trump is likely to continue the US policy of stymieing the WTO’s appellate body, which adjudicates on trade disputes between states. US withdrawals from other international regulatory bodies are also possible.

    Each of the bodies from which Trump withdrew last time around survived. However, threats to global regulatory bodies today could be greater than they were during Trump’s first term.

    In the US and beyond, deglobalisation has so far been evident only in state policies, and not in trade flows. China, for example, has set up and now dominates several regional investment and trade organisations to provide alternatives to the International Monetary Fund and World Bank.

    However, tariff retaliation and bloc-based regulatory standards could soon turn “slowbalisation” – a trend whereby political support for open trade has gradually weakened and the rate of growth in world trade has slowed – into trade deglobalisation.

    We have been here before. The 1930s were characterised by high tariffs, breakup of trade into blocs, and withdrawals and expulsions of major powers from global bodies. In the 1940s, which saw the breakout of the second world war, trade was conducted almost exclusively among allies.

    Yet almost all international regulatory bodies survived during this period, albeit they were bruised and were able to achieve less as a result.

    Our study, which was published in 2021, distinguished pathways through which three distinct groups of global regulatory bodies either survived or else handed over their archives, networks and organisational capacity to their UN-era successors.

    Preserving rule sets

    One inter-war group of industry-specific global regulators oversaw capital-intensive and infrastructure-heavy international industries such as telecommunications and railways. This group included the International Telecommunications Union and a modest alphabet soup of closely cooperating railway bodies.

    In these fields, interconnection depended on common but frequently updated and adjusted rule sets for technology, accounting and routing management. They also required continuous statistical collections by international bureaus.

    Unable to agree major regulatory innovation after the global economic crisis began in 1931, these bodies reduced their focus to managing and maintaining their existing rule sets and information services.

    On the outbreak of war in Europe, their bureaus went into a phase of severely reduced activity, with many of their activities suspended. However, they continued to collect and publish statistics, maintained their networks within member states, and developed ambitious plans for peacetime.

    The International Telecommunications Union and the railway authorities resumed operations shortly after the end of hostilities with their rule sets intact.

    Individual brokering work

    A second cluster were generic bodies, responsible for the oversight of labour relations and aspects of capital flows. These are faster-moving fields than infrastructure-heavy industries. These bodies included the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the Economic and Financial Organisation of the League of Nations (EFO).

    They provided expertise for negotiating agreements on particular problems. In the case of the ILO, this included conventions on working time, women’s working conditions, and forced labour. The EFO brokered financial support with strict conditions for Austria and Hungary, then new and struggling states which faced acute financial crises in the early 1920s.

    These organisations faced increasing difficulties during the deglobalisation of the 1930s. But they continued to provide bilaterally negotiated support for many countries. The ILO, for example, provided technical assistance to some south American governments on the design of social insurance schemes, while the EFO’s financial committee worked with central banks.

    Survival or bequest was secured by the brokering work of key individual leaders who were able to exploit fluid networks among states, firms and unions in global labour and capital debates.

    The EFO secured the transfer of key staff, networks and traditions to post-war bodies including the UN Economic and Social Council and the UN Food and Agriculture Organization. And the ILO’s director-general, Edward Phelan, was crucial in negotiating with the US to relaunch the organisation with a new programme for the post-war era.

    New international clubs

    A third group of regulatory bodies was created precisely in response to the 1930s global economic crisis. These were international commodity unions for goods such as tin, rubber, tea and sugar.

    Most were publicly run cartels, often backed by the imperial blocs that dominated the fragmenting world trade system. Like many cartels, their cohesion was fragile. But many of those that were successfully established managed to survive the 1930s and the war that followed.

    Their survival depended less on the formal administrative organisation of the infrastructure bodies or the individual brokering work that sustained the capital and labour bodies. It was dependent more on their ability to draw upon club-like collective bonds both among major producing and exporting firms and among officials across key producer states and imperial authorities.

    Within the tightly bonded International Tin Committee, for example, a succession of agreements on prices, quotas and voting rights were settled. Despite initial US reluctance to see these international commodity unions continue into peacetime, President Harry Truman was persuaded of their temporary value for economic order during reconstruction.

    Some even continued until the 1970s, when they collapsed in that decade’s global economic turmoil. Freer markets then superseded intergovernmental cartels.

    Trump’s policies, as well as those of China, Russia and other major powers, may again endanger the roles of global regulatory bodies. But some will survive by focusing on the routine maintenance services provided by their bureaus, and some will empower individual leaders to negotiate their way to reinvention and survival.

    Others will pass their capacity to new agencies when deglobalisation eventually abates. And some new international bodies may emerge in response to conditions in industries most adversely affected by the changing terms of trade.

    Our work has led us to conclude that which strategy is chosen depends on two things. First, on the features of the field being regulated. And second on the informal social organisation within the international bodies and member states, which shapes how people can act and the skills they can sustain.

    It remains to be seen how informal social organisation in the WHO and climate treaty system will now evolve after US withdrawal.

    Eva Heims has received funding from the ESRC.

    Martha Prevezer and Perri 6 do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump pulls out of WHO and Paris – how did international bodies get through deglobalisation last time around? – https://theconversation.com/trump-pulls-out-of-who-and-paris-how-did-international-bodies-get-through-deglobalisation-last-time-around-247919

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Deepseek: China’s gamechanging AI system has big implications for UK tech development

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Feng Li, Chair of Information Management, Associate Dean for Research & Innovation, Bayes Business School, City St George’s, University of London

    Koshiro K

    DeepSeek sent ripples through the global tech landscape this week as it soared above ChatGPT in Apple’s app store. The meteoric rise has shifted the dynamics of US-China tech competition, shocked global tech stock valuations, and reshaped the future direction of artificial intelligence (AI) development.

    Among the industry buzz created by DeepSeek’s rise to prominence, one question looms large: what does this mean for the strategy of the third leading global nation for AI development – the United Kingdom?

    The generative AI era was kickstarted by the release of ChatGPT on November 30 2022, when large language models (LLMs) entered mainstream consciousness and began reshaping industries and workflows, while everyday users explored new ways to write, brainstorm, search and code. We are now witnessing the “DeepSeek moment” – a pivotal shift that demonstrates the viability of a more efficient and cost-effective approach for AI development.

    DeepSeek isn’t just another AI tool. Unlike ChatGPT and other major LLMs developed by tech giants and AI startups in the USA and Europe, DeepSeek represents a significant evolution in the way AI models are developed and trained.

    Most existing approaches rely on large-scale computing power and datasets (used to “train” or improve the AI systems), limiting development to very few extremely wealthy market players. DeepSeek not only demonstrates a significantly cheaper and more efficient way of training AI models, its open-source “MIT” licence (after the Massachusetts Institute of Technology where it was developed) allows users to deploy and develop the tool.

    This helps democratise AI, taking up the mantle from US company OpenAI – whose initial mission was “to build artificial general intelligence (AGI) that is safe and benefits all of humanity” – enabling smaller players to enter the space and innovate.

    By making cutting-edge AI development accessible and affordable to all, DeepSeek has reshaped the competitive landscape, allowing innovation to flourish beyond the confines of large, resource-rich organisations and countries.

    It has also set a new benchmark for efficiency in its approach, by training its model at a fraction of the cost, and matching – even surpassing – the performance of most existing LLMs. By employing innovative algorithms and architectures, it is delivering superior results with significantly lower computational demands and environmental impact.

    Why DeepSeek matters

    DeepSeek was conceived by a group of quantitative trading experts in China. This
    unconventional origin holds lessons for the UK and US.

    While the UK – particularly London – has long attracted scientific and technological excellence, many of the highest achieving young graduates have tended to disproportionately opt for careers in finance, something that has come the expense of innovation in other critical sectors such as AI. Diversifying the pathways for Stem (science, technology, engineering and maths) professionals could yield transformative outcomes.

    The UK government’s recent and much-publicised 50-point action plan on AI offers glimpses of progressive intent, but also displayed a lack of boldness to drive real change. Incremental steps are not sufficient in such a fast-moving environment. The UK needs a new plan – one that leverages its unique strengths while addressing systemic weaknesses.

    Firstly, it’s important to recognise that the UK’s comparative advantage lies in its leading interdisciplinary expertise. World-class universities, thriving fintech and dynamic professional services and creative sectors offer fertile ground for AI applications that extend beyond traditional tech silos. The intersection of AI with finance, law, creative industries and medicine presents opportunities to lead in some niche but high-impact areas.

    The UK’s funding and regulatory frameworks are due an overhaul. DeepSeek’s development underscores the importance of agile, well-funded ecosystems that can support big, ambitious “moonshot” projects. Current UK funding mechanisms are bureaucratic and fragmented, favouring incremental innovations over radical breakthroughs, at times stifling innovation rather than nurturing it. Simplifying grant applications and offering targeted tax incentives for AI startups would represent a healthy start.

    Finally, it will be critical for the UK to keep its talent in the country. The UK’s AI sector faces a brain drain as top talent gravitates toward better-funded opportunities in the US and China. Initiatives such as public-private partnerships for AI research development can help anchor talent at home.

    DeepSeek’s rise is an excellent example of strategic foresight and execution. It doesn’t merely aim to improve existing models, but redefines the very boundaries of how AI could be developed and deployed – while demonstrating efficient, cost-effective approaches that can yield astounding results. The UK should adopt a similarly ambitious mindset, focusing on areas where it can set global standards rather than playing catch-up.

    AI’s geopolitics cannot be ignored either. As the US and China compete with one another, the UK has a critical role to play as the trusted intermediary and ethical leader in AI governance. By championing transparent AI standards and fostering international collaboration, the UK can punch above its weight on the global stage.

    DeepSeek’s success should serve as a wake-up call. Britain has the talent, institutions and entrepreneurial spirit to be a significant leading player in AI – but it must act decisively, and now.

    It is time to remove token gestures and embrace bold strategies that move the needle and position the UK as a leader in an AI-driven future. This moment calls for action, not just more conversation.

    DeepSeek has raised the bar. It is now up to the UK to meet it.

    Feng Li does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Deepseek: China’s gamechanging AI system has big implications for UK tech development – https://theconversation.com/deepseek-chinas-gamechanging-ai-system-has-big-implications-for-uk-tech-development-248387

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: DeepSeek: how a small Chinese AI company is shaking up US tech heavyweights

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Tongliang Liu, Associate Professor of Machine Learning and Director of the Sydney AI Centre, University of Sydney

    Chinese artificial intelligence (AI) company DeepSeek has sent shockwaves through the tech community, with the release of extremely efficient AI models that can compete with cutting-edge products from US companies such as OpenAI and Anthropic.

    Founded in 2023, DeepSeek has achieved its results with a fraction of the cash and computing power of its competitors.

    DeepSeek’s “reasoning” R1 model, released last week, provoked excitement among researchers, shock among investors, and responses from AI heavyweights. The company followed up on January 28 with a model that can work with images as well as text.

    So what has DeepSeek done, and how did it do it?

    What DeepSeek did

    In December, DeepSeek released its V3 model. This is a very powerful “standard” large language model that performs at a similar level to OpenAI’s GPT-4o and Anthropic’s Claude 3.5.

    While these models are prone to errors and sometimes make up their own facts, they can carry out tasks such as answering questions, writing essays and generating computer code. On some tests of problem-solving and mathematical reasoning, they score better than the average human.

    V3 was trained at a reported cost of about US$5.58 million. This is dramatically cheaper than GPT-4, for example, which cost more than US$100 million to develop.

    DeepSeek also claims to have trained V3 using around 2,000 specialised computer chips, specifically H800 GPUs made by NVIDIA. This is again much fewer than other companies, which may have used up to 16,000 of the more powerful H100 chips.

    On January 20, DeepSeek released another model, called R1. This is a so-called “reasoning” model, which tries to work through complex problems step by step. These models seem to be better at many tasks that require context and have multiple interrelated parts, such as reading comprehension and strategic planning.

    The R1 model is a tweaked version of V3, modified with a technique called reinforcement learning. R1 appears to work at a similar level to OpenAI’s o1, released last year.

    DeepSeek also used the same technique to make “reasoning” versions of small open-source models that can run on home computers.

    This release has sparked a huge surge of interest in DeepSeek, driving up the popularity of its V3-powered chatbot app and triggering a massive price crash in tech stocks as investors re-evaluate the AI industry. At the time of writing, chipmaker NVIDIA has lost around US$600 billion in value.

    How DeepSeek did it

    DeepSeek’s breakthroughs have been in achieving greater efficiency: getting good results with fewer resources. In particular, DeepSeek’s developers have pioneered two techniques that may be adopted by AI researchers more broadly.

    The first has to do with a mathematical idea called “sparsity”. AI models have a lot of parameters that determine their responses to inputs (V3 has around 671 billion), but only a small fraction of these parameters is used for any given input.

    However, predicting which parameters will be needed isn’t easy. DeepSeek used a new technique to do this, and then trained only those parameters. As a result, its models needed far less training than a conventional approach.

    The other trick has to do with how V3 stores information in computer memory. DeepSeek has found a clever way to compress the relevant data, so it is easier to store and access quickly.

    What it means

    DeepSeek’s models and techniques have been released under the free MIT License, which means anyone can download and modify them.

    While this may be bad news for some AI companies – whose profits might be eroded by the existence of freely available, powerful models – it is great news for the broader AI research community.

    At present, a lot of AI research requires access to enormous amounts of computing resources. Researchers like myself who are based at universities (or anywhere except large tech companies) have had limited ability to carry out tests and experiments.

    More efficient models and techniques change the situation. Experimentation and development may now be significantly easier for us.

    For consumers, access to AI may also become cheaper. More AI models may be run on users’ own devices, such as laptops or phones, rather than running “in the cloud” for a subscription fee.

    For researchers who already have a lot of resources, more efficiency may have less of an effect. It is unclear whether DeepSeek’s approach will help to make models with better performance overall, or simply models that are more efficient.

    Tongliang Liu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. DeepSeek: how a small Chinese AI company is shaking up US tech heavyweights – https://theconversation.com/deepseek-how-a-small-chinese-ai-company-is-shaking-up-us-tech-heavyweights-248434

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A hot and troubled world of work: how South Africa’s bold new climate act and labour law can align to drive a just transition

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Debbie Collier, Professor of Law and Director of the Centre for Transformative Regulation of Work, University of the Western Cape

    Increased average temperatures, climate variability, and extreme weather events are taking a toll on the environment and disproportionately affecting the lives and livelihoods of vulnerable communities. This is intensifying challenges in the world of work.

    Working on a warmer planet increases health and safety risks and affects workers’ well-being and productivity. These risks are a challenge for employment, labour standards, and the creation of decent work.

    Temperatures in South Africa are rising faster than the global average. And finding ways to adapt to climate change and navigate its challenges is becoming increasingly urgent. These challenges are compounded by the disruptions of an energy transition. South Africa also has high levels of inequality and unemployment.

    South Africa, one of the largest (CO₂) emitters in Africa, has committed to reducing its emissions with the aim of reaching net zero emissions by 2050. But how does the country balance the need to cut carbon emissions while protecting an already vulnerable working population during the energy transition?

    Enabling a just transition is a focus for the constituencies of the National Economic Development and Labour Council. The council is South Africa’s national social dialogue institution. It consists of representatives from the state, organised labour, organised business, and community organisations. The council’s Labour Market Chamber has been working on how best to integrate principles of labour and environmental justice. And how labour laws can be used to support a just energy transition.

    The University of the Western Cape’s Centre for Transformative Regulation of Work, of which I am the director, has supported the council and its social partners in labour law reform processes. The aim is to ensure that labour laws and policy are responsive to the changing world of work, and are “fit for purpose” in the just transition era.

    Two priorities are to implement the Climate Change Act as envisaged. And to use and develop labour law to support a just transition.

    The Climate Change Act

    The Climate Change Act 22 of 2024 incorporates the goal of decent work within a commitment to a just transition. The act, which will take effect on a date yet to be determined, defines a just transition as

    a shift towards a low-carbon, climate-resilient economy and society and ecologically sustainable economies and societies which contribute toward the creation of decent work for all, social inclusion, and the eradication of poverty.

    The act is ambitious in its scope and leaves no part of society untouched. It aims to restructure the economy from one dependent on fossil fuels to a low carbon economy, at the same time contributing to decent work and an inclusive society.

    New institutional arrangements are envisaged and existing institutions are expected to adapt. Relevant state actors must “review and if necessary revise, amend, coordinate and harmonise their policies, laws, measures, programmes and decisions” to “give effect to the principles and objects” of the act.

    The act provides impetus for change and an opportunity to revisit the country’s labour law and industrial relations landscape.

    Labour law in a just transition era

    South Africa’s labour law promotes both collective bargaining and employee consultation processes — the “dual channels” for engagement. However, industrial relations are typically characterised by adversarial bargaining over wages and economic distribution. This approach falls short of the nuanced and collaborative processes needed to navigate a just transition. The first step requires a shift from familiar, adversarial patterns of engagement.

    The energy transition and adaptation to climate change may have significant implications for job security and employment. These include

    • the adoption of new technologies, resulting in workplace restructuring

    • changes in the organisation of work or work methods

    • the discontinuation of operations, either wholly or in part.

    The framework for constructive engagement on such developments includes institutions and mechanisms at workplace, sector and national levels. At the workplace, workplace forums were intended for this purpose.

    Workplace forums are voluntary institutions introduced in the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1994 to ensure that workers are consulted and have a voice in decisions that affect them. Unfortunately, the uptake of workplace forums has been limited.

    Industry and sector institutions include bargaining councils and the Sector Education and Training Authorities. These should be developed into spaces for consultation on measures to support a just transition and coordination of skills development and industrial policy.

    Nationally, Nedlac is the apex social dialogue institution. There’s also the Presidential Climate Commission which was established by President Cyril Ramaphosa to oversee and facilitate a just transition. The commission is regulated by the Climate Change Act. It plays a critical role in steering just transition policy processes and building consensus on regulatory developments.

    What are the gaps?

    Labour law has limited scope to address environmental degradation or the concerns of communities. To plug this gap, programmes that integrate rights, policies and services for workers and communities affected by the energy transition should be considered. For example the framework for Social and Labour Plans in the mining sector could be augmented to support a just transition.

    Labour law functions and mechanisms that support a just transition may need to be strengthened. Key areas for improvement include:

    • the framework and ecosystem for skills development to prepare workers for job transitions

    • occupational health and safety and labour standards for the protection of workers in conditions of increased heat and extreme weather events

    • the scope, application and objectives of social security schemes and social protection for workers affected by the transition to a low-carbon economy.

    Other steps towards a just transition include:

    Environmentally sustainable practices must be a priority in all workplaces. Consultation and coordinated responses should not be limited to workplaces, sectors and industries that are directly affected, such as the coal mining sector.

    Adaptation to climate change should be at the forefront of the collective efforts of all South Africans. Perhaps even more so in higher education institutions, where the responsibility to educate, innovate, and lead by example is paramount.

    South Africa’s climate change law envisages a pathway to social inclusion and decent work. Its labour laws provide critical tools for the transition.

    Debbie Collier, Shane Godfrey, Vincent Oniga and Abigail Osiki co-authored the Nedlac report, Optimising labour law for a just transition (2024).

    Debbie Collier receives funding from the National Research Foundation (NRF) and is the director of the Centre for Transformative Regulation of Work (CENTROW). CENTROW has received funding to assist the National Economic Development and Labour Council (NEDLAC) and social partners in labour law reform processes.

    – ref. A hot and troubled world of work: how South Africa’s bold new climate act and labour law can align to drive a just transition – https://theconversation.com/a-hot-and-troubled-world-of-work-how-south-africas-bold-new-climate-act-and-labour-law-can-align-to-drive-a-just-transition-243406

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Carrying the spirit and intent of Murray Sinclair’s vision forward in Treaty 7 territory

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Tiffany Dionne Prete, Assistant Professor, Sociology Department, University of Lethbridge

    For nearly three decades, I have immersed myself in archival work to uncover the histories of my People, the Kainai (Blood Tribe) in Treaty 7 territory, in Alberta. What began in childhood as a search for photographs of my ancestors has evolved into a lifelong pursuit of understanding through records and Tribal narratives.

    Unlike my peers who had photo albums of their ancestors, I had none. Cameras were rare in Indigenous communities during the 1800s and early 1900s, leaving few family photographs. Instead, I turned to online archives, hoping to find even a single image. This archival work became a means of reconnecting with my ancestors.

    During my graduate studies at the University of Alberta, this passion for archival research deepened.

    As a research assistant for the Aboriginal Healing through Language and Culture project, I was part of a project that partnered with Roman Catholic Oblate missionaries to view historical records of Indigenous Peoples in the North West, which included my People.

    ‘Indigenous Research: Walking the Path of my Ancestors’ video by Tiffany Prete.

    However, ongoing litigation related to the Residential School Settlement class-action suit limited my access. While I was granted permission to view specific materials, many documents remained restricted, and photocopying was often prohibited. This experience highlighted the persistent barriers Indigenous researchers face when reclaiming their histories and underscored the importance of equitable access to archival records.

    Documenting Survivor testimonies

    Growing up, conversations about residential schools were notably absent in my community. My family and fellow Tribal members rarely spoke of their experiences, and my public education glossed over their existence, perpetuating a widely held belief across Canada that residential schools were benevolent and necessary for Indigenous Peoples’ “advancement.”

    As the child of a residential school Survivor, I grew up with a profound sense of something unspoken yet deeply impactful in our collective history. Silence reflected the profound harm inflicted by the Canadian government and religious organizations operating these schools, leaving scars not just on individuals but across generations. Despite Survivors’ efforts to share their truths, the dominant Canadian narrative continued to portray residential schools as positive contributions to the nation’s development.

    The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was pivotal in challenging this false narrative. By documenting Survivor testimonies and exposing the systemic abuses within these institutions, the TRC dismantled the myth of their benevolence. This was more than a historical reckoning; it was a vital step toward acknowledging the truth of Canada’s colonial history and its lasting impact on Indigenous Peoples.

    TRC Calls: 15 years ago

    Fifteen years ago this June, on the day the 94 Calls to Action were released, Murray Sinclair, former chair of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, stated: “The Survivors need to know before they leave this Earth that people understand what happened and what the schools did to them.”

    Sinclair’s words, coupled with one call in particular, ignited within me a deep commitment to create a program of work that would reclaim and document my Blood People’s history — stories that had long been excluded from Canada’s historical consciousness in favour of a whitewashed, generalized narrative. This commitment responded to Call to Action No. 78 which called upon Canada to commit funding to assist communities to research and produce histories of their own residential school experience and their involvement in truth, healing and reconciliation.

    The work I have been engaged in focuses on using archival records and partnering with Blood Tribe Elders, who are residential school Survivors, to together reinterpret these records. Together, we sought to tell our history through our own lens, using our voices to articulate the policies and experiences of the Stolen Children Era — the era covering over a century and a half where the Canadian government used multiple colonial models of schooling to assimilate Indigenous children.

    ‘The Kinai Stolen Children Era’ talk with Tiffany Prete.

    While conducting research in recent years leading up to an exhibit focusing on experiences of the Stolen Children Era, I noticed some improvements in access to archival materials, but significant barriers remain.

    Processes for accessing restricted documents vary widely, with some archives lacking clear pathways. Policies around documentation also differ — some allow photography under strict guidelines, while others prohibit duplication, limiting researchers to handwritten notes. These challenges, and others, underscore the ongoing need for systemic efforts to ensure Indigenous communities can reclaim their histories and preserve cultural narratives.

    Enduring strength of our people

    Through my archival work, the intentions behind Canada’s residential school system became clear. The education system for Indigenous children sought to create passive, obedient individuals stripped of agency and identity as Indigenous Peoples.

    Yet, within these oppressive records, I have found powerful stories of courage, resistance and resilience.

    These acts, combined with the wisdom of Elders, reflect the enduring strength of our People. Among the greatest examples of collective resistance and resilience is the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

    I deeply admire the Survivors who broke the silence, initiating the class-action lawsuit that led to the TRC. Their bravery, along with the work of TRC leaders, resulted in powerful reports and the transformative Calls to Action. They remind us of the importance of reclaiming our power and affirm that we, as the Indigenous Peoples of this land, are deserving of dignity and justice.

    Sinclair’s clarity, strength, commitment

    Among those I hold in high regard is the late Sinclair, whose leadership during the TRC was defined by clarity, strength and commitment. He spoke candidly about Canada’s colonial policies and charted a clear path forward.

    In 1988, he became the first Indigenous judge in Manitoba. And he held those responsible for the operations of the schools accountable. His firm approach to justice and reconciliation inspires me, as an intergenerational Survivor, to confront challenges rooted in colonization with strength and resolve.

    As we move forward, let us band together with a shared commitment to treat all people with the dignity and respect they deserve as human beings.

    Reconciliation is not a solitary journey but a collective effort — a promise to do better and honour the truths of our shared history.

    Together, we must right the wrongs of the past, confronting injustice with courage and compassion. Let us carry the spirit and intent of Sinclair’s vision forward, ensuring that the path of reconciliation becomes not just a goal, but a way of living that defines us as a nation.

    Tiffany Dionne Prete does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Carrying the spirit and intent of Murray Sinclair’s vision forward in Treaty 7 territory – https://theconversation.com/carrying-the-spirit-and-intent-of-murray-sinclairs-vision-forward-in-treaty-7-territory-247617

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Staffing shortages risk Ontario’s $10-a-day child care

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Emis Akbari, Adjunct Professor, Department of Applied Psychology and Human Development at Ontario Institute for the Study of Education (OISE) and Senior Policy Fellow at the Atkinson Centre, University of Toronto

    Ontario’s agreement under the Canada-Wide Early Learning and Child Care (CWELCC) program is set to expire in March 2026, and troubling signs suggest the province is far from meeting its commitments.

    Despite receiving $13.2 billion — almost half of the total $27.2 billion federal investment — Ontario has fallen short on critical benchmarks.

    Unlike most families across Canada, Ontario parents have yet to see significant growth in available spaces or $10-a-day child care.

    This provincial inaction is particularly troubling in a federal election year. While federal maintenance funding is to continue post-2026, without the benefits of the child care plan widely realized and apparent to voters, future governments could easily scale back any gains.

    Our recent study, conducted in collaboration with regional governments tasked with implementing Ontario’s early learning and child-care agreement, shows how staffing shortages have created long wait-lists for care. Children are ageing out of child care before a space becomes available. The unmet demand, regional officials told us, is eroding public confidence in the program as parents become frustrated in their search for affordable care.

    While other provinces have enacted comprehensive compensation reforms — including pensions, benefits and wage increases of up to 50 per cent — to attract and retain qualified educators, Ontario’s support for trained early childhood educators tops out at $24.86 per hour, well below the federal poverty line for a family of four.

    Low wages, staffing shortfalls

    Low wages deter new graduates from entering the child-care field and drive away those already employed. Of the 4,200 early childhood educators that Ontario colleges graduate annually, fewer than 60 per cent enter licensed child care, and only 40 per cent remain after five years.

    Small wonder for the exodus. One in five child-care staff responding to our survey told us they hold a second job to make ends meet. Over 55 per cent of couple families, and 83 per cent of lone parent families, are concerned about their housing.

    The province acknowledges a shortfall of 8,500 educators needed to meet its expansion goal of 86,000 new spaces. Yet the issue runs deeper. Staff shortages mean existing child-care rooms are empty. A single absence can force centre directors to abruptly close rooms, leaving parents scrambling for alternatives.

    The human costs

    The consequences extend beyond empty classrooms. Staff shortages compromise the quality and inclusivity of early childhood programs. Our report found that children with disabilities are often sent home or denied admission altogether due to insufficient staffing.

    This is despite Jordan’s Principle, which the federal government says ensures all First Nations children access the products, services and supports they need, when they need them.

    Ontario’s requirement for qualified staff is among the lowest in Canada, mandating that only half of a centre’s staff hold a college diploma in early education. The use of ministry “approvals,” a stop-gap measure allowing untrained staff to fill roles until qualified educators are found, has become standard practice.

    Our research found entire programs, particularly those in northern regions and those serving francophone and Indigenous families, operating without a single qualified early childhood educator.

    Educator shortages not only exclude children from child care, but degrade the quality of care. While less than one per cent of the province’s almost 28,000 early childhood educators working in licensed child care are reported to authorities, incidents involving the improper handling of children have seen an uptick.

    This may partly reflect the COVID-19 pandemic’s aftermath, but it also may signal staff burnout and the prevalence of untrained workers.

    Equally alarming, 14 per cent of respondents in our study indicated they would be reluctant to recommend their own centre to a family member or friend seeking child care.

    Quality and staffing challenges vary significantly across Ontario’s child-care network of over 5,700 centres. Publicly operated centres and established community providers, where wages and benefits are higher, report fewer staffing shortages or quality problems.

    In contrast, for-profit centres, where wages are significantly lower, experience the highest staff turnover and lowest levels of job dissatisfaction.

    These disparities are particularly concerning given Ontario’s pressure on regional governments to divest their public centres, and its push to lift the cap on the percentage of new for-profit spaces allowed under its agreement with Ottawa.

    A blueprint for change

    Ontario’s challenges are not insurmountable. Other provinces and territories are showing that fair compensation tied to qualifications and responsibilities can help to stabilize the child-care workforce.

    Publicly funded pensions, benefits, and additional incentives for educators in remote, Indigenous and francophone communities have proven effective in attracting and retaining staff.

    Ontario must urgently follow suit. The CWELCC program isn’t just about child care; it’s a highly effective economic strategy. The province’s Financial Accountability Office estimates that the national plan could enable 98,000 more Ontario mothers to join the workforce.

    However, this potential can only be realized if sufficient child-care spaces are created. Without early childhood educators new spaces are wasted infrastructure. This represents squandered economic development, children denied quality early education and families left to struggle financially.

    The time to act is now. Ontario must seize the promise of CWELCC before it becomes another missed opportunity.

    Emis Akbari receives funding from the Atkinson Foundation, the Lawson Foundation, and the Margaret and Wallace McCain Family Foundation.

    Kerry McCuaig receives funding from the Atkinson Foundation, the Lawson Foundation and the Margaret and Wallace McCain Family Foundation.

    – ref. Staffing shortages risk Ontario’s $10-a-day child care – https://theconversation.com/staffing-shortages-risk-ontarios-10-a-day-child-care-247273

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Might Xenon gas be useful for treating Alzheimer’s, as a new study suggests?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ritchie Williamson, Director of Research, Associate Professor in Therapeutics, University of Bradford

    An inert and unreactive gas may not seem like an obvious candidate for treating Alzheimer’s disease, yet a new study in mice suggests that xenon might just be the breakthrough we need.

    Xenon is one of the six noble gases. Its name derives from the Greek word for “strange”. In medicine, it has been used as an anaesthetic since the early 1950s and, more recently, to treat brain injuries. It is also being tested in clinical trials for several conditions including depression and panic disorder.

    The new study from Washington University and Brigham and Women’s Hospital (the teaching hospital of Harvard Medical School) in the US, has investigated the potential of xenon to treat the brain changes associated with Alzheimer’s.

    These changes, which can be found in all brains of people with dementia, include clumps of the proteins amyloid and tau. The connections between neurons, called synapses, are also lost in Alzheimer’s disease and it is these connections between neurons that allow us to think, feel, move and remember.

    A final common feature found in the brains of people with Alzheimer’s is inflammation. This is the body’s response to injury or disease and triggers the immune response to heal the damaged tissue.

    Usually, inflammation disappears once the tissue is healed. In Alzheimer’s, the inflammation does not go away and the immune responses triggered can then damage healthy brain cells.

    All of the above changes give rise to the symptoms of Alzheimer’s, such as memory loss, confusion and mood swings.

    We don’t know what causes Alzheimer’s disease, but a leading theory suggests that a build up of amyloid triggers the process that then gives rise to the subsequent changes. So targeting amyloid seems like an obvious approach to treating the disease.

    Just over two years ago, we learned of the success of one of these treatments called lecanemab in slowing the rate of decline.



    Read more:
    Experimental Alzheimer’s drug shows promise – but there are many hurdles still to overcome

    The increase in clumps of proteins and the loss of synapses occur over decades, and it remains to be seen if directly targeting a single protein (either amyloid or tau) would be able to halt disease progression or have a measurable effect on all the characteristic harms.

    The brain has several types of cell that work together to support brain function. Neurons are the cells responsible for everything – walking, talking, thinking and breathing. Astrocytes provide energy to the neurons as well as structural support and protective functions.

    Other important cells found in the brain are microglia. They are immune cells that help remove pathogens and dead cells, among other activities. However, if they are overactive, they can cause chronic inflammation in the brain.

    Microglia explained.

    Microglia have different states depending on the environment they find themselves in, from an inactive state through to an active state. The difference in these states can be determined both by their appearance and importantly by the functions they perform. For example, active microglia can help clear the accumulated debris, such as unwanted proteins, cells and infections.

    The scientists in this latest study used mice that have the same brain changes seen in Alzheimer’s to investigate the role of microglia. A specific active state of microglia that was associated with inflammation was identified. The scientists gave the mice xenon gas to inhale, which changed the state of their microglia.

    This altered state allowed the microglia to surround, engulf and destroy amyloid deposits. It also changed the function of these microglia so that they didn’t drive further inflammation.

    The researchers also found a reduction in the number and size of amyloid deposits found. All these changes were associated with the altered microglial state.

    But what of the other changes seen in the brains of people with Alzheimer’s? The study also suggested Xenon inhalation could reduce brain shrinkage (a common feature of Alzheimer’s disease) and lead to an increase in support of the connections between neurons. And in all the mice studied, markers of the excessive inflammatory response were reduced.

    So, overall, the research suggests that inhaling xenon triggers the active microglia to change from an Alzheimer’s disease-type active state to a pre-Alzheimer’s state. This pre-Alzheimer’s disease state promotes the clearance of amyloid deposits and reduces the cell messengers that cause excessive inflammation.

    New hope

    There are no drugs that target microglia in Alzheimer’s and inroads have been made in addressing amyloid accumulation. Current drugs aimed at reducing amyloid in the brain offer a modest reduction in amyloid deposits and rate of decline.

    Amyloid treatment will improve over time, but what of the other changes that occur in the brain, such as the deposits of tau, brain shrinkage and loss of synapses?

    The new research opens up the possibility of targeting a cell type that has the innate potential to affect all of these characteristic harms.

    Clinical trials in healthy volunteers are expected to begin this year. If these findings hold up, xenon could offer a completely new approach to this mind-robbing disease. It would be a treatment that doesn’t directly target amyloid, but rather aims to reset the brain’s immune response to counteract all of the disease’s destructive changes. Stranger things have happened.

    Ritchie Williamson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Might Xenon gas be useful for treating Alzheimer’s, as a new study suggests? – https://theconversation.com/might-xenon-gas-be-useful-for-treating-alzheimers-as-a-new-study-suggests-247615

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Atonement by Ian McEwan is a meditation on creativity in later life

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Amigoni, Professor of Victorian Literature, Editorial Board Chair, Keele University

    In Ian McEwan’s Atonement (2001), aspiring writer 13-year-old Briony Tallis glimpses a world of opaque “adult emotion”. Holding a pen and blank paper before her, she feels a powerful impulse to write in order to impose order and meaning on adulthood’s slippery uncertainties.

    Earlier on that hot summer’s day in 1935, she had witnessed a perplexing scene of seeming “ugly threat”. Her older sister, Cecilia, undressed in front of their cleaning lady’s son (and fellow Cambridge graduate) Robbie Turner. She then plunged, in her underwear, into an ornamental fountain.

    Briony’s urge to write is triggered when she reads the private note she had been tasked with delivering from Robbie to Cecilia. Within, she is shocked to discover Robbie’s desire for Cecilia, expressed through use of the unutterable “c” word. Later, looking through the door of their darkened library, Briony mistakenly believes she sees Robbie committing a violent assault on her sister.

    This article is part of Rethinking the Classics. The stories in this series offer insightful new ways to think about and interpret classic books, films and artworks. This is the canon – with a twist.

    McEwan’s novel presents a privileged English country house setting that descends into a chaos of mistakes, class resentment, educational ambition and sex, expressed both as desire and power. The latter is evident in the rape of Briony’s cousin Lola.

    Convinced that she has seen, and now read, the truth about “evil” Robbie’s “disgusting” obsession with her sister, Briony believes he is the culprit. She is confident that her writing will expose a “maniac’s” guilt. However, her urge to write upon the blank page is stronger than her sense of what precisely to say.

    In fact, what she writes at this crucial moment – “There was an old lady who swallowed a fly” – feels entirely strange. But just as the old lady of the nursery rhyme fatally bites off ever more that she can chew in swallowing a fly, a spider, a bird, a cat, so Briony’s tragically mistaken ideas about Robbie ends in his incrimination and incarceration.

    Robbie is free only when released to fight for the British Expeditionary Force in France in 1940. He strives to return to Cecilia via the horrors and heroism of that most resonant of British stories, Dunkirk.

    Life stages, ageing and creativity are important themes in Atonement. It is as an older lady writer herself that Briony atones for the incriminating stories that her juvenile writer self swallowed and multiplied.



    Read more:
    Dunkirk survivors’ terror didn’t end when they were rescued

    Creativity in later life

    Putting age and later life front and centre urges the reader to reassess McEwan’s renowned “twist”. That is, the moment readers discover that key scenes in the novel – meetings between Briony, Cecilia and Robbie following the latter’s evacuation from Dunkirk – never happened.

    As we are told on the penultimate page, the truth is that Robbie died of septicaemia in the dunes of Dunkirk and Cecilia was killed in the direct hit of a bomb on the Balham tube station in 1940.

    At this moment, we realise that what we have been reading is the final draft of the atoning conclusion to a work by now 77-year-old Briony. Like so many late stylists (a writer who, in later life, returns to earlier preoccupations and themes), Briony, an established author with a reputation for “amorality”, revisits her early work on her 77th birthday party. It’s an event that brings her back to the estate of her childhood, now converted into a hotel.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Briony’s later life shapes the closure of the story, but McEwan’s imaginative engagement with ageing affects every aspect of the novel. He presents readers with story-shaped anticipations of mid- and later life, even when the character will not live to see that age.

    Robbie, working-class protégé of Mr Tallis’s educational philanthropy, with a first in English literature from Cambridge, consciously awakens into his unacknowledged love for Cecilia while thinking about his age and future.

    The feelings coincide with his developing aspiration to train in medicine, and his imaginary anticipations of his life course.

    He thought of himself in 1962, at 50, when he would be old, but not quite old enough to be useless, and of the weathered, knowing doctor he would be by then, with the secret stories, the tragedies and successes stacked behind him”

    These will be embodied in books – more writings – “possessed in the thousands”. Briony and Cecilia’s migraine-suffering mother Emily, meanwhile, sees her ageing self grow “stiffer in the limbs and more irrelevant by the day”.

    Through the character of Briony, McEwan contests the ageism and invisibility that can be the fate of older women. McEwan may take her to the brink of a terminal neurological decline in 1999 – she is diagnosed with vascular dementia – but Briony resists the othering that ageism imposes on older people: “we may look truly reptilian, but we’re not a separate tribe”.

    The end of the novel presents readers with a view of active, meaningful later life as a creative time of collaborative, curatorial story telling.

    The older Briony was played by Vanessa Redgrave in the 2007 adaptation of Atonement.

    Readers become aware of the “sources” of the dramatic story of Robbie’s trek across northern France in the company of Corporals Mace and Nettle. Seventy-seven-year-old Briony donates the “dozen long letters from old Mr Nettle” to the archives of the Imperial War Museum, where she has been researching.

    This act of memory preservation returns readers to the meaning of the horrors, carnage and heroism of the Dunkirk evacuation which McEwan presents through that powerful central episode in the novel. The evacuation of more than 300,000 troops from Dunkirk, including a small proportion of volunteer boats, makes Dunkirk a nationally resonant story.

    Briony’s collaborative, later-life storytelling captures the heroism and sacrifice inherent in the perspectives of the wounded evacuee combatants. But so, too, their more sceptical, critical accents.

    They “were bitter about the newspaper celebrations of the miracle evacuation and the heroism of the little boats. ‘A fucking shambles,’ she heard one of them mutter.” Or more precisely, the older lady recalled hearing, and then wrote.

    Beyond the canon

    As part of the Rethinking the Classics series, we’re asking our experts to recommend a book or artwork that tackles similar themes to the canonical work in question, but isn’t (yet) considered a classic itself. Here is David Amigoni’s suggestion:

    Paul Bailey, who died in October 2024, was an excellent but under-acknowledged writer who deserves to be more widely read.

    His writing went against the grain is subtle ways. He was experimenting with ways of writing about later life at the beginning of his career in 1967, with the publication of At the Jerusalem, set in a home for older women. He was then in his early 30s.

    The Prince’s Boy (2014) was written when he was 77 – the same age as McEwan’s fictional Briony Tallis when she completes Atonement. It revisits key themes in Bailey’s earlier work: sexuality (he was a gay man), love, Proust, Romania and Europe.

    David Amigoni received funding from RCUK (now UKRI) for his work on ageing and late-life creativity. He is affiliated with The Conversation UK as Chair of its Editorial Board.

    – ref. Atonement by Ian McEwan is a meditation on creativity in later life – https://theconversation.com/atonement-by-ian-mcewan-is-a-meditation-on-creativity-in-later-life-244801

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Donald Trump’s suggestion of ‘clearing out’ Gaza adds another risk to an already fragile ceasefire

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Karin Aggestam, Professor of Political Science, CMES Director, Lund University

    Donald Trump’s recent statement describing Gaza as a “demolition site” – and his suggestion to “evacuate” Palestinians in Gaza to Egypt and Jordan to “clean out that whole thing” – has sent shockwaves across the region.

    Trump reportedly told journalists travelling with him on Air Force One at the weekend that he had spoken with King Abdullah of Jordan and planned to talk with Egypt’s president, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. “You’re talking about probably a million and a half people, and we just clean out that whole thing,” he said.

    He added that relocating Palestinian civilians to “some of the Arab nations, and build[ing] housing in a different location, where they can maybe live in peace for a change” could be “done temporarily or could be long term”.

    Israel’s extreme ultra-nationalist parties, both in and outside of the Israeli government, are thrilled by the idea. It’s one they have long advocated.

    But it has been widely criticised across the region as a potential “second Nakba” – referring to the violence and displacement of Palestinians after Israel’s unilateral declaration of statehood in 1948. The proposal has also been outright rejected by Egypt and Jordan. It has also been strongly condemned by the Palestinians.

    It remains unclear to what extent this aligns with US policy and diplomacy, but such rhetoric risks undermining the pivotal regional diplomatic efforts. These efforts, led by Qatar and Egypt in close coordination with Washington, are focused on continuing the negotiations on the ceasefire, monitoring progress, and verifying compliance.

    So it’s far from certain if this is an official US policy position or another example of the US president simply airing his thoughts. But what is clear is that his latest pronouncement will further complicate the ceasefire deal agreed on January 17.

    The deal already faces significant challenges and uncertainties, not least the mutual distrust between the Israeli and Palestinian leaderships. History tells us that this lack of trust has developed, in part, because of the numerous times ceasefires have been used for purposes other than pursuing long-term settlement, such as opportunities to regroup, rearm or reposition strategically.

    So the staged nature of the current deal carries considerable risks, as it creates opportunities for “spoilers” on both sides to derail the process. The recent violence of Jewish settlers on the West Bank and Hamas’s active encouragement of confrontation there are other examples of things that could derail the ceasefire.

    The negotiation process is further complicated by dynamics tied to the political survival of Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. One party (Jewish Power) has already left his coalition government in protest against the ceasefire. Meanwhile the leader of the Religious Zionist party, Bezalel Smotrich, has threatened to do the same if the military operation against Hamas is not resumed.

    Hamas, in turn, has attempted to reassert its control in Gaza. We’ve seen examples of that during the hostage exchange process when Hamas fighters conspicuously present at the handovers. Hamas may have been severely weakened, but it still controls significant parts of Gaza’s bureaucracy and policing and wants the world to know it.

    Challenges ahead

    If any part of the agreement falters there is a substantial risk that each side will blame the other of breaching the terms of the ceasefire. Two of the most contentious issues in the second phase are determining who will govern Gaza and how to implement a full Israeli withdrawal.

    While Israel continues its security cooperation with the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank, it vehemently opposes any PA role in Gaza. There is also considerable doubt as to whether Israel will agree to any long-term solution which involves complete withdrawal of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) from Gaza.

    The recent resignation of the IDF’s chief of staff Herzl Halevi, as he took responsibility for the IDF’s failures on October 7, has further destabilised the political and military dynamics in Israel. A lot will depend on his successor.



    Read more:
    Donald Trump’s presidency presents Benjamin Netanyahu with a crisis that could be existential – here’s why

    Transactional diplomacy

    Recent geopolitical shifts have reshaped regional dynamics. This presents challenges and opportunities for any diplomatic initiatives surrounding Israel and Palestine. The weakening of Iran’s so-called “axis of resistance”, including Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in neighbouring Lebanon – and the now-collapsed Assad regime in Syria – may provide an opportunity for the normalisation of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia.

    This in turn will offer an opportunity to reshape the Middle East’s geopolitical landscape. This potential breakthrough builds on the Abraham accords, which was one of Trump’s foreign policy initiatives. It’s a transactional approach to diplomacy, which prioritises pragmatic and results-oriented negotiations.

    The new US Middle East envoy, former real estate developer Steve Witkoff, has emphasised “courageous diplomacy”, as well as strong leadership and what he called “reciprocal actions” from the parties to the peace deal. Whether the new US administration will revive the 2020 Trump plan for a Palestinian state remains uncertain.

    That plan proposed granting 70% of the West Bank and Gaza to Palestinians while allowing Israel to retain sovereignty over Jerusalem. It also included US approval for Israeli annexation of territories with Jewish settlements in the West Bank.

    For Israel, normalisation with Saudi Arabia would be a major diplomatic victory. Washington is playing a crucial role here, offering incentives such as sale of advanced American weapons systems to Riyadh. But Saudi Arabia has reportedly demanded concrete steps toward establishing a Palestinian state as part of the deal. Trump’s latest gambit, if it becomes official US policy, would make that a non-starter.

    Karin Aggestam has received research funding from Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, Australian Reseach Council, Wallenberg Foundation and others.

    – ref. Donald Trump’s suggestion of ‘clearing out’ Gaza adds another risk to an already fragile ceasefire – https://theconversation.com/donald-trumps-suggestion-of-clearing-out-gaza-adds-another-risk-to-an-already-fragile-ceasefire-248334

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Davos delegates missed when they discussed green finance for business

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael Harrison, Senior Lecturer in Economics and Finance, University of East London

    Addressing the climate crisis was one of the key themes at the World Economic Forum in Davos. Rustam Zagidullin/Shutterstock

    Every year, leaders from politics and business come together with economists, investors and even celebrities at the World Economic Forum in the Swiss resort of Davos. One of the five key themes of this year’s event was safeguarding the planet. The forum’s own figures suggest that human-caused climate change has cost the planet US$3.6 trillion (£2.9 trillion) in damage since 2000 alone.

    Many of the sessions at Davos focused on climate change, which was especially pertinent after US president Donald Trump’s decision to abandon for a second time the Paris Agreement – a framework to keep the warming of the planet to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels by the end of the century.

    In an online address to Davos delegates, Trump even argued that the oil-producers’ group Opec should reduce the price of oil. This is in stark contrast to the views of many other governments – exemplified by UK energy and climate change secretary Ed Miliband’s assertion that net zero is “unstoppable”.

    But one of the less discussed elements of the path to net-zero by the year 2050 (a key target to keep the Paris Agreement on track) is the role of the financial sector.

    As economists, we believe that banks and financial institutions should play a key role in making the green transition happen. Companies that produce goods and services will need to invest in equipment and technology – either to make new greener products or to ensure that they pollute less.

    But this will cost money – likely money that firms do not actually have on their balance sheet or under their mattress. When banks assist in providing funding for this type of investment, it is known as green finance.

    Green finance from banks can take two forms. Either the banks underwrite corporate bonds, which means they sell bonds to investors in exchange for a fee. Or they become involved in the provision of a syndicated loan, which is when they collaborate with other banks to lend money.

    But both options are constrained by the rule that a bank will only provide finance out of self-interest. This means they act only when the profit they earn is proportional to the credit risk they take on. But this was in contrast to the message from Davos that businesses should take the lead, with the aid of finance from banks, in mitigating the risks of climate change.

    With easier access to finance, more firms could invest in innovative ways to go green like this car park with inbuilt solar panels in Leeds.
    Clare Louise Jackson/Shutterstock

    Sources of credit for businesses to make green investments include philanthropists, public finance and the private sector (that is, commercial banks). However, it is arguable that charity and public money are best used in partnership with private banks, to finance projects that are perceived high risk and low return. Banks alone would not support these because of their promotion of self-interest.

    However, philanthropy can be limited and inconsistent in providing funds for green projects. And the public sector has so many demands on its purse that its ability to support is also limited. This is where the private sector plays a key role in mitigating climate change and where partnerships between these three sectors could offer a way forward.

    This pathway was discussed at Davos but the speakers were not clear on what effective partnerships would look like. As academics who have researched the factors that influence green finance provision across multiple European countries, we would suggest a partnership structure between the public sector and the private sector, based on risk-sharing.

    In these cases where banks perceive the risk to be unbearable (and therefore not in their self-interest), governments could partner with banks in offering finance and so share the consequences of a bad project outcome. In other words, they would form a partnership with the bank to share the downside risk.

    A bank may consider an investment to be higher risk where a project has less certain outcomes, or requires funding for a longer period of time. Both of these factors are comparatively common in green financing deals. This could be because a firm is investing in new or untested tech or production methods – for example car manufacturers exploring new electric vehicle battery technologies.

    The struggle for smaller businesses

    This partnership approach could especially benefit small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which make up 99% of Europe’s companies. But these businesses can struggle to access finance from banks due to their lack of capital, which can make banks see them as a high risk. And this of course is challenging for SMEs, which mostly have no other sources of external finance.

    Research shows that medium-sized firms often rely on loans for finance. Our work focuses on how companies in Europe and the UK source green financing. It has highlighted that larger companies, as well as more liquid and more profitable firms, tend to raise finance via bonds (issued by banks and bought by investors) rather than loans (from a bank or other financial institution).

    In fact, our research shows that in some European countries (including Latvia, Malta and Romania), domestic banks have no record whatsoever of providing green finance to companies.

    This means it is much easier for larger businesses to get green finance compared to their smaller peers. And smaller companies tend to obtain relatively lower amounts of green financing, creating a real risk that SMEs may not get what they need in order to play their part in reducing their emissions.

    Without a significant shift in allowing SMEs to get the finance they need to become greener, governments will struggle to get close to their net-zero goals. But, along with financial regulators, governments could lead the way to create partnerships with banks and other financial institutions to overcome the barriers that SMEs face.

    Sharing the risk would ensure banks continue their green lending activities and accelerate progress toward meeting government climate targets.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What Davos delegates missed when they discussed green finance for business – https://theconversation.com/what-davos-delegates-missed-when-they-discussed-green-finance-for-business-248208

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Federal threats against local officials who don’t cooperate with immigration orders could be unconstitutional − Justice Antonin Scalia ruled against similar plans

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Claire B. Wofford, Associate Professor of Political Science, College of Charleston

    A fundamental tension exists between state and federal power in the United States that has not been resolved. Vladstudioraw via iStock/Getty Images Plus

    President Donald Trump has begun to radically change how the U.S. government handles immigration, from challenging long-held legal concepts about who gets citizenship to using the military to transport migrants back to their countries of origin.

    Trump’s administration is doing more than reshaping the approach of the federal government toward migrants: It has now ordered state and local officials to comply with all federal immigration laws, including any new executive orders. It has warned that if those officials refuse, it may criminally prosecute them.

    The specter of a federal prosecutor putting a city’s mayor or a state’s governor in jail will raise what may be the greatest source of conflict in the U.S. Constitution. That conflict is how much power the federal government can wield over the states, a long-standing and unresolved dispute that will move again to the front and center of American politics and, in all likelihood, into American courtrooms.

    A sign prohibiting the entry of ICE or Homeland Security personnel is posted on a door at St. Paul and St. Andrew United Methodist Church in New York City.
    Mostafa Bassim/Anadolu via Getty Images

    Investigate for potential prosecution

    Besides the avalanche of executive orders remaking the federal government’s policies for the nation’s borders, a new directive from the Department of Justice provoked political backlash. Legal action may very well follow.

    In the Jan. 21, 2024, memo, Acting Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove, one of Trump’s former private attorneys, directs federal prosecutors to “investigate … for potential prosecution” state and local officials who “resist, obstruct, or otherwise fail to comply” with the new administration’s immigration orders.

    The memo lists multiple federal statutes that such conduct could violate, including one of the laws used to charge Donald Trump related to the Jan. 6, 2021, violence at the U.S. Capitol.

    Acting Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove asserted in a recent memo that the Constitution and other legal authorities ‘require state and local actors to comply with the Executive Branch’s immigration enforcement initiatives.’
    Jeenah Moon-Pool/Getty Images

    Several of Trump’s executive orders, across a range of policy areas, have already provoked lawsuits. One was declared “blatantly uconstitutional” by a federal district court judge just three days after it was signed. Others fall easily within the bounds of presidential power.

    But the Department of Justice memo is different.

    By ordering federal prosecutors to potentially arrest, charge and imprison state and local officials, it strikes at a fundamental tension embedded in the nation’s constitutional structure in a way that Trump’s other orders do not. That tension has never been fully resolved, in either the political or legal arenas.

    Bulwark against tyranny

    Recognizing that division of power was necessary to prevent government tyranny, the nation’s founders split the federal government into three separate branches, the executive, legislative and judicial.

    But in what, to them, was an even more important structural check, they also divided power between federal and state governments.

    The practicalities of this dual sovereignty – where two governments exercise supreme power – have had to play out in practice, with often very messy results. The crux of the problem is that the Constitution explicitly grants power to both federal and state governments – but the founders did not specify what to do if the two sovereigns disagree or how any ensuing struggle should be resolved.

    The failure to precisely define the contours of that partitioning of power has unfortunately generated several of the country’s most violent conflicts, including the Civil War and the Civil Rights Movement. The current Justice Department memo may reignite similar struggles.

    As Bove correctly noted in his memo, Article 4 of the U.S Constitution contains the supremacy clause, which declares that federal laws “shall be the supreme Law of the Land.”

    But Bove failed to mention that the Constitution also contains the 10th Amendment. Its language, that “(a)ll powers not granted to the federal government are reserved to the states or to the people, respectively,” has been interpreted by the Supreme Court to create a sphere of state sovereignty into which the federal government may not easily intrude.

    Known as the “police powers,” states generally retain the ability to determine their own policies related to the health, safety, welfare, property and education of their citizens. After the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health removed federal protection for abortion rights, for instance, multiple states developed their own approaches. Marijuana legalization, assisted suicide, voting procedures and school curriculum are additional examples of issues where states have set their own policies.

    This is not to say that the federal government is barred from making policies in these areas. Indeed, the great puzzle of federalism – and the great challenge for courts – has been to figure out the boundaries between state and federal power and how two sovereigns can coexist.

    If it sounds confusing, that’s because it is. The country’s best legal minds have long wrestled with how to balance the powers granted by the supremacy clause and the 10th Amendment.

    Push and pull

    In a 1997 opinion, Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia wrote that the Constitution barred the federal government from ‘impress[ing] into its service…the police officers of the 50 States.’
    Alex Wong/Getty Images

    Reflecting this tension, the Supreme Court developed a pair of legal doctrines that sit uneasily alongside each other.

    The first is the doctrine of “preemption,,” in which federal law can supersede state policy in certain circumstances, such as when a congressional statute expressly withdraws certain powers from the states.

    At the same time, the court has limited the reach of the federal government, particularly in its ability to tell states what to do, a doctrine now known as the “anti-commandeering rule.” Were the Trump administration to go after state or local officials, both of these legal principles could come into play.

    The anti-commandeering rule was first articulated in 1992 when the Supreme Court ruled in New York v. United States that the federal government could not force a state to take control of radioactive waste generated within its boundaries.

    The court relied on the doctrine again five years later, in Printz v. United States, when it rejected the federal government’s attempt to require local law enforcement officials to conduct background checks before citizens could purchase handguns.

    In an opinion authored by conservative icon Antonin Scalia and joined by four other Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices, the court held that the Constitution’s framers intended states to have a “residuary and inviolable sovereignty” that barred the federal government from “impress[ing] into its service … the police officers of the 50 States.”

    “This separation of the two spheres is one of the Constitution’s structural protections of liberty,” Scalia wrote. Allowing state law enforcement to be conscripted into service for the federal government would disrupt what James Madison called the “double security” the founders wanted against government tyranny and would allow the “accumulation of excessive power” in the federal government.

    Justice John Paul Stevens dissented, pointing out that the 10th Amendment preserves for states only those powers that are not already given to the federal government.

    What happens at the Supreme Court?

    The anti-commandeering and preemption doctrines were on display again during the first Trump administration, when jurisdictions around the country declared themselves “sanctuary cities” that would protect residents from federal immigration officials.

    Subsequent litigation tested whether the federal government could punish these locales by withholding federal funds. The administration lost most cases. Several courts ruled that despite its extensive power over immigration, the federal government could not financially punish states for failing to comply with federal law.

    One circuit court, in contrast, formulated an “immigration exception” to the anti-commandeering rule and upheld the administration’s financial punishment of uncooperative states.

    The Supreme Court has never directly ruled on how the anti-commandeering rule works in the context of immigration. While the Printz decision would seem to bar the Justice Department from acting on its threats, the court could rule that given the federal government’s nearly exclusive power over immigration, such actions do not run afoul of the anti-commandeering doctrine.

    Whether such a case ever makes it to the Supreme Court is unknown. Recent events, in which a Chicago school’s staff denied entry to people they thought were immigration agents, seem to be heading toward a federal and state confrontation.

    As a court watcher and scholar of judicial politics, I will be paying close attention to see whether the conservative majority on the court, many of whom recently reiterated their support for the anti-commandeering doctrine, will follow Scalia and favor state sovereignty.

    Or will they do an ideological about-face in favor of this chief executive? It would not be the first time the court has taken this latter option.

    In 2023, I donated $25 to ActBlue.

    – ref. Federal threats against local officials who don’t cooperate with immigration orders could be unconstitutional − Justice Antonin Scalia ruled against similar plans – https://theconversation.com/federal-threats-against-local-officials-who-dont-cooperate-with-immigration-orders-could-be-unconstitutional-justice-antonin-scalia-ruled-against-similar-plans-248276

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: From methylene blue to vitamin E, here’s why health and wellness supplements are no silver bullet for cancer

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Justin Stebbing, Professor of Biomedical Sciences, Anglia Ruskin University

    Garna Zarina/Shutterstock

    Health supplements have become increasingly popular in recent years, with many people turning to them in hopes of improving overall health and reducing risk of diseases like cancer. The allure of these products is understandable – who doesn’t want a simple pill or powder to ward off serious illness?

    As a consultant oncologist and cancer researcher, I’ve researched the effects of health supplements on cancer risk, prevention and treatment. And the relationship between supplements and cancer risk is often misunderstood and far more complex than many people realise.

    Dietary supplements come in a wide variety of forms, including vitamins, minerals, herbs and other substances – and it’s a multi-billion pound industry. Often fuelled by marketing claims and anecdotal evidence from friends, family members and celebrity wellness gurus who swear by certain supplements, many people take them with the belief that they can fill nutritional gaps in their diet or provide additional health benefits.



    Read more:
    King Charles is changing his diet to keep his cancer at bay – here’s what the evidence says

    Potential harm

    However, when it comes to cancer prevention and treatment, the scientific evidence supporting the use of supplements is mixed and often inconclusive.

    Supermodel Elle McPherson claims she refused chemotherapy and treated her breat cancer “holistically”, including taking many wellness supplements.

    The world of supplement research is vast and complex, with studies often producing conflicting results. Some smaller studies have suggested potential benefits of certain supplements in cancer prevention but large scale, randomised clinical trials – considered the gold standard in medical research – have often failed to show significant benefits of supplement use in cancer prevention. In fact, some studies have even shown potential harm from certain supplements.

    For example, the Selenium and Vitamin E Cancer Prevention Trial tested whether these supplements could reduce the risk of prostate cancer. Contrary to expectations, the study found that vitamin E supplementation could increase the risk of prostate cancer, especially in healthy, young men.

    Similarly, studies on beta carotene supplements showed an increased risk of lung cancer in smokers. These findings highlight the importance of approaching supplement use with caution – more is not always better when it comes to nutrients.

    Healthy scepticism

    Celebrities and social media influencers often recommend health supplements and make baseless claims about their potential to reduce cancer risk.

    For example, thanks to wellness influencers and Mel Gibson – who’s now as famous for his controversial outburts as he is for his acting – the synthetic dye methylene blue has attracted attention on social media for it’s use as a cancer-fighting supplement. While methylene blue does have legitimate medical uses – and has shown some promise in certain areas of cancer research – it’s crucial to approach these claims with a healthy degree of scepticism.

    In cancer research, methylene blue has shown potential as a “photosensitiser” in treatments using laser light – meaning it makes certain cancer cells more vulnerable to treatment. However, it’s important to stress that these are specific medical applications under controlled conditions, not a general cancer prevention strategy that can be applied broadly through supplement use.

    Claims about methylene blue as a cancer-preventing supplement are not supported by robust scientific evidence. In fact, long-term toxicity studies on methylene blue have shown mixed results, with some animal studies suggesting potential risks at high doses.

    This underscores the importance of not misinterpreting preliminary research or specific medical applications as justification for casual supplement use.

    When considering the role of supplements in cancer prevention, it’s essential to adopt a holistic view of health and wellbeing. This approach considers the whole person – body, mind and spirit – rather than focusing on individual components or symptoms.



    Read more:
    Five ways to cut your risk of cancer – by an oncology consultant

    One of the most important elements of this approach is nutrition. Rather than relying on supplements, people should aim to meet their nutritional needs through a varied, balanced diet rich in fruits, vegetables, whole grains and lean proteins.

    This approach not only provides essential nutrients but also offers the benefits of fibre, phytochemicals and other compounds found in whole foods that may work together to promote health.

    Regular physical activity is another crucial component of a holistic approach to cancer prevention. Numerous, large, well-conducted studies have consistently linked regular exercise to lower cancer risk, as well as improved overall health and wellbeing.

    Exercise helps maintain a healthy weight, reduces inflammation and may have direct effects on cancer cell growth and proliferation. Practices such as mindfulness, meditation, yoga, or deep breathing exercises can help manage stress and promote overall wellbeing.

    Personal choice – based on robust evidence

    While the evidence for many supplements in cancer prevention is limited, it’s crucial to respect personal choice in health decisions. However, it’s also important that these decisions are based on accurate information and in consultation with healthcare professionals. Good, medically sound evidence and advice is available.

    Medical professionals can help evaluate the potential benefits and risks of supplement use, taking into account factors such as existing health conditions, medications and overall nutritional status.

    It’s also important to be wary of products claiming to be “miracle cures” for cancer or other serious diseases. These claims are often unfounded and can lead vulnerable people to delay seeking proper medical treatment. Instead, focus on evidence-based strategies for cancer prevention and overall health.

    The most effective approach to reducing cancer risk remains a holistic one, focusing on a balanced diet, regular physical activity, stress management and other lifestyle factors including avoiding tobacco and too much alcohol. While supplements may have a role in specific situations, they should not be seen as a substitute for a healthy lifestyle.

    In conclusion, while the idea of taking supplements to reduce cancer risk is appealing, the reality is more complex. Current scientific evidence does not support the use of most supplements for cancer prevention, and in some cases, certain high-dose supplementation may even increase risk.

    However, this doesn’t mean all supplements are harmful or useless. For individuals with specific nutritional deficiencies or health conditions, supplements can play an important role when used under the right supervision.

    Justin Stebbing does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. From methylene blue to vitamin E, here’s why health and wellness supplements are no silver bullet for cancer – https://theconversation.com/from-methylene-blue-to-vitamin-e-heres-why-health-and-wellness-supplements-are-no-silver-bullet-for-cancer-247847

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump voters are not the obstacle to climate action many think they are

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Karl Dudman, PhD Candidate in Anthropology, University of Oxford

    North Carolina is still reeling from Hurricane Helene in autumn 2024. Karl Dudman

    Another day brings another monster tide for residents of Carteret county, North Carolina, whose coastal towns and villages are being swallowed by the rising Atlantic. Nonetheless, its voters returned Donald Trump to the White House, a man who denies the science of climate change and had withdrawn his country from the Paris agreement on climate change (for a second time) before the sun had even set on his first day back in office.

    It is a contradiction that has captured the imaginations of many. In 2017, when Trump first quit the agreement which symbolically pledges countries to limit global heating to well below 2°C, the word “denialism” lit up late-night talk shows and circulated at annual UN summits.

    Denialism evokes a pathological rejection of the reality of climate change. It has come to imply a public that can no longer tell fact from fiction, often to their own detriment. Meanwhile, climate-conscious leaders in a handful of Democratic states have repeated their commitment to scientific facts.

    As an anthropologist, I felt uncomfortable with the way the fabled Trump voter was spoken about while rarely being allowed to speak for themselves. I have participated in climate politics as a researcher, activist and diplomat, and I felt there was little reflection among the treaty’s advocates about their own role in the US departure.

    I started a PhD to understand the non-participants of climate politics. It took me to coastal North Carolina where, like so many other American communities, the effects of climate change sit alongside a seeming indifference to the crisis.

    I wanted to understand how people here related to climate science, and what this thing called denialism actually looked like. I spent a year talking to residents with “Trump Won” flags on their lawns, but I also met scientists, government officials, activists and Democrats.

    Here is one thing I found, and one thing I didn’t.

    Culture trumps ‘facts’

    The science of climate change is incredibly robust, but science alone cannot tell us what makes a solution fair, or who should get a say in its design. The Paris agreement, for example, has a strong moral component that was hard won by developing nations, small island states and international activists.

    It depicts a world in which the blame for climate change and the responsibility for addressing it lie predominantly with rich countries such as the US, and it prescribes financial flows to victim countries to help them adapt. For many precarious Americans who feel neither rich nor villainous, this is a difficult narrative to swallow.

    I saw a similar pattern in my own research. Racial justice, indigenous knowledge, urban inequality and youth are themes that typically frame public engagement with climate action by the federal government and grassroots movements. These aren’t necessarily topics that will always resonate in rural, conservative communities such as Carteret county.

    Opinion surveys and election data in the US show that climate change is an issue on which voters are polarised.

    Fishing has been a major local employer in North Carolina for several generations.
    Karl Dudman

    This helps explain why advocates for climate action tend to speak to the already engaged, by referencing other progressive causes. But advocates are not necessarily more influenced by facts than sceptics. It’s simply easier to sign up to a cause you can see yourself in.

    ‘Denialism’ is a weak concept

    What I didn’t find in North Carolina was what I came looking for: climate denialism. Climate change rarely came up naturally in the conversations I had in Carteret county, but when it did, the responses were inconsistent, ranging from concern to curiosity and from ambivalence and apathy to fatalism and scepticism. What mention there was hardly fit the stereotype of bitter, conspiracy-fuelled rejection of reality.

    In this tight-knit fishing community, people had become wary of outside interventions. Some were ill-disposed to environmental movements after feeling lectured by regulatory scientists or environmental campaigners on how to manage a coastline they knew well.

    Others were fatalist about resisting sea-level rise – generations spent on the Atlantic’s ferocious frontline taught them that you don’t fight storms, you ride them out. Many people saw things were changing but were too strapped for time and money to do much, or else found it intolerable to wake up each day contemplating the death of their community.

    North Carolina’s fishers face several threats to their livelihood.
    Karl Dudman

    Denialism had no explanatory power here. On the contrary, by failing to distinguish between disagreement and lack of agreement, it misrepresented complex social dynamics as a matter of simply believing facts or rejecting them.

    So why does any of this matter? Because, when we identify one group as the sole cause of a problem we give ourselves permission to stop asking what we could be doing differently. After all, climate action’s advocates – from UN officers to individual voters – play a role in shaping what legitimate climate action looks like, and who will want to be part of it.

    To react to the US withdrawal from Paris by repeating that “science is real”, in the vein of world leaders and American lawn signs, is to miss the point. Public dissent is often less a question of if we should fix climate change than of whose vision of a good world we are working towards.

    This is not to shift blame for Trump’s withdrawal. Nor should it excuse people in politics, business and the media who have repeatedly obscured the climate debate in bad faith.

    Carteret’s older residents have seen the decline of local industries and ecosystems.
    Karl Dudman

    But reducing public dissent to a matter of misinformation and gullibility shows a lack of humility and dismisses concerns that may not crystallise into opposition if treated respectfully. Asking more questions of ourselves is something we can all do to make climate politics less toxic.

    As Trump signed his first executive orders, I pressed send on my thesis’s final corrections. How the international community reacts this time remains to be seen, but the last four years have taught me that it may influence whether or not there is a next time.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Karl Dudman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump voters are not the obstacle to climate action many think they are – https://theconversation.com/trump-voters-are-not-the-obstacle-to-climate-action-many-think-they-are-248176

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: New York to Paris in 30 mins? How to achieve Elon Musk’s vision of rockets replacing long haul

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Angadh Nanjangud, Lecturer in Aerospace/Spacecraft Engineering, Queen Mary University of London

    Of all the things that Donald Trump’s return as US president could mean, one is that Elon Musk’s plan to use Starship rockets for long-distance flights on Earth could move forward. Dubbed Starship Earth to Earth, this would see passengers transported by rocket between cities. They would briefly leave the planet’s atmosphere during the journey before flying back down to reach their destination.

    Musk claims it will be possible to travel to anywhere on Earth within an hour. His rocket company, SpaceX, has given examples such as New York to Paris in 30 minutes and London to Hong Kong in 34 minutes. In response to a post about it on his X platform, Musk responded: “This is now possible.”

    Unlike previous governments, this Trump administration appears focused on reducing regulatory barriers hindering technological progress in all areas. This could make it easier for Musk to rapidly push towards realising this futuristic travel option. But what hurdles must be overcome first?

    On whether Musk is right about the technical feasibility, the answer is “sort of”. The necessary technology was arguably first proven when Nasa achieved a Mars landing in 2012.

    This was the first to land retropropulsively, meaning touching down softly on a planetary surface with rocket engines (technically called retrorockets). In contrast, previous Mars landings had used parachutes for the entry phase and airbags for the landing phase.

    The 2012 landing opened the door to rockets and boosters becoming reusable, thereby greatly reducing the cost of launch. It was repeated in SpaceX’s historic Falcon 9 rocket landings in 2016, using some of the same Nasa engineers who had worked on the Mars landers. This technological shift has been vital for rockets becoming an economically viable alternative to aircraft.

    Starship’s Earth to Earth journeys would involve visiting low Earth orbit (LEO), some 110 miles to 1,240 miles above the Earth’s surface. To do this, the rocket would use two stages. The first, known as the super heavy booster, would lift it through the dense lower atmosphere, approximately 5 to 9 miles above the Earth.

    This would break away some 40 miles above the Earth, then begin a controlled descent back to the planet’s surface. SpaceX has matured this technology by leaps and bounds in the past decade, including better heat shields, adjustable lattice fins, improved aerodynamics and state-of-the-art landing algorithms.

    Lattice fins on a Falcon 9 rocket.
    Wikimedia, CC BY-SA

    The second stage – known just as Starship – would contain the passengers and take over the flight to reach LEO after the first stage has detached. There is still work to be done before this is passenger ready, as demonstrated when a second stage blew up during a Starship testflight on January 16.

    There will be no more Starship launches until the US Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) has completed its formal investigation into the cause. On the upside, the incident occurred within predefined hazard areas to ensure public safety.

    Of course, this is the very purpose of a testflight: to learn what could go wrong and iteratively solve it, meaning repeatedly making improvements after each failure. No one can compete with SpaceX’s cost-effective iteration process, for example in its crewed trips to the International Space Station (ISS).

    The malfunction of Boeing’s Starliner spacecraft in August was a recent reminder here: it left two Nasa astronauts stranded on the ISS, awaiting a return trip on SpaceX’s Dragon capsule in the coming weeks.

    Other considerations

    Other long-term challenges pertain to how passengers access the vehicle. Videos of astronauts boarding the Space Shuttle indicate that entering one’s seat in a vertically parked rocket takes a few people to help buckle you in. Making that workable over the length of a rocket will require clever engineering.

    Building spaceports in different countries also won’t be trivial; we’ve seen considerable pushback against efforts to build a UK spaceport, for instance. The same goes for worldwide regulatory approvals. It’s already standard for rocket companies to need a launch licence per flight, while America’s FAA also requires them to obtain re-entry licences before launch.

    Of course, regulatory hurdles can be overcome for transformational tech (once it’s proven to be safe and reliable). No doubt lawyers will have many things to say about these issues, though I doubt any will be insurmountable. And SpaceX must know a thing or two about dealing with regulations, having launched the world’s largest constellation of satellites into orbit.

    Finally, rockets expel significant quantities of microscopic particles (particulates) into the upper reaches of the atmosphere. This would have seriously detrimental effects if they were flying in anything like the numbers of long-distance airliners.

    Starship’s Raptor engines use methalox, a combination of liquid methane and liquid oxygen. Unlike the kerosene that has traditionally powered rockets, liquid methane prevents the build-up of sooty residue in the engine and is also safer to work with than liquid hydrogen. While Starship still burns vastly more fuel per trip than conventional aircraft, its potential to slash intercontinental travel times could drive critical research into carbon-neutral methane production. This would be integral to making a viable long-haul alternative.

    At present, UK rocket companies Skyrora and Orbex are among those developing alternatives to traditional fuels. Skyrora is developing Ecosene, an aerospace grade kerosene made from unrecyclable plastic waste. Orbex’s Prime rocket will make use of a BioLPG derived from plant and vegetable waste.

    Both tackle different sustainability problems, but are unlikely to meet the performance demanded by larger Starship-class vehicles. Another promising alternative is nuclear-powered engines, but using them close to Earth will likely be fiercely resisted by environmental campaigners.

    In sum, we are in uncharted territory with landing second stages of rockets, but the general trend from 2012 to today indicates that such technical challenges are solvable. Doing so with crews will be even more challenging, but it does align with SpaceX’s mission to make humans multiplanetary. The same technology will be used to land humans safely on Mars, so developing it is probably inevitable.

    Uncrewed Starship launches to Mars are supposed to happen in 2026. Crewed Mars missions will follow, without the same landing-related regulations as would be required on Earth. I suspect crewed Earth-to-Earth transport will only be approved after humans have landed on Mars safely.

    If there’s one team that can’t be bet against turning visions into reality, it’s the SpaceX engineers who have been revolutionising launch vehicles for over ten years.

    Angadh Nanjangud does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. New York to Paris in 30 mins? How to achieve Elon Musk’s vision of rockets replacing long haul – https://theconversation.com/new-york-to-paris-in-30-mins-how-to-achieve-elon-musks-vision-of-rockets-replacing-long-haul-248181

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s vision of a peace deal for Ukraine is limited to a ceasefire – and it’s not even clear if Kyiv or Moscow are going to play ball

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham

    We are now well beyond the 24 hours that Donald Trump had promised it would take him to secure an end to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine. But Trump’s first week since his inauguration on January 20, 2025, has nonetheless been a busy one regarding Ukraine.

    In his inauguration address, Trump only made a passing and indirect reference to Ukraine, criticising his predecessor Joe Biden of running “a government that has given unlimited funding to the defence of foreign borders but refuses to defend American borders”.

    Trump’s first more substantive statement on Ukraine was a post on his TruthSocial network, threatening Russia taxes, tariffs and sanctions if his Russian counterpart doesn’t agree to make a deal soon. He reiterated this point on January 23 in comments at the World Economic Forum in Davos, adding that he “really would like to be able to meet with President Putin”.


    Donald Trump/Truth Social

    Trump’s nominee for treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, had already backed Trump’s approach during his Senate confirmation hearing on January 16. Like Trump, Bessent specifically emphasised increasing sanctions on Russian oil companies “to levels that would bring the Russian Federation to the table”.

    The following day, Putin responded by saying that he and Trump should indeed meet to discuss Ukraine and oil prices. But this was far from a firm commitment to enter into negotiations, and particularly not with Ukraine.

    Putin alluded to an October 2022 decree by Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, banning any negotiations with the Kremlin after Russia formally annexed four regions of Ukraine. Zelensky has since clarified that the decree applies to everyone but him, thus signalling that he would not stand in the way of opening direct talks with Russia.

    Yet, Putin is likely to continue playing for time. The most likely first step in a Trump-brokered deal will be a ceasefire freezing the line of contact at the time of agreement. With his forces still advancing on the ground in Ukraine, every day of fighting brings Putin additional territorial gains.

    Nor are there any signs of waning support from Russian allies. Few and far between as they may be, China, Iran and North Korea have been critical in sustaining the Kremlin’s war effort. Moscow now has added a treaty on a comprehensive strategic partnership with Iran to the one it had sealed with North Korea in June 2024.

    Meanwhile, the Russia-China no-limits partnership of 2022, further deepened in 2023, shows no signs of weakening. And with Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko winning a seventh consecutive term on January 26, Putin is unlikely to be too worried about additional US sanctions.

    Zelensky, like Putin, may play for time. Trump’s threat of sanctions against Russia is likely an indication of some level of frustration on the part of the US president that Putin seems less amenable to cutting a deal. Russia may continue to make territorial gains in eastern Ukraine, but it has not achieved any strategic breakthrough.

    War of attrition

    A significant increase in US military assistance to Ukraine since September 2024, as well as commitments from European allies, including the UK, have likely put Kyiv into a position that it can sustain its current defensive efforts through 2025.

    Ukraine may not be in a position to launch a major offensive but could continue to keep costs for Russia high. On the battlefield, these costs are estimated at 102 casualties per square kilometre of Ukrainian territory captured. Beyond the frontlines, Ukraine has also continued its drone campaign against targets inside Russia, especially the country’s oil infrastructure.

    This is not to say that Trump is going to fail in his efforts to end the fighting in Ukraine. But there is a big difference between a ceasefire and a sustainable peace agreement. And while a ceasefire, at some point, may be in both Russia’s and Ukraine’s interest, sustainable peace is much more difficult to achieve.

    Putin’s vision of total victory is as much an obstacle here as western reluctance to provide credible security guarantees for Ukraine.

    The two options most regularly raised: Nato membership for Ukraine or a western-led peacekeeping force that could act as a credible deterrent, both appear unrealistic at this point. It is certainly inconceivable that Europe could muster the 200,000 troops that Zelensky envisaged as a deployment in Ukraine to guarantee any deal with Putin. But a smaller force, led by the UK and France, might be possible.

    Kyiv and Moscow continue to be locked in a war of attrition and neither Putin nor Zelensky have blinked so far. It is not clear yet whether, and in which direction, Trump will tilt the balance and how this will affect either side’s willingness to submit to his deal-making efforts.

    So far, Trump’s moves are not a gamechanger. But this is the first serious attempt in nearly three years of war to forge a path towards an end of the fighting. It remains to be seen whether Trump, and everyone else, has the imagination and stamina to ensure that this path will ultimately lead to a just and secure peace for Ukraine.

    Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

    – ref. Trump’s vision of a peace deal for Ukraine is limited to a ceasefire – and it’s not even clear if Kyiv or Moscow are going to play ball – https://theconversation.com/trumps-vision-of-a-peace-deal-for-ukraine-is-limited-to-a-ceasefire-and-its-not-even-clear-if-kyiv-or-moscow-are-going-to-play-ball-248319

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Suspected Baltic Sea cable sabotage by Russia’s ‘shadow fleet’ is ramping up regional defence

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matthew Powell, Teaching Fellow in Strategic and Air Power Studies, University of Portsmouth

    Numerous incidents of suspected Russian-linked sabotage of undersea cables in the Baltic Sea has seen tensions rise among nearby countries, and an increased Nato presence.

    In the latest incident, on January 26, the Swedish coast guard boarded a ship in the Baltic Sea on suspicion of anchor dragging and suspected sabotage of vital undersea cables providing power and communication across the region. Latvia also sent a warship to the incident to investigate damage to fibre-optic cables. The Bulgarian vessel is now under investigation. The owner of the ship has denied any involvement with sabotage.

    The nations along the Baltic Sea coast have become increasingly worried about suspected sabotage of their undersea infrastructure in recent months by vessels deliberately dragging their using anchors along the seabed and have started to station military vessels at sea every day.

    Critical undersea infrastructure can be easily damaged by anchor dragging. Russia has denied involvement in these incidents.

    But there have also been credible reports that Russia has actively been mapping undersea infrastructure.

    In response to rising concerns about infrastructure security, Nato increased its regional naval presence by launching the Baltic Sentry mission on January 14, which includes maritime patrol vessels.

    What’s the context?

    In recent months there have been several reports of damage being caused to undersea cables by vessels as they pass through the Baltic Sea. Attacks on undersea cables are comparable to traditional espionage and information operations . This is activity conducted at the level below that of warfare, designed to send certain signals to adversarial nations. The purpose could be to send a message that the capability exists to essentially cut off and isolate nations from the outside world.

    These cables are extremely valuable. They are used to transport gas, electricity and internet traffic between nations. And recent incidents have led to a reduction in the capacity of electricity that can be transported, although this has not yet caused widespread power outages. Another concern is that damage to internet cables can hold up the passage of information generated by the financial markets. This is particularly vulnerable due to its time-sensitive nature.


    PorcupenWorks/Shutterstock

    How can cables be protected?

    Protecting the cables is a challenging task. There is little that can physically be done to prevent other vessels crossing seas and oceans due to the concept of freedom of navigation of the high seas. And Russia has a right of passage for its ships, for example, from St Petersburg to the North Sea.

    Investigations into apparent threats can be conducted without actually seizing the vessel or impeding its progress in any way. This can done through the use of GPS tracking data and combining that with other evidence such as eye witness testimony.

    While these cables can get damaged through natural means, the targeting of them could be a way for a nation to operate against its adversaries in a more covert manner and below the threshold of armed conflict.

    The Finnish navy seized a ship suspected of involvement in sabotage.

    Much of the disruption to the traffic on these undersea cables is probably the result of accidental activity. But there have been concerns about greater activity by Russian military vessels in their attempts to map the Baltic sea floor. The most likely reason for the increased Russian sea mapping activity is to gain a greater understanding of the location of these cables. But it could be sending a message that this critical infrastructure is difficult to defend and vulnerable to attack and sabotage.

    Many merchant vessels are registered in overseas territories, and ownership can be hard to track. This gives a degree of plausible deniability over who may have ordered or overseen the operations that might have damaged cables.

    It makes it more challenging for action to be taken, but has given rise to accusations that these ships are acting as Russia’s “shadow fleet”.



    Read more:
    ‘Keep nine litres of water in storage’: how Baltic and Nordic countries are preparing for a crisis or war

    But this increased naval presence in the Baltic could act as a deterrent and provide greater security to the cables. Sweden has now boarded a vessel. But another obstacle here is that the nation where the vessel is registered is under absolutely no obligation to cooperate with any investigation.

    Other factors are also involved. The Baltic states and Finland have memories of the political control imposed upon them by the Soviet government prior to, and, in some cases, after the second world war, and this will be adding to the tension.

    Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has increased regional fears about what could happen next. Moscow may be hoping to deter the Baltic nations from continuing to provide the support they are giving to Ukraine by increasing pressure on them along the coast.

    But aggressive activity in the Baltic Sea may well have the opposite effect by ramping up concern about Russia’s power. It might also mean Baltic and Nordic countries are more willing to increase their defence spending and make preparations for possible military action.

    Matthew Powell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Suspected Baltic Sea cable sabotage by Russia’s ‘shadow fleet’ is ramping up regional defence – https://theconversation.com/suspected-baltic-sea-cable-sabotage-by-russias-shadow-fleet-is-ramping-up-regional-defence-248241

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Rural communities in Québec are embracing ‘mushroom tourism’ to boost local economies

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Amélie Cloutier, Professor of Strategy and Innovation, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

    Mycotourism combines mushroom foraging in natural habitats with culinary traditions and rural culture, offering a unique experience distinct from traditional tourism. (Shutterstock)

    Mycotourism, or mushroom tourism, is becoming increasingly popular as travellers seek out more nature-focused experiences. This unique tourism niche combines guided mushroom foraging with culinary traditions and rural culture to offer travellers an experience distinct from more traditional forms of tourism.

    Mycotourism has significant economic and environmental potential to boost local economies, particularly in rural areas, while also fostering a deeper connection between visitors and nature. When it is practised sustainably, it can also help conserve local ecosystems and cultural traditions by sharing traditional mushroom harvesting methods and ecological knowledge with the public.

    The growing popularity of mycotourism reflects a larger shift toward forest-related and gastronomy tourism. Forest-related tourism includes activities like foraging and product harvesting as travellers seek closer connections to nature, while gastronomy tourism involves travellers seeking out culinary experiences.

    Rural tourism, too, has seen growing interest in recent years. United Nations Tourism designated 2020 as the “Year of Tourism and Rural Development” and mycotourism aligns with this focus, as it is tied closely to rural economies, often involving small, seasonal businesses that face seasonal and visibility challenges.

    In response to this trend, the Québec government has revealed a 2024-2029 strategy to establish the province as a premier culinary destination with a promising future. As mycotourism grows, it aligns with Québec’s broader culinary and tourism goals.

    Mycotourism: A brief overview

    While mushroom foraging has long been practised informally in many parts of the world, it’s now evolving into a formalized tourism industry, led by local experts to ensure safety. Countries such as Mexico, Spain, Portugal, Scotland and South Africa are current pioneers in this market.

    Spain, where mycotourism originated, leads the way with its well-established “micoturismo” industry, especially in the Castilla y León region.

    While mushroom foraging has long been practised informally in many parts of the world, it’s now evolving into a formalized tourism industry.
    (Shutterstock)

    In Canada, Québec has become a hotspot for mycotourism thanks to its rich natural landscapes, including vast forests and diverse ecosystems. The province has seen increased demand from both local and international visitors.

    The Québec regions of Kamouraska and Mauricie, in particular, have emerged as leaders in North American mycotourism. This surge, which was boosted by the COVID-19 pandemic, has positioned these regions as key destinations for mushroom enthusiasts.

    The number of amateur mycology circles and their members has also risen sharply in the province, reflecting a growing interest in wild mushrooms.

    However, despite its growth, mycotourism remains relatively unfamiliar to many Canadians. It signals an untapped opportunity for the tourism industry in the country.

    Overcoming industry challenges

    The mycotourism sector faces several challenges, including fragmented initiatives, which presents challenges in areas like promotion, infrastructure and knowledge sharing.

    There is a need for better co-ordination among mycotourism stakeholders. In Québec, these stakeholders include regional tourism associations, sectoral tourism associations like Terroir et Saveurs du Québec.

    Establishing a unified platform or network for mycotourism stakeholders stakeholders could facilitate the exchange of best practices, improve promotion and support its sustainable growth.

    By closely monitoring new initiatives, researchers, entrepreneurs and tourism professionals can better understand the challenges and opportunities in this field.

    This collaborative approach would identify potential partners for future collaborations, highlight resources and tools and ensure the development of this industry respects all the stakeholders, including Indigenous communities.

    Canada is well-positioned to become a global leader in mycotourism.
    (Shutterstock)

    Our mushroom tourism research

    Our recent research study sheds light on the growth of the mycotourism industry in Québec. Through an in-depth environmental scan, we identified 57 providers across the province, with the majority concentrated in Mauricie and Bas-Saint-Laurent, including the region of Kamouraska.

    We found that most mycotourism businesses in Québec are micro or very small enterprises, which means collaboration and networking are both essential for supporting their growth and sustainability.

    The activities offered by these providers fell into five main categories:

    1. Events and learning: Includes festivals, conferences, training sessions and courses.
    2. Culinary experiences: Features culinary workshops and tasting sessions.
    3. Guided tours and hosting: Encompasses guided tours and group hosting events.
    4. Nature exploration and foraging: Includes guided, self-picking foraging expeditions.
    5. Accommodations with mushroom picking: Lodging experiences that allow guests to participate in mushroom picking during their stay.

    In addition, our study identified four types of enterprises in the sector. These ranged from solo ventures specializing in niche activities, to versatile solo ventures with a diverse range and experiences and services, to slightly larger businesses focusing on targeted services.

    It’s clear that Québec’s mycotourism sector is dynamic, with businesses continually developing new and innovative offerings. The wide range of experiences offered are designed to attract new segments of tourists interested in agritourism, gastronomy or other unique accommodations.

    Unlocking mycotourism potential

    As mycotourism continues to grow, it is crucial for small-scale initiatives in this sector to gain stronger support and recognition from tourism authorities, regional organizations and government agencies.

    Without this support, these businesses may struggle to overcome challenges like limited visibility, fragmented efforts and insufficient resources. If these challenges are not addressed, it could hinder the growth of the sector and its ability to contribute to local economies and rural development.

    With its vast forests, rich biodiversity and developing agritourism and gastronomy sectors, Canada is well-positioned to establish itself as a top destination for mushroom enthusiasts. But to fully realize its full potential, Canada must create an environment that promotes innovation, collaboration and investment in mycotourism.

    Amélie Cloutier receives funding from FRQSC.

    Marc-Antoine Vachon receives funding from Développement Économique Canada pour les régions du Québec et de la Fondation de l’UQAM grâce à un don de Transat A.T..

    Patrick Coulombe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Rural communities in Québec are embracing ‘mushroom tourism’ to boost local economies – https://theconversation.com/rural-communities-in-quebec-are-embracing-mushroom-tourism-to-boost-local-economies-246392

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Canada and the U.S. can still tackle climate change in a second Trump era

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Andy Hira, Professor of Political Science, Simon Fraser University

    U.S. President Donald Trump has once again withdrawn the United States from the Paris agreement on climate change.

    There is a palpable sense of fear among environmentalists and those concerned about climate change following Trump’s re-election. His “drill baby drill” support for fossil fuels in the U.S. and frequent criticisms of renewable energy suggest that the world can expect to see a U.S. government that is far less interested in addressing climate change.

    In addition to leaving the Paris deal, Trump is likely to peel back the climate change elements of former president Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and disempower the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Trump’s nominee to head the EPA, Lee Zeldin, has promised to “pursue energy dominance.” Meanwhile, Chris Wright, Trump’s choice for energy secretary, is the CEO of Liberty Energy, a fracking company.

    While a majority of Americans recognize the dangers of climate change, how they prioritize action to address it tends to fall along partisan lines, with Republican voters seeing a trade-off with economic growth.

    Despite the challenges a second Trump administration is likely to bring, Canada can continue to address climate change by working with sub-national leadership in the U.S.

    Donald Trump signs an executive order withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement.

    U.S. states still making progress

    There are clear indications that Trump will move to dismantle key environmental policies. A dominant Trump adviser, Tesla CEO Elon Musk, has indicated his support for removing US$7,500 tax credits for the purchase of electric vehicles (EVs), apparently viewing it as a way to undermine Tesla competitors.

    But this move is opposed by other automakers that have invested billions into developing new supply chains.

    Furthermore, dismantling the IRA could undermine Trump’s broader economic agenda. Chinese companies have already leapfrogged their U.S. competitors when it comes to EVs. Biden’s tariffs on Chinese EVs and his promotion of battery supply chains are perfectly compatible with Trump’s own desire to bolster American manufacturing.

    However, despite the negative outlook on climate policy at the federal level, several U.S. states have made significant progress. Many American states already have significant and rapidly growing contributions from renewable energy, including Republican-led states such as Iowa and Texas, which generated respectively 60 and 20 per cent of its electricity from wind in 2024.

    In addition, 24 American states are projected to reduce net carbon emissions by 27 to 39 per cent by 2030, and 45 states and the District of Columbia have EV support policies. Meanwhile, California and 11 other states have EV mandates.

    Globally, solar and offshore wind costs have declined dramatically since 2010 by 89 per cent and 68 per cent, respectively. According to the 2024 levelized cost of energy estimates by financial advisory firm Lazard, onshore wind in the U.S. is fully competitive with natural gas. Utility-level solar is also within the cost range of natural gas.

    California’s decision to ban gas cars by 2035 has been supported by automakers, though the deadline remains hotly contested. California has offered the same EV tax credit if the federal one is eliminated.

    What Canada should do

    Canada must accelerate its own transition to a low-carbon economy by supporting renewable energy initiatives in engineering, construction, transportation and carbon sequestration.

    Renewable energy opportunities that align with U.S. interests exist, and can be pursued irrespective of Trump’s policies. For example, Canada has an opportunity, jointly with the U.S., to expand our mutual critical mineral industry.

    Electrification is set to proceed apace regardless of the political leanings of governments, and the transformation of transportation from fossil fuels to electricity and battery power will require vast amounts of lithium, a mineral Canada has in large quantities. It will also require large investments in cutting-edge battery technology, which is a key limitation to green electrification.

    Canada can play a crucial role in the U.S. critical strategic minerals program. Canada is a critical source of such minerals, and can play a significant role in developing North American EV and battery supply chains.

    Considering both the need for these minerals and how tightly integrated the auto industry is in North America, such integration of supply chains fits within Trump’s general goal of reducing reliance on China. Canada can leverage this role to try to ensure it captures key portions of the supply chain that will create good jobs, particularly as oil demand inevitably winds down.

    Canada could also be a key partner in expanding nuclear energy production. We understand the resistance many have to this suggestion, but it’s worth reconsidering given the intermittency of renewable energy such as wind and solar.



    Read more:
    With nuclear power on the rise, reducing conspiracies and increasing public education is key

    Canada is the second-largest producer of uranium in the world. It has experience developing safe nuclear reactors, and technological advances have improved reactive safety and performance in recent decades.

    As part of reconciliation efforts, Canada must engage Indigenous Peoples in renewable energy discussions and actions on their own lands. Canadian governments should partner with Indigenous communities to provide them opportunities to ensure that investments in green energy are made appropriately and the benefits are shared fairly.

    Lastly, Canada should assist low-income countries to develop appropriate technologies to advance their adoption of renewable energy — think something like a federal renewable energy outreach program.

    By taking these steps, Canada could make significant contributions to helping tackle climate change both in North America and around the world.

    Andy Hira is the Director of the Clean Energy Research Group based at Simon Fraser University. The group has received funding from the Willow Grove Foundation and SFU.

    John J Clague does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Canada and the U.S. can still tackle climate change in a second Trump era – https://theconversation.com/how-canada-and-the-u-s-can-still-tackle-climate-change-in-a-second-trump-era-246290

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mark Carney might have the edge as potential Liberal leader, but still faces major obstacles

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sam Routley, PhD Candidate, Political Science, Western University

    In the weeks following Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s resignation announcement, the race to name his successor seems to have become a two-person contest between former Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland and Mark Carney, the former governor of the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England.

    As is the usual practice in leadership bids, each has sought to advance competing visions tied to their personal credentials and desirability as candidates.

    Emphasizing her extensive cabinet experience, for example, Freeland’s pitch has so far focused on the claim that she is best equipped to handle the “existential threat” posed by the second Donald Trump administration in the United States.

    In contrast, Carney has framed himself as a pragmatic outsider. To his supporters, his monetary management of both Brexit and the 2008 financial crisis shows he can effectively address Canada’s economic challenges while remaining above the apparent politicking, ideological excesses and questionable policy decisions of the Trudeau years.

    The importance of the ground game

    It’s difficult to say for certain who is most likely to prevail. Most polls suggest many Liberals are still undecided, although Carney and Freeland are at the same level of support among Canadian voters at large.

    The incredibly short timeline for the race — voters need to be registered as Liberals by the end of today to vote for a leader — does not provide enough time for discernible trends to emerge. Despite the focus on the personality of the candidates, the Liberal leadership will be won or lost on the basis of “ground-game” organization — that is, who can identify, register and mobilize the greatest number of supporters.

    At this point, however, it’s safe to say that Carney has an advantage. Compared to Freeland, he has secured the endorsements of most senior cabinet ministers, including Francois-Philippe Champagne, Melanie Joly, Steven Guilbeault, Harjit Sajjan and Jonathan Wilkinson. This provides not only legitimacy but, far more importantly, greater organizational prowess.

    Also important is the fact that, in an environment of anti-Trudeau sentiment, he has much more — though not complete — distance from the incumbent government. It’s difficult to see how Freeland, regardless of her experience, can effectively avoid associations with the consequences of the past or existing policies that she herself was instrumental in bringing about.

    Of course, Carney has his own challenges. He will likely have to clarify his relationship with the departing Trudeau government. Since 2020, the precise nature of his role as an informal policy adviser to the prime minister — including as the chair of a task force on economic growth — remains a mystery.

    And for all of his emphasis on the importance of good policy, the substance of his actual, announced policy proposals are thin, including an ambiguous stance on the carbon tax.

    Impressive resumé

    Nonetheless, Carney simply has far more flexibility and potential than the more rigid limitations of Freeland’s candidacy. When compared to Freeland, Carney’s pitch to Canadians seems, at least on paper, to be a much smarter response to Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives.

    His impressive resumé has the potential to be a strong, substantive contrast to the sloganeering that has so far been offered by the Conservatives. Carney could represent a reasonable alternative to voters who, while desiring change, aren’t sold on Poilievre.

    But can Carney really reverse the fortunes of the Liberal Party? Although the next leader of the party is guaranteed to be Canada’s 24th prime minister, they face near Herculean odds in establishing a term that will last more than a couple of weeks due the near certainty of a non-confidence vote in Parliament after it resumes on March 24, 15 days after the Liberal convention.

    Poilievre’s Conservatives are well over 20 points ahead in public opinion polls as they benefit from an anti-incumbent sentiment that, although commonly expressed in a personal dislike for Trudeau, is really about a deeper discontent with Canada’s structural and economic challenges.

    And, unless the NDP reverses its refusal to support the government, a federal election is likely to be held by May.

    While Carney’s outsider status may inspire the Liberal faithful, his electoral performance is more likely to highlight the drawbacks of political inexperience. Although he has potential in terms of political skills, he may not have the time to realize that potential.

    Past Liberal leaders

    Historically, and to a greater degree than the Conservatives, the Liberals have been successful at recruiting leaders with accomplishments outside of partisan electoral politics.

    William Lyon Mackenzie King made his name in labour relations, while Lester B. Pearson had an incredibly successful career as a diplomat.

    Pierre Trudeau, furthermore, was not a supporter of the Liberal Party until 1965, becoming leader only three years after entering politics. In this vein, Carney — until this stage in his career a largely non-political and accomplished central banker — is a return to form.

    The difference, however, is that — with the exception of academic Michael Ignatieff in 2011 — each of these former leaders had some, albeit limited, experience. They may have been recruited for their potential as future prime ministerial candidates, but each accumulated the requisite political experience.

    Mackenzie King had served as labour minister under Wilfrid Laurier, and Pearson had been external affairs minister for nearly a decade. Pierre Trudeau’s rise to national prominence owed a large part to his provocative legislative reforms as Pearson’s attorney general.

    Carney, on the other hand, has never run for office nor made any public interjections into partisan conflicts.

    Special skill set

    Electoral politics requires a special skill set that, unless it comes naturally, can only be learned through experience. It requires a unique combination of policy aptitude, communication ability, emotional intelligence, coalition-building and raw instinct.

    Those qualities are honed with frequent exposure to voters, whether through stump speeches, stakeholder meetings or community barbecues. Carney simply does not have these experiences.

    And faced with an anti-incumbent mood, his administrative experience may be casting him not as an interesting outsider, but as a technocratic voice of the very economic, political and cultural elite who Canadians are upset with.

    Sam Routley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mark Carney might have the edge as potential Liberal leader, but still faces major obstacles – https://theconversation.com/mark-carney-might-have-the-edge-as-potential-liberal-leader-but-still-faces-major-obstacles-247979

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: For tennis star Destanee Aiava, borderline personality disorder felt like ‘a death sentence’ – and a relief. What is it?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jayashri Kulkarni, Professor of Psychiatry, Monash University

    Last week, Australian Open player Destanee Aiava revealed she had struggled with borderline personality disorder.

    The tennis player said a formal diagnosis, after suicidal behaviour and severe panic attacks, “was a relief”. But “it also felt like a death sentence because it’s something that I have to live with my whole life”.

    A diagnosis is often associated with therapeutic nihilism. This means it’s viewed as impossible to treat, and can leave clinicians and people with the condition in despair.

    In fact, people with this disorder can and do recover with adequate support. Understanding it is caused by trauma is fundamental to effectively treat this complex and poorly understood mental illness.

    A stigmatising diagnosis

    The name “borderline personality disorder” is confusing and adds greatly to the stigma around it.

    Doctors first used “borderline” to describe a condition they believed was in-between two others: neurosis and psychosis.

    But this implies the condition is not real in itself, and can invalidate the suffering and distress the person and their loved ones experience.

    “Personality disorder” is a judgemental term that describes the very essence of a person – their personality – as flawed.

    What is borderline personality disorder?

    People with the disorder can express a range of symptoms, but high levels of anxiety – including panic attacks – are usually constant.

    Symptoms cluster around four main areas:

    • high impulsivity (leading to suicidal thoughts and behaviour, self-harm and other risky behaviours)

    • unstable or poor sense of self (including low self-esteem)

    • mood disturbances (including intense, inappropriate anger, episodic depression or mania)

    • problems in relationships.

    People with the disorder greatly fear being abandoned and as a result, commonly have distressing difficulties in interpersonal relationships.

    This creates a “push-pull” dynamic with loved ones, as people with borderline personality disorder seek closeness, but push away those they love to test the strength of the relationship.

    For example, they may escalate a small issue into a major disagreement to see if the loved one will “stick with them” and reinforce their love.

    Conversely, if a loved one appears distant or fed up – for example, is thinking about ending the relationship – the person with borderline personality disorder will make major efforts to “pull” them back. This might look like a flurry of messages, expressions of despair, or even suicidal behaviours.

    People with borderline personality disorder greatly fear being abandoned, making relationship issues common.
    Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock

    Who does it affect?

    The disorder affects one in 100 Australians, although this is likely a conservative estimate, as diagnosis is based on the most severe symptoms.

    Women are much more likely to be diagnosed with it than men – but why this is so remains a major debate, with political and sociological factors playing a role in making psychiatric diagnoses. Symptoms usually begin in the mid to late teens.

    While an initial response to receiving a diagnosis can be comforting for some, it is commonly seen as a chronic, relapsing condition, meaning symptoms can return after a period of improvement.

    Borderline personality disorder can fluctuate in intensity and mimic other conditions such as major depression, bipolar disorder, anxiety disorders and psychosis.

    Estimates suggest 26% of presentations at emergency departments for mental health issues are by people diagnosed with personality disorders, particularly borderline personality disorder.

    What causes it?

    The main cause for borderline personality disorder appears to be trauma in early life, compounded by repeated traumas later.

    Early life trauma can lead to biological changes in the brain that cause behavioural, emotional or cognitive shifts, leading to social and relationship issues. This is known as complex post-traumatic stress disorder.

    Aiava has acknowledged the disorder is “mainly from childhood trauma”, although she has not given details about her specific experiences.

    People with borderline personality disorder usually have complex post-traumatic stress disorder. But complex post-traumatic stress disorder doesn’t always result in a borderline personality disorder diagnosis.

    Although the two disorders are not identical, they share many similarities, in particular that they are both caused by complex and repeated trauma.

    However those with borderline personality disorder tend to experience more rage, emotional disturbances and have a greater fear of abandonment.

    They also face greater stigma, whereas the term “complex post-traumatic stress disorder” doesn’t carry the same negative connotations and focuses on the cause of the condition – trauma – rather than “personality”, leading to better treatment options.

    The recognition of the major role of trauma in borderline personality disorder is an important step forward in treating the disorder. But because of the stigma associated with it, using the diagnosis of complex post-traumatic stress disorder maybe a better step forward in the future.

    Can it be treated?

    There are many effective psychological therapies and other treatments for people with borderline personality disorder or complex post-traumatic stress disorder.

    For example, dialectical behavioural therapy is a type of cognitive therapy that helps people learn skills such as tolerating distress, managing relationships, regulating emotions and practising mindfulness.

    The treatment of people with post-traumatic stress disorder, including victims of war and rape, has taught us a lot about how to treat complex, underlying trauma. For example, with trauma-focused psychological therapies.

    Other new treatments, such as eye movement desensitisation and reprogramming, have also shown to be effective.

    Many people with borderline personality disorder who receive treatment and have supportive relationships are able to “outgrow” the condition. Others may need to continue to manage symptoms while pursuing a good quality of life.

    Treating trauma, not personality

    Rethinking borderline personality disorder as a trauma disorder enables a more effective and understanding approach for those with it.

    Understanding what trauma does to the brain means newer, targeted medications can also be used.

    For example, our research has shown how the brain’s glutamate system – the chemicals responsible for learning and making sense of one’s environment – is overactive in people with complex post-traumtic stress disorder. Medications that work on the glutumate system may therefore help alleviate borderline personality disorder symptoms.

    Educating partners and families about borderline personality disorder, providing them support and co-designing crisis strategies are also important parts of total care. Preventing early life trauma is also critical.

    If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.

    Jayashri Kulkarni receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia and educational plus clinical trial grants from pharmaceutical companies that manufacture psychotropic medications.

    Eveline Mu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. For tennis star Destanee Aiava, borderline personality disorder felt like ‘a death sentence’ – and a relief. What is it? – https://theconversation.com/for-tennis-star-destanee-aiava-borderline-personality-disorder-felt-like-a-death-sentence-and-a-relief-what-is-it-247451

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Murdoch’s UK newspapers have apologised to Prince Harry. Where does it leave the legally embattled media empire?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Matthew Ricketson, Professor of Communication, Deakin University

    This week Prince Harry achieved something few before him have: an admission of guilt and unlawful behaviour from the Murdoch media organisation. But he also fell short of his long-stated goal of holding the Murdochs to account in a public trial.

    The Duke of Sussex, along with Tom Watson, the Labour MP who had led the charge against the Murdochs’ News Group Newspapers (NGN) in the United Kingdom during the 2011–12 phone hacking scandal, are the last to settle their claims against News over their privacy being invaded by phone hacking or through the use of private investigators.

    They join a list of around 1,300 people, including celebrities such as Hugh Grant and Sienna Miller, who have already settled their claims against The Sun newspaper at an estimated cost to Rupert and Lachlan Murdoch’s company of more than £1 billion (almost A$2 billion).

    This one is significant because unlike previous settlements, it came with an admission of wrongdoing and an apology, as well as the perfunctory wheelbarrow full of cash.

    Until now, The Sun has simply refused to say sorry or admit liability. But that stance has become increasingly absurd.

    As Grant posted on X last year when he settled his claim:

    News Group are claiming they are entirely innocent of the things I had accused The Sun of doing. As is common with entirely innocent people, they are offering me an enormous sum of money to keep this matter out of court.

    Prince Harry wrung from News considerably more. In a statement released after the case was settled on Wednesday morning in London, NGN said:

    NGN offers a full and unequivocal apology to the Duke of Sussex for the serious intrusion by The Sun between 1996 and 2011 into his private life, including incidents of unlawful activities carried out by private investigators working for The Sun.

    It went on:

    NGN also offers a full and unequivocal apology to the Duke of Sussex for the phone hacking, surveillance and misuse of private information by journalists and private investigators instructed by them at the News of the World. NGN further apologises to the Duke for the impact on him of the extensive coverage and serious intrusion into his private life as well as the private life of Diana, Princess of Wales, his late mother, in particular during his younger years. We acknowledge and apologise for the distress caused to the Duke, and the damage inflicted on relationships, friendships and family, and have agreed to pay him substantial damages. It is also acknowledged, without any admission of illegality, that NGN’s response to the 2006 arrests and subsequent actions were regrettable.

    Let’s break down what this is actually saying, and what it isn’t.

    Carefully crafted wording

    First, it is undoubtedly a significant admission that in pursuit of stories, The Sun engaged in unlawful activity. That is a big step up (or down, depending on your point of view) from previous settlement statements.

    Note, though, it carefully pins the unlawful activity on private investigators working for The Sun rather than on journalists and, more importantly, editors. The word “incidents” is doing a lot of work here: “widespread” and “industrial-strength” come to mind as more appropriate.

    Harry’s lawyer, David Sherborne, said immediately after the settlement was reached that “NGN unlawfully engaged more than 100 private investigators over at least 16 years on more than 35,000 occasions”.

    He continued: “this happened as much at The Sun as it did at the News of the World with the knowledge of all the Editors and executives, going to the very top of the company.”

    NGN’s statement, then, continues to assert phone hacking did not happen at The Sun but in a roundabout way, somehow, the newspaper benefited from it. Sort of.

    Dancing to avoid perjury

    The company has been engaged in this kind of casuistry ever since 2006 when it said the journalist and private investigator who were found guilty of phone hacking (Clive Goodman and Glen Mulcaire, respectively) were just two bad apples in an otherwise orchard-kissed media basket.

    The hundreds of people who have received payments because their phones were hacked know this only too well, but there is an important reason NGN feels it still has to maintain this charade. To do otherwise would be an admission that it has perjured itself in courts and before inquiries.

    The Murdochs’ company can hardly deny that journalists at the newspaper it was forced to close over phone hacking – The News of the World – were engaged in the practice. Several of them were jailed over it, most notably former editor Andy Coulson.

    As one of Coulson’s former reporters, Dan Evans, testified at his editor’s trial in 2014, “even the office cat knew” phone hacking was happening at the newspaper.

    The newspaper was closed, in large part, to try and persuade the public that the problem of unethical reporters was confined to that newspaper alone.

    They weren’t expected to notice that months later, News set up a Sunday edition of The Sun that continues to be published.

    The legal war continues

    For Prince Harry, this has been a deeply personal campaign, especially as News has admitted seriously intruding into his private life since he was 12, and into his mother’s too, for many years.

    NGN also acknowledged, without any admission of illegality, that its response to the 2006 arrests and its subsequent actions were “regrettable”. This is PR-speak for when you can’t bring yourself to actually apologise.

    Harry’s lawyer went on the attack over these evasions and euphemisms:

    there was an extensive conspiracy to cover up what really had been going on and who knew about it. Senior executives deliberately obstructed justice by deleting over 30 million emails, destroying back-up tapes, and making false denials – all in the face of an ongoing police investigation. They then repeatedly lied under oath to cover their tracks – both in Court and at the Leveson Public Inquiry.

    Beneath the duelling statements, though, is the sense that this settlement, important though it is, may not be the end of the saga.

    It seems clear those backing and advising Prince Harry see the settlement as an important step in pursuing criminal charges against NGN executives, as well as winning a personal apology from Rupert Murdoch himself.

    Will that actually happen? We do know that in Murdoch’s long history in the media, apologies are vanishingly rare.

    We also know that the second part of the Leveson inquiry was shelved by the former Conservative government. The recently elected Labour government has been under pressure from Hacked Off, the public interest group that has been advocating for victims of media intrusion and for reform of media laws ever since the phone hacking came to light in 2011.

    Will Britain’s police and government build on NGN’s partial admissions and apologies? Will they investigate News executives, therefore fulfilling what was meant to occur in the second stage of the Leveson inquiry, whose terms of reference singled out News’s activities as a company?

    Or will they take the cautious view that this rare settlement means justice has now been served and hope, like Murdoch and many of his senior executives, this long-running issue will now just quietly go away?

    It is too early to tell. What we do know is that in recent years, the Murdochs’ once brilliant batting average has dropped like a stone. First, there was the historically high payout in the Dominion lawsuit, then the failed attempt to revoke an irrevocable trust that is tearing apart the family, and now the settlement with Prince Harry.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Murdoch’s UK newspapers have apologised to Prince Harry. Where does it leave the legally embattled media empire? – https://theconversation.com/murdochs-uk-newspapers-have-apologised-to-prince-harry-where-does-it-leave-the-legally-embattled-media-empire-248110

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Elon Musk now has an office in the White House. What’s his political game plan?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Henry Maher, Lecturer in Politics, Department of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney

    Shutterstock/The Conversation

    Elon Musk has emerged as one of the most influential and controversial powerbrokers in the new Trump administration. He spent at least US$277 million (about A$360 million) of his own money to help Donald Trump win re-election, campaigning alongside him around the country.

    This significant investment of time and money raises the question of what the world’s wealthiest person hopes to receive in return. Critics have wondered whether Musk’s support for Trump is just a straightforward commercial transaction, with Musk expecting to receive political favours.

    Or does it reflect Musk’s own genuinely held political views, and perhaps personal political ambition?

    From left to alt-right

    Decoding Musk’s political views and tracking how they have changed over time is a complex exercise. He’s hard to pin down, largely by design.

    Musk’s current X feed, for example, is a bewildering mix of far-right conspiracy theories about immigration, clips of neoliberal economist Milton Friedman warning about the dangers of inflation, and advertisements for Tesla.

    Historically, Musk professes to have been a left libertarian. He says he voted for Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012, Hillary Clinton in 2016 and Joe Biden in 2020.

    Musk claims that over time, the Democratic party has moved further to the left, leaving him feeling closer politically to the Republican party.

    Key to Musk’s political shift, at least by his own account, is his estrangement from his transgender daughter, Vivian Jenna Wilson.

    After Vivian’s transition, Musk claimed she was “dead, killed by the woke mind virus”. She is very much alive.

    He’s since repeatedly signalled his opposition to transgender rights and gender-affirming care, and diversity, equity and inclusion policies more broadly.

    However, if the mere existence of a trans person in his family was enough to cause a political meltdown, Musk was clearly already on a trajectory towards far-right politics.

    Rather than responding to a shift in the Democratic Party, it makes more sense to understand Musk’s changing politics as part of a much broader recent phenomenon known as as “the libertarian to alt-right pipeline”.

    The political science, explained

    Libertarianism has historically tended to be divided between left-wing and right-wing forms.

    Left libertarians support economic policies of limited government, such as cutting taxes and social spending, and deregulation more broadly. This is combined with progressive social policies, such as marriage equality and drug decriminalisation.

    By contrast, right libertarians support the same set of economic policies, but hold conservative social views, such as opposing abortion rights and celebrating patriotism.

    Historically, the Libertarian Party in the United States adopted an awkward middle ground between the two poles.

    The past decade, though, has seen the Libertarian Party, and libertarianism more generally, move strongly to the right. In particular, many libertarians have played leading roles in the alt-right movement.

    The alt-right or “alternative right” refers to the recent resurgence of far-right political movements opposing multiculturalism, gender equality and diversity, and supporting white nationalism.

    The alt-right is a very online movement, with its leading activists renowned for internet trolling and “edgelording” – that is, the posting of controversial and confronting content to deliberately stoke controversy and attract attention.

    Though some libertarians have resisted the pull of the alt-right, many have been swept along the pipeline, including prominent leaders in the movement.

    Making sense of Musk

    While this discussion of theory may seem abstract, it helps to understand what Musk’s values are (beneath the chaotic tweets and Nazi salutes).

    In economic terms, Musk remains a limited-government libertarian. He advocates cutting government spending, reducing taxes and repealing regulation – especially regulations that put limits on his businesses.

    His formal role in the Trump administration as head of the “Department of Government Efficiency”, also known as DOGE, is targeted at these goals.

    Musk has suggested that in cutting government spending, he will particularly target diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. This is the alt-right influence on display.

    Alt-right sensibilities are most evident, however, in Musk’s online persona.

    On X, Musk has deliberately stoked controversy by boosting and engaging with white nationalists and racist conspiracy theories.

    For example, he has favourably engaged with far-right politicians advocating for the antisemitic “Great Replacement theory”. This theory claims Jews are encouraging mass migration to the global north as part of a deliberate plot to eliminate the white race.

    More recently, Musk has endorsed the far-right in Germany. He’s also shared videos from known white supremacists outlining the racist “Muslim grooming gangs” conspiracy theory in the United Kingdom.

    Whether Musk actually believes these outlandish racist conspiracy theories is, in many ways, irrelevant.

    Rather, Musk’s public statements are better understood as reflecting philosopher Harry Frankfurt’s famous definition of “bullshit”. For Frankfurt, “bullshit” refers to statements made to impress or provoke in which the speaker is simply not concerned with whether the statement is actually true.

    Much of Musk’s online persona is part of a deliberate alt-right populist strategy to stoke controversy, upset “the left”, and then claim to be a persecuted victim when criticised.

    Theory vs practice

    Though Musk’s public statements might fit nicely into contemporary libertarianism, there are always contradictions when putting ideology into practice.

    For example, despite Musk’s oft-stated preference for limited government, it’s well documented that his companies have received extensive subsidies and support from various governments.

    Musk will expect this special treatment to continue under a quintessentially transactional president such as Trump.

    The vexed issue of immigration also presents some contradictions.

    Across the campaign, both Musk and Trump repeatedly criticised immigration to the US. Reprising the themes of the far-right Great Replacement theory, Musk claimed illegal immigration was a deliberate plot by Democrats to “replace” the existing electorate with “compliant illegals”.

    However, after the election Musk has argued Trump should preserve categories of skilled migration such as the H1-B visas. This angered more explicit white supremacists, such as Trump advisor Laura Loomer.

    Musk’s motives in arguing for the visas are not humanitarian. H1-B visas allow temporary workers to enter the country for up to six years, making them entirely dependent on the sponsoring company. It’s a situation some have called “indentured servitude”.

    These visas have been used heavily in the technology sector, including in companies owned by both Musk and Trump.

    An unsteady alliance

    So what might we expect from Musk now that he has both political office and influence?

    Musk’s stated aim of using DOGE to cut $2 trillion from the US budget would represent an unprecedented transformation of government. It also seems highly unlikely.

    Instead, expect Musk to focus on creating controversy by cutting DEI initiatives and other politically sensitive programs, such as support for women’s reproductive rights.

    Musk will clearly use his political influence to look after the interests of his companies. Shares in Tesla surged to record highs following Trump’s re-election, suggesting investors believe Musk will be a major financial beneficiary of the second Trump administration.

    Finally, Musk will undoubtedly use his new position to remain in the public eye. This last part might lead Musk into conflict with another expert in shaping the media cycle – Trump himself.

    Musk has already reportedly fallen out with Vivek Ramaswamy, who will now no longer co-lead DOGE with Musk.

    Exactly how stable the alliance between Trump and Musk is, and whether the egos and interests of the two billionaires can continue to coexist, remains to be seen.

    If the alliance persists, it will be a key factor in shaping what many are terming the emergence of a “new gilded age” of political corruption and soaring inequality.

    Henry Maher does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Elon Musk now has an office in the White House. What’s his political game plan? – https://theconversation.com/elon-musk-now-has-an-office-in-the-white-house-whats-his-political-game-plan-248011

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: College course teaches Philly students to appreciate beer − whether they’re tailgating or fine dining

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Paul O’Neill, Assistant Clinical Professor of Food and Hospitality Management, Drexel University

    The Philadelphia region is home to over 90 craft breweries. sutiporn somnam/Moment Collection via Getty Images

    Uncommon Courses is an occasional series from The Conversation U.S. highlighting unconventional approaches to teaching.

    Title of course:

    The Fundamentals of Beer

    What prompted the idea for the course?

    After 25 years of working in professional kitchens and as a server in fine dining, I became an adjunct professor and then director of special projects in the Food and Hospitality Management department at Drexel University. Lynn Hoffman, the founder of the school’s culinary program and the author of “The Short Course in Beer,” suggested we create a 10-week beer course.

    It seemed like a no-brainer, given beer’s popularity with college students. But it was also an opportunity to help our students appreciate beer’s dizzying array of styles, as well as its deep cultural and historical significance – including right here in Philadelphia.

    What does the course explore?

    The course explores the history of brewing and how different societies – specifically Sumerian, German, English and Belgian – influenced the ingredients and brewing techniques used to make different styles of beers.

    Some styles are named after their city of origin – for example, pilsners originated in Pilzen, Czech Republic. Others are derived from the brewing procedure. “Lager,” for example, is German for “to stock or store.” These beers are stored at refrigerated temperatures for months after they’re brewed in order for residual flavors to subside, making way for a cleaner, crisper and more refreshing profile. Meanwhile, “porters” are named after the London working-class longshoremen – those who loaded and unloaded cargo at ports – who commonly consumed them.

    After studying the foundational aspects of beer, students learn about its evolution in America, with a focus on the Philadelphia region.

    For example, Yuengling, originally named Eagle Brewery, was established in 1829 in Pottsville, Pennsylvania, about 100 miles outside Philadelphia, and is credited with being America’s oldest continuously operating brewery. And in the city itself, local brewer Robert Hare Jr. made what George Washington referred to as “the best porter in Philadelphia,” just down the street from where America’s first lager was purportedly brewed by Bavarian expat John Wagner around 1840.

    We also discuss current Philadelphia-area brewers such as the Philadelphia Brewing Company, Dock Street and Yards, and their impact on the city’s craft beer industry.

    Why is this course relevant now?

    Beer and other alcoholic beverages have a significant financial impact on the restaurant industry, where many businesses operate on thin margins. Restaurants can attract diners with a dynamic beverage offering. A good beer program requires an informed staff, locally brewed options and an array of diverse styles. They might showcase classic lagers and ales alongside popular contemporary favorites such as New England IPAs and Italian pilsners, and off-the-wall experiments like Fruity Pebbles kettle sour ales.

    What’s a critical lesson from the course?

    Beer appreciation is not inebriation.

    There is a proper way to analyze beer through sight, aroma, palate texture and flavor. We use a tasting grid to guide students through this process. First we assess the beer’s color, clarity and foam, which gives us our initial ideas regarding the beer’s character. We then evaluate the beer’s aroma, which is derived from the grains, hops and fermentation. Then we sip and focus on the texture of the beer to determine the weight of it on the palate, the quality of the carbonation and the mouthfeel – whether it is thin, full or silky. Last, we assess the flavor profile.

    Students get the opportunity to distinguish the various malt and hop characters present in many popular beer styles – from the crisp, biscuit or cracker flavor and light green bitterness of a pilsner, to the dried fruit and dark caramel-laden quality of doppelbocks, to the cold-brew coffee style of dry stouts.

    “Tasting” and not simply “drinking” beer enables students to understand and appreciate what is in their glass. It is also important to note that when analyzing a beer, the glass must be clean, clear and of a certain shape – tulip. Having a globe to swirl the beer allows tasters to judge the viscosity, test the carbonation and open up the aromas.

    What materials does the course feature?

    • Lynn Hoffman’s “Short Course in Beer” offers a digestible summation of beer styles, history and how beer can be enjoyed in settings ranging from tailgates to fine dining.

    • Joshua Bernstein’s “The Complete Beer Course” illustrates the beer family tree in great detail, includes interviews with prominent brewers and provides textbook examples of various beer styles.

    • The Brewers Association’s Style Guidelines
      and Tasting Grid are go-to guides for how beer styles are delineated using a scale of color, bitterness and flavor attributes.

    • Six 1-oz. weekly samples allow students to taste historical representations and current iterations of a particular beer style, such as Bohemian pilsners, German hefeweizens, English bitters and Belgian tripels.

    • We also do a guided tour and tasting at one of Philadelphia’s larger independent craft beer brewers, Yards brewery.

    What will the course prepare students to do?

    Students learn about the history of beer production and its cultural relevance, and develop an understanding of tasting notes and profiles for various beer styles so they can distinguish between ale and lager family styles. By the end of the course, they should also be able to design their own beer menu for a restaurant.

    Paul O’Neill does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. College course teaches Philly students to appreciate beer − whether they’re tailgating or fine dining – https://theconversation.com/college-course-teaches-philly-students-to-appreciate-beer-whether-theyre-tailgating-or-fine-dining-244476

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Trump’s tariffs can’t solve America’s fentanyl crisis

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rodney Coates, Professor of Critical Race and Ethnic Studies, Miami University

    Americans consume more illicit drugs per capita than anyone else in the world; about 6% of the U.S. population uses them regularly.

    One such drug, fentanyl – a synthetic opioid that’s 50 to 100 times more potent than morphine – is the leading reason U.S. overdose deaths have surged in recent years. While the rate of fentanyl overdose deaths has dipped a bit recently, it’s still vastly higher than it was just five years ago.

    Ending the fentanyl crisis won’t be easy. The U.S. has an addiction problem that spans decades – long predating the rise of fentanyl – and countless attempts to regulate, legislate and incarcerate have done little to reduce drug consumption. Meanwhile, the opioid crisis alone costs Americans tens of billions of dollars each year.

    With past policies having failed to curb fentanyl deaths, President Donald Trump now looks set to turn to another tool to fight America’s drug problem: trade policy.

    During his presidential campaign, Trump pledged to impose tariffs on Canada and Mexico if they don’t halt the flow of drugs across U.S. borders. Trump also promised to impose a new set of tariffs against China if it doesn’t do more to crack down on the production of chemicals used to make fentanyl. He reiterated his plan on his first day back in office, saying to reporters, “We’re thinking in terms of 25% on Mexico and Canada because they’re allowing … fentanyl to come in.”

    Speaking as a professor who studies social policy, I think both fentanyl and the proposed import taxes represent significant threats to the U.S. While the human toll of fentanyl is undeniable, the real question is whether tariffs will work – or worsen what’s already a crisis.

    Fentanyl: The ‘single greatest challenge’

    In 2021, more than 107,000 Americans died from overdoses – the most ever recorded – and nearly seven out of 10 deaths involved fentanyl or similar synthetic opioids. In 2022, fentanyl was killing an average of 200 people each day. And while fentanyl deaths declined slightly in 2023, nearly 75,000 Americans still died from synthetic opioids that year. In March of that year – the most recent for which full-year data on overdose deaths is available – the then-secretary of homeland security declared fentanyl to be “the single greatest challenge we face as a country.”

    But history shows that government efforts to curb drug use often have little success.

    The first real attempt to regulate drugs in the U.S. occurred in 1890, when, amid rampant drug abuse, Congress enacted a law taxing morphine and opium. In the years that followed, cocaine use skyrocketed, rising 700% between 1890 and 1902. Cocaine was so popular, it was even found in drinks such as Coca-Cola, from which it got its name.

    This was followed by a 1909 act banning the smoking of opium, and, in 1937, the “Marihuana Tax Act.” The most comprehensive package of laws was instituted with the Controlled Substances Act of 1970, which classified drugs into five categories based on their medical uses and potential for abuse or dependence. A year later, then-President Richard Nixon launched the “War on Drugs” and declared drug abuse as “public enemy No. 1.” And in 1986, Congress passed the Anti-Drug Abuse Act, directing US$1.7 billion for drug enforcement and control.

    President Richard Nixon declared drug abuse “Public enemy No. 1” at this 1971 press conference.

    These policies have generally failed to curb drug supply and use, while also causing significant harm to people and communities of color. For example, between 1980 and 1997, the number of incarcerations for nonviolent drug offenses went from 50,000 to 400,000. But these policies hardly put a dent in consumption. The share of high school seniors using drugs dipped only slightly over the same period, from 65% in 1980 to 58% in 1997.

    In short, past U.S. efforts to reduce illegal drug use haven’t been especially effective. Now, it looks like the U.S. is shifting toward using tariffs – but research suggests that those will not lead to better outcomes either, and could actually cause considerable harm.

    Why tariffs won’t work

    America’s experiments with tariffs can be traced back to the founding era with the passage of the Tariff Act of 1789. This long history has shown that tariffs, industrial subsidies and protectionist policies don’t do much to stimulate broad economic growth at home – but they raise prices for consumers and can even lead to global economic instability. History also shows that tariffs don’t work especially well as negotiating tools, failing to effect significant policy changes in target countries. Economists generally agree that the costs of tariffs outweigh the benefits.

    Over the course of Trump’s first term, the average effective tariff rate on Chinese imports went from 3% to 11%. But while imports from China fell slightly, the overall trade relationship didn’t change much: China remains the second-largest supplier of goods to the U.S.

    The tariffs did have some benefit – for Vietnam and other nearby countries with relatively low labor costs. Essentially, the tariffs on China caused production to shift, with global companies investing billions of dollars in competitor nations.

    This isn’t the first time Trump has used trade policy to pressure China on fentanyl – he did so in his first term. But while China made some policy changes in response, such as adding fentanyl to its controlled substances list in 2019, fentanyl deaths in the U.S. continued to rise. Currently, China still ranks as the No. 1 producer of fentanyl precursors, or chemicals used to produce illicit fentanyl. And there are others in the business: India, over that same period, has become a major producer of fentanyl.

    A question of supply and demand

    Drugs have been pervasive throughout U.S. history. And when you investigate this history and look at how other nations are dealing with this problem rather than criminalization, the Swiss and French have approached it as an addiction problem that could be treated. They realized that demand is what fuels the illicit market. And as any economist will tell you, supply will find a way if you don’t limit the demand. That’s why treatment works and bans don’t.

    The U.S. government’s ability to control the production of these drugs is limited at best. The problem is that new chemical products will continually be produced. Essentially, failure to restrict demand only places bandages on hemorrhaging wounds. What the U.S. needs is a more systematic approach to deal with the demand that’s fueling the drug crisis.

    Rodney Coates does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why Trump’s tariffs can’t solve America’s fentanyl crisis – https://theconversation.com/why-trumps-tariffs-cant-solve-americas-fentanyl-crisis-245978

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Norovirus, aka the winter vomiting bug, is on the rise – an infectious disease expert explains the best ways to stay safe

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By William Schaffner, Professor of preventive medicine, health policy, infectious diseses, Vanderbilt University

    Norovirus is accompanied by abdominal pain, diarrhea and explosive vomiting. Alla Bielikova/Moment via Getty Images

    The highly contagious norovirus – popularly known as “stomach flu” or the “winter vomiting bug” – is now surging through the U.S.. The number of outbreaks is up significantly over previous years, possibly due in part to a new strain of the virus. Outbreaks can occur after direct contact with someone who is infected. Food and household surfaces can also become contaminated.

    William Schaffner, a professor of preventive medicine and infectious diseases at the Vanderbilt University School of Medicine, discusses the symptoms of norovirus, how best to treat it, and the populations most vulnerable to this illness.

    Dr. William Schaffner discusses the norovirus.

    The Conversation has collaborated with SciLine to bring you highlights from the discussion that have been edited for brevity and clarity.

    What are the symptoms of a norovirus infection?

    William Schaffner: Norovirus is an intestinal virus that can make you very, very sick. It is indelicately called winter vomiting disease, and it begins suddenly, often with an explosive vomit that then repeats itself.

    Norovirus can cause abdominal pain and diarrhea at the same time, along with a fever. It will probably make you feel miserable for two or three days – but then everybody pretty much recovers.

    How should norovirus be treated?

    William Schaffner: The major problem norovirus causes is dehydration from all that vomiting and diarrhea. So you have to stay hydrated. Do this with little sips of clear liquids, because if you take too much, it’ll come right back up. Sports drinks are very good.

    Most people who get into trouble are either very young or older and more frail. They may have to go to the hospital to get rehydrated with an IV. When the occasional death occurs due to this dehydrating infection, it’s in those vulnerable populations.

    Why does norovirus tend to surge during the winter?

    William Schaffner: You can get it any time of the year, but there is a seasonal increase in the winter for reasons that scientists are not quite sure of. But people spend a lot of time indoors with each other in wintertime, so that makes it easier for the virus to get from one place to another. All that travel over the holidays, as well as family gatherings and parties, can spread the virus.

    How can people protect themselves from the norovirus?

    William Schaffner: The most important thing is good hand hygiene. Washing with soap and water works the best. Those hand hygiene gels and wipes – the hand sanitizers – that people tend to use aren’t as effective against norovirus, so just wash frequently with good old soap and water. And then, of course, avoid people who are sick.

    Also, remember that the virus can survive on environmental surfaces, like counters, doorknobs and tables. You don’t want to pick up those viruses on your fingers. If you get a little bit of virus on your fingertips and then touch your lips, you can get an infection because it just takes a small dose of the virus to make you sick.

    Who’s particularly vulnerable to norovirus?

    William Schaffner: The people who are more susceptible to catching it are those living in semi-enclosed or enclosed populations. For example, people in nursing homes, schools and prisons – essentially any circumstance where people are together for a long period of time.

    Another place where the virus can spread is cruise ships, which is why norovirus is also called the cruise ship virus. When people are confined on a ship for days and days, these outbreaks can run through most of the passengers.

    Interestingly enough – and this has never been well explained – the crew is usually less affected.

    But again, the most serious illness occurs in older, frail and immune-compromised people, or in the very young, where dehydration can be more serious.

    Where’s the research on developing a norovirus vaccine?

    William Schaffner: Norovirus has presented some scientific challenges. It’s actually rather difficult to grow in the laboratory, and so that has delayed the development of a vaccine. But researchers are working on it.

    Are there other infectious diseases going around right now?

    William Schaffner: Along with norovirus, respiratory viruses are still out there: influenza, COVID-19 and respiratory syncytial virus, or RSV. They’re all perking up at the same time. It looks as though we’re having a very brisk winter viral season.

    Watch the full interview to hear more.

    SciLine is a free service based at the American Association for the Advancement of Science, a nonprofit that helps journalists include scientific evidence and experts in their news stories.

    William Schaffner receives funding from the CDC-sponsored Emerging Infections Program Collaborative Agreement.

    – ref. Norovirus, aka the winter vomiting bug, is on the rise – an infectious disease expert explains the best ways to stay safe – https://theconversation.com/norovirus-aka-the-winter-vomiting-bug-is-on-the-rise-an-infectious-disease-expert-explains-the-best-ways-to-stay-safe-247667

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why does it hurt when you get a scrape? A neuroscientist explains the science of pain

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Yenisel Cruz-Almeida, Associate Professor & Associate Director, Pain Research & Intervention Center Of Excellence, University of Florida

    Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to curiouskidsus@theconversation.com.

    “How come you feel pain when you fall and get a scrape?” – Tillman, age 9, Asheville, North Carolina

    Nobody likes to feel pain, but it’s something every person will experience at some point in their life.

    But why is that?

    I am a neuroscientist, and my job is to research why and how people feel pain in order to help doctors understand how to treat it better.

    What is pain?

    To understand why people feel pain, it helps first to understand what pain is. Pain is the unpleasant sensation you feel when your body is experiencing harm, or thinks it is.

    Not everyone experiences pain the same way. Pain is a highly personal experience influenced by a variety of biological, psychological and social factors. For example, research has shown differences in the pain experiences of women and men, young and older people, and even across people from different cultures.

    It’s important for kids to communicate with a trusted adult if they’re experiencing pain.

    Danger signals

    A network of nerves similar to wires runs all through the human body, from the tips of your fingers and toes, through your back inside the spinal cord and up to your brain. Specialized pain receptors called nociceptors can be found at the end of the nerves on your skin, muscles, joints and internal organs.

    Each nociceptor is designed to activate its nerve if it detects a danger signal. One way scientists classify nociceptors is based on the type of danger signal that activates them.

    Mechanical nociceptors respond to physical damage, such as cuts or pressure, while thermal nociceptors react to extreme temperatures. Chemical nociceptors are triggered by chemicals that the body’s own tissues release when they are damaged. These receptors may also be triggered by external irritants, such as the chemical capsaicin, which gives chili peppers their heat. This is why eating spicy food can cause you pain.

    Finally, there are the nociceptors that are activated by a combination of various triggers. For example, one of these receptors in your skin could be activated by the poke of a sharp object, the cold of an ice pack, the heat from a mug of cocoa, a chemical burn from household bleach, or a combination of all three kinds of stimulation.

    Nerves run from various parts of the body through the spinal cord and up into the brain.
    Sebastian Kaulitzki/Science Photo Library via Getty Images

    How pain travels though the body

    When you fall and get a scrape, the mechanical nociceptors in your skin spring into action. As soon as you hit the ground, they activate an electrical signal that travels through the nearby nerves to the spinal cord and up to your brain. Your brain interprets these signals to locate the place in your body that is hurting and determine how intense the pain is.

    Your brain knows that a pain signal is an SOS message from your body that something isn’t right. So it activates multiple systems all at once to get you out of danger and help you survive.

    Your brain may call on other parts of your nervous system to release chemicals called endorphins that will reduce your pain. It may tell your endocrine system to release hormones that prepare your body to handle the stress of your fall by increasing your heart rate, for example. And it may order your immune system to send special immune cells to the site of your scrape to help manage swelling and heal your skin.

    As all of this is happening, your brain takes in information about where you are in the world so that you can respond accordingly. Do you need to move away from something hurting you? Did you fall in the middle of the road and now need to get out of the way of moving cars?

    Not only is your brain working to keep you safe in the moments after your fall, it also is looking ahead to how it can prevent this scenario from happening again. The pain signals from your fall activate parts of your brain called the hippocampus and anterior cingulate cortex that process memory and emotions. They will help you remember how bad falling made you feel so that you will learn how to avoid it in the future.

    But why do we need to feel pain?

    As this example shows, pain is like a warning signal from your body. It helps protect you by telling you when something is wrong so that you can stop doing it and avoid getting hurt more.

    In fact, it’s a problem if you can’t feel pain. Some people have a genetic mutation that changes the way their nociceptors function and do not feel pain at all. This can be very dangerous, because they won’t know when they’re hurt.

    Ultimately, feeling that scrape and the pain sensation from it helps keep you safe from harm.

    Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.

    And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.

    Yenisel Cruz-Almeida receives funding from the National Institutes of Health. She is an Associate Editor at the Journal of Pain and serves as Treasurer on the US Association for the Study of Pain.

    – ref. Why does it hurt when you get a scrape? A neuroscientist explains the science of pain – https://theconversation.com/why-does-it-hurt-when-you-get-a-scrape-a-neuroscientist-explains-the-science-of-pain-238499

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why government can’t make America ‘healthier’ by micromanaging groceries purchased with SNAP benefits

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Benjamin Chrisinger, Assistant Professor of Community Health, Tufts University

    More than 41 million Americans use SNAP benefits to buy groceries. Brandon Bell/Getty Images

    President Donald Trump’s pick for director of the Health and Human Services Department, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., has announced a bold plan. He wants to “Make America Healthy Again.”

    Kennedy’s strategy has gotten a lot of attention for its oddities, such as his opposition to vaccine mandates and support for raw milk. But it includes some concepts that many public health experts consider sensible, such as calling for a stronger focus on chronic disease prevention and seeking more restrictions on prescription drug advertising aimed at consumers.

    But he’s also demanding a ban on junk food from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. Banning junk food from SNAP is something that has divided public health experts for years.

    As public health researchers, we’ve devoted our careers to helping reduce chronic diseases. We agree with Kennedy that a healthy diet and sound nutrition are important ways to improve the nation’s health. We also know from our own research that safety net programs, including SNAP benefits – which are still sometimes called food stamps – are staving off hunger and food insecurity for millions of Americans.

    And we’re certain that adding to the restrictions that already limit access to SNAP benefits do little to make Americans healthier.

    What is SNAP?

    Over 42.1 million Americans, about 13% of all families, receive SNAP benefits. More than 1 in 4 of the households enrolled in the program include someone who is earning at least some income.

    More than 4 in 5 families getting SNAP benefits include a child, someone over 65 or someone with a disability. These benefits are distributed on a monthly basis through an electronic benefits transfer card that looks and works like a credit or debit card and can be used at supermarkets and other approved retailers. The federal government has spent more than US$110 billion annually on this program in recent years.

    Benefits help get food on the table but typically don’t cover everything a family needs to eat. The average monthly benefit is $195 per person.

    Americans who earn less than 130% of the poverty line are eligible for SNAP. In the 2025 fiscal year, a family of three can’t make more than $2,152 a month in net income or have assets of more than $4,500 if a household includes someone over 60, and $3,000 if it doesn’t.

    Adults without children or disabilities can’t get these benefits for more than three months every three years unless they meet the program’s work requirements by being employed or spending at least 20 hours weekly in a training program. People who are on strike and foreigners living in the U.S. without authorization are ineligible. People with prior drug-related felony convictions are federally banned from SNAP for life, but states can waive this rule. This program is federally funded but administered by the states, which have some leeway in determining eligibility.

    People enrolled in SNAP already face some restrictions on what they can buy with their benefits. They can’t use SNAP to purchase premade or restaurant meals, alcohol, tobacco, or things such as diapers, vitamins and toilet paper.

    Why restrict SNAP?

    Since SNAP is administered by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Kennedy would have very little power to change SNAP’s rules should the Senate approve his nomination following the controversial politician’s upcoming confirmation hearing on Jan. 29, 2025.

    Still, we’re concerned that his support for new restrictions could help sway the authorities who would be responsible for such a policy change.

    Proposals to ban particular foods from SNAP have been floated many times by state legislators and members of Congress over the years.

    These bills have generally been designed to exclude supposedly luxury items, such as steak and seafood, or aimed at barring purchases from a different supermarket aisle: candy, soda and other junk foods.

    States can’t make this kind of modification without the USDA’s authorization. And so far, the USDA has rebuffed calls for it to allow such measures. Even without the agency’s support, Congress can make changes to these policies in the Farm Bill, which could in the future force the USDA to allow these restrictions in states that ask for them.

    The Trump administration, including Kennedy, has signaled its interest in these kinds of restrictions.

    Why SNAP restrictions won’t make America healthier

    While improving the American diet is a worthy goal, research that we and other scholars have done makes it clear that adding new restrictions to SNAP will do little to help us become a healthier nation.

    First, many studies have found that nearly all Americans could eat healthier.

    The rich and the poor alike consume unhealthy food in the U.S.

    Studies show that while lower-income Americans often spend more of their food budget on unhealthy stuff than more affluent people do, families in the middle and at the top of the income ladder still purchase lots of junk food.

    Unsurprisingly, those purchases reflect what we’re eating: Americans at all income levels have diets that don’t satisfy federal dietary guidelines. Spotlighting the poor food choices of SNAP participants would be a distraction from these facts and would risk further stigmatizing a successful anti-hunger program.

    Maintaining a good diet is not cheap or straightforward, especially on a low income. The poorest communities have far more inexpensive fast-food chains and dollar stores than their wealthier neighbors, as well as more ads for unhealthy products. Even when they get SNAP benefits, many Americans still struggle to make ends meet, and studies show how this negatively affects the quality of their diets.

    Another reason SNAP restrictions wouldn’t make America healthier is that diet is just one of many contributors to chronic diseases. Your level of physical activity, exposure to pollution, stress and genetics, among other things, shape your risk of getting heart disease, diabetes or other chronic diseases.

    Flexible but don’t cover all needs

    SNAP benefits are fairly flexible, covering just about anything people might want to eat, even if they have dietary restrictions due to their culture or health conditions. The program helps Americans afford most of their basic necessities, although it fails to pay for all the groceries most people who rely on the program need to buy in the course of a month.

    SNAP’s main function is preventing the worst effects of hunger and food insecurity for the more than 41 million people relying on it.

    There are other ways for the government to help make Americans healthier besides the imposition of stigmatizing restrictions on SNAP. For example, it can create matching programs for SNAP dollars spent on fruits and vegetables, which would give retailers incentives to offer more produce and make it easier for people who get SNAP benefits to buy more healthy food. The USDA has begun to support this kind of effort in several states.

    Benjamin Chrisinger receives funding from The Research Innovation and Development Grants in Economics (RIDGE) Partnership.

    Danielle Krobath does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why government can’t make America ‘healthier’ by micromanaging groceries purchased with SNAP benefits – https://theconversation.com/why-government-cant-make-america-healthier-by-micromanaging-groceries-purchased-with-snap-benefits-246462

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why neglecting your brain health can make it harder to achieve physical goals

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian, Professor of Clinical Neuropsychology, University of Cambridge

    SofikoS/Shutterstock

    Our cognition and mental wellbeing are crucial factors for our quality of life and put us in a good position to contribute to society. Ultimately, it can be near impossible to achieve physical goals and demanding life challenges if our brain health is not optimal.

    Yet most of us appear to be more concerned with physical health than brain health. According to the YouGov website the most popular New Year’s resolutions in the UK in 2024 were doing more exercise, saving money, losing weight and dieting – with about 20% reporting they were failing some resolutions only just six days into the year. A large study of approximately 1,000 participants showed that mental health only featured in about 5% of resolutions.

    It’s easy to monitor your physical health using mobile devices and wearable technology to preserve physical health throughout your life. It may be more unclear, however, how to improve and monitor brain health and mental wellbeing. In our new book Brain Boost: Healthy Habits for a Happier Life, we draw on research to offer practical tips.

    A number of factors contribute to our happiness in life, including genetics, our social and physical environment, cognition and our behaviour, such as lifestyle choices. Studies have shown that good cognitive function is related to better wellbeing and happiness.

    Interestingly, according to the 2024 World Happiness Report all five Nordic countries – Finland, Denmark, Iceland, Norway and Sweden – are in the top 10 happiest countries. The UK and the US, however, do not feature in the top 10.

    In the UK, the YouGov website has been tracking mood states and while it reports that happiness is the most commonly expressed emotion, only 45% of people feel it. Ideally this number should be much higher.

    In addition, feeling stressed and frustrated are the next top emotions with 40% and 35% of people having these feelings respectively. Disappointingly, optimism is also low, for example, only 23% of 18-24 year-olds and over 75-year-olds feel optimistic on average, and 17% of 45-54 year-olds.

    Happiness and wellbeing in general reduces the effects of stress and promotes health and longevity.

    Nurturing your brain

    In our book, we draw on the latest scientific evidence, including our own, to highlight seven essential lifestyle factors that improve our brain health, cognition and wellbeing. We demonstrate how simple — and often surprising —adjustments to our daily habits can enhance brain fitness, boost cognition, and promote overall wellbeing.

    We suggest small incremental steps to improving lifestyle habits and ensuring these fit within our daily activities, as well as being enjoyable and pleasurable. In this way, we can ensure, that unlike New Year’s resolutions that we give up within six days, we can maintain these throughout life. This puts us in a better position to achieve physical challenges in the future.

    These lifestyle factors include exercise, diet, sleep, social interactions, kindness, mindfulness and learning, and knowing how to get the best out of work. For example, exercise is an “all-rounder”, as it can boost our physical health but also our brain health, cognition and mood. In fact, studies have shown that exercise can increase the size of our hippocampus, which is critical for learning and memory.

    Similarly, sleeping the optimal number of hours each night can improve our immune system, brain structure and mental wellbeing. Our own study showed that sleeping 7-8 hours per night in middle to older adulthood was associated with better brain structure, cognition, such as processing speed and memory, and mental health.

    Staying socially connected also plays an important role in our brain health. We have shown that being socially isolated in older adults is associated with a 26% increased risk of dementia. Whereas, having the optimal number of friends in adolescence, about five, is linked with better brain structure, cognition, educational attainment and wellbeing.

    Learning new things is also essential to keep the neural circuits in our brain functioning at their best level for as long as possible. We need to challenge ourselves mentally to keep our brains active – just as we need to do physical exercise to keep our bodies fit.

    This builds cognitive reserve and helps us in times of stress. We can also keep our brains active in a number of ways, for example, by learning a new language or how to play a musical instrument or you can read an educational book about something that interests you.

    Keeping our bodies healthy is incredibly important. But we need to also nurture our brains if we want to be happy, mentally sharp and well protected against diseases such as dementia.

    Embracing these simple strategies to prioritise our brain health and wellbeing is essential for a happier and more fulfilling life. Ultimately, lifestyle choices play a significant role in reducing stress and promoting resilience, creativity and overall quality of life.

    Barbara Jacquelyn Sahakian receives funding from the Wellcome Trust and the Lundbeck Foundation. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes. She consults for Cambridge Cognition.

    Christelle Langley receives funding from the Wellcome Trust. Her research work is conducted within the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) Mental Health and Neurodegeneration Themes.

    – ref. Why neglecting your brain health can make it harder to achieve physical goals – https://theconversation.com/why-neglecting-your-brain-health-can-make-it-harder-to-achieve-physical-goals-248043

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Understanding paranormal beliefs and conspiracy theories isn’t just about misinformation – this course unpacks the history

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jeb Card, Associate Teaching Professor of Anthropology, Miami University

    The ‘black mailbox’ along Highway 375 near Rachel, Nev., a traditional spot for UFO hunters to meet and search the skies near Area 51. AP Photo/John Locher

    Uncommon Courses is an occasional series from The Conversation U.S. highlighting unconventional approaches to teaching.

    Title of course:

    “Investigating the Paranormal”

    What prompted the idea for the course?

    My training and professional work have been in Mesoamerican archaeology, but I’ve had a lifelong fascination with paranormal concepts. In fact, I considered studying the UFO community for my doctoral research in cultural anthropology.

    I eventually fused these two interests in my book “Spooky Archaeology: Myth and the Science of the Past,” which examines why archaeology shows up so much in ideas about the mysterious and weird. Most people are familiar with pop culture characters like Indiana Jones seeking magical artifacts. Perhaps less immediately obvious is just how common archaeological topics are in paranormal and conspiracy culture.

    The popularity of paranormal ideas – from television shows and thousands of podcasts to UFOs on the front page of The New York Times and in government investigations – made it clear that a course on paranormal culture would be an excellent way for students to get a taste of social science research.

    What does the course explore?

    The material begins with premodern ideas of magic, myth and metaphysics. The narrative that “Western” societies tell of the development of the modern world is that the Enlightenment cast off supernatural thinking in favor of science. The historical reality, however, is not so simple.

    As science based on observation of material evidence emerged in the 17th through 19th centuries, so did a paranormal worldview: theories about a nonmaterial or hidden reality beyond the mundane, from monsters to psychic powers. Some of these ideas were tied to older religious notions of the sacred or strange but not divine phenomena. Others were new – particularly those suggesting the hidden existence of prehistoric extinct creatures or lost cities.

    In either case, the key element was that proponents of these ideas often tried to support their existence with the kind of evidence used in science, though their “proofs” fell short of scientific standards. In other words, the paranormal is in conflict with the knowledge and worldview of modernity but also attempts to use the concepts of modernity to oppose it.

    The class examines how this tension produced 20th century “-ologies” like parapsychology, which examines evidence for consciousness beyond matter, and cryptozoology, which searches the ends of the Earth for creatures tied to the mythic past. We also learn about UFOlogy, whose proponents have collected alleged contacts with technology and beings from beyond this world ever since the Cold War, as great earthly powers filled the skies with secretive hi-tech aircraft and spaceships.

    As the class concludes, we examine how the “-ologies” declined after the Cold War, alongside the cultural capital of science, whose height of public respect was in the mid-20th century. Since then, proving the existence of paranormal things to institutional scientists has become less important in paranormal communities than promoting them to a broader public.

    Why is this course relevant now?

    Beyond public interest in paranormal topics, the paranormal is entwined with sociocultural forces that have dramatically increased the role of conspiracy rhetoric in the United States and elsewhere. At their core, both types of belief claim to have figured out some kind of supposedly hidden knowledge.

    Furthermore, the conspiracy theories that are now commonplace in American political discourse are more rooted in paranormal ideas than in previous decades. Conspiracy theories about the JFK assassination or even 9/11 were still largely within the materialist realm. People argued that “the truth” had been covered up, but their arguments did not rely on metaphysical ideas. Today, major conspiracy theories involve secret cabals, mystical symbols and code words, demonic forces and extraterrestrial entities.

    What’s a critical lesson from the course?

    Evidence must be interrogated on its own, regardless of whether it fits your perspective. I find time and again that students have a hard time approaching evidence without bias, whether that bias is conscious or not: “knowing” that something must be true, or must be absurd.

    One person apparently makes a death bed confession of faking a famous Loch Ness Monster photo, pleasing skeptics. Another claims to have seen a Bigfoot at close range, pleasing believers. Without further evidence, both are stories: no more, no less.

    The issue isn’t to draw an equivalence between the bigger concepts. Not all narratives are equally well-founded. But students learn how to collect evidence, rather than simply rely on their gut sense of what is plausible or not.

    What will the course prepare students to do?

    This course is meant to help students discern useful and reliable information about claims and events, separating them from irrelevant or inaccurate narratives or sources. The goal is not just “critical thinking” aimed at combating disinformation, though that is part of what they should learn. Students practice evaluating evidence but also develop an approach for analyzing and understanding phenomena behind it: how factors like history, culture and institutions of authority, such as science and government, shape what people trust and what they believe.

    Jeb Card does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Understanding paranormal beliefs and conspiracy theories isn’t just about misinformation – this course unpacks the history – https://theconversation.com/understanding-paranormal-beliefs-and-conspiracy-theories-isnt-just-about-misinformation-this-course-unpacks-the-history-242007

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Assad’s fall opens window for Syrian refugees to head home − but for many, it won’t be an easy decision

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kelsey Norman, Fellow for the Middle East, Baker Institute for Public Policy, Rice University

    For more than a decade, Syrians have been the world’s largest refugee population.

    More than 6 million Syrians have fled the country since 2011, when an uprising against the regime of Bashar Assad transformed into a 13-year civil war. Most ended up in neighboring countries such as Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt, while a sizable minority wound up in Europe. But the overthrow of the Assad regime in late 2024 by opposition forces led by the Islamist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham has seemingly opened a window for their return, and tens of thousands of former refugees have since made the decision to go back to their homeland.

    How many and who decides to go back, and the circumstances under which they reintegrate into Syrian society, will have enormous implications for both Syria and the countries they resettled in. It also provides an opportunity for migration scholars like ourselves to better understand what happens when refugees finally return home.

    Previous research has shown that Syrian refugees who are trying to decide whether to return are motivated more by conditions in Syria than by policy decisions where they’ve resettled. But individual experiences also play an important role. Counterintuitively, refugees who have been exposed to violence during the Syrian civil war are actually more tolerant of and better at assessing the risk of returning to Syria, research has shown.

    But such research was conducted while Assad was still in power, and it has only been several weeks since Assad fell. As a result, it’s unclear how many Syrians will decide to go back. After all, the current government is transitional, and the country is not fully unified.

    The risk of return

    In the month after Assad’s fall, about 125,000 Syrians headed home, primarily from Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon. But for the majority of those yet to return, important questions and considerations remain.

    First and foremost, what will governance look like under the transitional government? So far, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s rule under Ahmed al-Sharaa has suggested the group will embrace inclusivity toward Syria’s diverse array of ethnic and religious minorities. Even so, some observers worry about the group’s prior connections to militant Islamist groups, including al-Qaida.

    Similarly, initial fears about restrictions on women’s participation in public life have mostly been assuaged, despite the transitional government appointing only two women to office.

    Syrians debating whether to return home must also confront the economic devastation wrought by years of war, government mismanagement and corruption, and international sanctions placed on the Assad regime.

    Sanctions blocking the entry of medications and equipment, along with Assad’s bombing of infrastructure throughout the war, have crippled the country’s medical system.

    In 2024, 16.7 million Syrians – more than half the country’s population – were in need of essential humanitarian assistance, even as very little was available. In early 2025, the U.S. announced that it was extending a partial, six-month reprieve of sanctions to allow humanitarian groups to provide basic services such as water, sanitation and electricity.

    But rebuilding the country’s infrastructure will take much longer, and Syrian refugees will have to weigh whether they are better off remaining in their host countries. This is especially true for those who have worked to build new lives over a long period in exile from Syria.

    The caretaker Syrian government will also have to address the issue of property restitution. Many individuals may want to return home only if they indeed have a home to return to. And the policy of forced property transfers and the settlement by Alawite and minority groups allied to the Assad regime in former Sunni areas vacated during the war complicates the issue.

    Continued welcome in Europe?

    Since the start of the civil war, approximately 1.3 million Syrians have sought protection in Europe, the majority of them arriving in 2015 and 2016 and settling in countries such as Germany and Sweden. As of December 2023, 780,000 individuals still held refugee status and subsidiary protection – an additional form of international protection – with the remainder having received either long-term residency or citizenship.

    Syria’s 13-year civil war reduced many homes to rubble.
    Ercin Erturk/Anadolu via Getty Images

    Subsidiary protection was granted to those who didn’t meet the stringent requirements for refugee status under the Geneva Conventions – which requires a well-founded fear of persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership of a particular social group – but “would face a real risk of suffering serious harm” if returned to their countries of origin.

    Recognition rates for Syrians have remained consistently high between 2015 and 2023, but the breakdown between subsidiary protection and refugee status has fluctuated over the years, with 81% receiving refugee status in 2015 versus 68% receiving subsidiary protection in 2023.

    For Syrians in the EU who hold refugee status or subsidiary protection, as well as for those with pending asylum claims, the future is very uncertain. In accordance with the Geneva Conventions, EU law allows governments to revoke, end or refuse to renew their status if the reason to offer protection has ceased, which many countries believe is the case after Assad’s fall.

    Since then, at least 12 European countries have suspended asylum applications of Syrian nationals. Some nations, such as Austria, have threatened to implement a program of “orderly return and deportation.”

    Conditions in Turkey and Lebanon

    A much larger number of Syrians obtained protection in neighboring countries, namely Turkey (2.9 million), Lebanon (755,000) and Jordan (611,000), though estimates of unregistered Syrians are much higher. In Turkey, which hosts the largest number of Syrian refugees, Syrians are afforded only temporary protection status.

    In theory, this status allows them access to work, health care and education. But in practice, Syrian refugees in Turkey have not always been able to enjoy these rights. Coupled with anti-immigrant sentiments worsened by the 2023 earthquake and presidential election, life has remained difficult for many.

    And while Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has publicly stated that Syrians should return home according to their own timeline, his previous scapegoating of the refugee population indicates that he may ultimately like to see them returned – especially as many in Turkey now believe Syrian refugees have no reason to stay in the country.

    Syrians in Lebanon, which hosts the largest number of Syrian refugees per capita, face even greater economic and legal challenges. The country is not a signatory to the Geneva Conventions, and its stringent domestic asylum law has granted residency to only 17% of the more than a million Syrians who live in the country.

    Lebanon has been pressuring Syrian refugees to leave the country for years through policies of marginalization and forced deportation, which have intensified in recent months with a government scheme to deport Syrians not registered with the United Nations. As of 2023, 84% of Syrian families were living in extreme poverty. Their vulnerability was exacerbated by the recent conflict between Hezbollah and Israel in Lebanon, which led 425,000 Syrians to escape war once again and return to Syria even though conditions at the time were not safe.

    Testing the water

    Offering go-and-see visits – whereby one member of a family is allowed to return to a home country to evaluate the situation and subsequently permitted to reenter the host country without losing their legal status – is the norm in many refugee situations. The policy is being used at present for Ukrainians in Europe and was used in the past for Bosnian and South Sudanese refugees.

    The same policy could serve Syrian refugees now – indeed, Turkey recently implemented such a plan. But above all, we believe returns to Syria should be voluntary, not forced. Getting the conditions right for returning refugees will have enormous implications for rebuilding the country and keeping the peace – or not – in the years to come.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Assad’s fall opens window for Syrian refugees to head home − but for many, it won’t be an easy decision – https://theconversation.com/assads-fall-opens-window-for-syrian-refugees-to-head-home-but-for-many-it-wont-be-an-easy-decision-247051

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –