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Category: Reportage

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Pennsylvania’s election results will take time to count

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Alauna Safarpour, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Gettysburg College

    John Zapf drops off a mail-in ballot on Oct. 15, 2024, in Doylestown, Pa. Hannah Beier/Getty Images

    The country is unlikely to know who wins the battleground state of Pennsylvania on election night. That’s because of a quirk in Pennsylvania’s laws.

    I am an assistant professor of political science at Gettysburg College in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, where I teach and conduct research in American politics, public opinion, voting and elections. I have previously explained why Pennsylvania is crucial to both the Harris and Trump campaigns, and why Pennsylvania will likely prove pivotal in determining the presidency.

    Here are five things that are important to understand about the timing of the election outcome in Pennsylvania.

    The state sets the rules for voting and counting

    Under the U.S. Constitution, states and the federal government share power. Some powers are exclusively reserved for the states, while other powers are exclusively under the control of the federal government, for instance signing treaties, or declaring war on a foreign nation. Under this system, known as federalism, states – not the federal government – run elections. Individual states and local jurisdictions within states determine polling locations, how citizens vote and other rules surrounding election administration.

    Elections are run differently across states. Some states require photo identification at the polls when you vote, while some verify identities of voters in other ways.

    An official Pennsylvania mail-in ballot, seen in Pittsburgh, Oct. 3, 2024.
    AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar

    Differences also extend to how ballots are counted and how long it takes for states to report results.

    Nearly all states prohibit releasing election results until after the polls close on Election Day. However some states begin to count mail-in and early ballots as they are cast. This means that they can report the results of an election sooner on Election Day, because the work of processing and counting is already done.

    Under Pennsylvania law, voters may cast ballots through the mail. Local election officials are prohibited from opening the envelopes containing mail-in ballots until 7 a.m. on Election Day.



    Read more:
    Why Pennsylvania is the key to a Harris or Trump Electoral College victory

    Prior to 2020, the only Pennsylvania voters permitted to vote by mail needed an excuse – for instance, serving overseas in the armed forces. The first time Pennsylvania voters were able to vote by mail without an excuse was in 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, a record number of voters nationwide chose to vote by mail when that option was allowed, including in Pennsylvania.

    Out of the nearly 7 million total Pennsylvania voters in the 2020 presidential election, roughly 2.6 million voted by mail. Prior to 2020, local election officials never needed to count such a large number of ballots received through the mail, and news organizations could typically announce Pennsylvania’s unofficial winner quickly.

    For instance, in 2016, media organizations could project a Trump victory in Pennsylvania at 2:29 a.m. the Wednesday after Election Day. But in 2020, it took four days for enough ballots to be counted for news organizations to project that Joe Biden won Pennsylvania and would be the next president.

    As of 10 a.m. on Oct. 28, 2024, about 2.09 million Pennsylvania voters had requested mail-in ballots. That number was likely to increase, as Pennsylvanians could request a mail-in ballot until Oct. 29. County boards of elections must receive mail-in ballots by 8 p.m. on Election Day for those ballots to be counted. Members of the military and overseas absentee ballots have until Nov. 12.

    Mail-in ballots take time to count

    It’s impossible to definitively say how long it will take to know who won Pennsylvania. The more ballots there are to count, the longer America will need to wait.

    The length of time it will take to determine the winner will also depend on how close the election turns out to be.

    If the margin of victory for the winning candidate is very small – say tens of thousands of votes – then election officials will need to count enough ballots that it becomes mathematically impossible for the other candidate to catch up, regardless of how the remaining ballots voted and only then will credible news organizations announce a projected winner of each state.

    If the election is within half a percentage point, Pennsylvania state law dictates that an automatic recount is required, although recounts are unlikely to change the winner of a statewide race.

    But the wait may not be as long as it was in 2020

    Although no one can say for certain how long it will take – anyone who says otherwise is wrong – there are indications that it might not take as long as it did in 2020.

    First, it is highly likely that fewer Pennsylvanians will choose to vote by mail in 2024. A smaller proportion of voters opted to vote by mail in the 2022 midterm election than in the 2020 general election, and that trend is likely to continue in 2024. Thus far, fewer voters have requested mail-in ballots than in 2020, so that assertion is supported by the available data at this point.

    Counting may also take less time because election officials have more experience counting the mail-in ballots now than in 2020. That year was the first time election officials counted so many mail-in ballots.

    Counties have also secured better machines to assist in the process. For instance, Philadelphia County will use new machines to help them open the envelopes faster. This should speed up the process, according to Pennsylvania’s chief elections official, Secretary of State Al Schmidt, a Republican, although Schmidt recently told NPR news it is unlikely that a winner will be declared in Pennsylvania on election night.

    In the 2020 presidential election, roughly 2.6 million Pennsylvanians voted by mail. On Nov. 4, 2020, Luzerne County employees open mail-in ballots to be counted at the elections board in Wilkes-Barre.
    Aimee Dilger/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

    One more thing to expect

    According to the Associated Press, Pennsylvania will report small batches of mail-in ballots first, followed by in-person Election Day votes. After that, the remaining mail-in ballots will be tabulated and released. This process will likely result in predictable patterns in the results of the election.

    We know several things because of who in Pennsylvania has requested mail-in ballots this cycle, which follows a similar pattern as in 2020. Most voters who opted to vote by mail in 2020 were Democrats, while Republicans were more likely to vote in person on Election Day.

    The results for in-person, Election Day voters can generally be reported faster. That’s because voters themselves will feed their ballots into vote tabulating machines at various precincts, which count them immediately. Election Day ballots in 2020 generally supported Trump, although the Republican party has recently tried to encourage more of their voters to vote by mail.

    The results will then likely change as mail-in ballots are counted, which takes time. As they are counted, you should expect to see Trump’s vote share decline and Harris’ share increase. That expectation is based on the voters who have requested mail-in ballots so far.

    As of 10 a.m. on Oct. 28, 2024, data from the Pennsylvania Department of State indicated that 56% of the mail-in ballots requested at that point in Pennsylvania were from registered Democrats, about 32% from Republicans, with the remaining 13% from voters who did not register with a party or listed a third party. In 2020, over 6 in 10 mail-in ballots were requested by Democrats and about 1 in 4 by Republicans.

    Be patient

    Although conspiracy theories are prevalent in American politics these days, resist the temptation to believe unfounded claims. Such claims are often advanced by individuals or groups with a personal motivation to do so – to get more clicks or likes on social media, make money or gain political power.

    American elections are administered by dedicated public servants on both sides of the political aisle who are observed by representatives from both political parties as well as nonpartisan watchdog groups. Academics and journalists across the nation also closely monitor elections and would be the first to ring the alarm if there were evidence of malfeasance.

    Ballot counting in Pennsylvania will take time, and ultimately election officials have said they prioritize “accuracy over speed.” We will know the results of the election in time. Until then, be patient and watch one of the world’s oldest democracies at work.

    Professor Safarpour has previously published articles on election administration, including a paper published in 2022 that used data provided by the State of Pennsylvania’s Board of Elections in the 2016 election. Professor Safarpour did not consult with state election officials prior to the publication of this article and does not receive funding or support from any state government or board of elections for her research. The analysis presented here represents the best available data at the time of publication.

    – ref. Why Pennsylvania’s election results will take time to count – https://theconversation.com/why-pennsylvanias-election-results-will-take-time-to-count-240305

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Three lessons the west can learn from China’s economic approach to AI

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jialu Shan, Research Fellow at the TONOMUS Global Center for AI and Digital Transformation, International Institute for Management Development (IMD)

    Phonlamai Photo/Shutterstock

    AI is already everywhere, ready to change the way we work and play, how we learn and how we are looked after. From hospitality to healthcare, entertainment to education, AI is transforming the world as we know it.

    But it’s developing at a different pace in different parts of the world. In the west, it seems, there is a tendency to aim for perfection, with companies taking their time to refine AI systems before they are implemented.

    China, on the other hand, has taken a more pragmatic path, on which speed and adaptability are prioritised over flawless execution. Chinese companies appear more willing to take risks, accept AI’s current limitations and see what happens.

    And China’s desire to be the world leader in AI development seems to be working. Here are three important lessons the west can learn from China’s economic strategy towards AI.

    1. Embrace imperfection

    Many Chinese companies have adopted a “good enough” mentality towards AI, using it even when the technology is not fully developed. This brings risks, but also encourages fast learning.

    For example, in 2016, Haidilao, a popular Chinese restaurant chain, introduced “Xiaomei”, an AI system which dealt with customers calling up to make reservations. While Xiaomei is not the most sophisticated AI system (it only understands questions about reservations), it was effective, managing over 50,000 customer interactions a day with a 90% accuracy rate.

    It’s not perfect, but it provides a valuable service to the business, proving that AI doesn’t need to be flawless to make a big impact.

    2. Make it practical

    A key distinction between AI strategies in China and the west is the focus on practical, problem-solving applications. In many western industries, AI is often associated with cutting-edge technology like robot-assisted surgery, or complex predictive algorithms.

    While these advances are exciting, they do not always bring immediate impact. China, by contrast, has made significant strides by applying AI to solve more basic needs.

    In China, some hospitals use AI to help with routine – but very important – tasks. For instance, in April 2024, Wuhan Union Hospital introduced an AI patient service which acts as a kind of triage nurse for patients using a messaging app.

    Patients are asked about their symptoms and medical history. The AI then evaluates the severity of their needs, and prioritises appointments based on urgency and the medical resources available at that time. The results are then relayed to a human doctor who makes the final decision about what happens next.

    By helping to ensure that those with the most critical needs are seen first, the system plays a crucial role in improving efficiency and reducing waiting times for patients seeking medical attention. It’s not the most complex technology, but in its first month of use in the hospital’s breast clinic, it reportedly provided over 300 patients with extra consultation time – 70% of whom were patients in urgent need of surgery.

    3. Learn from mistakes

    China’s rapid adoption of AI hasn’t come without challenges. But failures serve as critical learning experiences.

    One cautionary tale over AI implementation comes not from China, but from Japan. When Henn na Hotel in Nagasaki became the world’s first hotel staffed by robots, it received a great deal of attention for its futuristic concept.

    But the reality soon fell short of expectations. Churi, the hotel’s in-room assistant robot, frequently misunderstood guest requests, leading to confusion. One guest was reportedly woken up repeatedly because a robot in his room mistakenly understood the sound of his snoring to be a question.

    In contrast, many Chinese hotels have taken a more measured approach, opting for simpler yet highly effective robotic solutions. Delivery robots are now commonplace in hotel chains across the country, and while not overly complex, they are adept at navigating hallways and lifts autonomously, bringing meals to guests.

    By focusing on specific, high-impact problems, Chinese companies have successfully integrated AI in ways that minimise disruption and maximise usefulness.

    The Chinese restaurant chain I mentioned earlier provides another good illustration of this approach. After the success of its chatbot, Haidilao introduced “smart restaurants” equipped with robotic arms and automated food delivery systems. While innovative, the technology struggled during peak hours and lacked the personal touch many customers valued.

    Instead of abandoning the project, Haidilao continued to adjust and refine its use of AI. Rather than adopting a fully automated restaurant model, it went for a hybrid approach, combining automation with human staff to enhance the dining experience.

    This flexibility in the face of setbacks represents a crucial willingness to pivot and adapt when things don’t go as planned. Overall, China’s pragmatic approach to AI has enabled it to take the lead in many areas, even as the country lags behind the west in terms of technological sophistication. This is driven by a willingness to embrace AI’s imperfections, and then adapt where necessary.

    Where speed and adaptability are critical, companies can’t afford to wait for perfect solutions. By embracing AI’s imperfections, focusing on practical applications and real-world feedback, Chinese companies have unlocked the economic value of AI in a way that others are being too timid to emulate.

    Jialu Shan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Three lessons the west can learn from China’s economic approach to AI – https://theconversation.com/three-lessons-the-west-can-learn-from-chinas-economic-approach-to-ai-240598

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: For many Venezuelan migrants in the US, working all hours means hope for a life back home

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matt Wilde, Lecturer in Human Geography, University of Leicester

    Migrants seeking asylum at El Paso, Texas, on the US-Mexico border. Ruben2533 / Shutterstock

    Donald Trump and his followers have eagerly whipped up anti-immigrant sentiment throughout the US presidential campaign, as a growing number of migrants from Haiti and Venezuela arrive due to continuing crises at home.

    Stories about Haitians eating pets in Springfield, Ohio, have ultimately been proven to be false. And accounts of Venezuelan gangs taking over apartment blocks in Aurora, Colorado, have been called “an incredible exaggeration” by the city’s mayor.

    Progressives have rightly challenged such accounts. But the absence of an effective counter-narrative about migration cedes ground to regressive messaging that reduces the complexities of human mobility to a zero-sum game between national populations and migrant-others.

    As an anthropologist conducting research with Venezuelan migrants in Chicago, two points strike me as vital to changing the terms of this debate.

    The first is that among the Venezuelans I work with – most of whom hold what’s known as temporary protected status – the US isn’t a place they ultimately plan to settle. Their overwhelming focus is on earning enough money to build a life back home. The second is that to truly understand migration, we need to place migrant experiences and motivations in historical context.

    Working all hours

    Two days after the televised presidential debate in September where Trump made repeated references to immigrants, I shared cold beers with eight young Venezuelan men in the backyard of a rented house on Chicago’s South Side.

    Each had his own story of the journey to the US, with most making the perilous walk through the Darién Gap – or la selva (“the jungle”), as they call it – before claiming asylum at the Mexico-US border.

    Having eventually been granted the right to work, the men are now employed on the same assembly line in a Chicago factory. Many of them also work as delivery drivers after hours.

    “I don’t have to defend myself with words or argue with people,” says Hector, a 24-year-old from San Cristóbal in western Venezuela. “I just need to show that my work is good. In that way, I’m contributing to the better image of Venezuelans.”



    Read more:
    Venezuelan migrants are boosting economic growth in South America, says research

    Guillermo, a 38-year-old from Venezuela’s third-largest city, Valencia, works 12 to 14 hours a day, seven days a week. When he isn’t working or resting, he’s on WhatsApp talking to friends and family, many of whom are among the estimated 8 million Venezuelans who now live abroad due to the country’s economic and political crisis.

    Each week, Guillermo sends several hundred dollars home to his father, wife and daughter. He’s also been slowly working towards buying a house in his home city, a goal that motivates him amid the many hardships he’s endured abroad.

    “I’m a guerrero [warrior],” he jokes as he recounts his journey since he left Venezuela in 2017. In that time, Guillermo has worked as a street vender in Colombia, a taxi driver under precarious conditions in Chile, and has crossed borders from Bolivia to Mexico on foot.

    This determination to return is shared by Guillermo’s Venezuelan friends in Chicago, all of whom hope to go home despite recent allegations of electoral fraud against the country’s president, Nicolás Maduro. “With Maduro, without Maduro, with whoever is there … eventually we want to return to our country,” Guillermo explains.



    Read more:
    Venezuela: Maduro’s declaration of victory isn’t fooling anyone

    Guerrilla redistribution

    The reasons for Venezuela’s present situation are complex. Few would dispute the claim that Maduro has grossly mismanaged the economy. But there’s a longer backstory rooted in the deep inequalities between the global north and the global south, as well as the country’s vulnerability as a postcolonial petrostate that has repeatedly experienced cycles of boom and bust.

    And then there are the sanctions that were levelled against the country by the Trump administration. According to researchers Benedicte Bull and Antulio Rosales, the sanctions have accelerated Maduro’s transformation of Venezuela into what they term “authoritarian capitalism”.

    The bitter irony for the young people I work with is that all of this means they have had to travel thousands of miles to have a chance of building a better life at home. For Hector and Guillermo, the biggest difference between the US and countries like Chile or Colombia is the US dollar, the strength of which means their labour goes much further when it’s sent home in the form of remittances.

    In this sense, perhaps a better way of understanding these recent arrivals to the US is that, against all the odds, they’re enacting a form of “guerrilla redistribution” in a profoundly unequal world. For progressives, the urgent political challenge is to widen the terms in which we understand what migration is and what it could be on a more just planet.

    The research for this article was funded by the British Academy (SRG2324240415). The author thanks Ana Mattioli for support with interview transcriptions.

    – ref. For many Venezuelan migrants in the US, working all hours means hope for a life back home – https://theconversation.com/for-many-venezuelan-migrants-in-the-us-working-all-hours-means-hope-for-a-life-back-home-241648

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Encephalitis lethargica: the mysterious disease that inspired Awakenings is finally starting to give up some clues

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Rogers, Wellcome Trust Clinical Fellow in Psychiatry, UCL

    “People have forgotten what life is all about,” Robert De Niro’s character says in the film Awakenings after being revived from the shut-down state he had been in for 30 years. “They’ve forgotten what it is to be alive.”

    Based on a true story told by Dr Oliver Sacks, Awakenings focuses with exquisite detail on the experiences of a few extraordinary people affected by a disease known as encephalitis lethargica, or the “sleepy sickness”. Yet far from being a rarity, this disease affected a million people worldwide during and after the first world war. Then it vanished and has remained a mystery for the past century. The question that has never been answered is: what caused it?

    The disease was first described by a neurologist in Vienna in 1917. It was noted that the initial symptoms were similar to those of flu, but that’s where the similarities ended. Over the next few weeks, some would be unable to sleep at all, while others would be so drowsy they could be woken for only a few minutes to eat.

    About half died in this early phase, but those who survived were even more perplexing. After recovering, often returning to work, many started to notice stiffness, slowness in their movements and even that their eyes would get stuck in certain positions. Sadly, this slowly progressed. And many were left – like De Niro’s character – in a frozen state, unable to speak or move.

    But that wasn’t all. Many would develop monotonous or slurred speech. Some had changes to their mood, perceptions and personality. In a study my colleagues and I conducted, we even came across four patients who developed kleptomania (compulsive stealing) as part of their illness.

    What could have caused this?

    Finding the origin of a disease isn’t as straightforward as it sounds. HIV as a cause of Aids or HPV causing cervical cancer were both long journeys and were not at all obvious early on. It’s the same with encephalitis lethargica.

    Given that it started suddenly and then went away, some have suggested it might be related to an infection. Spanish flu occurred around the same time, although the first cases of encephalitis lethargica were earlier. We haven’t found any influenza virus in the brains of people who were affected, so it doesn’t quite fit in a simple way.

    To look at what might be going on, we spent hours reading through the meticulously preserved records of more than 600 patients who had encephalitis lethargica. We found that only 32% of them had had anything even remotely like flu in the year before their illness started. And less than 1% had an affected family member. So the flu infection story isn’t very convincing – at least on its own.

    What about something in the environment? 1917 was a fairly eventful year – to say the least – with the first world war involving an enormous mobilisation of people, arms and supplies. Perhaps it was some new chemical being used. Yet our study found no link to people who worked with particular substances.

    More recently, a new theory for encephalitis lethargica has been proposed. The idea is that there might be an autoimmune process involved – that is, the body’s natural defence mechanisms might have turned on itself and attacked the brain.

    This happens elsewhere in the body. A reaction against cells in the pancreas causes type 1 diabetes, while antibodies to cells in the thyroid gland can trigger Graves’ disease. In the brain, the results can be devastating, and in recent years, we have recognised that multiple sclerosis also results from a problem with the immune system.

    Something called autoimmune encephalitis is where certain antibodies attack nerve cells in the brain. We found that almost half of the patients diagnosed with encephalitis lethargica might have had autoimmune encephalitis, though it didn’t fit the pattern for any of the types we recognise today.

    How could this explain a disease that arose out of nowhere and caused such a range of symptoms? Some patients found that their movements and thoughts were massively slowed down. Others hallucinated, had bizarre delusions or even seemed to lose their sense of right and wrong.

    This is where we may have to return to the idea of an infection, either flu or something else. Some autoimmune conditions can be triggered by an infection of some kind, which may look a bit like something the body is familiar with. It’s a good disguise for the invading bug, but once your body has recognised it, there’s a risk it turns the body’s defences on itself.

    Does this all really matter? Is it worth solving a pandemic where the last survivor died two decades ago? Well, sadly, encephalitis lethargica wasn’t the first neurological epidemic of its kind and – if we don’t crack it – we won’t be prepared for the next.

    Jonathan Rogers has received funding from the Wellcome Trust and NIHR. He is a Council member for the British Association for Psychopharmacology, an Advisor to the Global Neuropsychiatry Group and a member of the Medical Advisory Board of the Catatonia Foundation.

    – ref. Encephalitis lethargica: the mysterious disease that inspired Awakenings is finally starting to give up some clues – https://theconversation.com/encephalitis-lethargica-the-mysterious-disease-that-inspired-awakenings-is-finally-starting-to-give-up-some-clues-237619

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Chris Kaba’s criminal history shouldn’t change how we think about the Martyn Blake trial – but it could affect future cases

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tara Lai Quinlan, Associate Professor in Law and Criminal Justice, University of Birmingham

    Members of Chris Kaba’s family at a march on the anniversary of his death. Shutterstock

    Two years after fatally shooting 24-year-old Chris Kaba in the head, the London Met Police firearms officer Martyn Blake was acquitted of Kaba’s murder.

    As soon as the trial concluded, newspapers published information about Kaba that they were barred from reporting during the proceedings. Chief among the details was the news that Kaba had allegedly shot a man in both legs at a nightclub days before his own death, although he was never prosecuted for or convicted of the crime.

    The post-trial publication of details of Kaba’s alleged criminal history should not affect how we view Blake’s prosecution and acquittal. But it will have implications for future cases where black men are killed by police. It will also further damage already-strained relationships between black communities and police.

    Kaba was shot by Blake after police stopped the car he was driving in south London. Kaba was unarmed. Police did not know that Kaba was driving, but believed the car had been connected to a shooting the night before. Blake told the court he fired his weapon because he believed his colleagues’ lives were at risk.

    The jury was not told of Kaba’s prior convictions during the trial, nor should they have been. Kaba was not on trial – Martyn Blake was. So this information did not play a role in their decision to acquit. Because Kaba was killed by Blake, Kaba’s prior convictions were not relevant in Blake’s trial. We correctly shun victim-blaming when it comes to other victims: it should be no different in this case, in which Kaba was the victim.

    Had Kaba been alive and testified for the prosecution against Blake, the judge could have considered whether his prior criminal convictions were relevant to his testimony and credibility. But disclosure of a witness’s previous convictions is rightfully very narrowly construed by the courts, and would have to meet a specific legal standard.

    Racial stereotypes

    The research is clear that when a person of colour is killed by police and posthumous information about the victim is released to the public, it has an impact on public perceptions of blame, sympathy and empathy for the black victim and police shooter, and perpetuates racial stereotypes. And this seems to be what is occurring here.

    Studies have shown for decades that black people, men in particular, are first and foremost viewed as perpetrators by police and members of the public, not as crime victims. We have seen the impact of this in the many killings of unarmed black men by police in the US, from Michael Brown to Eric Garner to George Floyd.

    These stereotypes have also played a role in cases in the UK. Black men and boys are often treated by the criminal justice system and the media as somehow responsible for their own deaths. For instance, Stephen Lawrence, who was killed in 1993 by a group of white men while waiting at a London bus stop, was regarded by police for a long time as a suspect, not a victim.

    Or Dea-John Reid, a 14-year-old black boy who was chased and killed by a group of white teens and adults in Birmingham in 2021. After his death, police initially doubted racism played a role in the killing, and it was suggested at the trial that Reid was involved in instigating events leading to his killing. While multiple defendants were brought to trial, only a 15-year-old boy was convicted of manslaughter for Reid’s death. Two adults, aged 36 and 39, and two other teenagers were acquitted of his murder.

    Police chiefs are asking the government to make it harder for the Crown Prosecution Service to charge officers.
    Svet foto/Shutterstock

    For decades, scholars have tracked how black men are viewed through the lens of the myth of criminality. This view, rooted in slavery and colonialism, erroneously suggests black men have a propensity for criminality. It persists today in crime figures that show minority ethnic people disproportionately represented in every stage of the criminal justice process.

    Yet the reality from government offending surveys is that black and white people commit crimes at the same rates. The myth is reinforced through the criminal justice system, which focuses on some crimes (and alleged criminals) more than others through decisions around deployment of personnel and resources, and decisions to arrest, charge, prosecute and sentence in disproportionate ways.

    For example, police stop and search rates for decades have been disproportionately shown to target black men. Arrest rates show similar disproportionate outcomes. These disparities are not due to a propensity for criminal offending, but rather the implicit and explicit stereotypes of the justice system.



    Read more:
    Stop and search disproportionately affects black communities – yet police powers are being extended

    These stereotypes mean that people of colour, and black men in particular, are not seen as deserving victims when they are the victims of crime or police wrongdoing.

    Academic research, as well as government inquiries by Lord Macpherson and Baroness Casey, have observed how policing culture is embedded with these stereotypes.

    Future of policing

    Following the Blake verdict, police leaders have called for further protections for officers who use force while on duty (even if not deadly force). The government has said that officers charged in future cases will stay anonymous unless convicted.

    The UK legal system already has rigorous standards for investigating, charging and convicting individuals, including police officers, of wrongdoing. Moreover, is it important to bear in mind that misconduct prosecutions in court against police officers are already very rare.

    Blake was the first officer in England ever charged with murder for killing someone on duty, and therefore none have ever been convicted of murdering a member of the public while on duty. There are therefore already sufficiently robust due process protections in place for officers charged with a crime and they do not require further enhancing.

    At a time when police have lost the trust of many of the communities they are meant to protect, particularly ethnic minority Britons, this sends the wrong message to the public that police can act without accountability.

    “We went two steps forward in terms of building relationships and it just feels like we’ve taken a step back,” said Anthony King, who runs a youth crime reduction organisation in London, of the Blake verdict.

    The persistence of negative racial stereotypes of people of colour generally, and black men in particular, continues to put black communities in a position of being overpoliced and yet underprotected. Treating Chris Kaba as a suspected criminal ahead of seeing him as a victim will only further this inequality.

    Tara Lai Quinlan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Chris Kaba’s criminal history shouldn’t change how we think about the Martyn Blake trial – but it could affect future cases – https://theconversation.com/chris-kabas-criminal-history-shouldnt-change-how-we-think-about-the-martyn-blake-trial-but-it-could-affect-future-cases-242051

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: From a scream to a whisper – ‘quiet horror’ novels are making a comeback

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nick Freeman, Reader in Late Victorian Literature, Loughborough University

    Readers need to be imaginative rather than being startled by jump scares. zef art/Shutterstock

    Ever since its inception with Horace Walpole’s novel The Castle of Otranto (1764), a delirious mixture of violent death and familial conspiracy, gothic literature has been a restless cultural form, constantly mutating and assuming new guises but always exploring the darker side of life. Sometimes, its fashions are those of the historical moment. Sometimes they are initiated by a book enjoying unprecedented commercial success.

    One of these was Thomas Harris’s The Silence of the Lambs (1988). After the film adaptation scooped five Oscars in 1991, the deviant genius became the villain of choice for gothic films and novels. For a time, the violent merging of the crime thriller with the “body horror” of 1980s cinema ensured that the genre was dominated by such characters. Usually (though not always) men with high IQs, elevated artistic taste and ingenious ways of torturing and killing their fellow human beings, Hannibal Lecter and his ilk became modern icons.

    In the wake of such influences, crime novels (and films) got bloodier and horror novels grew longer. John Connolly’s first novel, EveryDeadThing (1999), for example, spent 470 pages documenting the murderous activities of a serial killer who mutilated his victims in the style of Renaissance anatomical drawings.

    In recent years however, there has been a reaction against these excesses. So-called “quiet horror” has become increasingly popular on both sides of the Atlantic. Perhaps taking its name from a 1965 collection of short stories by Stanley Ellin, which was literally called “quiet horror”, this is a genre that prizes suspense and subtlety over graphic bodily violence.

    The novelist Selena Chambers characterises quiet horror as exploring “the unexplained, the suppressed, the supernal [otherworldly], the material, the cosmic, and the secular … everything we cannot see, or verbalise and fail to feel concretely”. As she implies, suggestion is crucial.

    Readers need to be patient and imaginative, sensitive to the nuances and implications of language and willing to respond to spooky ambiguities rather than being startled by jump scares or “gross out” imagery.

    Slasher movies usually treat their characters as no more than fodder for the next brutal killing. Quiet horror, by contrast, takes character development far more seriously and imbues its stories with greater psychological depth. This in turn can enhance readers’ involvement. Put simply, those who dislike “splatter fiction” are more likely to care what happens to a well-rounded, sympathetic character than a stereotypical US teenager about to be put under a steam hammer.

    Women and quiet horror

    Female novelists have been at the forefront of this style of writing since the Victorian period. Elizabeth Gaskell’s tales, including The Old Nurse’s Story (1852), a chilling tale of a family curse, are foundational works.

    A long line of women writers have explored how the familiar, the domestic, the marital and the homely can be imbued with subtle terrors, from loneliness and isolation to paranoia, alienation, captivity and psychological trauma.

    The haunted house does not need to contain a typical ghost. From Elizabeth Bowen’s The Demon Lover (1945) to Shirley Jackson’s The Haunting of Hill House (1959), to Sarah Waters’ The Little Stranger (2009) and beyond, the complex and fraught relationships between a dwelling and its occupants have frequently engaged women writers’ imaginations.

    The continuing success of Susan Hill’s The Woman in Black (1983) in its literary, theatrical and cinematic incarnations has helped ensure that quiet horror, particularly tales which recall the golden age of the ghost story a century or so ago, are once again much in vogue. This can be seen in the bestselling novels of Michelle Paver, such as Dark Matter (2010) and in anthologies such as The Haunting Season (2021).

    At the same time, readers are increasingly rediscovering forgotten practitioners of the genre. One such figure is Elizabeth Walter (1927-2006). As a writer (and the editor of Collins Crime Club for 30 years from the mid-1960s) Walter recoiled from sadistic violence, cardboard characterisation and haphazard plotting.

    Shirley Jackson was a master of ‘quiet horror’.
    Wiki Commons, CC BY

    After five collections of stories, beginning with Snowfall and Other Chilling Events (1965), she retired from writing supernatural fiction in the mid-1970s as the traits she didn’t like were becoming dominant within Anglo-American gothic. Many of her stories are set in the border country between England and Wales and draw upon folklore and a sensitivity to landscape to create creepily unnerving works such as The Sin Eater (1967) and Telling the Bees (1975).

    I edited a collection of Walter’s writing titled Let a Sleeping Witch Lie (2024). Spanning the ten years from Snowfall to her final collection, Dead Woman and Other Haunting Experiences (1975), the stories within anticipate some elements of Phil Rickman’s Merrily Watkins novels which also involve Welsh border settings, supernatural elements, and police procedural, though they lack Rickman’s religious dimension.

    There is no sense of providence at work in Walter’s borderlands, only ancient and mysterious menace. Marriages tend to be unhappy, families harbour terrible secrets, and the old ways continue to overshadow the present. Fifty years since her final collection, Walter’s work might be more relevant than ever before.

    Quiet horror has never really been away, but it seems to finding a new audience, one which both looks to its past and relishes its present.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Nick Freeman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. From a scream to a whisper – ‘quiet horror’ novels are making a comeback – https://theconversation.com/from-a-scream-to-a-whisper-quiet-horror-novels-are-making-a-comeback-241945

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Gen Z is saying ‘no’ to middle management — and why you might want to reconsider

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Leda Stawnychko, Assistant Professor of Strategy and Organizational Theory, Mount Royal University

    Research shows that over half of Gen Z have no interest in pursuing middle management roles, meaning they are missing out on valuable opportunities. (Shutterstock)

    Gen Z is poised to become the most populous generation on the planet, and their influence is already shaping the future of work. As one of the most educated and racially and ethnically diverse generations, they bring fresh perspectives and new expectations for how we work and lead.

    Known as the first truly “digital native” generation, Gen Z grew up immersed in a world of technology and social media, giving them a natural edge in navigating the modern world. But there is more to Gen Z than their digital fluency.

    What truly sets them apart is their ambition, entrepreneurial spirit, financial savviness, commitment to ethical consumption and strong sense of social responsibility. For Gen Z, work is more than just a paycheck — it’s about committing to a higher purpose. They do best in people-centred organizations that value their contributions, prioritize well-being and align with their sense of mission.

    Gen Z is redefining leadership by choosing to lead through expertise rather than relying on formal positions of authority. One of the most striking trends is their growing reluctance to step into middle management roles — a phenomenon being called “conscious unbossing.”

    This powerful shift is catching many in the business world by surprise.

    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

    Read more from Quarter Life:

    Where strategy meets execution

    Middle managers play a vital role in organizations, acting as the crucial link between a company’s big-picture strategy and its day-to-day operations.

    Unlike supervisors, who primarily focus on overseeing day-to-day tasks, middle managers are responsible for both their team’s performance and the implementation of broader organizational strategies. It’s a dynamic role where strategic vision meets practical execution.

    Middle managers are often the bridge between a company’s big-picture strategy and its day-to-day operations.
    (Shutterstock)

    However, research shows that over half of Gen Z have no interest in pursuing middle management roles. There is an understandable reason for this: these roles are known for their high levels of burnout and may initially seem at odds with Gen Z’s values of autonomy, flexibility and personal well-being.

    It is true that middle managers face real challenges. Over the past decade, their responsibilities have grown significantly. They manage competing priorities while contending with a polarized and rapidly shifting workplace. However, with the right approach, these roles can be deeply fulfilling and transformative, as my doctoral thesis research found.

    Why middle management matters

    Despite being highly ambitious, self-confident and driven by personal growth, Gen Z may be overlooking the valuable learning opportunities and influence that come with middle management.

    Middle management roles serve as a crucial stepping stone for those seeking to make a real, systemic and lasting impact, offering a platform to advocate for the values Gen Z cares deeply about, such as social responsibility, sustainability and equity.

    Additionally, middle management provides important opportunities to develop essential technical and human skills, including emotional intelligence, strategic thinking and complex decision-making. Embracing these roles can unlock the potential to lead change and inspire transformation.

    How to find joy in middle management roles

    If you are part of Gen Z and are unsure about middle management, reframing these roles to align with your values and aspirations can help you see it as a rewarding opportunity rather than a burden. This three-step framework can help you make the most of these roles while staying true to your values:

    1. Use it as a vehicle to increase self-awareness

    Middle management offers a unique environment to enhance self-awareness. By reflecting on how you respond to challenges, interact with others and make decisions under pressure, you can gain valuable insight into your strengths, areas for growth and leadership style.

    For example, self-awareness can help you delegate more effectively — empowering your team, preventing burnout, and freeing up time to focus on what matters most to you.

    Instead of viewing middle management as a burden or a step backward, consider how these roles can be an opportunity for growth, leadership and greater impact.
    (Shutterstock)

    2. Think of the role as a leadership incubator

    Viewing middle management as a leadership incubator can help you shift the focus toward its long-term value. These roles offer a training ground where you learn to negotiate priorities at multiple levels of the organization and give you access to important networks and development opportunities.

    The skills you develop — strategic thinking, negotiation and stakeholder management — not only prepare you for higher positions, but also equip you to effectively advocate for social change or succeed as an entrepreneur.

    3. Leverage the role to scale your impact

    Middle management is about expanding your influence and creating larger ripple effects. The role offers a unique vantage point to shape organizational culture and advocate for meaningful change. You can demonstrate to older generations in the workplace that ambitious goals can be achieved without compromising personal well-being or ethical standards.

    The path forward

    The world is counting on you and other members of Gen Z to lead the way forward. Middle management roles offer a powerful platform to exercise meaningful influence while developing the essential skills that will prepare you for success in any path you choose.

    Rather than viewing the roles as a burden, see them as opportunities to grow, inspire others and leave your legacy. Middle management allows you to connect strategy with execution, shape organizational culture and advocate for the values that matter most to you.

    By embracing the challenge of middle management rather than shying away, you’ll have a chance to shape the future of your organizations and become a leader who drives positive, systemic change for a better, more sustainable world.

    Leda Stawnychko receives funding from SSHRC.

    – ref. Why Gen Z is saying ‘no’ to middle management — and why you might want to reconsider – https://theconversation.com/why-gen-z-is-saying-no-to-middle-management-and-why-you-might-want-to-reconsider-241662

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump accused of ‘malignant narcissism’ – but how accurately can you diagnose someone you’ve never met?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ava Green, Lecturer in Forensic Psychology, City St George’s, University of London

    Jonah Elkowitz/Shutterstock

    Self-absorbed. Arrogant. Boastful. It does not take a mental health professional to recognise these features as narcissistic. Most of us, regardless of our educational background, are confident to label someone we’ve never met as narcissistic.

    Other behavioural features associated with narcissism can be similarly obvious, including a grandiose sense of self, an excessive need for attention and admiration, a lack of empathy and lashing out when criticised.

    Public figures have often been subject to speculations as to whether their behaviour meets a mental health diagnosis. Ahead of the US presidential elections, Donald Trump’s mental fitness has, once again, been called into question. This time, 200 mental health professionals have signed an open letter warning the public of Trump’s “malignant narcissism”.

    The letter, organised by an anti-Trump political group, argues that Trump poses “an existential threat to democracy” in the US. Citing the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, the mental health professionals argue that Trump meets the diagnostic criteria for narcissistic, antisocial and paranoid personality disorder. These are “all made worse by his intense sadism, which is a symptom of malignant narcissism,” they claim.

    Malignant narcissism is considered a combination of the above personality disorders, in addition to the sadistic urge to inflict pain towards others while gaining pleasure from doing so. For instance, the letter states: “According to first-hand accounts, Trump watched the violence he unleashed on January 6 for three hours on TV with ‘glee’, watching his favorite parts ‘over and over’ on ‘rewind’.”

    Even though Trump has not been formally assessed by a psychologist as having any of the diagnoses put forward in the letter, it argues that it is “easy to see that Trump meets the behavioral criteria for antisocial personality disorder”.

    The signatories argue that thousands of hours of media coverage of Trump’s behaviour have demonstrated a lifetime pattern of “failure to conform to social norms and laws, repeated lying, reckless disregard for the safety of others, irritability, impulsivity, irresponsibility and lack of remorse”. Other psychologists have come to similar conclusions.

    The Goldwater rule

    A rule set forth by the American Psychiatric Association, known as the Goldwater rule, considers it unethical to diagnose people a psychiatrist has not personally assessed.

    The rule is named after Barry Goldwater, a former US senator and 1964 Republican presidential candidate who was labelled “psychotic” and “schizophrenic” by psychiatrists who responded to a survey from Fact magazine. Goldwater successfully sued the magazine for libel and won a $75,000 punitive settlement (£57,779).

    The 200 signatures on the open letter about Trump believe they can justify overriding this ethical duty on the grounds that the public should be warned about Trump’s behaviour.

    However, it can be argued that clinicians do not need to render a diagnosis to warn us that a public figure poses a risk to our safety. Media coverage about Trump’s danger is abound and people can draw their own conclusions without the need to put a label on it.

    This is because speculative diagnoses can do more harm than good. The casual use of mental health terminology can quickly become pejorative, as the press has demonstrated in relation to Trump but also other celebrities.

    Speculative diagnoses about Trump’s mental illness on social media have ranged from obsessive–compulsive disorder to delusional disorder, with little consideration that these conditions are merely conjecture. And more importantly, they shame and belittle people who are, in fact, diagnosed with these conditions.

    Accuracy

    But how accurately can a mental health professional diagnose someone who isn’t their patient? Would you trust a diagnosis from a doctor you had never met? Probably not.

    That said, there are some benefits to external perspectives when it comes to psychiatric evaluations. Studies show that other people (spouses, close friends, neighbours) often provide a more reliable assessment of someone’s personality than self-assessments, especially in relation to narcissistic features.

    Research using self-report measures show that narcissistic people tend to distort their responses to enhance themselves. For studies of personality, self-reported answers along with a psychologist’s evaluation and assessments by friends and family would give the best insight.

    You can learn a lot from someone’s social media posts.
    Nicoleta Ionescu/Shutterstock

    Social media offers yet another layer. A study in 2015 showed that a computer model could more accurately assess someone’s personality based on their Facebook posts than their closest friends – or even a spouse. And for Trump, there are thousands of social media posts to draw on.

    But regardless of how accurate these observations may be, making public speculations about someone’s mental health and labelling them with a personality disorder diagnosis at a distance is unethical and, at worst, may have legal implications.

    Ava Green does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump accused of ‘malignant narcissism’ – but how accurately can you diagnose someone you’ve never met? – https://theconversation.com/trump-accused-of-malignant-narcissism-but-how-accurately-can-you-diagnose-someone-youve-never-met-242277

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Plans to cool the Earth by blocking sunlight are gaining momentum but critical voices risk being excluded

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Albert Van Wijngaarden, Phd Candidate, Scott Polar Research Institute, University of Cambridge

    Muratart / shutterstock

    Solar geoengineering research is advancing fast, after a recent flurry of funding announcements. Yet these technologies are still speculative and have many critics, and we worry their concerns won’t be heard. If geoengineering is essentially allowed to self-regulate, with no effective global governance, future research could easily take us down a dangerous path.

    Solar geoengineering refers to proposals to reduce global warming by reflecting a portion of sunlight back into space before it reaches the Earth’s surface. In its best-known form, this means using high-flying aircraft to inject tiny reflective particles into the upper atmosphere.

    This so-called “stratospheric aerosol injection” hasn’t actually happened yet, beyond a few very small experiments with balloons. Yet for a long time, such ideas remained fringe and too controversial to even consider – and for some academics they still are.

    The academic discussion was highly polarised from the start. Opponents, mainly governance scholars and social scientists, stood firmly entrenched against assumed proponents, mainly natural scientists and engineers. Both sides had their champions, arguments, assumptions, key publications and meetings, generally working on the topic without proper engagement with the other side.

    This polarisation is still visible in publishing today. Take, for example, articles on The Conversation. Critics focus on potential negatives such as altered rainfall patterns, the infringement of human rights, or even a catastrophic “termination shock”. Advocates highlight potential benefits such as reducing extreme heat and preserving ice caps, while others suggest we may soon be forced to try it.

    The authors of these articles are all academic experts. Yet they come from different disciplines and use different arguments.

    A public and private funding boom

    Though the two camps have not resolved their arguments, geoengineering research funding is suddenly booming. There are major philanthropic pledges of US$50 million (£38 million) and US$30 million from the Simons and Quadrature Climate foundations, which are vying for the title of biggest donor with the £10.5 million and £56.8 million of the UK government’s UKRI and Advanced Research and Innovation Agency programs.

    The 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo in the Philippines blocked so much sunlight the world temporarily cooled by a few tenths of a degree. Solar geoengineering works on a similar principle.
    Dave Harlow / USGS

    Other key organisations speaking about the need for more research include the European Commission, the US government and the World Climate Research Programme. This comes on top of the shock of controversial private enterprises pushing for solar geoengineering, most notoriously the US-based start-up Make Sunsets.

    Support is certainly not unanimous. Many prominent scholars have signed up to a call for a moratorium, for instance. And at a recent UN Environment Assembly session in Kenya many climate-vulnerable nations mobilised against calls for further research into what they see as a highly risky technology that would enable big emitters to carry on emitting.

    However, many powerful interests are seemingly in favour of more research, while the 1.5°C global warming target is moving ever further out of sight. In the near future, we can therefore expect further research, perhaps including including small-scale outdoor experiments.

    As PhD students working on geoengineering, situated somewhere between both camps, we have found this polarisation deeply unproductive and difficult to deal with. Our own research sometimes feels like wandering through a minefield of opinions and perspectives. Yet we can also see the valuable concerns and hopes of both sides.

    That’s why we believe that upcoming research projects must factor in the concerns of opponents, and not represent only supporters of geoengineering or those who have not been explicitly against it. Excluding critical voices would directly impact the scientific process, for one thing.

    But this exclusion is especially worrying as there are currently no governance structures for solar geoengineering. If efforts to develop such governance only involve supportive researchers, they could lack the critical capacity to prevent risks or undesired effects. Disasters in the financial sector and the chemical industry warn us of the perils of self-regulation without critical voices.

    Learn from the critics

    There are other critiques that ought to be factored into any major research project. They include concerns that simply researching the technology will create a slippery slope towards it being deployed, or worries that geoengineering ignores the social and political dynamics behind climate change and addresses only its outcomes. There are also major governance concerns over issues such as the role of the military (could geoengineering be deployed for security reasons in contested regions like the Arctic?), or the concentration of research at influential institutions in the US and Europe.

    Over time, geoengineering researchers have become more aware of such arguments and some are explicitly trying to include them in their work. The American Geophysical Union has recently published an ethical framework for geoengineering, which should provide valuable guidance for any research project. But without active dialogue with critical scholars, their arguments will likely only echo faintly in the pro-research space.

    In practice, more engagement between the two camps would come with many difficulties. For advocates, it can be tempting to avoid such debates and exclude those who disagree with the very foundations on which their research is built. On the flip side, some scholars who have already explicitly argued against the continuation of solar geoengineering research would nevertheless have to participate in it.

    The practical implications will therefore need to be carefully worked out. However, a more productive dialogue might still shape a future that can be acceptable to all sides.

    Albert Van Wijngaarden receives PhD funding from Gates Cambridge. He is involved in UArctic’s Frozen Arctic Conservation project, and was an advisory board member of Ocean Vision’s Sea Ice Roadmap.

    Adrian Hindes is also an analyst for Civilization Research Institute which does work pertaining to global catastrophic risks, including those related to emerging technologies such as solar geoengineering.

    Chloe Colomer receives PhD funding from the UK Research Institute (UKRI) Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC) with the grants EP/R513143/1 and EP/T517793/1.

    – ref. Plans to cool the Earth by blocking sunlight are gaining momentum but critical voices risk being excluded – https://theconversation.com/plans-to-cool-the-earth-by-blocking-sunlight-are-gaining-momentum-but-critical-voices-risk-being-excluded-236882

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Norman coin hoard becomes England’s most valuable treasure – it could have been worth a lot more

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Chloe Duckworth, Reader in Archaeological Science & Public Engagement, Newcastle University

    There is clearly giddy excitement in the shaky footage showing hands scrabbling in the soil in the Chew Valley in south-west England. A close-up shot captures someone pulling silver coin after silver coin from the churned earth as a woman laughs “there’s pennies everywhere.” The video accompanied news reports in 2019 of the monumental find by seven detectorists of a hoard of silver coins dating from the time of the Norman conquest in the 11th century.

    The hoard has just been purchased for a whopping £4.3 million by the South West Heritage Trust. While this might be the largest amount ever paid for such a discovery, as an archaeological scientist I can tell you that much of its historical value was lost the moment it was pulled from the ground.

    Such stories of amateur finds are easy to get behind. Detectorists are the underdogs – amateurs who are driven by their passion for the past to spend their free time diligently searching for hidden treasures.

    The nation’s love of such stories was seized upon in Mackenzie Crook’s gently hilarious television show, Detectorists (2014). As reflected in the series, however, metal detecting has a fraught relationship with archaeology.

    The videos showing the detectorists scrambling excitedly in the dirt.

    While both involve digging up remains of the past, the two groups have different opinions on what is most important when it comes to such finds. For archaeologists, the finds themselves are often less important than the context in which they were discovered – the opposite is true for detectorists.

    The detectorists in the Chew Valley were acting within the law. They first sought permission from the landowner, and ensured the find was reported to the authorities. However, as the video of the discovery shows, the coins were dug out haphazardly.

    Archaeologists would have gone about this in a different way, following a scientific process of excavation and recording. This is because once excavated the contextual information is destroyed forever.

    For instance, when speaking about the Chew Valley Hoard on Radio 4’s PM programme, Professor Michael Lewis, head of the Portable Antiquities Scheme (a voluntary government-run programme that records small finds of archaeological interest by members of the public), struggled to answer any specific questions about the circumstances in which the hoard had originally been interred. This is because of the way it had been dug up.

    To dig or not to dig?

    Archaeology today employs a unique system of excavation, a sort of reverse engineering of the sequence of past events. This comes complete with intensive recording, sampling of soils and other processes designed to minimise the loss of information.

    In the case of hoards – deliberately buried caches of valuables from a time before banks and safes – this method of recovery can preserve information about the date of burial and whether the items were deposited in a single episode or over time. It can also help ascertain what organic materials were originally present and even provide insights into the meaning of the objects for those who deposited them.

    We saw this sort of process able to take place in 2014 after detectorists found the Galloway Hoard – more than 100 gold, silver, glass, crystal, stone and earthen objects from the Viking age. These amateurs contacted the relevant authorities before digging it up, which meant it was possible, through expert recovery, to reconstruct the precious textiles and other containers in which the objects were originally buried.

    Many countries, including Greece, strictly outlaw the use of metal detectors for treasure hunting, although many people continue to do so in secret. In the UK, the hope is that by legalising reporting and offering purchase of treasure, the finds can at least be preserved for research and for public viewing.

    However, there isn’t anything in this approach to stop the unscientific method of recovery, which will continue to rob us of much more that we might have known. This leaves the question of whether such finds should even be dug up at all.

    Archaeology is a relatively young discipline, but the surviving remains of the distant past are a finite resource. Land development, climate change, mechanised agriculture, population growth, war, looting and desecration are threats facing archaeological sites the world over.

    In recent years professional archaeologists have responded by excavating the bare minimum. We might dig ahead of construction works and large infrastructure projects such as HS2. Sometimes we excavate because a site is threatened by coastal erosion or other environmental changes. When we dig purely for the sake of research, or as part of a community project, we focus on partial recovery, prioritising survey, geophysics and “test-pitting” (a sort of archaeological keyhole surgery).

    In all cases we must also ensure that there is enough money to cover the conservation and protection of the things we dig up, and, crucially, publish the reports of their excavation, with all its insight into the context of the finds.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Chloe Duckworth does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Norman coin hoard becomes England’s most valuable treasure – it could have been worth a lot more – https://theconversation.com/norman-coin-hoard-becomes-englands-most-valuable-treasure-it-could-have-been-worth-a-lot-more-242359

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Medieval Women: In Their Own Words at the British Library is unmissable

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Diane Watt, Professor of English, University of Surrey

    The British Library’s breathtaking new exhibition, Medieval Women: In Their Own Words, brings to life the experiences, stories and voices of women from the distant past.

    The show covers the period from 1100 to 1500, and a range of mainly western countries and cultures. Many of the women featured are from the elite ranks of society: queens, princesses, noblewomen and nuns.

    On first entering the gallery, visitors encounter a striking late 13th-century carved stone figure of Eleanor of Castile, who was queen of England from 1274 until her death in 1290. It’s one of a series of 12 memorials commissioned by her bereft husband, Edward I, to mark the sites where her body was temporarily set down on its funeral procession from Lincolnshire to Westminster.

    Also on display near the entrance are examples of the work of Hildegard of Bingen and Christine de Pizan. Hildegard was a German abbess, mystic, composer and scholar, and de Pizan was the first professional woman writer in France.

    Both were exceptional, highly educated and privileged women, but the exhibition doesn’t limit itself only to the most famous medieval women.

    These lovely illuminated manuscripts contrast with the next item, a much more mundane – if touching – missive from a woman named Alice Crane. Crane is only known to historians because she corresponded with her friend Margaret Paston during the 15th century. Paston was a Norfolk gentry woman and prolific letter writer. This is one of the few letters we have from the time that testifies to friendship between women. Alice writes: “Thanking you for the great cheer that I had of you when I was last with you with all my heart.”

    This first part of the exhibition is titled “Private Lives” and explores topics such as cosmetics and perfume and women’s medicines and healthcare. Visitors are introduced to women medical practitioners and wet-nurses and find out about education and domestic piety.

    There are displays about pregnancy and pregnancy loss, love and marriage, adultery and divorce and property ownership and inheritance. Margery Brews’s Valentine letter (believed to be the oldest example of a Valentine’s day note) and Gwerful Mechain’s poem in praise of the “cunt” are both displayed – and recited.

    One of the most striking items on display is a birthing girdle – a parchment covered in prayers and illustrations that was believed to have talismanic properties. Birthing girdles were intended to protect both mother and baby during labour.

    The public lives of medieval women

    Powerful women visually dominate the second part, “Public Lives”. It includes an arresting portrait of Henry VIII’s grandmother, Lady Margaret Beaufort, founder of two Cambridge University colleges, and the skull of a lion thought to have been owned by the Margaret of Anjou, leader of the Lancastrians in the Wars of the Roses.



    Read more:
    How Henry VIII’s grandmother used a palace in Northamptonshire to build the mighty Tudor dynasty

    Military conflict is an important theme – there is a book chronicling the history of Shajar al-Durr, Sultana of Egypt, who defeated a crusader army. Nevertheless, several documents provide insight into lives less known.

    There’s the chancery bill of Maria Moriana, whose name suggests she was a woman of colour. A record of a debt owed to the Jewish businesswoman Licoricia of Winchester who was subsequently murdered in what was very likely a hate crime is displayed. As is a Venetian contract for the sale of an enslaved Russian called Marta. And the record of the interrogation of Eleanor Rykener – a sex worker we would likely recognise today as a trans woman.

    Books produced or sold by women scribes, notaries, printers and booksellers lead the visitor into the main display of manuscripts of works by women writers, from Marie de France, a secular poet in the court of Henry II, to Juliana Berners, the probable author of a treatise on hunting, fishing and heraldry.

    “Spiritual Lives” introduces nuns, mystics and heretics. There are records relating to Joan of Arc, the peasant French military leader of the hundred years war, who was captured and executed by the English. A letter bearing Joan’s signature is exhibited for the first time outside her mother country (in the land of her persecutors, to boot).

    Here visitors also encounter the manuscripts of The Revelations of Divine Love by Julian of Norwich and The Book of Margery Kempe. These are two of the earliest works by women to have been written in English and have been brought to life by the artist Tasha Marks in an arresting scent installation. Julian’s satanic torments are conjured up by the stink of sulphur. Kempe’s scent of angels is evoked by notes of honey, strawberry and caramel.

    The curators have done an extraordinary job in making this material accessible to a wide audience. Information panels provide context and correctives. They reveal that the gender pay gap was around 25% at the end of the 15th century, and that only around 1% of women became nuns.

    There are interactive displays that can tell you if you would have grounds for medieval divorce, or if you’d have been vulnerable to witchcraft charges (warning: don’t keep a box of stolen penises).

    The exhibition draws attention to the sheer diversity of the lives and experiences of medieval women in England and beyond, from the quotidian to the sublime. Providing abundant evidence of their learning and scholarship, skills and ingenuity and creativity and artistry, it is, quite simply, unmissable.

    Medieval Women: In Their Own Words is at the British Museum from October 25 2024 to March 5 2025.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Diane Watt has received funding from the AHRC, British Academy and Leverhulme Trust.

    – ref. Medieval Women: In Their Own Words at the British Library is unmissable – https://theconversation.com/medieval-women-in-their-own-words-at-the-british-library-is-unmissable-242258

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Dahomey: timely repatriation documentary gives a literal voice to Benin’s stolen objects

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Njabulo Chipangura, Anthropologist and Curator of Living Cultures at Manchester Museum, University of Manchester

    Dahomey, a new documentary film from the award-winning French director Mati Diop, follows the unconditional restitution process of 26 cultural heritage objects in 2021. The items were looted by French troops during an invasion and subsequent colonial occupation of the kingdom of Dahomey, now the present-day Republic of Benin, in November 1892.

    Prior to its return, the collection was kept in the basement at Quai Branly Museum in Paris. Stored under lock and key, they existed as static and lifeless anthropological objects, that only served as war “trophies” and representations of the cultures of the vanquished and colonised. They had once been exhibited under the classification of “devil, idol, fetish, kaffir, charm, evil spirit and amulet” objects.

    Dahomey is timely. It comes as debates rage on the urgent necessity of repatriating the African cultural heritage objects that were appropriated by French, British, Germans, Portuguese, Spanish and Belgian forces during 18th and 19th century colonial conquest and expansion projects.

    In her film, Diop has managed to restore the agency of the objects at the heart of the Dahomey restitution case by transforming them into living cultures. She gives a literal voice, for example, to object number 26 – a human-sized wooden statue that is an allegorical portrait of King Ghezo, depicting him as half bird, half man. The real King Ghezo ruled Dahomey from 1818 until 1958. In the documentary, the statue recounts his “loss of life” when he was dislocated from his place of birth by French troops in 1892.



    Read more:
    Why stolen objects being returned to Africa don’t belong just in museums – podcast

    The trailer for Dahomey.

    Just as King Ghezo was depicted as his symbol – half man, half-bird – two other royal statues that feature prominently in the documentary are also kings of Dahomey sculpted as their symbols: King Béhanzin who ruled from 1890 to 1894 is a shark-man and King Glele who ruled from 1858 until 1889 is a lion-man. Each of these kings reigned over Dahomey and resided at Abomey, which was the kingdom’s capital.

    I see the choice to give voice to these objects as a call for museums to rehumanise collections that were acquired as a result of colonial violence. This would mean taking a proactive approach to acknowledge how both objects and ancestors from the colonised country were dehumanised by different colonial collecting practices, from looting to grave robbing.

    King Ghezo’s journey

    Dahmoey follows the statue of King Ghezo as he journeys back home from France’s Jacques Chirac Museum of Branly Quay to the Republic of Benin. He wonders what his new life will be like in the country he was ripped from 129 years ago.

    Upon the collection’s arrival in Benin, there was pomp and jubilation in the modern capital city of Cotonou, but the critical question remained – who now owns this heritage? Is it the state, the community or direct descendants of King Ghezo?

    The staging of the return was well-choreographed, and its politicisation clearly visible. The 26 objects lay in state, heavily guarded and protected as national heroes. However, in Diop’s film, King Ghezo reflects that he felt like a foreigner, far removed and detached from the country he imagined when he was still an ethnographic museum object in Paris.

    This crisis of belonging and identity can be interpreted as a consequence of how African museums were established during the colonial period. Their history mirrored the colonial practices of ordering, categorisation and classification of objects of the western museums where King Ghezo was imprisoned for more than a century. African museums are by products of colonisation and are, in many ways, still exclusionary and elitist.

    Therefore, placing King Ghezo in a museum in Benin can end up reinforcing ideals similar to colonial classifications. Instead, King Ghezo needs to have his life restored by giving agency to community ways of doing and knowing, and to the heritage management systems established in Benin long before colonisation.

    Repatriation debates

    The film also shows students at the University of Abomey-Calavi in the south of Benin debating the repatriation. Many express dissatisfaction in view of the fact that only 26 objects were returned out of the 7,000 which were looted by the French at Abomey in 1892.

    Many students dismiss the return as a non-event, without any historical significance. They see it, instead, as a charade for political mileage by the president of the Republic of Benin, Patrice Talon. Listening to the students made me reflect on the political nature of restitution, and how most European museums still hold power and authority in setting the conditions for or against returning.

    These 26 objects were returned to Benin unconditionally, meaning France no longer has any claims to ownership. In conditional repatriation, however, European museums decide which objects should be given back to their countries of origin, and in most cases within the premises of short to long-term loans

    For example, in June 2024, the Cambridge University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology conditionally returned 39 objects to Uganda on three-year negotiated loan deal. Ownership of these objects is still in the hands of Cambridge University. On the contrary Manchester Museum, where I work, unconditionally returned 174 objects to the Anindilyakwa people of Groote Eylandt in northern Australia in September 2023.

    As a practical decolonial strategy, unconditional repatriation means that museums must not prescribe conditions of caring for cultural heritage objects to communities of origin upon their return. This is part of the process of giving communities agency to use their own heritage objects in ways that they deem necessary.

    The 26 objects at the heart of Dahomey were not made to be imprisoned in museum storage. They still have potency and can be viewed by communities as living beings which they can use, touch, smell and taste. Although these “objects” may appear stagnant within ethnographic classifications in museums, they have individual biographies and carry with them important meanings connected to their ritual and cultural functions located in societies of origin.

    One student succinctly captures this sentiment in the film by recounting how she cried for 15 minutes on seeing the returned sculpture of King Ghezo, who she considered her ancestor. In the end, the restitution of cultural heritage objects by European museums back to Africa must not regarded as loss but rather as a means towards building practical relationships of care with their communities of origin.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Njabulo Chipangura does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Dahomey: timely repatriation documentary gives a literal voice to Benin’s stolen objects – https://theconversation.com/dahomey-timely-repatriation-documentary-gives-a-literal-voice-to-benins-stolen-objects-242324

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the Menendez brothers’ case tells us about the moral paradox of true crime

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Michael Arntfield, Associate Professor of Criminology & English Literature, Western University

    Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón has recommended that a judge resentence Lyle and Erik Menendez almost three decades after the brothers were sentenced to life without parole for murdering their parents.

    The brothers were convicted in 1996 of first-degree murder for the 1989 killings of their parents, Jose and Kitty Menendez. If a judge approves the recommendation, it would make them eligible for immediate parole. Gascón said he believed the brothers have “paid their debt to society.” If a parole board agrees, they could soon be released from prison.

    These extraordinary developments come in the wake of two true crime productions on Netflix: the scripted limited series, Monsters: The Lyle and Erik Menendez Story, and the documentary, The Menendez Brothers. Both revivify the defence strategy used in the brothers’ 1994 and 1996 trials that they murdered their parents as a form of self-defence following years of alleged sexual abuse by their father.

    In these two productions, we see the moral conundrum of so-called “true crime” on full display. That is, whose definition of “true” should viewers rely on when assessing the veracity of a narrative?

    More often than not, there are two kinds of truth. There’s what really happened, and the narrative of what happened. This is a reality that I’ve noted as a criminologist and forensic historian and a police detective before that.

    As a form of historical revisionism, true crime has shown both the willingness and ability to change official narratives, for better or worse.

    In a press conference, Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón outlined the reasons he is recommending the Menendez brothers be resentenced.

    True crime and the Menendez case

    The true crime genre has taken off in recent decades, with countless podcasts, documentaries and TV series produced recounting gruesome and often unsolved murders. The genre has garnered criticism for focusing on, and sometimes, exploiting the real suffering of victims and their families.

    The 2022 season of the Netflix Monster series, which told the story of Milwaukee serial killer Jeffrey Dahmer, was widely derided as being exploitative and mired in controversy.



    Read more:
    ‘They’re making money off tragedy’ – Netflix’s Dahmer series shows the dangers of fictionalising real horrors

    However, the second instalment, focusing on the Menendez brothers, has become an overnight cause celebre and a bandwagon clarion call to have the evidence in the case reviewed and the brothers’ life sentence reconsidered, if not jettisoned altogether.

    The productions have renewed interest in this infamous case for those old enough to remember while, at the same time, introducing a new generation to the sordid details of the proceedings.

    These details include, most notably, the controversial and ultimately failed defence strategy of depicting the murders as a form of self-defence following years of alleged sexual abuse the boys endured at the hands of their father, patriarchal record mogul Jose Menendez.

    Following mistrials for both brothers in 1994, Lyle and Erik were convicted of the murders in 1996 and sentenced to life without the possibility of parole.

    A trailer for the Netflix true crime documentary ‘The Menendez Brothers.’

    But now, in the wake of these same series and Gascón’s announcement, the case has been re-opened. “Significant new evidence” has been cited in the form of a potential additional victim of abuse by Jose Menendez. In addition, a letter from Erik to a cousin about the alleged sexual abuse of his father has been disclosed lending credence to the original defence position.

    We might wonder if this evidence would have merited such attention, and the district attorney’s intervention, were it not for the cultural influence of the Netflix productions.

    What we can say for certain is that this is not the first instance of true crime directly influencing the criminal justice system. HBO’s Paradise Lost trilogy of documentaries, along with the 2012 film West of Memphis, are generally credited with enabling the release of the wrongfully convicted West Memphis Three.

    The first season of the Serial podcast in 2014 also led to the 2022 release of Adnan Syed after serving 20 years in prison for the 1999 murder of his girlfriend Hae Min Lee. That same conviction was reinstated in 2023 as part of an ongoing saga driven by intense public interest.

    That interest is what differentiates the current iteration of true crime from its antecedents: it aims to transcend passive viewers and listeners to promote direct action, advocacy and public participation.

    The four waves of true crime

    While the term “true crime” may be comparatively new, as a cultural phenomenon it certainly is not. The Mystery Writers of America has issued awards for Best Fact Crime books since 1948. True crime in one form or another has arguably existed since the 1850s and was pioneered by Charles Dickens.

    Yet it is still unclear what societal forces drive this trendy, cyclical interest in semi-true retellings or thinly fictionalized treatments of criminality. However, in my book, How to Solve a Cold Case…And Everything Else You Wanted to Know About Catching Killers, I argue that, true crime as we now know it can be delineated into four distinct eras, or waves:

    The First Wave, circa 1850-1890, was purely literary. Key works included the likes of On Duty With Inspector Field by Charles Dickens and the Illustrated Police News.

    The Second Wave, between 1965-1975, was also primarily literary. Its most notable works included Truman Capote’s In Cold Blood and Helter Skelter by Vincent Bugliosi, who prosecuted serial killer Charles Manson.

    In the third wave in the 1980s, true crime stories started to become multimedia, with Ann Rule’s book The Stranger Beside Me about serial killer Ted Bundy, and the semi-interactive NBC docuseries Unsolved Mysteries.

    A trailer for the Netflix show ‘MONSTERS: The Lyle and Erik Menendez Story.’

    The fourth and current wave began in 2010. The hallmarks of this wave are unfolding before us in the Menendez case. The current wave is immersive, participatory and accessible. Amateur sleuths, advocates, pundits and activists proliferate with each new feature. Podcasts beget further podcasts.

    Viewers and listeners are also keenly self-aware and facetiously self-deprecating. True crime is consistently discussed in the context of — and perhaps even designed to promote — what can only be characterized immoderate consumption. Some true crime fans are, for instance, self-described “junkies” and “addicts” who “binge” content. And yet, depending on the case, these same “junkies” are newly empowered and qualified to demand action.

    The legal and ethical questions that arise are what cases make their way into this ecosystem and whose story are they to tell? How is a series on Dahmer a bridge too far when, two years later, another same series created by the same producers can alter the course of California legal history?

    These are, of course, unanswerable questions. In the meantime, however, the Menendez brothers’ saga is a cautionary tale about how the invisible hand of the true crime market will select certain crimes over others — and prioritize certain victims and offenders alike over other — based on criteria we still don’t fully understand.

    Michael Arntfield does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What the Menendez brothers’ case tells us about the moral paradox of true crime – https://theconversation.com/what-the-menendez-brothers-case-tells-us-about-the-moral-paradox-of-true-crime-242199

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Somaliland elections: what’s at stake for independence, stability and shifting power dynamics in the Horn of Africa

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Brendon J. Cannon, Associate Professor, Khalifa University

    Somaliland is due to hold a presidential election on 13 November 2024.

    The results of the election will be important for two main reasons. First, what the leadership outcome will mean for Somaliland’s democratic credentials. Second, it will have implications for Somaliland’s push for recognition as an independent state.

    Thirty-three years ago, Somaliland declared its unilateral withdrawal from the Somali Union. It is an independent state in reality but unrecognised in law. Like other unrecognised states such as Taiwan, it doesn’t fly a flag at the United Nations in New York. It also suffers from a lack of access to global financing, and humanitarian and development aid, most of which must come via Mogadishu.

    Somaliland’s determination to achieve recognition was evident in January 2024 when it signed an agreement with neighbouring Ethiopia. Under this deal, Ethiopia would get access to the sea via a 19km strip of coastline, possibly near the port of Berbera (though three sites have been identified), and Addis Ababa would recognise Somaliland’s statehood. The agreement, which has yet to be ratified, was met with a storm of protests, including from Somalia.

    Somaliland is run by the ruling party, Kulmiye, which is led by Muse Bihi Abdi, Somaliland’s president since 2017. The party has been in power since 2010. The main opposition party is Waddani (also spelled Wadani), led by Abdirahman Mohamed Abdilahi (or Ciro/Irro).

    I have carried out a decade of research and fieldwork in Somaliland. In my view, this election carries weight in terms of Somaliland’s democratic health, as well as its prospects for peace and stability – within its borders and in the region.

    Somaliland’s democracy, like all democracies, relies on giving politicians and parties the chance to win elections. It is the voters who will decide who gets to run Somaliland next, and they face a clear choice between Kulmiye and Waddani.

    Political landscape

    Somaliland’s 2024 presidential election will be a test of its democratic institutions and a critical moment in its quest for independence.

    Kulmiye can point to milestones on the road to Somaliland’s recognition. It was in power when Somaliland and Taiwan (Republic of China) recognised one another and swapped diplomats.

    The party can also claim success for a strategy to get support from western states for Somaliland’s formal recognition. This includes the staffing and funding of Somaliland’s overseas missions in London, Washington DC and Dubai, among others. These act as non-accredited embassies for the country.

    Their work resulted in a non-official visit to Washington, DC by Bihi in 2022. The same year, a UK parliamentary delegation visited Hargeisa.

    Somaliland and Ethiopia also reached their agreement in January 2024. This is the closest Somaliland has come to gaining official recognition from another state.



    Read more:
    Somaliland has been pursuing independence for 33 years. Expert explains the impact of the latest deal with Ethiopia

    Like the ruling party, the opposition party Waddani fully supports the agreement with Ethiopia. It sees recognition from Somaliland’s huge neighbour – which also happens to host the headquarters of the African Union – as a first step to gaining official recognition.

    However, based on my recent interviews with a Waddani official, the party is likely to adopt a broader approach if it wins the upcoming election. Instead of focusing solely on western states like the US and the UK, Waddani plans to approach African and global south states, such as Senegal and Kenya, for support.

    This potential shift reflects an understanding that both regional and global dynamics are changing.

    Waddani’s broader diplomatic strategy is reinforced by its recent coalition with KAAH (the Somali acronym for Alliance for Equity and Development). KAAH is a young political association rather than a formal political party. Somaliland has a constitutional limit of three official parties.

    KAAH was formed, in part, by experienced politicians. In building a coalition, Waddani and KAAH hope to displace Somaliland’s current third party, the Justice and Welfare Party.

    KAAH’s support is partially based in Somaliland’s eastern region, which has experienced violent upheavals in recent years. This coalition promises to better incorporate the eastern regions and clans into the government should Waddani win.

    Regardless of the outcome of the election, one issue unites Somaliland’s political parties: the push for independence.

    Regional implications

    A peaceful election would reinforce Somaliland’s claim as a stable, democratic entity.

    Mogadishu should not expect any winds of change to blow from Hargeisa if Waddani wins. Three generations and counting have been raised in a de-facto independent Somaliland and they remember the violent dissolution from the Somali Union. This included the bombing of Hargeisa, the destruction of Berbera port and the displacement of thousands of people. Somalilanders largely support independence.

    Neither Waddani nor Kulmiye will be wishy-washy on this issue. And there will be forward movement on the Ethiopia-Somaliland agreement. This is likely to lead to increased tensions in the Horn region. As it is, Ethiopia and Somaliland are disturbed by the prospect of a resurgent Somalia supported by Egypt with arms and troops.



    Read more:
    Somaliland crisis: delayed elections and armed conflict threaten dream of statehood

    There won’t be a shooting war – Mogadishu still has far too many problems with al-Shabaab, clan infighting and a lack of resources and training. But history shows that states take extreme measures if they feel existentially threatened.

    Mogadishu’s stance is to retake Somaliland at all costs. And it has much of the world’s tacit support for its “one Somalia” policy. That makes Somaliland a textbook case of an existentially threatened state.

    Risks that lie ahead

    There are some risks of instability regardless of who wins the election.

    The Isaaq clan controls much of the political and economic landscape. This may intensify tensions, especially if minority clans feel sidelined. Waddani’s promise of inclusivity may appeal to marginalised groups, but clan-based grievances have grown over the past decade.

    There’s also the risk of unrest among Isaaq loyalists if power shifts too much. And allegations of electoral fraud or voter suppression could fuel protests.

    After 2022’s violent postponement due to election disputes, maintaining peace will require transparency, clan reconciliation and careful oversight to prevent renewed conflict.

    Despite these risks, Somaliland is again (better late than never) going to the polls. Regardless of who wins, this is good news for Somaliland and its ongoing push for independence recognition.

    Brendon J. Cannon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Somaliland elections: what’s at stake for independence, stability and shifting power dynamics in the Horn of Africa – https://theconversation.com/somaliland-elections-whats-at-stake-for-independence-stability-and-shifting-power-dynamics-in-the-horn-of-africa-242131

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Michiganders or Michiganians? A linguist explains why the answer is clear

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Robin Queen, Professor of Linguistics, English Language and Literatures and Germanic Languages and Literatures, University of Michigan

    Beloved Michigander Aidan Hutchinson is no silly goose. Nic Antaya/Getty Images

    Growing up in the late 1970s, my best friend was from Michigan. Early in our friendship I asked her what someone from Michigan is called. “Michigander,” she replied. I laughed and said, “You mean like a goose?” Her older sister then chimed in that it was being changed to Michiganian. Michigander is sexist, she said, since gander refers only to a male goose.

    I spent the next two decades never questioning, or particularly thinking about, Michiganian.

    Then, I moved to Michigan. In over 20 years living here, I’ve never heard anyone say Michiganian. People from Michigan call themselves Michiganders.

    Even though it may seem rather trivial, there is endless interest in the Michigander-Michiganian question. News articles about this topic pop up fairly regularly, inevitably stating that:

    1. Both terms are recognized.

    2. Abraham Lincoln coined “Michigander” in 1848 to insult Michigan Gov. Lewis Cass, implying he was silly, weak and unserious.

    3. Govs. James Blanchard, John Engler and Jennifer Granholm used “Michiganian,” while Govs. Rick Snyder and Gretchen Whitmer prefer “Michigander.”

    4. The debate about which term is correct is ongoing.

    For the most part, though, the debate seems long over. Many Michiganders haven’t heard of Michiganian, as a recent text thread with my 19-year-old neighbor illustrates:

    ‘It’s just Michigander.’
    Robin Queen, CC BY-SA

    Regardless of whether there is – or ever really has been – a debate, the pas de deux between Michigander and Michiganian has an unusual history and peculiar twists and turns.

    As a linguist who works on issues related to authority in language and linguistic justice, I like to investigate how terms come to be understood as correct, and on whose authority those determinations are made.

    In the case of Michiganian and Michigander, Michiganian appears in style guides, and Michigander is the term most frequently used by people from Michigan.

    Rooted in an insult

    While it’s true that Lincoln called Cass “the great Michigander” as an unambiguous insult, the term Michigander appeared in print as early as 1838.

    Despite not having coined the term, however, Lincoln did likely play a part in its popularization by using it to malign Cass.

    Google’s NGram, which tracks how often terms appear in a large collection of print sources, shows Michigander has been used more frequently in print than Michiganian since around 1845.

    Michigander has outperformed Michiganian in print for over 175 years.
    Google NGram

    No specific law designates the use of one term or the other, but the terms do appear in two Michigan laws.

    The first is in the Older Michiganians Act, which was passed in 1981.

    The second is tied to the Historical Markers Act. The original act, established in 1955, used the term Michigander, but an amendment to it in 2002 changed the term to Michiganian. In 2017, the act was updated and the moniker was changed back to Michigander.

    Interestingly, the federal government, in the form of the U.S. Government Publishing Office’s Style Manual, specifies Michiganian as the correct term. This represents a change from Michiganite, which was the term specified in the Style Manual from 1945 to 2000, likely as a match to terms such as Wisconsinite.

    It’s difficult to know the origins of Michigander prior to 1848, but Lincoln did likely coin the term Michigander as a blend of Michigan and gander, leading to the possibility for goose jokes and humor. While other states have unusual monikers – such as Hoosiers for Indiana – none involves an animal pun like gander.

    The humorous aspect of Michigander is what likely keeps the articles, Reddit threads and friendly banter going.

    In 1947, the American journalist and essayist H.L. Mencken wrote, “The chief objection to Michigander is that it inspires idiots to call a Michigan woman a Michigoose and a child a Michigosling, but the people of the State have got used to this …”

    Funny or sexist?

    Gander humor reigns when it comes to Michigander. But perhaps more importantly, Michigander provides a greater sense of belonging and identity than Michiganian, despite the fact that there are those who find Michiganian has more finesse.

    That sense of identity is evident in the many pairings of Michigander with other charming things that are a part of living in Michigan, such as using your hand to show where in the mitten-shaped state you are from.

    How Michiganders explain where they’re from.
    (WT-en) TVerBeek at English Wikivoyage, CC BY-SA

    Given that gander designates a male goose, Michigander does raise questions about sexism.

    The rise in the use of Michiganian along with the fall of Michigander from the late 1970s to the early 2000s occurred alongside broader recognition of sexism in different realms of social life. It corresponds with a variety of changes to the terms people had been using, such as chairman, waitress and fireman. In 2024, it is unremarkable to refer instead to a chair or chairperson, a server, or a firefighter.

    So, why hang on to Michigander?

    Given that Whitmer is a proud and consistent user of Michigander, the most likely answer is that people from Michigan don’t feel the term is exclusionary. As a colleague of mine, a Michigan-raised feminist activist in her 60s, told me, “Do we not have real issues of sexism in the vernacular? I never heard anyone use any other term growing up.”

    Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer has no qualms with Michigander.
    GIPHY News

    Over the past several days, I’ve asked over two dozen people who were born and raised in Michigan what they call someone from Michigan. To a person, they have said Michigander. They range in age from 19-89, have different gender identities and racial affiliations, and have a wide range of professions and political orientations.

    Only one had ever heard anyone referred to as a Michiganian, while a third had never heard the term Michiganian at all.

    My results reflect other poll results about these terms. A clear majority choose Michigander.

    When the people of Michigan say they are Michiganders, it’s odd to insist that they are Michiganians. And even those few, such as The Detroit News, who prefer Michiganian acknowledge that Michigander is more broadly preferred.

    Ultimately the debate rests on whether it’s the people from Michigan or some other entity, such as the Government Publishing Office, that decides which term should be used. If we grant the people of Michigan the right to name themselves, the verdict is clear.

    Robin Queen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Michiganders or Michiganians? A linguist explains why the answer is clear – https://theconversation.com/michiganders-or-michiganians-a-linguist-explains-why-the-answer-is-clear-241664

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why donors should ask local communities what matters to them while deciding what success looks like

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Erin K. McFee, Professor of Practice of Climate Security, National Defense University

    Members of the Leonor Cuadras cooperative sort nursery-grown oysters in La Reforma, Mexico, in December 2023. Jonathan Röders, CC BY-ND

    Have you ever asked a teacher whether something will be on an upcoming test to decide whether to closely pay attention to a particular lesson? Taken the long way back from a lunch break to get enough exercise to meet a goal monitored by a fitness app? Logged on to a virtual meeting to be seen showing up, even as you worked on other tasks?

    It’s human nature to adapt your behavior to meet evaluation criteria – even when meeting those targets comes at the expense of attaining more meaningful goals. Most donors, whether they are governments providing foreign aid, foundations making grants or individual people who give nonprofits money, expect or demand reports on what was accomplished with their funding. And what is measured for that purpose and how it’s measured tend to shape entire programs – often missing the mark on what truly matters to the communities involved.

    While spending years conducting fieldwork everywhere from Colombia to the Kenya-Uganda border as a political anthropologist and a political scientist, we’ve witnessed firsthand the absurdities of the bureaucratic hoops people must jump through to access vital aid. We’ve watched both genuine efforts to abide by the guidelines donors set and the cynical exploitation of them. We have also spent years engaged in international development efforts, both with and through nonprofits that sought to resolve some of the world’s most intractable problems.

    There’s a glaring and crucial question we’ve rarely heard asked when projects are being designed: What does success look like to the people meant to benefit from development funding?

    Promoting environmental sustainability

    We conducted an exploratory field study in La Reforma, a small coastal town located in the Mexican state of Sinaloa.

    We focused on the Leonor Cuadras Oyster Aquaculture Cooperative, a locally led initiative supported by the seafood company Marine Edén and SUCEDE, a Mexican nongovernmental organization that’s dedicated to promoting individual, social and environmental well-being in La Reforma and other nearby communities.

    This particular project sought to create jobs for women in La Reforma, while promoting environmental sustainability through oyster farming. The cooperative’s objectives included empowering women, fostering collective work and contributing to local environmental restoration by improving water quality through oyster filtration. Traditional metrics for projects like this would tally labor hours, harvest size and jobs created – all important but incomplete insights into the whole story.

    Our study was unusual because it was designed as an exploratory effort to help shape future metrics in a participatory manner. We sought to understand the cooperative’s internal dynamics and challenges so we could create metrics that reflected what the cooperative members wanted and needed.

    After several weeks of fieldwork, multiple focus group discussions and eight interviews with people involved in the cooperative in the last quarter of 2023, we found that success is not solely defined by the number of oysters they produce or the dollar signs next to their names in a report submitted to donors.

    In their view, success is framed around dignity, gender equity and the well-being of their families and the environment. We also learned that their work together had increased a sense of collective commitment to the project and each other.

    Measuring success in terms that make sense to locals

    Most donors love numbers. They want to know how many people attended an event, how much money was spent, how many widgets were produced. But while such outcomes are easily measurable, they are not always meaningful.

    In La Reforma, the women who belong to the Leonor Cuadras cooperative told us that they define success differently. Their primary goal isn’t just to grow oysters. They see their co-op as a tool for social transformation, not just a source of income.

    One woman we’ll call Aurelia to protect her anonymity proudly shared that working with the cooperative has proved that “we can do things on par with men.”

    Julia, another cooperative member, put it this way: “We are not just working for ourselves – we are working for the future of our families and our community.”

    This version of success includes improving their family’s prospects and safeguarding their marine environment for future generations. As the oysters they grow naturally filter and clean the bay’s waters, so too does their collaborative work improve the social fabric of this violence-affected community in ways that won’t show up on a balance sheet.

    Finding participatory approaches

    When donors impose their own frameworks and set their own goals for the projects they fund, they usually miss what truly defines success for local communities. In La Reforma, the women are acquiring technical skills related to oyster farming, but they seem to see more value in the empowerment that comes with leading a project that reflects their realities and needs.

    If the cooperative’s donors had chosen to focus on traditional production metrics, such as the number of participants, the scale of the harvest and the hours of labor involved, they would have surely overlooked the deeper social shifts, such as women’s leadership in a male-dominated profession or a greater commitment to collective well-being.

    What if, instead of dictating outcomes from the start, donors worked collaboratively with communities to define success? The cooperative’s members want independence. They hope that someday they will run their own oyster farms or support other aquaculture initiatives. These are aspirations that don’t fit into traditional donor checkboxes. But that kind of approach is critical for the project’s sustainability.

    Some donors and development agencies are beginning to integrate this approach. For example, the International Organization for Migration consults with community members when writing performance reviews. Some donors have embraced an approach called trust-based philanthropy, which largely removes reporting burdens altogether. They focus instead on collaborative relationships with their grantees.

    What is measured matters. It can shape the goals and the limits of projects long before a single dollar is spent.

    Setting goals that are more relevant to local conditions requires a radical shift in how development projects are designed and evaluated. Rather than imposing predetermined outcomes, we believe that it is crucial to ask of the communities and individuals on the ground: What does success look like to you?

    Erin McFee is the founder and president of the Corioli Institute, which conducted this study. The research for this article was funded by the UK Research and Innovation Future Leader Fellows Program. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect official policies or positions of the National Defense University, the Department of Defense or the U. S. government.

    Jonathan Röders is Director of Projects & Programs at the Corioli Institute, which conducted this study. His contribution to this research was funded by UK Research and Innovation.

    – ref. Why donors should ask local communities what matters to them while deciding what success looks like – https://theconversation.com/why-donors-should-ask-local-communities-what-matters-to-them-while-deciding-what-success-looks-like-241196

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: US math teachers view student performance differently based on race and gender

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Yasemin Copur-Gencturk, Associate Professor of Education, University of Southern California

    Teachers hold different views on why girls are good at math than they do for boys. Maskot via Getty Images

    Teachers report thinking that if girls do better in math than boys, it is probably because of their innate ability and effort. But they also report that when boys do well in math, it is more likely due to parental support and society’s higher expectations for their success.

    That’s what we discovered from 400 elementary and middle school math teachers we surveyed across the country for our new study. The purpose of the study was to learn more about how teachers explain students’ success and failure in math.

    We found that the variation in views among educators is not limited to the gender of students. Teachers also hold contrasting views about math performance when it comes to students’ race and ethnicity, our study found.

    More specifically, we found that when Black and Hispanic students outperform Asian and white students, teachers are more likely to think it’s because of effort and differences in their cognitive abilities. In contrast, when Asian and white students outperform others, teachers attribute it to the support and expectations of others, such as from parents and society as well as cultural differences that value math learning.

    To reach these conclusions, we conducted an experiment. In the experiment, teachers were first asked to help us by reviewing student responses to items on a math test we were developing. After they rated the student responses, we randomly assigned teachers to conditions telling them that one group – either boys or girls, Black and Hispanic or Asian and white – performed better on this test. Then, we asked the teachers to rate their agreement with a set of potential explanations for the disparity. These potential explanations included statements such as, “Boys often pay more attention and follow directions in class compared with girls.”

    After teachers had rated their agreement with these explanations, we asked them about their personal beliefs and experiences with gender and racial discrimination in math classrooms. We analyzed how these beliefs related to their explanations of performance differences.

    We found that teachers were more likely to attribute the success of girls and Black and Hispanic students to internal factors, such as ability and effort, whereas they were more likely to attribute boys’ and Asian and white students’ success to external factors, such as parental involvement and cultural differences.

    We also observed that teachers who reported personally experiencing racial discrimination in math classrooms when they were students were more likely to agree that ability was responsible for Black and Hispanic students’ higher performance.

    Why it matters

    How teachers explain student performance can affect their expectations of students. It can also affect how they teach and how they emotionally respond to student needs.

    For example, research has shown that when teachers attribute students’ failure to a lack of effort, they tend to maintain higher expectations of students and encourage them to expend more effort next time. When they attribute student failure to a lack of ability, however, evidence shows that teachers are more likely to lower their expectations and express more pity. Lowered expectations and feelings of pity can be internalized by students. This can in turn lead them to assume that they have low ability and expect to fail more often in the future.

    Findings from our study show that teachers tend to explain students’ failures and successes differently based on which social group performed better than another. Sometimes, these attributions were consistent with stereotypes, such as attributing the higher performance of white and Asian students to their parents and culture.

    What still isn’t known

    Our research, along with that of others, shows that implicit biases exist in math classrooms. These biases influence how teachers view students’ abilities and explain their performance. However, most existing anti-bias training interventions are not very effective.

    Researchers need to develop new types of training to combat these biases in math classrooms, which could help improve teaching and reduce cognitive and emotional burdens that students experience.

    Yasemin Copur-Gencturk receives funding from the NSF, IES, and Herman & Raseij Math Initiative.

    Ian Thacker receives funding from the Spencer Foundation and the U.S. Department of Agriculture, National Institute of Food and Agriculture.

    Joseph Cimpian receives funding from the Institute of Education Sciences, the National Science Foundation, and the Spencer Foundation.

    – ref. US math teachers view student performance differently based on race and gender – https://theconversation.com/us-math-teachers-view-student-performance-differently-based-on-race-and-gender-241418

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why do we use gasoline for small vehicles and diesel fuel for big vehicles?

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael Leamy, Woodruff Endowed Professor of Mechanical Engineering, Georgia Institute of Technology

    Green pump for diesel, blue for gas – but what’s the difference? Jeffrey Greenberg/Education Images/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to curiouskidsus@theconversation.com.

    Why do we use gasoline for small vehicles and diesel fuel for big vehicles? – Methdini, age 15, Sri Lanka

    Gasoline fuels most light-duty vehicles, such as passenger cars and pickup trucks. Heavy-duty vehicles, like buses, delivery trucks and long-haul tractor-trailers, typically run on diesel.

    Both fuel types are needed because gasoline and diesel engines have different strengths. As my automotive engineering students learn, this makes them suitable for different uses.

    Let’s start with what they have in common. Gas and diesel engines both work through a process called internal combustion.

    • First, they mix fuel with air because the fuel needs oxygen from the air to burn.

    • Next, they compress the fuel-air mixture, which makes the mixture hot enough to burn.

    • Then the engine burns the mix of fuel and air, releasing heat. This creates high pressure, which moves internal parts that make the car move.

    • Finally, the car releases spent combustion gases to the atmosphere through its tailpipe. These gases contain pollutants, such as carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides and unburned fuel, that are harmful to human health, as well as carbon dioxide, which warms Earth’s atmosphere.

    How a gas-powered internal combustion engine converts chemical energy in gasoline into kinetic energy that makes the car move.

    Different engines for different jobs

    Gasoline and diesel fuel are both made from crude oil, a fossil-based energy source. But they have different chemical properties that require different types of engines.

    In a gas engine, a small device called a spark plug ignites the compressed fuel-air mixture. It uses hundreds of thousands of volts to create an electrical arc that can start the burn, much like striking a flint rock against another stone.

    Diesel fuel is harder to ignite and slower to burn than gasoline. But if it is compressed enough, it will ignite without a spark. And this higher compression results in higher efficiency, so vehicles powered with diesel get more miles per gallon. That’s important for transporting goods and people as economically as possible – one reason why most buses, trains and large trucks run on diesel.

    Diesel engines tend to be more expensive than gas engines, since they need sturdier parts to withstand the higher temperatures and pressures they produce. But they also last longer than gasoline engines. This is a plus for vehicles such as long-haul trucks that need to go many hundreds of thousands of miles between engine overhauls.

    So why do passenger cars use gas? One reason is that diesel engines’ higher compression and temperature make them noisier, especially at higher frequencies that humans find annoying. Diesel engines also produce higher levels of fine particle pollution, known as PM 2.5, that has been linked to many human health risks.

    These trade-offs typically lead consumers to prefer cheaper, quieter gasoline engines in cars they drive for work and pleasure. Efficient, long-lasting diesel engines are more attractive to companies hauling goods and transporting large numbers of people.

    Beyond internal combustion engines

    In the future, transportation may not use gas or diesel at all. Some cars and light trucks – models known as hybrids – already use gas or diesel together with batteries and electric motors, or run entirely on electricity. And cities across the U.S. are investing in electric school buses, which are lower-polluting and cheaper to maintain than diesel buses.

    Hybrid, plug-in hybrid and battery electric vehicles promise to result in far fewer emissions of toxic gases and carbon dioxide – especially if they are recharged with electricity produced from renewable sources like wind and solar power. These vehicles will be quieter than gasoline and diesel models and also cheaper to maintain, since they have fewer moving parts. Gasoline and diesel vehicles will remain in use for years to come, but they no longer represent the forefront of transportation innovation.

    Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.

    And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.

    Michael Leamy receives funding from the National Science Foundation, the Department of Energy, General Motors, and other government agencies and corporations.

    – ref. Why do we use gasoline for small vehicles and diesel fuel for big vehicles? – https://theconversation.com/why-do-we-use-gasoline-for-small-vehicles-and-diesel-fuel-for-big-vehicles-235084

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s anti-Haitian rhetoric reflects America’s long-standing racism against Haiti and its people

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Thurka Sangaramoorthy, Professor of Anthropology, American University

    Pastor Dieufort Fleurissaint denounces the hateful rhetoric aimed at Haitian migrants in Springfield, Ohio, during a Sept. 24, 2024, rally in Boston. Jessica Rinaldi/The Boston Globe/Getty Images)

    Since 2021, about 15,000 Haitians have found new lives in Springfield, Ohio, after fleeing the violence of Haiti, their native country.

    But a wave of baseless rumors and hate, amplified by former President Donald Trump and his running mate, U.S. Sen. JD Vance, has shattered that sense of safety. Many of the city’s Haitian immigrants are left questioning whether their vision of an American dream is still possible.

    Frightened and worried, many Haitians say they are fearful of going outside and staying in Springfield.

    The morning after the presidential debate, a Haitian woman who had moved to Springfield six years ago told a newspaper reporter that “they’re attacking us in every way.”

    In addition to the anxiety, the woman, who asked not to be identified, said that her car windows had been broken in the middle of the night. “I’m going to have to move because this area is no longer good for me,” the woman said. “I can’t even leave my house to go to Walmart. I’m anxious and scared.”

    Trump’s inflammatory statements, which have included wrongful allegations of Haitians eating pets, are part of a broader historical pattern of racism and anti-Black xenophobia in the U.S. aimed at Haitians. Days after the debate, Trump further explained how he would start his mass deportation program in Springfield. “Illegal Haitian migrants have descended upon a town of 58,000 people, destroying their way of life,” Trump said.

    The comments have not only stoked existing racial tensions but have also sparked racist discourse and violent threats against Haitians across the country.

    As a scholar of migration who has studied Haitian immigrants in the U.S. for over 25 years, I have seen how Haitians, as Black immigrants, are doubly marginalized, by not only the structural racism embedded in U.S. immigration policies but also the broader societal racism experienced by Black Americans.

    In my view, Trump’s baseless allegations reflect America’s deeply rooted history of systemic racism against Haiti and its people.

    A flawed history

    The roots of anti-Haitian racism in the U.S. can be traced to the Haitian Revolution in 1804 in which Black Haitians who were enslaved rose up and overthrew the French colonial government.

    Haiti became the first independent Black republic in the world, and the country’s independence terrified many in the U.S., especially white slaveholders. They feared the revolution might inspire slave revolts at home.

    Illustration depicting the Haitian Revolution led by Toussaint Louverture.
    Bettmann/Getty Images

    For much of the 19th century, the U.S. refused to recognize Haiti as a legitimate nation. It wasn’t until 1862, during the Civil War, that the U.S. finally established diplomatic relations with the country.

    But the U.S. continued to exploit Haiti for its own economic and military interests, occupying the country with the military from 1915 to 1934. During this period, the U.S. controlled Haiti’s government and finances, installed a pro-American president and helped establish a brutal military force.

    The occupation worsened racial and economic inequality in Haiti and further destabilized the nation.

    This history of exploitation and interference has had long-lasting effects on Haiti’s ability to develop economically and politically, a situation exacerbated by continued U.S. intervention throughout the Cold War era.

    During the nearly 30-year dictatorships of François “Papa Doc” and Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier between 1957 and 1986, for example, the U.S. government provided approximately US$900 million in financial support to these repressive regimes, despite their notorious human-rights abuses.

    Anti-Black immigration policies

    All the history of U.S. involvement in Haiti set the stage for the mass migration of Haitians to the U.S. since the early 1960s.

    Over the years, about 200,000 Haitians have sought to escape violence and poverty to the U.S.

    Those with resources, such as the Haitian elite and middle class, migrated legally, settling in New York and Miami. Many of them organized ways to send aid to Haiti and brought attention to human-rights abuses being committed by the Duvalier regimes.

    Poor Haitians soon followed, arriving by crude boats.

    In September 1963, the first boatload of Haitian refugees landed in Miami. But instead of finding freedom, all 23 Haitians were denied asylum and sent back to Haiti by the U.S. immigration authorities.

    Since then, Haitians arriving by boat have faced arrest, detention, asylum denials and deportation as successive U.S. governments refused to recognize the political repression in Haiti. Instead, Haitians were labeled economic migrants who sought a better standard of living and, as such, were not eligible for asylum.

    From 1981 to 1991, for instance, 433 boats carrying approximately 25,580 Haitians were intercepted by U.S. immigration authorities. Only 28 people were allowed to pursue refugee claims.

    The Haitian experience in the US

    Often portrayed by white policymakers as disease carriers and criminals, Haitian immigrants have long suffered discrimination and dehumanization in the U.S.

    In the 1980s, during the HIV crisis, U.S. health officials wrongly labeled Haitians as high-risk carriers of the virus, reinforcing harmful racial and ethnic stereotypes.

    Despite a lack of scientific evidence, Haitians were stigmatized as a group, leading to economic and social exclusion within the U.S. Many Haitians lost jobs, housing and faced threats of violence simply because of their nationality and ethnicity.

    My research has shown this portrayal of Haitians as dangerous and undesirable persists today, as reflected in Trump’s and Vance’s recent claims. The narrative of immigrants eating pets and spreading diseases is a recycled trope in American history, used by white conservative politicians to stoke fears about foreigners to reinforce white supremacy.

    Historically, these kinds of claims have been used to justify exclusionary immigration policies and racial violence against nonwhite populations.

    A group of Haitian Americans in Springfield, Ohio, listen to area residents denounce the town’s growing Haitian population during a public meeting on Sept. 24, 2024.
    Dominic Gwinn/Middle East Images /Getty Images

    The accusations against Haitians in Springfield have not only triggered immediate threats of violence but have also reinforced deep-seated, anti-Black xenophobia that continues to plague U.S. society.

    In recent years, hate speech and attacks against Black immigrants, including Haitians, have been on the rise. Black immigrants, regardless of their legal status, face higher rates of deportation and are more likely to be targeted than white immigrants by law enforcement.

    Addressing anti-Haitian racism

    The allegations made by Trump and Vance represent a dangerous escalation of rhetoric that has real-life consequences for Haitians in the U.S.

    The demonization of Haitians in Springfield is not just a political ploy – it is part of a broader strategy to uphold systems of exclusion that have historically been used to marginalize Black people, both immigrants and citizens.

    Thurka Sangaramoorthy receives funding from the National Institutes of Health.

    – ref. Trump’s anti-Haitian rhetoric reflects America’s long-standing racism against Haiti and its people – https://theconversation.com/trumps-anti-haitian-rhetoric-reflects-americas-long-standing-racism-against-haiti-and-its-people-240975

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: LGBTQ+ voters in these 4 states could swing the 2024 presidential election

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Dorian Rhea Debussy, Lecturer of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies, The Ohio State University

    LGBTQ+ voters lean heavily Democratic, and they tend to turn out in high numbers. Dani VG via Getty Images

    Victory in the 2024 U.S. presidential election may come down to LGBTQ+ voters.

    Polling data shows that Donald Trump and Kamala Harris are running in a near-dead heat in four states – Georgia, Michigan, North Carolina and Pennsylvania. And as a scholar of LGBTQ+ politics, I suspect that LGBTQ+ voters could play an outsize role in these states and the race.

    So, how might LGBTQ+ voters swing these states?

    LGBTQ+ voting behavior, explained

    In the most comprehensive political survey of LGBTQ+ Americans ever conducted, the Pew Research Center found in 2013 that the vast majority of respondents – 85% – “always” or “nearly always” voted, compared with roughly a third of the general population. Turnout in the most recent presidential election validated that finding. A 2020 post-election survey by the advocacy group GLAAD found that 81% of LGBTQ+ voters cast a ballot.

    For context, 64% of all eligible voters cast a ballot in the 2020 presidential election, which was unusually high voter participation. Historically, turnout hovers around 55% for presidential elections and 35% for midterm elections.

    An LGBTQ+ delegate at the 2024 Democratic National Convention.
    Alex Wroblewski/AFP via Getty Images

    The National Center for Transgender Equality, an advocacy organization, finds that voter turnout is particularly high among transgender people.

    Even in the historically low-turnout 2014 midterm election, the group’s data indicated that roughly half of transgender respondents had voted, compared with only one-third of the general population. In the 2022 midterm election, transgender voter turnout increased to nearly 75%, according to the 2024 U.S. Trans Survey.

    LGBTQ+ voters and partisanship

    LGBTQ+ voters strongly lean Democratic. Pew’s 2013 survey found that nearly 60% of all LGBTQ+ respondents were Democrats, and less than 10% were Republicans. Transgender voters are even more partisan, and nearly 80% identified as Democratic or Democratic-leaning in the 2015 U.S. Trans Survey.

    Exit poll data from the 2016 presidential election supports this conclusion. Nearly 80% of LGBTQ+ voters told researchers outside polling stations that they’d cast their ballot for Hillary Clinton. Just 14% reported that they’d backed Trump.

    Initial exit poll data from the 2020 presidential election indicated that Trump had doubled his share of LGBTQ+ voters to 28%. Later analyses contradicted that finding, however, showing that LGBTQ+ voters were actually essential to Joe Biden’s victory.

    The surprising miscalculation was likely due to COVID-19-related polling errors. Exit poll data from the 2022 midterm election put LGBTQ+ support for Republican congressional candidates back at 14%.

    LGBTQ+ voters in ‘tipping-point’ states

    Taken together, past polling data indicates that the LGBTQ+ community will likely back Harris over Trump by strong margins in four of the most likely “tipping-point” states – that is, the swing states with enough electoral votes to tip the entire election for one candidate.

    Georgia, Michigan, North Carolina and Pennsylvania all have populations of LGBTQ+ adults that are significantly larger than the margin of victory by which the winning candidate took the state in 2020.

    For instance, Biden won Georgia and its 15 electoral votes by 11,779 votes in 2020, and there are over 400,000 LGBTQ+ adults in the state. Trump’s apparent current lead in Georgia is within the margin of error, and even a slight increase in Democratic-leaning LGBTQ+ voters, compared with 2020, could hand Harris the state.

    Georgia now has 16 electoral votes following a population increase.

    The gap between the two candidates in all four tipping-point states is similarly narrow – 2% or less. That’s well within state polls’ margin of error. Together, these states have a combined 66 electoral votes. That’s nearly double Biden’s Electoral College margin of victory in 2020 and Trump’s margin in 2016.

    If higher turnout among LGBTQ+ voters in these four likely tipping-point states could deliver the 2024 race for Harris, then lower LGBTQ+ turnout could pave Trump’s path to victory.

    Trump is well within striking distance in the Rust Belt states of Pennsylvania and Michigan, where polling puts him in a statistical dead heat with Harris. With those slim margins that are well within the margin of error, even a moderate decrease in turnout among the states’ many thousands of LGBTQ+ voters could cause serious problems for Harris.

    For context, Biden won Pennsylvania and Michigan by 80,555 and 154,188 votes, respectively, in 2020.

    Possible X factors

    Of course, the 2020 and 2024 presidential elections are not carbon copies of each other.

    The LGBTQ+ electorate grows each year, and by 2030 1 in 7 voters are expected to identify as LGBTQ+.

    Republicans have also ramped up legislative attacks on LGBTQ+ rights since 2020, and GOP campaign ads with anti-transgender messages dominate this election cycle. Both of these factors will play a role in 2024, as will a shake-up in the North Carolina governor’s race.

    In September, CNN reported that the Republican nominee for governor of North Carolina, Mark Robinson, had posted controversial comments on a pornographic website between 2008 and 2012. In addition to referring to himself as a “black Nazi,” Robinson said that he enjoyed watching transgender pornography.

    For a candidate whose anti-trans rhetoric includes saying transgender women should be arrested for using women’s restrooms, this was shocking news. Robinson has denied the allegation, which has severely damaged his campaign. Two weeks ahead of the election, polling gave Robinson’s Democratic opponent, Josh Stein, a clear lead over Robinson.

    Robinson’s troubled past and embattled campaign could mobilize multiple pockets of progressive North Carolinians, including LGBTQ+ voters, against him. Boosted turnout would almost certainly eat into Trump’s vote share in North Carolina – a state he won by 1.3% in 2020.

    What to expect on election night

    Historical trends, demographic data and current affairs all point toward LGBTQ+ voters playing an important – and potentially decisive – role in tipping swing states to Harris.

    Yet, there are also signs that Harris may underperform with LGBTQ+ voters.

    A September 2024 survey by the Human Rights Campaign, a LGBTQ+ advocacy organization, reported that about 20% of LGBTQ+ respondents were undecided, planning to stay home or backing a third party. Less than 8% of LGBTQ+ respondents were leaning toward Trump, but disaffected LGBTQ+ Democrats could cause problems for Harris.

    Ultimately, there’s no way to know what LGBTQ+ voters will actually do at the ballot box. This race is in flux, and plenty can happen before election day. Other voting blocs have grown or changed since 2024, too.

    The answers will come on election night or – in a race with such narrow margins of victory – in the days and weeks of counting and recounting to follow.

    Dorian Rhea Debussy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. LGBTQ+ voters in these 4 states could swing the 2024 presidential election – https://theconversation.com/lgbtq-voters-in-these-4-states-could-swing-the-2024-presidential-election-239656

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Vampire bats – look beyond the fangs and blood to see animal friendships and unique adaptations

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Sebastian Stockmaier, Assistant Professor of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, University of Tennessee

    Vampire bats have complex social relationships. Samuel Betkowski/Moment via Getty Images

    You can probably picture a vampire: Pale, sharply fanged undead sucker of blood, deterred only by sunlight, religious paraphernalia and garlic. They’re gnarly creatures, often favorite subjects for movies or books. Luckily, they’re only imaginary … or are they?

    There are real vampires in the world of bats. Out of over 1,400 currently described bat species, three are known to feed on blood exclusively.

    The common vampire bat, Desmodus rotundus, is the most abundant. At home in the tropical forests of Central and South America, these bats feed on various animals, including tapirs, mountain lions, penguins and, most often nowadays, livestock.

    A vampire bat enjoys a blood meal at the expense of a domestic goat.
    Nicolas Reusens/Moment via Getty Images

    Feeding on a blood diet is unusual for a mammal and has led to many unique adaptations that facilitate their uncommon lifestyle. Unlike other bats, vampires are mobile on the ground, toggling between two distinct gaits to circle their sleeping prey. Heat-sensing receptors on their noses help them find warm blood under their prey’s skin. Finally, the combination of a small incision, made by potentially self-sharpening fangs, and an anticoagulant in their saliva allows these bats to feed on unsuspecting prey.

    To me, as a behavioral ecologist, who is interested in how pathogens affect social behaviors and vice versa, the most fascinating adaptations to a blood-feeding lifestyle are observable in vampire bats’ social lives.

    Vampire bats build reciprocal relationships

    Blood is not very nutritious, and vampire bats that fail to feed will starve relatively quickly. If a bat returns to the roost hungry, others may regurgitate a blood meal to get them through the night.

    Vampire bats will share their blood meal with a hungry friend.
    Gerry Carter

    Such food sharing happens between bats who are related – such as mothers and their offspring – but also unrelated individuals. This observation has puzzled evolutionary biologists for quite a while. Why help someone who is not closely related to you?

    It turns out that vampire bats keep track of who feeds them and reciprocate – or not, if the other bat has not been helpful in the past. In doing so, they form complex social relationships maintained by low-cost social investments, such as cleaning and maintaining the fur of another animal, called allogrooming, and higher-cost social investments, such as sharing food.

    These relationships are on par with what you would see in primates, and some people compare them to human friendships. Indeed, there are some parallels.

    For instance, humans will raise the stakes when forming new relationships with others. You start with social investments that don’t cost much – think sharing some of your lunch – and wait for the other person’s response. If they don’t reciprocate, the relationship may be doomed. But if the other person does reciprocate by sharing a bit of their dessert, for instance, your next investment might be larger. You gradually increase the stakes in a game of back-and-forth until the friendship eventually warrants larger social investments like going out of your way to give them a ride to work when their car breaks down.

    Vampire bats do the same. When strangers are introduced, they will start with small fur-cleaning interactions to test the waters. If both partners keep reciprocating and raising the stakes, the relationship will eventually escalate to food sharing, which is a bigger commitment.

    Relationships, in sickness and in health

    My lab studies how infections affect social behaviors and relationships. Given their vast array of social behaviors and the complexity of their social relationships, vampire bats are the ideal study system for me and my colleagues.

    How does being ill affect how vampire bats behave? How do other bats behave toward one that is sick? How does sickness affect the formation and maintenance of their social relationships?

    We simulate infections in bats in our lab by using molecules derived from pathogens to stimulate an immune response. We’ve repeatedly found a form of passive social distancing where sick individuals reduce their interaction with others, whether it’s allogrooming, social calling or just spending time near others.

    Researchers attach proximity sensors to bats. The sensors communicate with each other and exchange information about meeting time, duration and signal strength, which is a proxy for distance between two bats.
    Sherri and Brock Fenton

    Importantly, these behavioral changes haven’t necessarily evolved to minimize spreading disease to others. Rather, they are parts of the complex immune response that biologists call sickness behaviors. It’s comparable to someone infected with the flu staying at home simply because they don’t feel up to venturing out. Even if such passive social distancing may have not evolved to prevent transmission to others, simply being too sick to interact with others will still reduce the spread of germs.

    Interestingly, sickness behaviors can be suppressed. People do this all the time. So-called presenteeism is showing up at work despite illness due to various pressures. Similarly, many people have suppressed symptoms of an infection to engage in some sort of social obligation. If you have little kids, you know that when everyone in your household is coming down with something, there’s no way you can just sit back and not take care of the little ones, even if you feel quite bad yourself.

    Animals are no different. They can suppress sickness behaviors when competing needs arise, such as caring for young or defending territory. Despite their tendency to reduce social interactions with others when sick, in vampire bats, sick mothers will continue to groom their offspring and vice versa, probably because mother-daughter relationships are extra important. Mothers and daughters are often each other’s primary social relationships within groups of vampire bats.

    Despite vampire bats’ elaborate social relationships, farmers often consider them pests.
    Sherri and Brock Fenton

    Human-bat conflict centers on livestock

    Despite their many fascinating adaptations and complex social lives, vampire bats are not universally admired. In fact, in many areas in South and Central America, they are considered pests because they can transmit the deadly rabies virus to livestock, which can cause quite significant economic losses.

    Before people introduced livestock into their habitat, vampire bats probably had a harder time finding food in the form of native prey species such as tapirs. Now, livestock has become their primary food source. After all, why not feed on something that is reliably at the same place every night and quite abundant? Increases in livestock abundance come with increases in vampire bat populations, probably perpetuating the problem of rabies transmission.

    The farmers’ quarrels with vampires make sense, especially in smaller cattle herds, where losing even one cow can significantly hurt a farmer’s livelihood. Culling campaigns have used topically applied poisons called vampiricide, basically a mix of petroleum jelly and rat poison. Bats are caught, the paste is applied to the fur, and they carry it back to the roost, where others ingest the poison during social interactions. Interestingly, large-scale culling may not be very effective in reducing rabies spillover.

    Vampire bat colonies live in places like hollow trees.
    May Dixon

    Now, the focus has started to shift toward large-scale cattle vaccinations or vaccinating the vampire bats themselves. Researchers are even considering transmissible vaccines: They could genetically modify herpes viruses, which are quite common in vampire bats, to carry rabies genes and vaccinate large swaths of vampire bat populations.

    Whichever method is used to mitigate vampire bat-human conflicts, more empathy for these misunderstood animals could only help. After all, if you stick your head into a hollow tree full of vampire bats – assuming you can brave the smell of digested blood – remember: You’re looking at a complex network of individual friendships between animals that care deeply for each other.

    Some of the cited work in the article is from long-term collaborators (such as Dr. Gerald Carter at Princeton University) with whom I frequently interact and work together.

    – ref. Vampire bats – look beyond the fangs and blood to see animal friendships and unique adaptations – https://theconversation.com/vampire-bats-look-beyond-the-fangs-and-blood-to-see-animal-friendships-and-unique-adaptations-239980

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What you need to know about clonazepam, the drug found in Liam Payne’s hotel room

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael Cole, Professor of Forensic Science, Anglia Ruskin University

    Early toxicology reports suggest that former One Direction singer Liam Payne had several drugs in his system when he fell to his death from a hotel balcony in Buenos Aires, Argentina. These include pink cocaine (which comprises several drugs), cocaine, benzodiazepine and crack.

    While the type of benzodiazepine wasn’t mentioned in the toxicology report, it is known that the police found a blister pack of clonazepam in the singer’s hotel room.

    Although there has been a general fall in the use of benzodiazepines, clonazepam has bucked that trend. The reason for this is unclear, but it could be the drug’s potency. It is not without reason that on the street it is sometimes referred to as “super Valium”.

    Clonazepam was first approved by the US Food and Drug Administration in 1975. It is used to treat a range of conditions, including epileptic seizures, muscle spasms, anxiety and panic disorders. Doses range from 0.5mg to 2mg in tablet or liquid forms. (By comparison, a teaspoon of sugar weighs about 5,000mg.) It is also 20 times more potent than diazepam (Valium), with 0.5mg of clonazepam being equivalent to 10mg diazepam.

    The onset time for clonazepam – that is, the time to have an effect – is an hour or more. Xanax, also a benzodiazepine, starts to act within ten minutes, while Valium takes between 15 and 60 minutes.

    Although slower to start acting, the effects of clonazepam are longer lasting than many benzodiazepines. For example, the half-life (the time taken for the body to reduce the amount of drug in the body by 50%) of Xanax is six to 25 hours, of Valium 48 hours and clonazepam up to 54 hours.

    In recreational use, tablets are powdered and then snorted. The drug enters the bloodstream through the membranes in the nose. Taken this way the drug is faster to act and more is available in the bloodstream to have an effect.

    The drug is thought to work by enhancing the activity of a brain chemical (neurotransmitter) called Gaba. It dampens brain activity by blocking the signals between neurons. Boosting Gaba is known to reduce anxiety, promote relaxation and help with sleep.

    Steady rise

    Recently there has been a rise in the use and misuse of clonazepam in the UK. Prescriptions for the drug increased by 12% in 2023. The UK Rehab website states: “The rise in clonazepam addiction reflects a larger trend in the misuse of prescription medications, a public health crisis that has escalated into epidemic proportions in some regions.”

    Google searches for clonazepam have increased, with a particular interest in the drug in parts of the US. There are also reports of new polydrug mixtures containing clonazepam, such as karkoubi, which has been reported in Algeria and Morocco, mixing clonazepam with cannabis and tobacco.

    Taking clonazepam is not without dangers. Even under medical supervision, people can develop tolerance to it and become dependent.

    Doctors tend to prescribe low doses and then gradually increase the dose until the desired therapeutic effect is achieved. However, if the drug is taken over long periods (four weeks is often cited) people can become dependent. Withdrawal symptoms – such as tremors, sweating and nausea – are then experienced when the patient stops taking the drug.

    Clonazepam also causes side-effects that can include trouble speaking, feeling sleepy, a slower heartbeat and excitability. Although rarer, some people hallucinate.

    When mixed with other drugs or alcohol, the problems are compounded. For example, mixing with opiates and opioids (for example, codeine, methadone, morphine, oxycodone and tramadol) or alcohol can lead to sedation, slower breathing and heart rate, coma and even death.

    Taking drugs in combination is known to be extremely dangerous. More than 93% of drug deaths in Scotland in 2021 involved more than one drug.

    With these potential dangers, clonazepam is tightly controlled internationally. In the UK, it is a class C drug under the Misuse of Drugs Act. Other class C drugs include GHB, tramadol, cathinone and anabolic steroids.

    But tough laws alone will not stop drugs from being misused. So when people choose to take drugs, including clonazepam, it is important that they understand what the drug might do and what the risks might be.

    Michael Cole receives funding and “in kind” support from the European Union and a number police forces and forensic science organisations around the world to carry out research.

    – ref. What you need to know about clonazepam, the drug found in Liam Payne’s hotel room – https://theconversation.com/what-you-need-to-know-about-clonazepam-the-drug-found-in-liam-paynes-hotel-room-241853

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kamala Harris is being called ‘Jezebel’ – a Biblical expert explains why it’s a menacing slur

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By M.J.C. Warren, Senior Lecturer in Biblical and Religious Studies, University of Sheffield

    lev radin/Shutterstock

    Jezebel has long been used as a slur against women who are considered too self-confident, too independent or too close to power – particularly when they happen to be Black. From Beyonce to Nikki Minaj, US vice-president and Democratic Presidential candidate Kamala Harris is only the latest in a long line of women of colour to be on the receiving end of the slur.

    But beneath the use of Jezebel’s name as a way to paint powerful women as promiscuous lies something even more sinister: the threat of sexual violence for those who will not submit to white patriarchal control.

    An increasing number of Christian nationalist personalities have taken to claiming that the vice-president is a Jezebel spirit. Notably, televangelist Lance Wallnau appears in multiple videos on X (formerly Twitter) claiming that: “with Kamala you have a Jezebel spirit, a characteristic in the Bible, that is a Jezebel spirit. The personification of intimidation, seduction, domination and manipulation”.

    Nor is Wallnau shy about connecting his use of Jezebel to Harris’s race: according to his video, the fact that Harris is Black makes her even more of a seductive Jezebel than Hillary Clinton: “the spirit of Jezebel in a way that will be even more ominous than Hillary [Clinton] because she’ll bring a racial component, and she’s younger”.

    Jezebels old and new

    Different versions of Jezebel are found in the Old and New Testaments, but both are associated with power, independence and sexuality. In 1 Kings, Jezebel is a queen from Sidon (present-day Lebanon). She ruled along with her husband Ahab and refuses to worship the biblical God; she continued her traditional worship of Ba’al.

    Her authority in her marriage and in politics attracted the prophet Elijah’s negative attention. Elijah utters a prophecy that: “The dogs shall eat Jezebel” (1 Kings 21:23), and indeed, 2 Kings 9:32-37 says that the prophecy is fulfilled.

    Knowing her life is in danger, Jezebel puts on her make up and does her hair to prepare to meet her enemy.

    As religious studies academic Jennifer L. Koosed writes, while her self-beautification is used to sexualise Jezebel, “these acts are those of a proud and powerful queen” who boldly meets the man who is about to have her thrown from a window. Jezebel’s bloodied body is trampled by horses and her corpse utterly destroyed.

    Her violent death and the desecration of her body, which is consumed by dogs, dehumanises Jezebel. The Bible presents this as apt punishment for a woman who was so bold as to defy her husband’s traditions and maintain her independence.

    When we meet another Jezebel in the New Testament, the process begins again. In Revelation 2, Jezebel is a prophet, a rival of John the Seer, who travels to different early Christian communities and teaches them. John, the author of the Book of Revelation, imagines Jesus writing to the community who allow themselves to be taught by her. In that letter, the voice of Jesus declares that the punishment for this woman, who dares to be a leader, is rape. John uses vitriolic language to paint Jezebel as sexually immoral, but his complaint is with her authority.

    Long and damaging history

    The Bible frequently paints female characters as unacceptably sexual, or threatens them with sexual violence, in order to maintain its patriarchal hierarchy.

    Definition of the word Jezebel in a religious dictionary.
    Shutterstock

    For example, as biblical scholars such as Renita J. Weems have pointed out, Hosea 1-3 uses the metaphor of God as (abusive) husband and the people of Israel as their (abused) adulterous wife in order to convince the Israelites to worship God again.

    The infamous figure of the “Whore of Babylon” in Revelation 17-18 echoes that divine threat: her control over the kings of the world, her opulence and her sexuality all make her God’s enemy – and her punishment is sexual humiliation and violence.

    Kamala Harris has been labelled Jezebel since at least as early as 2021 when pastor Steve Swofford as “Jezebel Harris” and pastor Tom Buck tweeted: “I can’t imagine any truly God-fearing Israelite who would’ve wanted their daughters to view Jezebel as an inspirational role model because she was a woman in power.”

    Buck doubled down on his comments the next day, saying, “For those torn up over my tweet, I stand by it 100%. My problem is her godless character. She not only is the most radical pro-abortion VP ever, but also most radical LGBT advocate. She performed one of the first Lesbian ‘marriages.’ Pray for her, but don’t praise her!”

    Understood in the context of the attack on women’s rights by Christian nationalists and their allies, giving Harris the name Jezebel connects the biblical threats with the move to criminalise abortion access and even divorce – to take power away from women and restore it to the patriarchal Christian structure.

    While Jezebel is a clearly misogynist term, it has long been used in particular to dehumanise Black women. Racist stereotypes about Black women as hypersexual Jezebels were used by slavers to justify their rape of enslaved women. Even after the end of slavery, this use of the name persisted, as did the racist stereotype about Black women’s sexual availability to justify sexual violence. And Black women continue to experience sexual harassment and abuse at much higher levels than white women.

    So, when Christian nationalists urge their followers to “confront this Jezebel spirit” we can’t forget that confronting Jezebel is violent – in the Bible confronting Jezebel means her death or her rape. These veiled threats should not be taken lightly.

    Femicide is an ongoing crisis. A woman is killed by a man every three days in the UK and three women are killed by men every day in North America. Sexual violence against women is also rampant and is a weapon in the patriarchal arsenal for subduing independent women.

    Calling a powerful woman like Harris a Jezebel, then, isn’t just an offensive slur – it carries with it the persistent threat of racist violence and sexual assault.

    M.J.C. Warren does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Kamala Harris is being called ‘Jezebel’ – a Biblical expert explains why it’s a menacing slur – https://theconversation.com/kamala-harris-is-being-called-jezebel-a-biblical-expert-explains-why-its-a-menacing-slur-241746

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Is targeting UN peacekeepers in Lebanon a war crime? Here’s what international law says

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Giacomo Biggio, Lecturer in Law, University of Bristol Law School, University of Bristol

    Recent incidents involving the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (Unifil) have raised an important question. Can Israel lawfully target UN peacekeepers and premises in Lebanon, or would that constitute a war crime? To answer that question, it’s worth looking at the rules of International Humanitarian Law and how they relate to these apparent attacks by the IDF.

    First though, some background. Since Israeli troops entered Lebanon on October 1, there have been a number of incidents where IDF units have apparently targeted Unifil positions in southern Lebanon. This happened most recently on October 20, when the UN reported that “an IDF bulldozer deliberately demolished an observation tower and perimeter fence of a UN position” in Marwahin, near Lebanon’s border with Israel.

    Israel has repeatedly called for Unifil units to withdraw from the area. But, according to a UN statement of October 22: “Despite the pressure being exerted on the mission and our troop-contributing countries, peacekeepers remain in all positions.” The UN statement added that: “breaching a UN position and damaging UN assets is a flagrant violation of international law and Security Council resolution 1701. It also endangers the safety and security of our peacekeepers in violation of international humanitarian law.”

    Getting to grips with the legal position involved here begins by looking at the principle of “distinction”. This requires a party to the conflict to distinguish at all times between civilian and combatants, and between civilian objects and military objectives.

    A combatant is everyone who is a member of the armed forces of a party to the conflict, with the exception of medical and religious personnel. In turn, the notion of armed forces comprises all organised armed forces, groups and units which are under a command responsible to that party for the conduct of its subordinates. Everyone who falls outside this category is considered a civilian.

    It’s a fundamentally important distinction. Combatants can be killed unless they are hors de combat (captured, trying to surrender or incapacitated). Civilians, meanwhile, enjoy absolute protection from attack and cannot intentionally be targeted unless they take a direct part in hostilities.

    Civilians or combatants?

    So, are Unifil peacekeepers combatants or civilians? Despite Unifil being armed and under military command, it is a peacekeeping force and not a party to the conflict. Unifil is mandated by UN security council resolution 1701. It operates with the consent of its host state, Lebanon, and in accordance with the principles of neutrality, impartiality and limited use of force.

    Since the war between Israel and Hezbollah ended in 2006, its job has been to confirm Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon, ensure that the government of Lebanon exercises effective authority in the area and prevent the entry of weapons into the region. Crucially, Unifil is not engaged in hostilities with either the IDF or Hezbollah. So it is not a party to the conflict.

    From this it follows that Unifil peacekeepers must be considered civilians and enjoy protection from attack. So they cannot be intentionally attacked by the IDF unless they engage in conduct amounting to “direct participation in hostilities” (DPH).

    The state of the conflict in southern Lebanon, October 22 2024.
    Institute for the Study of War

    For conduct to qualify as DPH, it must either kill or injure a party to an armed conflict, or destroy or damage a protected object. This must be deliberate, intentional and result directly from the action of the person accused.

    In practice, this means that a peacekeeper would be committing DPH by, for example, shooting on IDF soldiers with the intent of affecting their military operations. If that was the case, a peacekeeper would lose protection from attack, but only for the time they engage in the conduct amounting to DPH. After this conduct has ended, they would regain protection from attack.

    Crucially, Unifil peacekeepers have never fired on IDF soldiers. If they did perhaps return fire from IDF soldiers, they would acting in self defence, rather than with the intention of affecting the IDF’s military operations. So their actions would not be sufficient for them to be regarded as combatants and they’d still be protected as civilians.

    What is a legitimate military target?

    The same conclusion can be reached with regards to IDF attacks on Unifil’s premises. These qualify as civilian objects and are protected from direct attack. Only military objectives are legitimate targets because, according to IHL, they make “an effective contribution to military action” and their capture, destruction or neutralisation offers a definite military advantage.

    Clearly, that is not the case for Unifil posts. So attacking Unifil peacekeepers and premises would violate the principle of distinction and qualify as a war crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. So, intentionally demolishing a Unifil watchtower with an IDF bulldozer, as happened recently, appears to qualify as a war crime, despite the claim that there was a Hezbollah weapons cache near the watchtower.

    It’s worth adding that peacekeepers and their premises must be the intended target of the attack for it to be a violation of the principle of distinction. If the IDF’s target was – as claimed – a nearby Hezbollah weapons cache, which clearly qualifies as a military objective, any resulting damage to peacekeepers or their premises must be evaluated under the principle of “proportionality” and must not exceed the military advantage anticipated from the attack. Once again, launching an attack with the knowledge it would cause excessive incidental damage would amount to a war crime.

    In the confusion of an IDF offensive in southern Lebanon it’s impossible to ascertain all the details beyond reasonable doubt. Knowing what actually happened is one thing. But once the fog of war lifts and the details become clear, so will the judgment of international law.

    Giacomo Biggio does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Is targeting UN peacekeepers in Lebanon a war crime? Here’s what international law says – https://theconversation.com/is-targeting-un-peacekeepers-in-lebanon-a-war-crime-heres-what-international-law-says-241849

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Is Tim Burton an outsider auteur or a global megastar? The Design Museum thinks it has the answer

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Catherine Spooner, Professor of Literature and Culture, Lancaster University

    “Like walking around in a weird, beautiful funhouse.” That’s how Tim Burton described his private viewing of The World of Tim Burton at the exhibition’s opening at London’s Design Museum.

    A travelling circus that initially took shape at New York’s Museum of Modern Art in 2009 and has since visited 14 cities in 11 countries, the exhibition now reaches its grand finale in expanded, remixed form in Burton’s adopted hometown. At the press conference, he admitted to feeling somewhat anxious about it. This points to one of the underlying tensions of the exhibition itself – the contrast between laying bare an intensely personal creative process, and Burton’s global megastar status.

    The exhibition’s collaboration with the Design Museum has enabled its re-framing as an exploration of Burton’s “design practice” (in curator Maria McClintock’s words). It traces the complex path from Burton’s initial sketches to their realisation on screen.

    In this respect, the exhibition is successful. Visitors get a sense of the holistic development of Burton’s ideas from preliminary drawings to their realisation by puppet-makers and set and costume designers. Unrealised film projects and personal artworks are also included. This provides a unique insight into the director’s creative process.

    The work itself, moreover, is joyous – a riot of colour and fizzing line. The Burton that emerges is restlessly inventive. We see not only his prolific sketches in pen and ink and watercolour but also his experiments across media with collage, pastels, oils, acrylics on velvet, home movies, photography, children’s picture books and comic verse.

    Some of the most thrilling items are the most personal – teen fan art, scribbles on table napkins, university lecture notes. These offer an impression of intimacy, of unadulterated creativity bubbling up from some hidden wellspring of the subconscious. The staging of the exhibition enhances this impression. Skewed doorways and chequerboard floors suggest that the art is spilling out of the frame into the space of the gallery, evoking the “funhouse” feel that Burton commented on.

    The exhibition is invested in the notion of Burton as auteur, supported by a loyal team of creatives, many of whom are showcased here. One highlight is rows of Jack Skellington heads with different facial expressions, devised by stop-motion animators Mackinnon and Saunders for The Nightmare Before Christmas (1993). Elsewhere, there is a genuine frisson in seeing Bob Ringwood and Mary Vogt’s iconic costume for Catwoman in Batman Returns (1992), now so fragile that it can only be laid flat, and looking uncannily like shed skin.

    The indisputable star among Burton’s collaborators, however, is costume designer Colleen Atwood. Her spectacular ensembles for Edward Scissorhands (1990), Mars Attacks! (1996), Sleepy Hollow (1999), Alice in Wonderland (2010) and Wednesday (2022) dominate the central room of the exhibition. Someone please give her a show of her own.

    Missed opportunities

    Where the exhibition is less successful is in its attempts to place Burton in a wider cultural framework. Burton’s influences are covered patchily and explained poorly. Vincent Price is conflated with Hammer Horror (he never made a film with Hammer Studios) and the theoretical concept of the carnivalesque is misunderstood.

    A more thorough exploration of the horror traditions on which Burton draws – particularly German expressionism and Roger Corman’s Edgar Allan Poe adaptations – would have been welcome. The focus on Burton’s drawings also begs closer attention to the illustrative traditions he is indebted to, from Ralph Steadman to Charles Addams and Edward Gorey. To neglect this is to diminish Burton’s skill as an artist who consciously reworks the American gothic tradition into a distinctive new form.

    The final room, “Burtonesque”, has the potential to be the most interesting. It explores the way that Burton’s aesthetic has become distinctive enough to be recognisable in the work of other artists.

    Ultimately, however, it shies away from asking searching questions about stylistic transferability and influence. Rather, it looks at Burton’s collaborations with artists in other media, whether fashion designer Alexander McQueen, photographer Tim Walker, or rock band The Killers.

    These are interesting in their own right but crucially, Burton is still involved in this process. The traditional exit through the gift shop reveals another side to Burton, in which his highly recognisable aesthetic has lent itself to merchandise with varying degrees of connection to the original source. The director has been vocal about the exploitation of his work by AI. But is this, in today’s culture, the logical end-point of the “Burtonesque”?

    The exhibition avoids any kind of investigation of the Burton brand, or even of Burton’s influence on a new generation of creators. In doing so, it misses what is one of the most fascinating paradoxes about Burton: that an artist who is so preoccupied with the figure of the outsider has been so widely embraced, with such immense commercial success.

    Burton’s work raises serious questions about the role and popularity of gothic imagery in 21st-century culture, but this exhibition is content to stick with the funhouse thrills.

    The World of Tim Burton is on at the Design Museum, London, until April 21 2025.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Catherine Spooner has previously received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council for a related project.

    – ref. Is Tim Burton an outsider auteur or a global megastar? The Design Museum thinks it has the answer – https://theconversation.com/is-tim-burton-an-outsider-auteur-or-a-global-megastar-the-design-museum-thinks-it-has-the-answer-242172

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Class identity: why fancy freebies are a bigger political problem for this Labour government than its Tory predecessors

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vladimir Bortun, Lecturer in Politics, University of Oxford

    While much of the intense media coverage of the UK government’s freebies scandal might be attributable to overzealous scrutiny by a predominantly right-of-centre printed press, there is at least one important issue at the heart of all this.

    It should be acknowledged that the gifts are in line with existing regulations – and also arguably less controversial than some of the donations received by members of former Conservative governments. But this Labour government sold itself as something different.

    Several frontbench figures, including prime minister Keir Starmer and deputy prime minister Angela Rayner focused heavily on their working-class credentials ahead of the election. They were doing so to reinforce the message that they are infinitely more in tune with regular people than the Tories.

    Several Labour ministers have accepted donations and freebies from big business and wealthy individuals. Lord Alli lent Starmer his £18m London flat and a New York property to Rayner for a holiday. Several Labour MPs were given tickets to Taylor Swift concerts, and perhaps more importantly, £4 million was donated to the Labour party by Quadrature – a tax-haven-based hedge fund with shares in the arms manufacturing, private healthcare and fossil fuel industries.

    Want more politics coverage from academic experts? Every week, we bring you informed analysis of developments in government and fact check the claims being made.

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    The obvious question is why these companies and wealthy individuals have made these donations and what they expect in return. People don’t make political donations out of the kindness of their hearts. They often expect something in return, whether in the form of a seat in the House of Lords or a lucrative state contract.

    Even in cases where there is no reciprocity, there are deeper questions of professional and political ethics that arise from donations. And fair or not, those questions are more pressing for a Labour government.

    There is, first of all, a matter of perception during a cost of living crisis. Labour MPs have just voted to keep the two-child benefit cap and remove universal winter fuel payments. Against this backdrop, it’s not a stretch to suggest accepting glamorous gifts creates a distance between lawmakers and the people they govern.

    But beyond that perception is the fact that living a privileged life may have a material effect on an MP’s outlook. There is a significant body of evidence showing that upward social mobility leads people towards more rightwing views on the economy.

    That may be particularly true of politicians. For this group, the trajectory is the most extreme. If you start from a working-class position in society and end up being part of the group that effectively leads that society, your vantage point could not be more different. You are less likely to try to change the status quo that is now the source of your own social and financial benefits.

    To be fair, research my colleagues and I conducted shows that working-class origins have a lingering effect on an MP’s outlook when they enter parliament. They are more likely to take an interest in issues that are important to working-class voters, for example.

    But this effect is diluted by party discipline, such as when MPs are whipped to vote in a certain way (such as on benefits). Social mobility, and in particular a simmering angst about falling back down the social ladder, also shapes these MPs’ decisions.

    Closing the experience gap

    It doesn’t have to be this way. In the 1980s, one of the most leftwing and working-class Labour MPs at the time, Terry Fields, ran and won an election on the slogan “a worker’s MP on a worker’s wage” – pledging to only draw a salary equivalent to a fireman’s and to donate the remainder.

    While this could be dismissed as performative populism from a politician looking to prove that he’s a “man of the people”, there is a deeper rationale at work here. Arguably, you can’t truly represent the interests of working-class people if you live in considerably better material conditions, cut off from the daily experience and living standards of those people.

    How can you fully understand what working-class people and communities go through and, thereby, what kind of policies they need, if you live in a parallel reality to theirs?



    Read more:
    What does class mean today in Britain? Podcast

    This is not to argue that MPs should give up their salaries or that they’re incapable of empathy, but it does show why freebies are such a glaring problem for a new government.

    Working-class people have, themselves, indicated that this experience gap matters to them. Their political alienation over the past few decades has been fuelled by their sense that they do not recognise themselves in the current political elite and the inequality-enhancing policies the elite have been enacting.

    The last election recorded one of the highest abstention rates (and according to at least one estimate, actually the highest) since the introduction of universal suffrage.

    And should a political party remain unmoved by those statistics, there is the small matter of electoral survival. Taken more cynically, working-class communities have become the electoral battlegrounds of the modern era.

    There are not many promising signs so far that the new Labour government is up to the task of representing the working class once again – even the recent workers’ rights legislation has been criticised as falling short by some of the trade unions. And while there’s a long way to go before we know if the freebies scandal will end up costing Labour support at the next election, it certainly won’t be counted as a bonus.

    Vladimir Bortun does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Class identity: why fancy freebies are a bigger political problem for this Labour government than its Tory predecessors – https://theconversation.com/class-identity-why-fancy-freebies-are-a-bigger-political-problem-for-this-labour-government-than-its-tory-predecessors-241619

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: I’m Not Okay: emo is alive and kicking at Barbican retrospective

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Francesca Sobande, Senior Lecturer in Digital Media Studies, Cardiff University

    An emo music retrospective has been a long time coming. There has been extensive work before now to archive and celebrate the cultural memory of this 2004-09 scene, whose name is short for emotional hardcore, but rarely has it been the sole focus of a public exhibition in the UK.

    Located at the Barbican Music Library in London, I’m Not Okay: An Emo Retrospective by the Museum of Youth Culture offers an inviting mix of nostalgia and dynamic documentation.

    The exhibition claims to focus on “a pivotal era when [US] bands like My Chemical Romance, Fall Out Boy and Finch sparked a transatlantic exchange, fuelling a distinct UK movement led by acts such as Funeral for a Friend”. Indeed the exhibition’s title is borrowed from a My Chemical Romance song of the same name. These are all bands that, to my delight as an emo fan, toured the UK in recent years, reflecting the ongoing appreciation and demand for such music.

    Much more than just spotlighting bands and musicians, the Museum of Youth Culture’s exhibition takes visitors on a trip down memory lane. It allows you to revisit digital culture from the days of file-sharing software like Limewire and the blogging and social media sites Myspace, LiveJournal and Xanga.

    The retrospective is a snapshot of the world of emo around 20 years ago, shaped by people’s recollections of their bedrooms, youth and digital culture, in addition to depictions of emo gigs and gatherings.

    I’m Not Okay, the 2004 song by My Chemical Romance that the exhibition is named for.

    The exhibition charts key points in emo’s 2000s era, from its origins in Washington DC’s post-hardcore scene in the mid-1980s. By bringing together people’s memories of emo from various parts of the world, the exhibition also tracks the ways that the internet, fandom and globalisation were experienced then.

    This is captured by the opening line of text displayed at the beginning of the retrospective: “I’m Not Okay is a rallying cry from a generation whose identity was spread across virtual infinities against the uncertain futures of a new millennium.”

    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

    Read more from Quarter Life:

    In the exhibition, excerpts from people who embraced emo in the 2000s (and beyond) paint a picture of digital culture as being key to the genre’s beating heart. The importance of early social media sites such as MySpace and Bebo is mentioned several times.

    Despite its relatively small scale, the Barbican show covers lots of different dimensions of emo between 2004 and 2009. It touches on matters as diverse as the rise of smartphones, the messiness of MSN messenger and online forums, and the specifics of being Black and emo.

    Emo at home and abroad

    Many of the memories documented in the exhibition point to the way that music and popular culture from North America had, and continues to have, a significant impact on youth culture and music in the UK. But the retrospective also makes clear that there was and is no absence of homegrown talent, spirit and scenes. These subcultures are firmly rooted in the realities of local life in the UK.

    In the 2000s, emo emerged and developed in distinctly regional as well as national ways. Stories about its uniqueness in certain towns, cities and states, sit alongside memories of learning about and yearning to experience its idiosyncrasies in different countries.

    Paramore were one of the few female-fronted emo bands of the 2000s.

    Statements adorning the exhibition walls include people’s recollections of growing up in rural areas, where they were one of few emo kids. Again, what ties those thoughts together is the role of the internet in connecting people to and through emo, as well as the meaningfulness of trips to nearby bigger places with more of an underground scene.

    Within such retrospective reflections are memories of young people’s experiences of a third place. Places that are not home and not a place of study or work, such as public squares, skate parks and club nights, that have increasingly diminished, been unfunded, or become more policed since the 2000s. Through these reflections, the show examines how places and spaces – both online and offline – have changed since the 2000s, in ways that impact young people and music today.

    I’m Not Okay: An Emo Retrospective takes seriously the significance and brilliance of emo. Illuminating elements of youth culture, digital culture and the layered history of emo music and subcultures, this retrospective is a reminder that while the internet of the past is long gone, emo remains alive and kicking.

    I’m Not Okay: An Emo Retrospective is on at the Barbican Music Library until January 15 2025.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Francesca Sobande received Impact Acceleration funding from UKRI in 2024, towards a project that involves collaborating with the Museum of Youth Culture.

    – ref. I’m Not Okay: emo is alive and kicking at Barbican retrospective – https://theconversation.com/im-not-okay-emo-is-alive-and-kicking-at-barbican-retrospective-241870

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cancer care in Africa: translations of key words convey fear and need to change

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hannah Simba, Associate Research Scientist, African Population and Health Research Center

    Language can give people the power to take an active part in their own healthcare, or it can create barriers.

    Effective communication raises awareness about diseases and is key to delivering good care to patients.

    Yet in many African settings, this aspect of care is often overlooked.

    Take cancer, for example. Understanding how cancer is discussed in various languages and cultural contexts is crucial. Better communication about the disease can reduce fear and stigma, improve patient outcomes and promote more informed decision-making.



    Read more:
    Demon disease, worse than HIV: Soweto women’s views on breast cancer

    The cancer burden in Africa is rising at a faster rate than anywhere else in the world. In a region where around 2,000 languages are spoken, the way cancer is communicated is important.

    I am an epidemiologist and global health researcher who recently coauthored a paper about the way cancer terminology is expressed in African languages.

    The findings suggest that translations of key terms, including “cancer”, “malignant”, “chronic” and “radiotherapy”, commonly conveyed elements of fear and tragedy. And that the words used may contribute to fear, health disparities and barriers to care, and pose communication difficulties for health professionals.

    The results reinforce the need for culturally sensitive cancer terminology. This would improve cancer awareness and communication.

    For cancer patients, the words used to describe their diagnosis and treatment can affect how they perceive their condition, their willingness to seek treatment, and their interaction with healthcare providers.

    A study on cancer terminology

    Our study investigated translations of cancer-related terms from various African languages and explored their cultural significance. We surveyed 107 healthcare professionals, community health workers and researchers from 32 African countries, representing 44 languages.

    Participants were asked to provide translations of 16 common medical terms in their local languages and explain what those terms meant. These were terms like “cancer”, “radiotherapy”, “metastasis” and “survival”.

    Results revealed a diversity of terminology and translations. Many local terms contained linguistic references that reflected cultural and social contexts.

    Fear and stigma

    The findings uncovered a striking pattern: many cancer-related terms carried deeply negative connotations. Often they were associated with fear, tragedy and incurability. Some translations even had malevolent spiritual meanings.

    The term “cancer” is often associated with weightiness. It creates a feeling of being overwhelming, unbeatable and frequently final.

    Terms like “malignant” and “chronic” carry similar weight, frequently coming with ideas of hopelessness and fatality.

    What if the treatment meant to save your life sounded as terrifying as the disease itself?

    One example in our study was the translation of “radiotherapy”. In several languages, the term was associated with burning – being scorched by fire, heat or electricity.

    Such associations can make treatments seem more frightening than they are. They might deter patients from seeking the care they need.

    Rich expressions to draw from

    One fascinating example of how language shapes the understanding of cancer comes from a Ugandan participant. Their translation of “metastasis” (meaning “spread”) in Luganda was ekiziba kyasindika obwana bwayo ahare. This means “the mother mass has sent seedlings into another site”.

    This vivid metaphor, deeply rooted in the local idioms and proverbs, likens the spread of cancer to the dispersal of seedlings from a central plant.

    It shows how African languages can convey complex medical concepts through culturally resonant expressions.

    In other instances cancer was referred to as the “wound with which we will be buried” (translated from Wolof), “forest disease” (translated from Djerma) and “parasitic plant” (translated from Shona).

    These expressions extend beyond literal translation, providing valuable insights into how cultures think of cancer as a powerful and pervasive force in the natural world.

    What next?

    The study highlights the importance of cultural sensitivity in cancer communication.

    When the language used to describe cancer and its treatments instils fear or perpetuates stigma, it becomes harder for healthcare workers to provide effective care.

    Patients may delay seeking treatment, struggle to understand their condition, or feel hopeless about their prognosis.



    Read more:
    Breast cancer is the most common cancer in the world. 5 reads that could save lives

    Efforts to overcome stigmatising language during the early years of the HIV epidemic in Africa can serve as a blueprint for improving cancer communication.

    Initiatives like the Stop TB Partnership’s Tuberculosis Language Guide offer lessons on using non-stigmatising terminology, which could be adapted to oncology.

    Programmes such as the American Cancer Society’s patient education initiatives and the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Rays of Hope radiotherapy programme highlight the potential for positive language alternatives and effective translations in African cancer care.

    The language used to communicate about cancer also matters because it can make a difference to health disparities.



    Read more:
    Breast cancer: why it’s difficult to treat and what new approaches are on the horizon

    Linguists, healthcare professionals and cultural leaders should work together to create new terminologies or adapt existing ones to be more neutral or positive.

    Such efforts could pave the way for more compassionate, effective and culturally aligned healthcare communication across the continent.

    Hannah Simba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Cancer care in Africa: translations of key words convey fear and need to change – https://theconversation.com/cancer-care-in-africa-translations-of-key-words-convey-fear-and-need-to-change-241928

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Coloured South Africans are all but erased from history textbooks – I asked learners how that makes them feel

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Natasha Robinson, PhD Candidate and research consultant, University of Oxford

    South African Grammy winner Tyla is proud of her Coloured identity. Emma McIntyre/Getty Images for The Recording Academy

    South African singer-songwriter Tyla made history in February 2024 when she won the inaugural Grammy for Best African Music Performance.

    Her win was celebrated at home. But the 22-year-old sparked controversy in the US by referring to herself as “Coloured”. There, the word is a slur dating back to the Jim Crow era, when state and local laws enforced racial discrimination against African Americans. In South Africa it has a very different meaning – and, by claiming her Coloured identity, Tyla has become an inspiration for many Coloured people who have long felt underrepresented in public life.

    In South Africa, Coloured people are typically understood to be a group that encompasses geographically diverse ancestries. The Coloured community was positioned between white and Black in apartheid’s racial hierarchy of privilege.

    During the 1970s and onwards, in an effort to unify anti-apartheid resistance, activists like Steve Biko sought to collapse any distinctions between oppressed groups. They encouraged anyone who was not white to identify as “Black”.

    In recent years many people have reclaimed the term “Coloured” to discuss their identity and culture. The latest South African census indicated that there are more than 5 million people across the country who identify as Coloured.

    Tyla’s comments are just one example of how “Colouredness” has, in the past few years, found a new voice in South African society. The electoral success of the Patriotic Alliance, which claims to be “born in the heart of the Coloured community”, is another. The highly acclaimed 2023 book Coloured by Lynsey Ebony Chutel and Tessa Dooms also brought conversations about Coloured identity to the fore.

    I research the relationship between history and identity in societies that have experienced conflict. I wanted to know how society’s increasingly positive perceptions of the term “Coloured” are playing out in South Africa’s school history curriculum.

    My resulting research presents a worrying picture. The way that Coloured identity is discussed in textbooks and curricula is leading young self-described Coloured people to believe that their history – and therefore their identity – is shameful.

    The research

    My research involved 10 months of ethnographic observation in two predominantly Coloured schools in Cape Town. I also analysed the history curricula and textbooks used in these schools, as well as repeatedly interviewing five grade 9 students, aged 14 and 15, and their history teachers from each school to understand their views on apartheid history and racial identity.

    There is no mention of the word “Coloured” in the grade 9 South African curriculum assessment policy statements for History. In contrast, the racial terms “white”, “Black” and “Indian” are mentioned 11, 44, and nine times respectively. In my analysis of the four most commonly used grade 9 history textbooks, Coloured identity is referred to, but infrequently. The Pearson textbook, for example, explains that “when we refer to ‘black’ South Africans in this topic [apartheid], it refers to African people, ‘Coloured’ people and Indian people”. It continues:

    The apartheid government found it hard to define race, especially when it came to what they called ‘Coloured’ people. The word ‘Coloured’ is controversial and possibly insulting, so here we have used it in inverted commas. (2013, p. 175)

    Subsuming Coloured identity into Black identity, and referring to the term “Coloured” as “insulting”, makes it difficult to learn about the lives and contributions of those who identified as Coloured.

    For example, all four textbooks contain photographs of Sophia Williams (later Sophia Williams-De Bruyn) and list her as one of the organisers of the 1956 Women’s March, during which 20,000 women marched to the government buildings to protest against racist laws.

    But all four textbooks fail to mention that Williams was classified in terms of apartheid laws as Coloured, identified as Coloured, was a full-time organiser for the Coloured People’s Congress in Johannesburg, and was assigned by the Coloured People’s Congress to work on issues relating to the 1950 Population Registration Act.

    So a student using these textbooks might learn about Williams – but still believe that Coloured people made no contribution to ending apartheid.

    Shame and lack of interest

    This denial of Coloured identity continued in the schools where I conducted ethnographic fieldwork. Teachers in a school on the Cape Flats – with a student population that overwhelmingly identified as Coloured – still referred to the school as a “Black school” by virtue of its involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle.

    The grade 9 history teacher, for example, taught that “the apartheid government gave us labels”, and that “if we didn’t cooperate [by uniting under a Black identity] then South Africa would be a failure”. This statement positioned the students’ distinct Coloured identity as being in opposition to South Africa’s success.

    When the teacher spoke about anti-apartheid struggle heroes, his students frequently complained that life was better under apartheid, and when he espoused ideas of non-racialism, they shook their heads. All of this suggested that the students were actively resisting South Africa’s founding narrative: that brave South Africans united to overcome the darkness of apartheid, and to found a democratic rainbow nation.

    My interviews with students from this school suggested that they felt no connection to South Africa’s history. When I asked about his family’s experiences during apartheid, Lester (aged 14) replied that “they were just a normal Coloured family. Nothing interesting.”

    In another school, a slim majority of students identified as Coloured. Again, Coloured history was not explicitly taught. Students felt alienated from Coloured history in different ways. Bahir (aged 15), for example, felt shame and discomfort about his Coloured identity. When I asked him whether he wished he could study more Coloured history, he declined:

    I actually wouldn’t want to like hear such a thing as slavery … I don’t actually like to hear that my family was put into that like category or something.

    The only Coloured history Bahir could consider was one of enslavement.

    Deborah (aged 14), meanwhile, suspected that there might be a proud Coloured history of anti-apartheid resistance, but assumed it hadn’t been written yet. She attributed the lack of Coloured pride among her classmates to a lack of historical scholarship.

    If I had a reason for why people do not want to be Coloureds, it’s because they don’t have a status, and they don’t have history that’s jotted down also.

    Catching up

    One thing was clear from my research: the absence of Coloured identity in history curriculum, textbooks, or lesson plans did not stop students from identifying as Coloured. However, they felt confused, ashamed or alienated from their history and South Africa’s history.

    Tyla and others are proudly, loudly defending their right to identify as Coloured. It’s time for South Africa’s history curriculum to catch up.

    Natasha Robinson receives funding from the ESRC and the British Academy.

    – ref. Coloured South Africans are all but erased from history textbooks – I asked learners how that makes them feel – https://theconversation.com/coloured-south-africans-are-all-but-erased-from-history-textbooks-i-asked-learners-how-that-makes-them-feel-234832

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: My family lived the horrors of Native American boarding schools – why Biden’s apology doesn’t go far enough

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rosalyn R. LaPier, Professor of History, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

    A photograph archived at the Center for Southwest Research at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque shows a group of Indigenous students who attended the Ramona Industrial School in Santa Fe. AP Photo/Susan Montoya Bryan

    I am a direct descendant of family members that were forced as children to attend either a U.S. government-operated or church-run Indian boarding school. They include my mother, all four of my grandparents and the majority of my great-grandparents.

    On Oct. 25, 2024, Joe Biden, the first U.S. president to formally apologize for the policy of sending Native American children to Indian boarding schools, called it one of the most “horrific chapters” in U.S. history and “a mark of shame.” But he did not call it a genocide.

    Yet, over the past 10 years, many historians and Indigenous scholars have said that what happened at the Indian boarding schools “meets the definition of genocide.”

    From the 19th to 20th century, children were physically removed from their homes and separated from their families and communities, often without the consent of their parents. The purpose of these schools was to strip Native American children of their Indigenous names, languages, religions and cultural practices.

    The U.S. government operated the boarding schools directly or paid Christian churches to run them. Historians and scholars have written about the history of Indian boarding schools for decades. But, as Biden noted, “most Americans don’t know about this history.”

    As an Indigenous scholar who studies Indigenous history and the descendant of Indian boarding school survivors, I know about the “horrific” history of Indian boarding schools from both survivors and scholars who contend they were places of genocide.

    Was it genocide?

    The United Nations defines “genocide” as the “intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” Scholars have researched different cases of genocide of Indigenous peoples in the United States.

    Historian Jeffery Ostler, in his 2019 book “Surviving Genocide,” argues that the unlawful annexation of Indigenous lands, the deportation of Indigenous peoples and the numerous deaths of children and adults that occurred as they walked hundreds of miles from their homelands in the 19th century constitute genocide.

    The mass killings of Indigenous peoples after gold was found in the 19th century in what is now California also constitutes genocide, writes historian Benjamin Madley in his 2017 book “An American Genocide.” At the time, a large migration of new settlers to California to mine gold brought with it the killing and displacement of Indigenous peoples.

    Other scholars have focused on the forced assimilation of children at Indian boarding schools. Sociologist Andrew Woolford argues that scholars need to start calling what happened at Indian boarding schools in the 19th and 20th century “genocide” because of the “sheer destructiveness of these institutions.”

    Woolford, a former president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, explains in his 2015 book “This Benevolent Experiment” that the goal of Indian boarding schools was the “forcible transformation of multiple Indigenous peoples so that they would no longer exist as an obstacle (real or perceived) to settler colonial domination on the continent.”

    First- and second-grade students sit in a classroom at the former Genoa Indian Industrial School in Genoa, Neb. Researchers are now trying to locate the bodies of more than 80 Native American children buried near the school.
    National Archives/AP

    Indigenous writers have explained how this transformation at Indian boarding schools occurred. “Federal agents beat Native children in such schools for speaking Native languages, held them in unsanitary conditions, and forced them into manual and dangerous forms of labor,” writes Indigenous law professor Maggie Blackhawk.

    What my grandmother witnessed

    Secretary of the Interior Debra Anne Haaland has stated that every Native American family has been impacted by the “trauma and terror” of Indian boarding schools. And my family is no different.

    One of the more horrific stories that my maternal grandmother shared with her grandchildren was that she witnessed the death of another student. They were both under the age of 10. The student died of poisoning after lye soap was put in her mouth as a punishment for speaking her Indigenous language.

    We know that similar punishments happened and children died at Indian boarding schools. The Department of Interior reported in 2024 that 973 children died at Indian boarding schools.

    Tribes are increasingly seeking the return of the remains of children who died and are buried at Indian boarding schools.

    A worker digs for the suspected remains of children who once attended the Genoa Indian Industrial School, on July 11, 2023, in Genoa, Neb.
    AP Photo/Charlie Neibergall

    Lasting legacy

    The U.S. government is beginning to encourage survivors to tell their stories of their Indian boarding school experiences. The Department of the Interior is in the process of recording and documenting their stories on digital video, and they will be placed in a government repository.

    At 84 years old, my mother is the only living Indian boarding school survivor in our family. She shared her story with the Department of the Interior this past summer, as did dozens of other survivors.

    Haaland stated these “first person narratives” can be used in the future to learn about the history of Indian boarding schools, and to “ensure that no one will ever forget.”

    “For too long, this nation sought to silence the voices of generations of Native children,” Biden added at the apology ceremony, “but now your voices are being heard.”

    As a descendant of Indian boarding school survivors, I appreciate President Biden’s apology and his effort to break the silence. But, I am also convinced that what my mother, grandmother and other survivors experienced was genocide.

    Rosalyn R. LaPier does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. My family lived the horrors of Native American boarding schools – why Biden’s apology doesn’t go far enough – https://theconversation.com/my-family-lived-the-horrors-of-native-american-boarding-schools-why-bidens-apology-doesnt-go-far-enough-242249

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –