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Category: Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine war: the idea that Kyiv should have signed a peace deal in 2022 is flawed – here’s why

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Hall, Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in Russian and Post-Soviet Politics, University of Bath

    It has been an eventful and, for Ukraine and its European allies, alarming past week or so. First they heard that the US president, Donald Trump, had spent 90 minutes on the phone with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin. In one stroke, Trump upended three years in which his predecessor, Joe Biden, had sought to isolate Russia after its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

    On the same day, February 12, Trump’s newly installed secretary of defense, Pete Hegseth, told a gathering of senior defence officials in Brussels that Europe would no longer be the primary focus for US security policy, and that Ukraine could not hope to regain the territory Russia had illegally occupied since 2014, nor join Nato.

    Hegseth added that not only would the US not contribute to any peacekeeping force in Ukraine in the event of a peace deal, but that any European peacekeeping operation would not be done under the protection of Nato’s Article 5.

    This was soon followed by the US vice-president, J.D. Vance, telling the Munich Security Conference that it was Europe, not Russia or China, that was the main security threat – the “enemy within” that fostered anti-democratic practices and sought to curtail free speech.

    This week, a US team led by the secretary of state, Marco Rubio, sat down with their Russian opposite numbers led by the foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, to discuss peace negotiations. Ukraine was not represented. Nor was Europe. Following that, and perhaps taking his cue from Hegseth, Lavrov declared that Russia would not accept any European peacekeepers in Ukraine – deal or no deal.

    Meanwhile, Trump has taken to his TruthSocial media platform to repeat several favourite Kremlin talking points. Ukraine was responsible for the war, he said. Its president, Volodymyr Zelensky, was a “dictator” who had cancelled elections, and whose popularity with his own people was now as low as 4% (it’s actually 57%, at least 10 points higher than Trump’s rating in the US).

    Trump also mocked Zelensky’s concern at his country’s exclusion from the Riyadh talks, telling reporters: “Today I heard: ‘Oh, well, we weren’t invited.’ Well, you’ve been there for three years … You should have never started it. You could have made a deal.”

    This leads us back to the Istanbul communique, produced at the end of March 2022 after initial peace talks between Russia and Ukraine in Antalya, Turkey. Some US commentators have suggested Ukraine could now be better off had it signed this deal.

    Istanbul communique

    What happened in Istanbul, and how close Russia and Ukraine were to an agreement, has been hotly debated, with some arguing a deal was close and others refuting this.

    Ukraine reportedly agreed to a range of concessions including future neutrality, as well as giving up its bid for membership of Nato. Russia, in turn, would apparently have accepted Ukraine’s membership of the EU. This concession, incidentally, is still on the table.

    But there were sticking points, primarily over the size of Ukraine’s armed forces after a deal – Kyiv reportedly wanted 250,000 soldiers, the Kremlin just 85,000 – and the types of weaponry Ukraine could keep in its arsenal.

    There were also issues about Ukraine’s Russian-occupied territory, particularly Crimea – this was projected to be resolved over 15 years with Russia occupying the peninsula on a lease in the meantime. Another Kremlin demand was for Zelensky to stand down as president, with the presidency being taken up by the pro-Russian politician Viktor Medvedchuk.

    Negotiations continued through April 2022, only to break down when Russian atrocities were reported in Bucha, a town Ukrainian troops had retaken as part of their spring counter-offensive. But the fact is, an agreement was never really close.

    The UK’s former prime minister, Boris Johnson, has taken much flack over reports that he urged Zelensky not to accept the deal. But there was never a realistic chance this deal would be acceptable to Ukraine. A neutral Ukraine with a reduced military capacity would have no way to defend itself against any future aggression.

    Had Ukraine done a deal based on the Istanbul communique, it would have essentially led to the country becoming a virtual province of Russia – led by a pro-Russian government and banned from seeking alliances with western countries. As for joining the EU, it was the Kremlin’s opposition to Kyiv’s engagement with the EU in 2013 which provoked the Euromaidan protests and led to Russia’s initial annexation of Crimea the following year.

    What next?

    Kyiv signing the Istanbul communique may have quickly stopped the war and the killing. But the Kremlin has repeatedly shown it cannot be trusted to adhere to agreements – you only have to look at the way it repeatedly violated the Minsk accords of 2015, which attempted to end hostilities in eastern Ukraine.

    Further, a deal that rewards Russian aggression by agreeing to its taking of territory and demanding the neutrality of the victim would undermine global security, and encourage other illegal foreign policy adventurism.

    If the Trump administration has the blueprint of a fair peace deal, it’s hiding it well at this point. Instead, European leaders have been put in a position where they must face the prospect of having to fund Ukraine’s continued defence, while coping with a US retreat from its security guarantees for Europe as a whole.

    Either that or, as my University of Bath colleague Patrick Bury wrote on X this week, accept some pretty dire consequences.

    Europe is facing a crisis that it could have prepared for after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. With Trump back in power, the relationship between the US and Europe appears increasingly fractured. But Europe too is bitterly divided over how to approach this crisis.

    Britain and France initially talked up the idea of providing troops as peacekeepers in Ukraine – but Germany adamantly refused to go along with that plan. Both Emmanuel Macron and Keir Starmer have since rethought the idea (although there is a report that the UK prime minister has considered a scheme for a 30,000-strong “monitoring force” away from the ceasefire line).

    The Kremlin reacts to signals. While it was clearly preparing for the invasion in late 2021, Joe Biden’s statement that he would not send troops to defend Ukraine showed the limits to US involvement. A message that Europe is prepared to dispatch peacekeepers to Ukraine now would send a strong signal to Putin – and the Trump administration – that Europe is serious.

    Stephen Hall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ukraine war: the idea that Kyiv should have signed a peace deal in 2022 is flawed – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/ukraine-war-the-idea-that-kyiv-should-have-signed-a-peace-deal-in-2022-is-flawed-heres-why-250423

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Flowers at London’s Saatchi Gallery: this exploration of flora in history and contemporary culture smells as good as it looks

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Judith Brocklehurst, Visiting Lecturer, BA Fine Art Mixed Media, University of Westminster

    On entering the Saatchi Gallery’s latest exhibition, which is simply titled Flowers, you might think that you have just walked into a supersized florist’s shop, surrounded by bunches and bunches of blooms.

    The aroma of dried flowers comes from Rebecca Louise Law’s monumental arrangement La Fleur Morte (2025), which was created through workshops with people from the local community. As in a flower shop, the viewer is overwhelmed by a heady mix of colour, shape and smell.

    Flowers offers an overview of flora not only in contemporary art but in their wider cultural significance. Rooms are loosely organised by theme and medium, with an occasional nod to more serious subjects, such as eroticism, death, danger or decay.

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    The first room, Roots, offers historical context for the show, from Van Gogh to William Morris’s floral designs. Dutch 17th-century paintings are recreated for the digital age in Bob and Nick Carter’s video work Transforming Flowers in a Vase (2016).

    The irreality of their digitally revived bunch of flowers, presented in a heavy wooden frame, reminds us that those masterly paintings were themselves a construct.

    Painters have often arranged flowers that bloomed at different times of the year together in one image. As Bart Cornelis, curator at London’s National Gallery, explained when discussing Dutch flower paintings in 2017, these arrangements are “not realism [but] “a construct … In a sense, that’s what makes it art”.

    In the next space, In Bloom, Jim Dine’s black-and-white lithograph Sunflowers (2011) stands out amid the profusion of bright yellows, reds, greens and pinks. With the colour stripped away, the eye is drawn to the flowers’ structure and their dark-seeded heart.

    Speaking about the connection between plants and people, artist and subject, Dine has said that “if my personality is revealed in a plant drawing … it would be just the emotion and the way I felt when I depicted it at that moment, that day – or as the days go on, the building up of layers like the unconscious”. This work feels deeply connected to those early Dutch paintings and their small, often-missed memento mori.

    In the same room, a whole wall is dedicated to an image of Jeff Koons’ two-storey sculpture Puppy (1992), a dog covered in bedding plants.

    Koons’ notorious overt commercialism leads the viewer back to the sense of being in a shop – this time offering high-end floral fashion and jewellery. In one corner, glass display cases hold jewelled brooches by “curatorial partners” Buccellati. Next to them are Marimekko prints in an oversized poster display rack.

    Beauty and danger

    Stepping into the next room, the viewer moves from shopping arcade back into a gallery to look at flowers in photography and sculpture. Here are more decadent arrays, where visitors are drawn like pollinators to William Darrell’s trippy kinetic sculpture The Machinery of Enchantment (2025).

    By the nature of its subject, this show is full of colour and form. It is a reminder that, as art writer Patrick J. Reed explained in relation to photographer and painter Edward Steichen’s 1936 exhibition of freshly cut bouquets of Delphiniums:

    The significance of flowers, then as now, is linked to traditions, tastes and class distinctions. To appreciate fine vegetation means to understand, if not possess, ‘well-bred’ decorum; to understand when and how to navigate manicured botanical refreshment.

    With Flowers, the Saatchi Gallery offers visitors this opportunity in abundance.

    Upstairs, the exhibition is more conceptually curated. The true symbolic power and pervasiveness of flower imagery comes to the fore in a room full of film posters, album sleeves and book covers.

    Among them are the disturbingly beautiful posters for Jonathan Glazer’s film Zone of Interest by Neil Kellerhouse. Images from the film spring to mind: the garden next to the concentration camp; the profusion of flowers fertilised by ashes from the ovens. Monstrous actions are shielded by nature.



    Read more:
    The Zone of Interest: new Holocaust film powerfully lays bare the mechanisms of genocide

    The relationship between beauty and danger becomes more overt in one of the final rooms, Science: Life or Death. Suddenly, we are amid less decorative fare. Here, under glass domes, are Emma Witter’s exquisitely intricate sculptures of flowers – chillingly, all made of tiny bones.

    These sculptures sit in stark visual juxtaposition to Banita Mistry’s minimal line paintings, which recall modernism yet are hand-drawn with Henna. These contrasting approaches to similar themes sit opposite historically laden botanical illustrations. Darker themes re-emerge and open up thoughts of the importance of contemporary artists engaging in debates around decolonisation.

    So, among the seductive splendour of form and colour lurks the reality of depictions of flowers in the contemporary art world. A construct balanced between the need to reflect on human frailty through the relationship with delicate mutable blooms and the harsh edge of producing seductive profitable goods.

    Flowers – Flora in Contemporary Art and Culture is on display at London’s Saatchi Gallery until May 5 2025.

    Judith Brocklehurst does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Flowers at London’s Saatchi Gallery: this exploration of flora in history and contemporary culture smells as good as it looks – https://theconversation.com/flowers-at-londons-saatchi-gallery-this-exploration-of-flora-in-history-and-contemporary-culture-smells-as-good-as-it-looks-250094

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: German election: why most political parties aren’t talking about the climate crisis

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vera Trappmann, Professor in Comparative Employment Relations, University of Leeds

    MDV Edwards/Shutterstock

    After months of wrangling over public debt and spending decisions, the German government collapsed in November 2024. Among the many disagreements between the parties which made up the governing coalition was how to pay for measures to combat climate change.

    Seeking to take advantage of disillusioned voters (who in recent years showed record support for the Greens), populist parties have since cast doubt on the idea of tackling environmental issues at all.

    Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), for example, the rightwing party which denies the existence of man-made climate change, has raised concerns about energy security and the economic cost of green alternatives.

    If the AfD’s broader aim was to take green issues off the political agenda, the plan appears to be working. In the run-up to the general election on February 23 2025, migration and the economy are the most important issues for voters (each on 34%), with climate change lagging far behind (13%).

    Nor has the environment been a priority in the parties’ election campaigns. In the first TV debate between the chancellor, the social democrat Olaf Scholz, and his most likely successor, the conservative Friedrich Merz, the topic was ignored almost entirely. A lack of political will and fear of losing voters appear to have relegated environmental policies to the sidelines.

    Others want it back at the top of the agenda. Germany’s foreign intelligence service, for example, describes the climate crisis as one of the major risks facing the country, alongside terrorism and war.

    Business associations have urged the next government to address climate change mitigation for the sake of German jobs. The Federation of German Industries has demanded an increase in public spending on climate change of as much as €70 billion (£58 billion). Younger voters have called for a nationwide protest to bring the subject back into politicians’ minds.

    So have German voters really become sceptical about dealing with climate change?
    In a recent study, we found that people who planned to vote for the AfD and the leftwing populist BSW party are indeed sceptical of the need for far-reaching climate policies.

    Among voters of these two parties, only 23% (AfD) and 41% (BSW) think that an energy transition is necessary to achieve national climate goals. For Green party voters that figure is 93%, and for SDP supporters it’s 83%.

    Voters across the political spectrum have different priorities when it comes to energy supply. For populist party supporters, energy costs trump everything, with only 12% of AfD and 20% of BSW voters considering low emissions important.

    These voters are also less likely to assume the energy transition would have positive effects on jobs, and are more likely to fear rising energy costs and security of supply. In short, they are afraid of the social and economic consequences of the energy transition. It is this fear that the far right appears to have been able to mobilise.

    Climate costs

    Our results are backed up by other research which shows that poorer voters are concerned about the potential costs associated with net zero ambitions.

    There is also uncertainty about the possible effects on employment. Many people in Germany believe there will be job losses in their local community as a result of the transition to green energy, and 25% worry they will lose their job.

    Climate change protest in Berlin in 2024.
    D Busquets/Shutterstock

    While these results may seem gloomy, we also found majority support – even among AfD voters – for climate change policies where communities benefit financially from local renewable energy projects, and where citizens feel they have more of a voice in how the energy transition comes into effect.

    People want to be heard and participate in a potential transformation. Previous research in psychology has shown that participating in processes and a perception of fairness can increase acceptance.

    Research also shows that people fear the effects of climate policies on their personal finances, and that these perceived costs inhibit environmentally friendly behaviour.

    But the climate crisis won’t go away, no matter who governs Germany in the coming years. More “once-in-a-century” floods and droughts will hit the nation and bring the climate crisis back to the top of the political agenda.

    When this happens, politicians need to ensure they have a positive and credible vision of the future ready to present to voters – where the costs are shared fairly. This will make it harder for populist parties to play on economic worries, and easier to persuade German voters to prioritise the climate crisis.

    Vera Trappmann receives funding from Hans Böckler Foundation

    Felix Schulz receives funding from the Hans-Böckler-Foundation.

    – ref. German election: why most political parties aren’t talking about the climate crisis – https://theconversation.com/german-election-why-most-political-parties-arent-talking-about-the-climate-crisis-249731

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The US has a long history of meddling in Latin America. What’s different about Donald Trump’s approach?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Natasha Lindstaedt, Professor in the Department of Government, University of Essex

    Jimmy Carter, who was president from 1977 to 1981, considered the treaties signed in 1977 to cede control of the Panama Canal to Panama, ending over a century of strained relations, one of the crowning achievements of his administration.

    Today, Panamanians are uncertain whether Donald Trump will abide by these treaties – and are nervous about what could happen next. Panamanian journalists that I have spoken with are increasingly concerned that the US will invade.

    Trump has repeatedly refused to rule out using the US military to seize the Panama Canal, if necessary, despite boasting that he had an impeccable record of not starting any new wars.

    While this appears to be a huge departure in US foreign policy towards Latin America, the US has had a long history of invading, meddling, supporting coups and offering clandestine support to violent non-state actors in the region.

    One historian has noted that the US participated (directly and indirectly) in regime change in Latin America more than 40 times in the last century. This figure does not even take into account failed missions that didn’t result in regime change, such as the US’s orchestrated invasion of the Bay of Pigs in Cuba in 1961.

    When the US is not intervening, its approach to the region has been described as “benign neglect”. During these interludes, Latin America was mostly ignored while the US prioritised other geopolitical interests.

    Return to the old ways?

    But Trump’s latest threats to Panama are a return to the paternalistic era of US foreign policy towards Latin America. This arguably started with the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 — a framework that aimed to protect US interests in the region from European aggression. Latin America essentially became the US’s backyard. At the time, the Monroe Doctrine received some support from Latin American countries that were hoping for independence from Europe and republican forms of government.



    Read more:
    US pressure has forced Panama to quit China’s Belt and Road Initiative – it could set the pattern for further superpower clashes

    But this would change with the increasingly interventionist posture of US president Theodore Roosevelt during his two terms from 1901 to 1909. On November 18 1903, when Panama was just 15 days old, Roosevelt signed the Hay–Bunau-Varilla Treaty , in which the US promised to support Panamanian independence from Colombia in exchange for rights to build and operate the Panama Canal. Reportedly the deal was engineered by a Frenchman, Philippe Bunau-Varilla, and no Panamanians were involved. This was the era of “big stick diplomacy” where the US would muscle its way into getting what it wanted with a series of credible threats.

    During the cold war, Washington’s stance in Latin America became even more interventionist. The US backed authoritarian rule by right-wing military dictatorships in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, Paraguay, Bolivia, Uruguary and Honduras.

    The US government provided organisation, financial and technical support for military regimes that were disappearing, kidnapping, torturing and murdering their political opponents, during Operation Condor in the 1970s. Democratically elected leaders Jacobo Árbenz and Salvador Allende were removed from power with the help of US covert action in Guatemala in 1954, and Chile in 1973, respectively.



    Read more:
    Operation Condor: why victims of the oppression that swept 1970s South America are still fighting for justice

    The US was also responsible for funding and training violent non-state groups such as the Contras, a rebel force which was set up in Nicaragua to oppose the Sandinista government. The US also supported the right-wing Arena government which was accused of setting up death squads during the bloody civil war in El Salvador) in which thousands of civilians were killed.

    With the Carter administration’s human rights-focused foreign policy, the US finally did the right thing when it came to returning the Panama Canal to the Panamanians. To accomplish this, Carter had to work hard to build bipartisan support to see the long-term benefits of improving US-Panamanian relations and improving US relations with Latin America more generally.

    From the US standpoint, the canal was no longer economically important. At the same time, the canal had become an issue of national pride in Panama, with mass student-led protests breaking out on January 9 1964 when Panamanians were barred from flying their national flag in the US-controlled canal zone. The day became known as Martyr’s Day after 21 Panamanians were killed by US troops.

    Relations improved after the Carter-Torrijos treaties were signed. But the US returned to an interventionist strategy when it send nearly 26,000 troops to invade Panama during Operation Just Cause in 1989 – the largest US deployment since the Vietnam war.

    Though the goal to remove Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega (who had formerly been on the CIA payroll) was achieved, more than 500 Panamanians were reportedly killed. Unofficial estimates suggest there may have been as many as 2,000-3,000 deaths.

    Six months after the 1989 invasion, I went to Panama for the summer, and saw first-hand the destruction caused. Looting had been rampant, with millions of dollars worth of goods stolen. There were concerns that the economy in Colón (Panama’s second largest city) wouldn’t be able to recover.

    The impoverished neighbourhood of El Chorillo in Panama City was overwhelmed by a massive use of firepower, including F-117 stealth bombers, Blackhawk helicopters, Apache and Cobra helicopters, 2,000-pound bombs and Hellfire missiles.

    In spite of the devastation, the US could, at least, argue that it invaded in order to restore democracy in Panama. But fast forward to today and Trump has made it clear that he doesn’t care about democracy and human rights. He does care, however, about increasing Chinese economic influence in Latin America – and this high-profile pushback is actually about bullying the Panamanian government to stop doing deals with Beijing.

    And while the seizure of the Panama Canal would probably make very little difference to the US economy, it would make a huge impact to the economy of Panama. The Panamanian government astutely made important investments to enlarge the canal from 2007-2016, and today the canal’s revenues are worth US$5 billion (£3.9 billion), or about 4% of Panama’s GDP.

    The “America first” agenda fails to understand how long-term alliances work, how soft power works, and the importance of having credibility and a vision. In the past, the US has often been aggressive, assertive and interventionist in Latin America, with Trump it looks like all these qualities are back.

    Natasha Lindstaedt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The US has a long history of meddling in Latin America. What’s different about Donald Trump’s approach? – https://theconversation.com/the-us-has-a-long-history-of-meddling-in-latin-america-whats-different-about-donald-trumps-approach-249678

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada, Greenland, Panama, Gaza and now Ukraine: Wake up, world, Donald Trump is coming for you

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jeffrey B. Meyers, Instructor, Legal Studies and Criminology, Kwantlen Polytechnic University

    It’s no longer speculative to ask how the post-Second World War world order, led by the United States, will end. It’s apparently already ended.

    The U.S. has snubbed its NATO partners and Ukraine itself from purported “peace talks” to end the three-year-old war in Europe in favour of direct bilateral talks between American and Russian officials hosted by Saudi Arabia.

    President Donald Trump has actually described Ukraine’s widely admired wartime President Volodymyr Zelenskyy as “a dictator” and falsely claimed he started the war.

    These lies came directly after Vice President JD Vance’s recent broadside against NATO partners at the Munich Security Conference in which he downplayed the threat of Russia and China to the western alliance and suggested instead that liberal centrism was the real threat.

    His remarks were widely regarded as an intervention on behalf of the European far right, particularly far-right political parties in Germany ahead of upcoming elections in that country.

    Dreaming of a Gaza takeover

    Eighty years after the liberation of Auschwitz and 36 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, we are in the midst of new crimes against humanity, new forms of ethnic cleansing and even, potentially, genocide.

    In a news conference with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump mused about an American takeover of the Gaza Strip by removing its occupants to neighbouring countries and developing the region as a seaside resort. This would very likely constitute a war crime.

    Snubbing international law

    Trump’s return to the American presidency marks a normalization of this type of threat.

    Instead of embracing the international rule of law in the post-Second World War spirit of avoiding another devastating global conflict, the U.S. is building new walls rather than tearing them down while at the same time threatening to annex other sovereign nations and amass new territory.

    Trump is obviously unsentimental about America’s longtime allies, including the innermost circle of English-speaking democracies — the U.S., Canada, the United Kingdom, Australian and New Zealand — that make up the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing alliance.

    A group of countries that wouldn’t normally be fussed about the transition from one American president to another is now very nervous about how far Trump is going to go.



    Read more:
    Allies or enemies? Trump’s threats against Canada and Greenland put NATO in a tough spot

    Anarchy, colonialism

    During the first angry weeks of Trump’s second presidency, the U.S. appears to be signalling a return to an anarchic and explicitly colonial imagining of the world. In this regard, Trump’s disdain for the rule of law at home tracks a potentially even greater disdain for the international legal order, one that’s existed since 1945.

    The only real connection between the past and contemporary times predates the American-led post-war order of the past eight decades and harkens further back to America’s imperialist and expansionist past and ideas like Manifest Destiny from more than a century ago.



    Read more:
    How the U.S. could in fact make Canada an American territory

    Trump, not historically much of an imperialist in his rhetoric, has now doubled down on classical imperialist threats as he repeatedly proposes expanding the physical map of the U.S., musing in particular about Greenland, Panama, Canada and now Gaza.

    Greenland holds a strategic interest for the U.S. — there’s already an American airbase on the island — since its location is increasingly important as the Arctic ice melts and amid greater competition from Russia and China.

    Panama has been in America’s imperialistic sights more often than Greenland, and was even invaded by U.S. forces in 1989.

    Canada as a 51st state

    But Canada? At least Trump agreed at a news conference before taking office that military force was off the table. Instead, Canada only had to worry about “economic force” being used to annex it.

    Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has told business leaders that Trump’s talk about annexing Canada is “the real thing,” aimed at obtaining Canada’s critical minerals.

    Trump’s interactions with Denmark, Canada and Panama all demonstrate a disdain for basic principles of the rule of law at the international level, which is underpinned by the sovereignty of states.

    His musings on Gaza, which led United Nations Secretary General António Guterres to warn him specifically against endorsing ethnic cleansing, demonstrate a willingness to break completely with international legal norms.

    He’s not only peacocking on the global stage, he is also telegraphing that he holds international legal norms in even lower esteem than the norms of his own country, where he is a convicted felon. This situation is as alarming as it unprecedented.



    Read more:
    Despite the U.S. Supreme Court’s gift to Donald Trump, he could be barred from Canada as a convicted felon

    America now a threat

    Right now, cognitive dissonance in the form of status quo bias poses a real danger in terms of Trump’s dismissal of the rule of law. This means that folks are somehow convincing themselves that the undoing of the global rules-based order in real time is just a blip; things will somehow ramp down and return to normal.

    But the evidence is glaringly to the contrary.

    Trump is plainly communicating his wishes: a new age of American imperialism. At first few took him seriously. Now we all are. Canada, due to its proximity to and reliance on the U.S., must especially face a new reality in which an American president casually and repeatedly threatens its sovereignty.

    Canada, America’s closest ally in terms of shared language, culture and geography, should be the first and not the last to start believing Trump’s threats to annex it.



    Read more:
    Allies or enemies? Trump’s threats against Canada and Greenland put NATO in a tough spot

    Even when Trump is no longer in office, neither Canadians nor any of America’s other allies can be certain someone just like him will not be returned to power by the U.S. voters. That means America’s western allies, like Canada and Denmark, must learn the lessons Latin American and Middle Eastern countries learned along time ago: America is a threat.

    The Democratic Party must also figure out how it’s going to effectively resist Trump over the next four years.

    Only an American concern?

    Some might ask: Aren’t these American problems for the American people? As Canadians can attest, no. Trump poses grave dangers to the rest of the world due to the unique place the U.S. occupies in the geopolitical system.

    Nothing about Trump’s second presidency bodes well for America’s allies and friends, including Canada.

    A kleptocrat who regards friends and allies as transactional customers and for whom everything is “just business,” including national security, Trump poses an existential threat not only to America, but to the international world order.

    Jeffrey B. Meyers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada, Greenland, Panama, Gaza and now Ukraine: Wake up, world, Donald Trump is coming for you – https://theconversation.com/canada-greenland-panama-gaza-and-now-ukraine-wake-up-world-donald-trump-is-coming-for-you-248737

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine’s natural resources are at centre stage in the ongoing war, and will likely remain there

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Nino Antadze, Associate Professor, Environmental Studies, University of Prince Edward Island

    Three years after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the world now knows the exact price for American military support of Ukraine. During a recent interview with Fox News, United States President Donald Trump put a $500 billion price tag on American aid to the war-torn country.

    But there was a catch: the exchange should be made in the form of Ukraine’s valuable natural resources, including rare earth minerals. “We have to get something. We can’t continue to pay this money,” Trump said in the interview.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has since told his aides to reject the proposal.

    Given the dizzying pace of events that have unfolded since the Trump interview, it’s unclear now whether any deal with Ukraine on its rare earth minerals will ever come to pass. This is especially true given Trump’s subsequent surprise phone conversation with Russian leader Vladimir Putin and ongoing peace talks between the U.S. and Russia that have excluded Ukrainian and European Union officials.

    But there’s little doubt Ukraine’s natural resources will be an important element in future diplomatic negotiations.

    Always a strategic factor

    Ukraine’s rich natural resources have always been a strategic factor in the war. To some extent, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was driven by the interest to capture and control these resources — including critical minerals, fertile farmland and energy reserves.

    Ukraine’s previous attempts to develop its mineral deposits and energy reserves — such as oil and gas privatization in 2013 and later attracting investments for the development of its mineral resource extraction in 2021 — were cut short first by Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and then by the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022.

    In 2021, the European Union signed a strategic partnership with Ukraine to include “activities along the entire value chain of both primary and secondary critical raw materials and batteries.”

    The timing of the military campaign against Ukraine may not have been determined solely by the country’s attempts to develop its natural resources, but they have certainly been a factor. Most of these deposits, including oil and gas fields, are located in the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine, which are currently either under Russian occupation or near the front line.

    Ukraine’s mineral wealth

    Ukraine’s mineral wealth amounts to about 20,000 mineral deposits and 116 types of minerals. Most of these deposits are unexplored, with only 15 per cent of all the deposits active prior to the Russian invasion.

    Rare earth minerals are among this mineral wealth as demand for them has skyrocketed in the past several years.

    According to recent estimates, Ukraine has the largest titanium reserves in Europe and seven per cent of the world’s reserves, as well as the largest lithium reserves in Europe. It also has significant production capacity when it comes to rare earth minerals.

    Ukraine also has confirmed deposits of beryllium, uranium and manganese. Before the war, Ukraine was the world’s fifth-largest producer of gallium and is a major producer of neon gas.

    In addition, Ukraine also has large reserves of nonferrous metals, including copper, zinc, silver, lead, nickel, cobalt, as well as one of the largest global reserves of graphite.

    Estimates vary, but Ukrainian critical mineral deposits could be worth trillions of dollars.

    These resources are important from a geopolitical perspective: China has become the major supplier of rare earth minerals on the global market. Not only has China led in the extraction of these minerals, but it also has the largest production and refinement capacity.

    As reliance on Chinese supply has increased, China used it as leverage during the U.S.-China trade dispute in 2019 and stopped rare earth exports to Japan in 2010.

    China’s dominance in this sector means diversifying the supply of rare earth minerals has geopolitical importance, especially for the U.S. and the EU. They want to ensure the supply comes from a strategic partner — Ukraine.

    Ukraine’s natural wealth

    Ukraine’s natural riches go beyond critical minerals and include large deposits of hydrocarbons, particularly natural gas. Ukraine ranks second for natural gas reserves in Europe and fourth in terms of natural gas production.

    Ukraine’s fertile soil — or chernozem, humus-rich grassland soils used extensively for growing cereals and raising livestock — is also economically and strategically important, making the country one of the largest exporters of food globally.

    In 2021, Ukrainian wheat exports accounted for 12 per cent of the global wheat supply, 16 per cent of the global corn supply, 18 per cent of the global barley supply and almost half of the global supply of sunflower seeds, mainly to developing countries.

    Last but not least, Ukraine’s biodiversity, landscapes and ecosystems — some of which have been severely damaged due to the war — are invaluable to the country’s natural environment and essential for the health and well-being of Ukrainians.

    The country’s nuclear facilities and radioactive sites are also at risk of being compromised, which would result in severe environmental and health ramifications in the region. In fact, a recent Russian drone attack reportedly damaged part of the Chernobyl nuclear facility.

    What’s next for Ukraine’s natural resources

    The fate of Ukraine’s mineral riches will largely depend on how the conflict and post-conflict processes unfold.

    But their existence has already proven to be of strategic importance in the war — first, to Russia, and now to the U.S. as well.

    Ukraine’s natural wealth and how it features in current conversations about the future of the conflict reminds us about the central role resource politics can play in shaping war and peace.

    Nino Antadze does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ukraine’s natural resources are at centre stage in the ongoing war, and will likely remain there – https://theconversation.com/ukraines-natural-resources-are-at-centre-stage-in-the-ongoing-war-and-will-likely-remain-there-249254

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How to handle difficult conversations in your early career, from salary negotiation to solving conflict

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Leda Stawnychko, Assistant Professor of Strategy and Organizational Theory, Mount Royal University

    When approached thoughtfully, difficult conversations can provide greater control over your career and workplace interactions. (Shutterstock)

    Many professionals struggle with difficult conversations in the workplace, particularly when emotions run high. Your first performance review, for example, was probably uncomfortable. Here’s why.

    What makes these conversations challenging isn’t just the subject matter, but the discomfort, tension or uncertainty about how the other person will react.

    Neuroscience research shows that when conflict is anticipated, the amygdala — the emotional centre of the brain — activates, flooding the body with stress hormones and making it harder to think clearly and respond calmly.

    For some, past negative experiences can amplify this response, making conflict feel even more distressing. As a result, people react differently: some freeze, others become defensive and some avoid interacting altogether.

    While avoidance often feels like the easier path in the short term, it can lead to reduced trust, strained workplace dynamics and even missed career opportunities.

    However, with awareness and preparation, you can learn to manage this stress response and approach difficult conversations with confidence.

    This six-week newsletter course from The Conversation will bring you research-backed advice and tools to help improve your relationships, your career, your free time and your mental health – no supplements or skincare required. Sign up here to start your glow-up at any time.

    Preparing yourself for these conversations

    Conflict is a significant source of stress in the workplace. Employees who cite conflict as their primary source of stress lose about 55 days of productivity per year. This issue is particularly critical for early-career supervisors, for whom conflict resolution is an essential leadership skill.

    Understanding why these conversations feel difficult — and learning how to approach them effectively — can help you build stronger workplace relationships, enhance your credibility as a manager and create a more positive professional environment.

    One strategy for reducing stress around these conversations is to reframe them as opportunities to strengthen professional relationships. When handled well, these difficult conversations can help you feel more in control of your career and workplace interactions.

    Here are three difficult conversations you’ll likely face early in your career, along with strategies for how to navigate them effectively.

    For early-career supervisors, developing conflict resolution skills is especially critical, as effective leadership depends on the ability to navigate tough discussions.
    (Shutterstock)

    1. The salary negotiation

    Many new professionals hesitate to negotiate their salary, fearing they’ll be seen as ungrateful or too demanding. Others worry about damaging their relationship with their employer.



    Read more:
    Negotiating a new salary or a pay rise? Here’s what you need to know to succeed

    However, advocating for fair compensation is not just about money — it’s about recognizing your value and setting the foundation for your career growth. To navigate this conversation effectively:

    2. Setting boundaries at work

    Feeling the pressure to prove yourself by agreeing to every request is natural, particularly when you are trying to get established in your field. While a strong work ethic is valuable, consistently overextending yourself can lead to burnout.

    Learning how to communicate your limits can help you maintain long-term productivity and professionalism. To address this conversation:

    • Know your priorities: before setting boundaries, understand what’s reasonable for you. Do you perform best with structured work-life balance, or do you prefer a flexible work-life integration approach? Does your work require uninterrupted, focused work?

    • Focus on organizational success: instead of framing boundaries as personal limitations, explain how they contribute to overall team efficiency. For instance: “If I can schedule deep-focus time in the morning, I’ll be able to deliver higher-quality work more efficiently.”

    3. Addressing workplace conflict

    Disagreements and miscommunications are inevitable in any workplace. Addressing workplace conflicts with emotional intelligence and professionalism is key to maintaining strong relationships and credibility. Instead of avoiding the conversation, approach it with curiosity and a focus on problem-solving:

    • Seek first to understand: before jumping to conclusions, gather all relevant information and reflect on possible perspectives. Could there have been a miscommunication? Was there an external factor at play?

    • Use future-focused language: avoid accusatory statements and keep the conversation future-orientated toward solutions. You could say, for example: “Let’s establish a process so we’re aligned moving forward.”

    By handling these conversations directly and professionally, you demonstrate leadership skill. Addressing misunderstandings openly and respectfully also contributes to a healthier and more collaborative workplace for everyone’s benefit.

    Mastering the art of conversation early in your career can set you apart as a thoughtful, capable professional.
    (Shutterstock)

    Why these conversations matter

    Successfully navigating difficult workplace conversations requires preparation, self-awareness and emotional intelligence.

    Rather than allowing unresolved tensions to escalate — or pushing you to consider leaving a job — remind yourself that discomfort is temporary. Being able to cope with feeling uncomfortable is an important career skill to develop.

    Whether it’s negotiating your salary, setting boundaries or resolving misunderstandings, these discussions can influence your professional reputation and how colleagues and managers treat you in the workplace.

    Taking proactive steps to engage in these conversations with confidence can set the foundation for sustained career success. Start practising these conversations now; the sooner you start, the more skilled you’ll become, and your future self will thank you.

    Leda Stawnychko has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Anamika Choudhary does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How to handle difficult conversations in your early career, from salary negotiation to solving conflict – https://theconversation.com/how-to-handle-difficult-conversations-in-your-early-career-from-salary-negotiation-to-solving-conflict-245340

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five ways to have more constructive climate conversations

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anastasia Denisova, Senior Lecturer in Journalism, University of Westminster

    ShotPrime Studio/Shutterstock

    Talking about climate change is never easy. The issue is complex and upsetting. Headlines bring bad news way more often than good ones.

    Techniques based on the extensive analysis of theories and research from social psychology, sociology, environmental and media studies can pave the way for a consistent approach to climate action commitment and citizen empowerment.

    Here are five ways to communicate climate stories in a way that keeps people engaged and motivated to take positive action.

    1. Give people agency

    According to the seminal research published in 1974 by the Canadian-American social psychologist Albert Bandura, humans are capable creatures who can overcome fears and lead happier, motivated lives when led correctly. He conducted a famous experiment with people who were afraid of snakes.

    In one scenario, an assistant was holding a snake in their hands or keeping it in a cage, while the scared person was watching. In another scenario, the person was given a snake to hold, in a controlled environment, with the assistants eager to take the snake back at any signs of the person’s discomfort. Bandura discovered that looking at someone holding a glossy, hissy reptile did not improve one’s sense of empowerment much.

    However, actually handling the scary creature allowed people to feel more in control – and more likely to overcome their fear. This approach is known for boosting people’s sense of agency. By tackling the problem with one modest action at a time, a person is likely to become more reassured in their capacity to challenge larger issues.

    In terms of climate communication, we need to be able to control at least small bits of the situation in order to be psychologically equipped to tackle bigger challenges. Climate communicators can give practical suggestions on lifestyle amendments, feasible activism techniques, political involvement – to nourish the sense of empowerment in the audience.

    2. Localise the issue

    While researching for my new book, Effective Climate Communication, I discovered that many countries with fewer resources struggle to present local stories related to climate change. They tend to rely on the western agenda of UN climate summits or global reports.

    The shortage of correspondents on the ground (see studies on Sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria and South Africa, countries in South America and Asia), makes many media in the developing countries ignore the very local consequences of the global heating. When people are less prepared for extreme weather, they’ll be less empowered to demand change from their governments or invest in weather-resilient crops and other prevention techniques.

    By capturing perspectives from the local businesses and scientists, people can talk more easily about the direct effects of climate change on the local environment.

    For instance, Greenpeace Indonesia focused on three themes on their Instagram page: the imagery of floods and humans affected, the call to switch to renewable energy, and the argument against the “omnibus” bill, which allows coal companies renew their licenses easily every ten years.

    Connecting the local impact of climate change with the possible solution – reducing coal mining – brought a considerable number of clicks and comments to the stories. Although the link between Instagram and public opinion is hard to prove, the omnibus bill is still widely contested by Indonesian society.

    3. Make stories relatable

    Unless you’re called Elon Musk, Bill Gates (the co-founder of Microsoft) or Ursula von der Leyen (president of the European Commission), you don’t have a direct control over the management of climate change at a global level. Yet, it would be amazing to hear more stories of people who may be giving up long-haul flights, rejecting meat and divesting their pension from the fossil fuel funds. There are so many stories that can be told to inspire feelings of connection and hope.

    Stories must be made relatable to engage a wider audience in positive climate conversations.
    fizkes/Shutterstock

    According to classic “social proof” theory, if we can be sure that any new behaviour is the social norm, then we’ll be more eager to change. The moment people consider that refraining from eating meat, flying and buying unnecessary stuff are common patterns in their social circles, they will find it easier to follow suit, as shown by this study on the flying intentions of Germans, or research on the effect of social communities on pro-climate decisions in Europe.

    4. Avoid ‘doomism’

    Watching thrillers about the end of the world on the TV screen can be escapist and weirdly soothing. But witnessing the apocalypse unfold in front of us, through multiple news notifications and social media posts, is less gratifying. The narratives that compare climate change to the end of the humanity are supposed to incite action – but more often than not they lead to freeze or withdrawal reactions.

    In some newsrooms, the practice of “the three Ds” flourishes in the face of the planetary problem – denial, delay-ism and dismissal. Doomist storytelling opens the doors for fake prophets and self-proclaimed superheroes who promise to fix the problem but end up in populism and scapegoating.

    Avoiding doomism allows for “stubborn optimism”, a concept endorsed by Christiana Figueres, the ex-head of the UN climate change convention from 2010 to 2016. It is the dual approach of acknowledging the severity of the issue and the cost of the delays to action, but looking at the present state of affairs as an opportunity to avoid bigger damage and focus on the near-term solutions.

    5. Create a new normal

    Having a special climate change section within a media publication is a nice sign that the organisation cares about the problem. But how likely are people to click on it just to discover another ambush of negative stories? Including climate references in the majority of stories, from fashion to travel, helps normalise climate change as a backdrop to all aspects of our lives.

    There’s no need for preaching. Nobody wants to be patronised for their decision to take a flight to see the family that lives far away. But subtle travel listicles about local destinations, creative meat-free recipes or an imaginative reinvention of fashion advice as restyling, not buying, can offer up alternatives in creative ways.

    It should not be a taboo topic at dinner parties or social events. Avoid “othering” the climate change issue and help people stay aware and committed to tackling the elements of it.

    Being aware of climate change as a new norm is healthier than trying to push it away and deny it’s happening. Engagement with the biggest story of our time is the best catalyst for change that we have.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Anastasia Denisova does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Five ways to have more constructive climate conversations – https://theconversation.com/five-ways-to-have-more-constructive-climate-conversations-249417

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: German election: a triple crisis looms large at the heart of the economy

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ralph Luetticke, Professor of Economics, School of Business and Economics, University of Tübingen

    Oleg Senkov/Shutterstock

    Ahead of the election on February 23, many German voters are deeply concerned about the economy – and for good reason. The German economy is in a recession and has been shrinking for two consecutive years. In fact, it is now about the same size as it was in 2019, even as some of its peers among the world’s advanced economies have experienced solid growth (on the left of the chart below).

    This matters for voters, who have experienced stagnating real incomes and remain pessimistic – expecting real incomes to decline further.

    GDP and productivity growth of Germany, UK and US:

    There could be several reasons for Germany’s economic malaise. First, fiscal policy in Germany is tighter than in other countries, meaning higher taxes and lower public spending. Due to the “debt brake” enshrined in its constitution, Germany is severely restricted in running budget deficits, except when the government declares an emergency, as it did due to COVID.

    The last coalition government collapsed over a dispute about whether to declare another emergency over the war in Ukraine in order to increase borrowing capacity. This did not happen, and as a result Germany’s fiscal deficit has remained relatively moderate. The argument goes that a larger deficit might have boosted economic growth.

    Second, for decades, Germany has relied on foreign demand to sustain economic growth at home. During the first two decades of the 21st century, it benefited greatly from China’s integration into the world economy.

    To build up its productive capacity, China relied heavily on machinery produced in Germany and it purchased a significant number of German cars. However, this is no longer the case. As China has moved to the technology frontier, it no longer depends as much on German cars or machinery.

    However, both factors only go so far in accounting for the stagnating German economy. For if demand – domestic or foreign – is too weak to sustain growth, this should be reflected in falling prices.

    Yet prices have been rising strongly. Inflation in Germany has been running high over the last couple of years.

    And it has not been systematically lower than in, say, the US or the rest of the euro area. Over the next 12 months, households expect inflation to be above 3% – well above the European Central Bank’s 2% target.

    Another relevant indicator also suggests that lack of demand is unlikely to be the main reason for Germany’s stagnation. Unemployment is low in Germany, lower than in most European countries and hardly higher than in 2019.

    Instead, adverse supply conditions are key, as reflected in households’ expectations of falling incomes and higher inflation.

    Overall, supply is simply the combination of labour and capital inputs (for example, the size of the workforce and the machinery or premises available to them) along with productivity or technology, which tells us how much output we get from the labour and capital inputs. Germany is facing a triple crisis in this regard – expensive energy, weak labour supply and low productivity growth.

    First, there are energy prices, which have been pushed up everywhere by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. However, the effect has been particularly strong in Germany due to its direct dependency on Russian gas.

    The outgoing government, in which the Greens have been a key player, is widely credited with trying to accelerate Germany’s green transition. This raised the costs of the transition above those caused by the European Emissions Trading System, whereby polluters pay for their emissions.

    While it is difficult to determine the exact contributions of the war and the green transition to the rise in energy prices, both clearly act as a drag on growth, particularly on the supply side (that is to say, production potential).

    The productivity problem

    But Germany faces more fundamental supply-side challenges. The second issue becomes apparent when comparing GDP per hour worked (a measure of a country’s productivity, as seen on the right of the chart above).

    Here, the trends in Germany and the UK are quite similar, implying that Germany’s lower economic growth relative to the UK is primarily due to people working fewer hours. This, in turn, may reflect demographic changes, migration that does not contribute to the labour force or shifting preferences in the wake of COVID.

    The third issue is productivity growth. Consider the increase in GDP per hour worked in the US, which has risen by more than 10% as shown in the chart above, dwarfing the developments in both Germany and the UK. Common causes of weak productivity growth include ageing infrastructure, low private sector investment, a lack of start-ups and fewer new companies growing into multinational leaders.

    A turnaround requires far-reaching improvements in supply conditions. In terms of energy, Germany should avoid measures such as introducing more regulation on the heating or insulation of new and existing homes, and instead rely on the EU-wide emissions trading scheme to curb emissions.

    In the labour market, increased participation or skilled migration is needed, supported by policies that encourage people to retire later and entice more women into the workforce.

    Increasing defence spending could be a way to boost German productivity.
    Ryan Nash Photography/Shutterstock

    Productivity growth remains the most challenging issue. A good start would be increased funding for universities and reduced regulation, particularly for AI technology.

    Deepening the EU’s single market, for example by removing restrictions on cross-border energy trade to allow firms to access cheaper electricity, would enhance competition and drive productivity growth. This way, companies could expand and create well-paying jobs.

    Finally, an additional boost may come from higher defence spending, not only to address the much-needed improvement of Germany’s external security but also because it has been shown to increase productivity.

    While immigration may be a major talking point for the German electorate in the coming vote, the economy – as ever – will be an important factor in measuring the mood of the country.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. German election: a triple crisis looms large at the heart of the economy – https://theconversation.com/german-election-a-triple-crisis-looms-large-at-the-heart-of-the-economy-250320

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kumasi was called the garden city – but green spaces are vanishing in a clash of landuse regulations

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Stephen Appiah Takyi, Senior Lecturer, Department of Planning, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST)

    Urban parks in Kumasi, the capital city of Ghana’s Ashanti region, are fast disappearing or in decline. Kumasi was designed 60 years ago as a “garden city”, with green belts, parks and urban green spaces. These have been encroached on by developments and are in a poor condition.

    Like other cities in Ghana, Kumasi has been growing. According to the latest population data from Ghana’s Statistical Service, the population of Kumasi in 1950 and 2024 was 99,479 and 3,903,480 respectively. The city’s current annual population growth rate is 3.59%.
    This growth is a challenge for city authorities.

    Adding to the challenge is the fact that in Ghana, political authorities and traditional leadership exist together. It’s the capital of the Ashanti Region and the capital of the ancient Ashanti Kingdom. Most of the land is owned by the traditional authority. This makes it difficult sometimes for city authorities to enforce planning regulations.

    We are urban planners who have conducted research on environmental planning, urban informality and inclusive city development. We studied the extent to which areas demarcated as urban parks in the Kumasi Metropolis have been rezoned, and why there’s been encroachment into urban parks.

    Our study showed that 88% of the 16 parks studied in the Kumasi Metropolis had either been rezoned or encroached upon by other land uses. This was done in an unplanned way. Zoning regulations have not been enforced and urban sprawl has not been controlled. Part of the reason is that land scarcity drives up its value and customary authorities have an incentive to allow other uses. As a result, the city has lost green spaces that are important for their environmental, traditional and recreational functions.

    Decline of urban parks in Kumasi Metropolis

    To understand why Kumasi has been losing its green spaces, our study looked at 16 parks across six communities within the Kumasi Metropolis.

    The World Health Organization recommends there should be 9m² of green space per city dweller. We calculated that Kumasi currently has only 0.17m² of green space per city dweller.

    We also noted significant changes in land zoned for parks. This was mainly due to the politics of land ownership and administration. Other social factors played a part too. The results of the research showed that out of the 16 existing parks studied, 14 (88%) had been rezoned to residential or commercial use or encroached upon by other uses.

    The rezoning of parks was gradual, unapproved by local planning authorities, and unplanned. Existing land tenure arrangements and laxity in the enforcement of laws are some of the barriers affecting park development and management in the city.

    An official of the city’s Physical Planning Department indicated that places zoned as parks were supposed to be owned, controlled, managed and protected by the state. But this was not the case, because of the complex land tenure arrangement of the city, where most land is customarily owned.

    Though Ghana’s land tenure system recognises customary ownership, the determination of land use remains the responsibility of local planning authorities. Land sold for physical developments must conform to an approved scheme prepared by the Physical Planning Department. In most cases, the parks rezoned by the customary owners were in contravention with spatial planning laws (such as the Land Use and Spatial Planning Act, 2016).

    The representative of the planning department noted that even though it prepared layouts that made provision for parks and open spaces, it was often helpless when it came to enforcement and other land use regulations. We were told that information about the land ownership and transfer process between government agencies and customary landowners was not made available to the department.

    Due to poor coordination and increased demand for land for development, about 88% of land demarcated for park development across the study communities had been leased or sold to private developers by the customary landowners.

    Our study also revealed a lack of funding for parks development and management. All the agency officials confirmed that parks were planned for but the funds to support their development and management were inadequate. They explained that property values rose as a result of urban development, leading to intense competition among various land uses. We were told that landowners were willing to sell any land available in their community at a higher value without considering its use in the community.

    Bringing back the green

    The once green city of Kumasi has lost much of its foliage. We suggest that this decline can and should be stopped.

    City authorities can incorporate cultural elements that highlight the identity of neighbourhoods to promote ownership and a sense of place in the design of parks. Local planning institutions, custodians of land and residents should collaborate so that plans meet everyone’s needs.

    Traditional authorities, together with relevant city authorities, should consciously ensure that parks are developed, protected, managed and sustained. Laws and regulations which guide park use and protection should be enforced strictly.

    Finally, parks and green spaces can only survive if there is sustainable funding. City authorities could consider green taxation and charges. For example, they can fine residents whose activities threaten the environment, and use the money to fund parks and green spaces. A percentage of property tax can be dedicated to the protection and development of green spaces in the city.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Kumasi was called the garden city – but green spaces are vanishing in a clash of landuse regulations – https://theconversation.com/kumasi-was-called-the-garden-city-but-green-spaces-are-vanishing-in-a-clash-of-landuse-regulations-248016

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré is making waves in west Africa. Who is he?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Daniel Eizenga, Research Fellow, Africa Center for Strategic Studies

    Captain Ibrahim Traoré is the interim leader of Burkina Faso, having taken over the position following a coup which he led against Lieutenant Colonel Paul Henri Damiba in September 2022. The 37-year-old captain had supported Damiba, his commanding officer, in a putsch earlier that year against former president Roch Marc Kaboré.

    Since Traoré has been in power, Burkina Faso has played a key role in the withdrawal of three west African states from the regional body Ecowas. Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali have formed an alternative, the Alliance of Sahel States. The Conversation Africa asked researcher Daniel Eizenga where the country was headed under Traoré’s leadership.

    Who is Ibrahim Traoré?

    Traoré was born in 1988 in Bondokuy, a small town on the route connecting Burkina Faso’s second city – Bobo Dioulasso – and its fourth largest, Ouahigouya. He completed secondary school in Bobo Dioulasso, then moved to the nation’s capital, where he studied at the University of Ouagadougou.

    After completing his undergraduate education, Traoré joined the army in 2010 at the age of 22. He undertook his officer training in Pô at the Georges Namoano Military Academy, an officer school for the Burkinabe armed forces. He graduated as a second lieutenant in 2012 and served as a peacekeeper in the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission to Mali (Minusma) after being promoted to lieutenant in 2014.

    After his stint with Minusma, Traoré took part in missions in northern Burkina Faso as part of a special counterterrorism unit. He was promoted to captain in 2020 at the age of 32.

    Damiba led a coup against Kaboré in January 2022. He then assigned Traoré as chief of an artillery regiment in the North Central region of Burkina Faso.

    As it became clear that Damiba was losing popularity within the junta, Traoré and a group of junior officers organised a coup. They seized on public and military outrage around an ambush that left 11 soldiers and dozens of civilians dead.

    What has been the response to his rule in Burkina Faso?

    Some media reports suggest that the young captain and his junta enjoy popular support throughout the country. Some have even drawn comparisons between Traoré and Burkina Faso’s earlier leftist revolutionary military leader, Captain Thomas Sankara. It’s true that the two captains did take power at the age of 34. But the comparisons end at their rank and age.

    During the 1980s and nearing the end of the cold war, Sankara came to power as ideological division split the Burkinabe armed forces. Officers supporting Sankara led a coup in 1983. Viewed as a Marxist revolutionary, Sankara attempted to enact political reforms. They included policies to boost public political participation, empower women, address environmental degradataion and reduce inequalities.

    Traoré’s position is much more precarious. Most military officers did not participate in either his coup or the one led by Damiba, underscoring the fragmented state of Burkina Faso’s armed forces. Traoré’s junta has claimed there have been multiple attempts at destabilisation or coups. This highlights the arbitrary means by which power has changed hands and the inherent instability present under junta rule.

    To shore up his position, Traoré has launched a restructuring drive. This has included redirecting revenues from taxes, the mining sector, and other sources of public revenues into defence coffers. He has also mobilised volunteers to fight violent extremists as part of the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland, a junta-sponsored civilian militia. There are reports that forced conscription has been used to send “volunteers” to the front lines of battle. The conflict data indicate that the strategy is not working.

    Traoré may not be as popular among ordinary people as he is often portrayed. This is inferred from the violent repression of critics, multiple alleged coup attempts as well as the ongoing violence and humanitarian crisis. He has cracked down hard on independent voices. Journalists, civil society leaders, political party leaders and even judges have been targeted by the junta with its forced conscription tactics and other forms of violent repression.

    What about external players?

    The September 2022 coup d’état got the attention of Russian foreign information manipulation and interference campaigns. The campaigns were linked to the shadowy Russian mercenary outfit, the Wagner Group. Other Russian information campaigns employed fake social media accounts that pose as Africans with a genuine interest in Burkina Faso. These accounts promote divisive rhetoric that places blame on France and other western countries for local grievances such as ongoing insecurity.

    Aiming to boost support for himself immediately following the coup, Traoré trained his sights on capturing the anti-French sentiment. He blamed the French for many of the country’s woes and cast Damiba as a close French ally. Within a few months, Traoré demanded the French withdraw its security presence from Burkina Faso altogether.

    Since the French withdrawal, Russian mercenaries have been seen providing protection for Traoré and reportedly supporting operations near the border with Mali. However, only some 100-300 Russian forces have gone to Burkina Faso. This suggests that the focus is on regime security for Traoré and his junta.

    What does the future hold?

    Traoré’s actions have not improved the security situation in the country. There have been at least 3,059 violent events linked to militant Islamist groups since he came to power in October 2022. This is a 20% increase in comparison to two years preceding the coup. The number of fatalities linked to militant Islamist violence nearly doubled from 3,621 in 2022 to 6,389 in 2024.

    The violence has also spread throughout the country to affect nearly every region and increased along Burkina Faso’s southern border. It’s likely that the data is under-reported.

    The junta has claimed to have foiled several coup plots since Traoré’s power grab. A foiled plot came in September 2024 only a few weeks after the deadliest massacre the country has ever suffered. Violent extremists killed hundreds of civilians outside the town of Barsalogho. Civilian fatalities linked to militant Islamist groups have increased from 721 in 2022 to 1,151 deaths in 2024.

    Perhaps more worrying are the civilian fatalities linked to the military or its sponsored militia.

    The violence in Burkina Faso presents an alarming outlook in which the collapse of the country cannot be ruled out. The military has reemerged as the principal political actor. By some counts the military has been directly or indirectly in power for 45 of the 65 years since Burkina Faso became independent.

    All the while, the militant Islamist insurgency embroils more and more of the countryside at great human cost. Some estimates place the number of people displaced by violence as high as 3 million, though the junta will not provide an official figure. That is more than 10% of the population of some 24 million people. Another million or more students may not be in school due to conflict and ongoing insecurity.

    Despite the effort to present Traoré as a bold reformer and saviour, the political, security and economic ramifications from his junta rule will reverberate through Burkina Faso for decades to come.

    Daniel Eizenga has previously received funding from a Minerva Initiative research grant through the University of Florida to conduct research in Burkina Faso towards his Ph.D. Dr Eizenga is currently a research fellow with the Africa Center for Strategic Studies.

    – ref. Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré is making waves in west Africa. Who is he? – https://theconversation.com/burkina-fasos-ibrahim-traore-is-making-waves-in-west-africa-who-is-he-249875

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s threats on Greenland, Gaza, Ukraine and Panama revive old-school US imperialism of dominating other nations by force, after decades of nuclear deterrence

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Monica Duffy Toft, Professor of International Politics and Director of the Center for Strategic Studies, The Fletcher School, Tufts University

    Imperialist rhetoric is becoming a mark of President Donald Trump’s second term. From asserting that the U.S. will “take over” the Gaza Strip, Greenland and the Panama Canal to apparently siding with Russia in its war on Ukraine, Trump’s comments suggest a return to an old imperialist style of forcing foreign lands under American control.

    Imperialism is when a nation extends its power through territorial acquisition, economic dominance or political influence. Historically, imperialist leaders have used military conquest, economic coercion or diplomatic pressure to expand their dominions, and justified their foreign incursions as civilizing missions, economic opportunities or national security imperatives.

    The term “empire” often evokes the Romans, the Mughals or the British, but the U.S. is an imperial power, too. In the 19th and early 20th century, American presidents expanded U.S. territory westward across the continent and, later, overseas, acquiring Puerto Rico and other Caribbean islands, Guam and the Philippines.

    After that, outright territorial conquest mostly ceased, but the U.S. did not give up imperialism. As I trace in my 2023 book, “Dying by the Sword,” the country instead embraced a subtler, more strategic kind of expansionism. In this veiled imperialism, the U.S. exerted its global influence through economic, political and threatened military means, not direct confrontation.

    Embracing traditional U.S. imperialism would upend the rules that have kept the globe relatively stable since World War II. As an expert on U.S. foreign policy, I fear that would unleash fear, chaos – and possibly nuclear war.

    No redrawing borders

    One of the most fundamental principles of this post-war international system is the concept of sovereignty – the idea that a nation’s borders should remain intact.

    The United Nations Charter, signed in San Francisco in 1945, explicitly bars countries from obtaining territory through force. Outright annexation or territorial takeover is considered a direct violation of international law.

    Work by the late political scientist Mark Zacher outlines how, since World War II, the international community – including the U.S. – has largely upheld this standard.

    But imperialism still shapes world politics.

    Russian President Vladimir Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 is a blatant instance of imperial ambition justified by alleged historical grievances and national security concerns. Russia’s invasion set a dangerous precedent by undermining the principle that borders can’t be changed by force and that countries shouldn’t resort to aggression.

    Putin’s precedent, in turn, has raised concerns that another great power may attempt to forcibly redraw international borders.

    Take China, for example. President Xi Jinping has become increasingly aggressive toward Taiwan since 2019. If Putin’s invasion culminates with Russia successfully annexing parts of Ukraine – which the Trump administration has agreed with Russia should be part of any settlement – Xi may follow through on his threats to invade Taiwan.

    Respect for national sovereignty has made the world more stable and less violent.

    The decline of traditional imperialism after World War II led to a flourishing of independent nation-states. As former colonial powers gradually relinquished control of their holdings in the second half of the 20th century – voluntarily or after losing wars of independence – the number of sovereign countries increased dramatically. The U.N. had 51 member countries in 1945 and over 150 by 1970.

    The U.N. was founded on the idea that people of all countries should have a say in how they build their own futures. Today, 197 countries try to work together through the U.N. on a wide range of global issues, including defending human rights and reducing global poverty.

    When a major power like the U.S. openly embraces imperialist rhetoric, it further weakens the already fragile rules that keep this delicate collaboration working.

    Nonviolent imperialism

    Imperialism does not require military force. Great powers still exert influence over weaker nations, shaping their behavior through economic might and wealth, diplomacy and strategic alliances.

    The U.S. has long engaged in this form of influence. It has often pursued its imperialist agenda in what I would call a more “gentlemanly manner” than historical empires with their bloody physical conquests.

    During the Cold War, for example, the U.S. established extensive dominance over much of the globe. In Latin America and the Middle East, it used economic aid, military alliances and ideological persuasion rather than outright territorial expansion to exert its control. Russia did the same in Eastern Europe and its other spheres of influence.

    Demonstrators in Panama City insist ‘Panama Canal is Not For Sale’ following Donald Trump’s threats to seize the canal, Jan. 20, 2025.
    Arnulfo Franco/AFP via Getty Images

    Today, China excels at nonviolent imperialism. Its Belt and Road Initiative, a global infrastructure construction project launched in 2013, has created deep economic dependencies among partner nations in Africa, South Asia and Latin America. Trade and diplomatic ties between China and those regions are much closer today as a result.

    Nuclear era

    A critical distinction between imperialism past and present is the presence of nuclear weapons.

    In previous eras, great powers frequently fought wars to expand their influence and settle disputes. Countries could attempt to seize territory with little risk to their survival, even in defeat.

    The sheer destructive potential of nuclear arsenals has changed this calculus. The Cold War doctrine of mutually assured destruction guarantees that if one country launches a nuclear weapon, it will quickly become the target of nuclear counterattack: annihilation for all sides.

    Any major war between nuclear-armed nations now carries the risk of massive, potentially planetary, destruction. This makes direct conquest an irrational, even suicidal strategy rather than a calculated political maneuver.

    And it makes Trump’s old-school imperial rhetoric particularly dangerous.

    If the U.S. tried to annex foreign territory, it would almost certainly provoke serious international conflict. That’s especially true of the most strategic places Trump has threatened to “take over,” like the Panama Canal, which links 1,920 ports across 170 countries.

    These imperialist threats, even if they’re not intended as serious policy proposals, are already ratcheting up global tensions.

    Panamanian President José Raúl Mulino — a pro-American ally — has flatly ruled out negotiating with the U.S. over control of the Panama Canal. Denmark’s prime minister, Mette Frederiksen, says its territory of Greenland is “not for sale.” And Palestinians in Gaza, for their part, fiercely reject Trump’s plan to move all of them out and turn their homeland into a “Middle East Riviera,” as have neighboring Arab countries, which could be expected to absorb millions of displaced Palestinians.

    Rhetoric shapes perception, and perception influences behavior. When an American president floats acquiring foreign territories as a viable policy option, it signals to both allies and enemies that the U.S. is no longer committed to the international order that has achieved relative global stability for the past 75 years.

    With wars raging in the Middle East and Europe, this is a risky time for reckless rhetoric.

    Monica Duffy Toft does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s threats on Greenland, Gaza, Ukraine and Panama revive old-school US imperialism of dominating other nations by force, after decades of nuclear deterrence – https://theconversation.com/trumps-threats-on-greenland-gaza-ukraine-and-panama-revive-old-school-us-imperialism-of-dominating-other-nations-by-force-after-decades-of-nuclear-deterrence-249327

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s move to closer ties with Russia does not mean betrayal of Ukraine, yet – in his first term, Trump was pretty tough on Putin

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Tatsiana Kulakevich, Associate Professor of Instruction in the School of Interdisciplinary Global Studies, University of South Florida

    Traditional Russian wooden nesting dolls depict U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin at a gift shop in Moscow on Feb. 13, 2025. Tatyana Makeyeva/AFP via Getty Images

    The United States’ steadfast allegiance to Ukraine during that country’s three-year war against Russia appears to be quickly disintegrating under the Trump administration. President Donald Trump on Feb. 19, 2025, called Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy “a dictator” and falsely blamed him for the war that Russia initiated as part of a land grab in the countries’ border regions.

    Zelenskyy, meanwhile, said on Feb. 19 that Trump is trapped in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s “disinformation space.”

    The intensifying bitterness comes as the U.S. and Russia started talks in Saudi Arabia, without including Ukraine, on how to end the conflict.

    The U.S. and Russia have long been adversaries, and the U.S., to date, has given Ukraine more than US$183 billion to help fight against Russia. But that funding came when Joe Biden was president. Trump does not appear to be similarly inclined toward Ukraine.

    Amy Lieberman, a politics editor at The Conversation U.S., spoke with Tatsiana Kulakevich, a scholar of Eastern European politics and international relations, to understand the implications of this sudden shift in U.S.-Russia policy under Trump.

    Kulakevich sees Trump’s moves that could be perceived as self-interested as instead part of a calculated strategy in preliminary discussions.

    An airplane passenger reads a Financial Times article about U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin on Feb. 19, 2025.
    Horacio Villalobos Corbis/Corbis via Getty Images

    Can you explain the current dynamic between the U.S., Ukraine and Russia?

    People should not panic because the U.S. and Russia are only holding exploratory talks. We should not call them peace talks, per se, at least not yet. It was to be expected that Ukraine was not invited to the talks in Saudi Arabia because there is nothing to talk about yet. We don’t know what the U.S. and Russia are actually discussing besides agreeing to restore the normal functioning of each other’s diplomatic missions.

    People are perceiving the U.S. and Russia as being in love. However, Trump’s Russia policy has been more hawkish than often portrayed in the media. Looking at the record from the previous Trump administration, we can see that if something is not in the interests of the U.S., that is not going to be done. Trump does not do favors.

    He approved anti-tank missile sales to Ukraine in 2019. That same year, Trump withdrew from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, an agreement with Russia that limited what weapons each country could purchase, over Russian violations.

    In 2019, Trump also issued economic sanctions against a Russian ship involved in building the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline. These sanctions tried to block Russia’s direct gas exports to Germany – this connection between Russia and Germany was seen by Ukraine as an economic threat.

    Based on Trump’s talks with Russia and remarks against Ukraine, it could seem like the U.S. and Russia are no longer adversaries. How do you perceive this?

    There are no clear indications that Russia and the U.S. have ceased to be adversaries. Despite Trump’s occasional use of terms like “friends” in diplomacy, his rhetoric often serves as a tactical maneuver rather than a genuine shift in alliances. A key example is his engagement with North Korea’s Kim Jong-un, where Trump alternated between flattery and threats to extract concessions.

    Even if the U.S. is meeting with Russia and the public narrative seems to say otherwise, strategically, abandoning Ukraine is not in the United States’ best interests. One reason why is because the U.S. turning away from Ukraine would make Russia happy and China happy. Trump has treated China as a primary threat to the U.S., and China has supported Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.

    U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio is also still saying that everyone, including Ukraine, will be at the table for eventual peace talks.

    The allegations that Russia was holding some information over Trump and blackmailing him started long before this presidential term and did not stop Trump from imposing countermeasures on Russia during his first term. The first Trump administration took more than 50 policy actions to counter Moscow, primarily in the form of public statements and sanctions.

    What does the U.S. gain from developing a diplomatic relationship with Russia?

    Trump is a transactional politician. American companies could profit from the U.S. aligning with Russia and Russian companies, as some Russian officials have said during the recent Saudi Arabia talks with the Trump administration. But the U.S. could also benefit economically from the Trump’s administration’s proposed deal with Ukraine to give the U.S. half of Ukraine’s estimated $11.5 trillion in rare earth minerals.

    Zelenskyy rejected that proposal this week, saying it does not come with the promise that the U.S. will continue to give security guarantees to Ukraine.

    Historically, since the Cold War, there has been a diplomatic triangle between the Soviet Union – later Russia – China and the U.S. And there has always been one side fighting against the two other sides. Trump trying to develop a better diplomatic relationship with Russia might mean he is trying to distance Russia from China.

    A similar dynamic is playing out between the U.S. and Belarus’ authoritarian leader, Alexander Lukashenko, a co-aggressor in the war in Ukraine. Lukashenko is close with both Russia and China. The U.S. administration is looking to relax sanctions on Belarusian banks and exports of potash, a key ingredient in fertilizer, in exchange for the release of Belarusian political opposition members who are imprisoned. There are over 1,200 political prisoners in Belarus. This U.S. foreign policy strategy is aimed at providing Lukashenko with room to grow less economically dependent on Russia and China.

    A worker clears snow from a cemetery in Kramatorsk, Ukraine, on Feb. 17, 2025. More than 46,000 Ukrainian soldiers have died in combat since Russia launched a full-scale invasion in February 2022.
    Pierre Crom/Getty Images

    Is this level of collaboration between the U.S. and Russia unprecedented?

    While U.S.-Russia relations are often defined by rivalry, history shows that pragmatic cooperation has occurred when both nations saw mutual benefits – whether this relates to arms control, space, counterterrorism, Arctic affairs or health.

    Moreover, the U.S. has always prioritized its own interests in its relationship with Russia. For example, the U.S. and its allies imposed sanctions on Russia’s uranium and nickel industries only in May 2024, over two years after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This was due to the United States’ strategic economic dependencies and concerns about market stability if it sanctioned uranium and nickel.

    Even after Russia invaded Crimea – an area of Ukraine that Russia claims as its own – in 2014 and provided support for Russian separatists in Ukraine’s Donbass region, the U.S. and other Western countries imposed largely symbolic sanctions. This included freezing assets of Russian individuals, restricting some financial transactions and limiting Russia’s access to Western technology.

    We should also notice that Trump in January 2025 promised to sanction Russia if it does not end the Ukraine war. The U.S. still has not removed any existing sanctions, which signals its commitment to a tough stance on Russia, despite perceptions of a close relationship between Trump and Putin.

    Given Trump’s transactional approach to foreign policy, his tough rhetoric on Zelenskyy could be a deliberate negotiation strategy aimed at pressuring Ukraine into making greater concessions in potential peace talks, rather than signaling abandonment.

    Tatsiana Kulakevich does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s move to closer ties with Russia does not mean betrayal of Ukraine, yet – in his first term, Trump was pretty tough on Putin – https://theconversation.com/trumps-move-to-closer-ties-with-russia-does-not-mean-betrayal-of-ukraine-yet-in-his-first-term-trump-was-pretty-tough-on-putin-250359

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How allies have helped the US gain independence, defend freedom and keep the peace – even as the US did the same for our friends

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Donald Heflin, Executive Director of the Edward R. Murrow Center and Senior Fellow of Diplomatic Practice, The Fletcher School, Tufts University

    French Gen. Jean de Rochambeau and American Gen. George Washington giving the last orders in October 1781 for the battle at Yorktown, where the British defeat ended the War of Independence. ‘Siege of Yorktown’ painting, Ann Ronan Pictures/Print Collector/Getty Images.

    Make Canada angry. Make Mexico angry. Make the members of NATO angry.

    During the first few weeks of the second Trump administration, President Donald Trump, Vice President JD Vance and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said a lot of things about longtime allies that caused frustration and outright friction among the leaders of those countries.

    Trump and Vance indeed appear to disdain close alliances, favoring an America First approach to the world. A New York Times headline characterized the relationship between the U.S. and Europe now as “A Strained Alliance.”

    As a former diplomat, I’m aware that how the U.S. treats its allies has been a crucial question in every presidency, since George Washington became the country’s first chief executive. On his way out of that job, Washington said something that Trump, Vance and their fellow America First advocates would probably embrace.

    In what’s known as his “Farewell Address,” Washington warned Americans against “entangling alliances.” Washington wanted America to treat all nations fairly, and warned against both permanent friendships and permanent enemies.

    The irony is that Washington would never have become president without the assistance of the not-yet-United-States’ first ally, France.

    In 1778, after two years of brilliant diplomacy by Benjamin Franklin, the not-yet-United States and the Kingdom of France signed a treaty of alliance as the American Colonies struggled to win their war for independence from Britain.

    France sent soldiers, money and ships to the American revolutionaries. Within three years, after a major intervention by the French fleet, the battle of Yorktown in 1781 effectively ended the war and America was independent.

    Isolationism, then war

    American political leaders largely heeded Washington’s warning against alliances throughout the 1800s. The Atlantic Ocean shielded the young nation from Europe’s problems and many conflicts, and America’s closest neighbors had smaller populations and less military might.

    Aside from the War of 1812, in which the U.S. fought the British, America largely found itself protected from the outside world’s problems.

    That began to change when Europe descended into the brutal trench warfare of World War I.

    Initially, American politicians avoided becoming involved. What would today be called an isolationist movement was strong, and its supporters felt that the war in Europe was being waged for the benefit of big business.

    But it was hard for the U.S.to maintain neutrality. German submarines sank ships crossing the Atlantic carrying American passengers. The economies of some of America’s biggest trading partners were in shreds; the democracies of Britain, France and other European countries were at risk.

    A Boston newspaper headline in 1915 blares the news of a British ocean liner sunk by a German torpedo.
    Serial and Government Publications Division, Library of Congress

    President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into the war in 1917 as an ally of the Western European nations. When he asked Congress for a declaration of war, Wilson touted the value of like-minded allies, saying, “A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations.” The war was over within 16 months.

    Immediately after the war, the Allies – led by the U.S., France and Britain – stayed together to craft the peace agreements, feed the war-ravaged parts of Europe and intervene in Russia after the Communist Revolution there.

    Prosperity came along with the peace, helping the U.S. quickly develop into a global economic power.

    However, within a few years, American politicians returned to traditional isolationism in political and military matters and continued this attitude well into the 1930s. The worldwide Great Depression that began in 1929 was blamed on vulnerabilities in the global economy, and there was a strong sentiment among Americans that the U.S. should fix its internal problems rather than assist Europe with its problems.

    Alliance counters fascism

    As both Hitler and the Japanese Empire began to attack their neighbors in the late 1930s, it became clear to President Franklin Roosevelt and other American military and political leaders that the U.S. would get caught up in World War II. If nothing else, airplanes had erased America’s ability to hide behind the Atlantic Ocean.

    Though public opinion was divided, the U.S. began sending arms and other assistance to Britain and quietly began military planning with London. This was despite the fact that the U.S. was formally neutral, as the Roosevelt administration was pushing the limits of what a neutral nation can do for friendly nations without becoming a warring party.

    In January of 1941, Roosevelt gave his annual State of the Union speech to Congress. He appeared to prepare the country for possible intervention – both on behalf of allies abroad and for the preservation of American democracy:

    “The future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, and Asia, and Africa and Australasia will be dominated by conquerors. In times like these it is immature – and incidentally, untrue – for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.”

    When the Japanese attacked Hawaii in 1941 and Hitler declared war on the United States, America quickly entered World War II in an alliance with Britain, the Free French and others.
    Throughout the war, the Allies worked as a team on matters large and small. They defeated Germany in three and half years and Japan in less than four.

    As World War II ended, the wartime alliance produced two longer-term partnerships built on the understanding that working together had produced a powerful and effective counter to fascism.

    A ‘news bulletin’ from August 1945 issued by a predecessor of the United Nations.
    Foreign Policy In Focus

    Postwar alliances

    The first of these alliances is the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or NATO. The original members were the U.S., Canada, Britain, France and others of the wartime Allies. There are now 32 members, including Poland, Hungary and Turkey.

    The aims of NATO were to keep the peace in Europe and contain the growing Communist threat from the Soviet Union. NATO’s supporters feel that, given that the wars in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and in the Ukraine today are the only major conflicts in Europe in 80 years, the alliance has met its goals well. And NATO troops went to Afghanistan along with the U.S. military after 9/11.

    The other institution created by the wartime Allies is the United Nations.

    The U.N. is many things – a humanitarian aid organization, a forum for countries to raise their issues and a source of international law.

    However, it is also an alliance. The U.N. Security Council on several occasions authorized the use of force by members, such as in the first Gulf War against Iraq. And it has the power to send peacekeeping troops to conflict areas under the U.N. flag.

    Other U.S. allies with treaties or designations by Congress include Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Israel, three South American countries and six in the Middle East.

    In addition to these formal alliances, many of the same countries created institutions such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Organization of American States and the European Union. The U.S. belongs to all of these except the European Union. During my 35-year diplomatic career, I worked with all of these institutions, particularly in efforts to stabilize Africa. They keep the peace and support development efforts with loans and grants.

    Admirers of this postwar liberal international order point to the limited number of major armed conflicts during the past 80 years, the globalized economy and international cooperation on important matters such as disease control and fighting terrorism.
    Detractors point to this system’s inability to stop some very deadly conflicts, such as Vietnam or Ukraine, and the large populations that haven’t done well under globalization as evidence of its flaws.

    The world would look dramatically different without the Allies’ victories in the two World Wars, the stable worldwide economic system and NATO’s and the U.N.’s keeping the world relatively peaceful.

    But the value of allies to Americans, even when they benefit from alliances, appears to have shifted between George Washington’s attitude – avoid them – and that of Franklin D. Roosevelt – go all in … eventually.

    Donald Heflin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How allies have helped the US gain independence, defend freedom and keep the peace – even as the US did the same for our friends – https://theconversation.com/how-allies-have-helped-the-us-gain-independence-defend-freedom-and-keep-the-peace-even-as-the-us-did-the-same-for-our-friends-248839

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The leadership hack that drives success: Being trustworthy

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Yufei Ren, Associate Professor of Economics, Labovitz School of Business and Economics, University of Minnesota Duluth

    Trustworthy managers get better performance reviews, recent research shows. Andrey Popov/Getty Images

    National Leadership Day, which takes place every Feb. 20, offers a chance to reflect on what truly defines leadership – not just strategy or decision-making, but the ability to build trust. In an era of rapid change, when teams look to leaders for stability and direction, trust is the invisible currency that fuels organizational success.

    As an economist, I know there’s a lot of research proving this point. I’ve conducted some myself, including work on how trust is essential for leaders in cross-cultural business environments. In an expansive study of China’s fast-paced restaurant industry, my colleagues and I found that leaders who cultivate trust can significantly reduce employee churn and improve organizational performance.

    While my study focuses on one sector, its lessons extend far beyond that. It offers insights for leaders in any field, from corporate executives to community organizers.

    Understanding the impact

    In China, as in the U.S., the restaurant industry is known for high turnover rates and cutthroat competition. But our study found that managers who demonstrate trustworthiness can keep employees from fleeing to rivals, creating a more stable and committed workforce.

    First, we conducted a field experiment in which we asked managers at around 115 restaurants how much money they were willing to send to employees in an investment game – an indicator of trust. We then found that for every 10% increase in managers’ trust-driven actions, employee turnover fell by 3.7 percentage points. That’s a testament to the power of trust in the workplace.

    When managers are trustworthy, workers tend to be more loyal, engaged in their job and productive. Employees who perceive their managers as trustworthy report higher job satisfaction and are more willing to exert extra effort, which directly benefits the organization.

    We also found that when employees trust one another, managers get better performance evaluations. That makes sense, since trust fosters improved cooperation and innovation across the board.

    Practical steps to foster trust

    Fortunately for managers – and workers – there’s a lot of research into how to be a more trustworthy leader. Here are a few insights:

    • Empower your team. Let employees take ownership of their responsibilities and make decisions within their roles. This not only boosts their engagement but also aligns their objectives with the broader goals of the organization. Empowerment is a key strategy in building trust.

    • Be fair and transparent. Managers should strive to be consistent in their actions, address concerns promptly and distribute rewards equitably. Those practices can create a psychologically safe and supportive work environment.

    • Promote collaboration. Encourage an atmosphere in which employees can openly share ideas and support one another. Activities that promote team cohesion and open communication can significantly enhance trust within the team.

    • Measure and manage trust. Implementing regular surveys or feedback sessions can help assess and manage trust levels within an organization. Consider integrating trust metrics into performance evaluations to emphasize their importance.

    Some takeaways for National Leadership Day

    Whether helming a business, a nonprofit or a local community initiative, leaders should recognize that being trustworthy isn’t just a “soft skill.” It’s a measurable force that drives success. By making trust-building a deliberate goal, leaders can create stronger, more resilient teams.

    So this National Leadership Day is a good time to reflect: How do you build trust in your leadership? And how can you foster a culture of trustworthiness?

    Managers should commit to leading with trust, acting with integrity and fostering workplaces where people feel valued and empowered. The impact will speak for itself.

    Yufei Ren does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The leadership hack that drives success: Being trustworthy – https://theconversation.com/the-leadership-hack-that-drives-success-being-trustworthy-250117

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A fiscal crisis is looming for many US cities

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By John Rennie Short, Professor Emeritus of Public Policy, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

    Houston residents at a flooded park after the passage of Hurricane Beryl, July 8, 2024. Mark Felix/AFP via Getty Images

    Five years after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, many U.S. cities are still adjusting to a new normal, with more people working remotely and less economic activity in city centers. Other factors, such as underfunded pension plans for municipal employees, are pushing many city budgets into the red.

    Urban fiscal struggles are not new, but historically they have mainly affected U.S. cities that are small, poor or saddled with incompetent managers. Today, however, even large cities, including Chicago, Houston and San Francisco, are under serious financial stress.

    This is a looming nationwide threat, driven by factors that include climate change, declining downtown activity, loss of federal funds and large pension and retirement commitments.

    Spending cuts abound in many U.S. cities as inflation lingers and pandemic-era stimulus dries up.

    Why cities struggle

    Many U.S. cities have faced fiscal crises over the past century, for diverse reasons. Most commonly, stress occurs after an economic downturn or sharp fall in tax revenues.

    Florida municipalities began to default in 1926 after the collapse of a land boom. Municipal defaults were common across the nation in the 1930s during the Great Depression: As unemployment rose, relief burdens swelled and tax collections dwindled.

    In 1934 Congress amended the U.S. bankruptcy code to allow municipalities to file formally for bankruptcy. Subsequently, 27 states enacted laws that authorized cities to become debtors and seek bankruptcy protection.

    Declaring bankruptcy was not a cure-all. It allowed cities to refinance debt or stretch out payment schedules, but it also could lead to higher taxes and fees for residents, and lower pay and benefits for city employees. And it could stigmatize a city for many years afterward.

    In the 1960s and 1970s, many urban residents and businesses left cities for adjoining suburbs. Many cities, including New York, Cleveland and Philadelphia, found it difficult to repay debts as their tax bases shrank.

    The New York Daily News, Oct. 30, 1975, after U.S. President Gerald Ford ruled out providing federal aid to save the city from bankruptcy. Several months later, Ford signed legislation authorizing federal loans.
    Edward Stojakovic/Flickr, CC BY

    In the wake of the 2008-2009 housing market collapse, cities including Detroit, San Bernardino, California, and Stockton, California, filed for bankruptcy. Other cities faced similar difficulties but were located in states that did not allow municipalities to declare bankruptcy.

    Even large, affluent jurisdictions could go off the financial rails. For example, Orange County, California, went bankrupt in 2002 after its treasurer, Robert Citron, pursued a risky investment strategy of complex leveraging deals, losing some $1.65 billion in taxpayer funds.

    Today, cities face a convergence of rising costs and decreasing revenues in many places. As I see it, the urban fiscal crisis is now a pervasive national challenge.

    Climate-driven disasters

    Climate change and its attendant increase in major disasters are putting financial pressure on municipalities across the country.

    Events like wildfires and flooding have twofold effects on city finances. First, money has to be spent on rebuilding damaged infrastructure, such as roads, water lines and public buildings. Second, after the disaster, cities may either act on their own or be required under state or federal law to make expensive investments in preparation for the next storm or wildfire.

    Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass (center) discusses wildfire recovery in Pacific Palisades, Calif., Jan. 27, 2025. Cleaning up after the wildfires, which destroyed more than 16,000 structures, will include disposing of several million tons of toxic ash and debris.
    Drew A. Kelley/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram via Getty Images

    In Houston, for example, court rulings after multiple years of severe flooding are forcing the city to spend $100 million on street repairs and drainage by mid-2025. This requirement will expand the deficit in Houston’s annual budget to $330 million.

    In Massachusetts, towns on Cape Cod are spending millions of dollars to switch from septic systems to public sewer lines and upgrade wastewater treatment plants. Population growth has sharply increased water pollution on the Cape, and climate change is promoting blooms of toxic algae that feed on nutrients in wastewater.

    Increasing uncertainty about the total costs of mitigating and adapting to climate change will inevitably lead rating agencies to downgrade municipal credit ratings. This raises cities’ costs to borrow money for climate-related projects like protecting shorelines and improving wastewater treatment.

    Underfunded pensions

    Cities also spend a lot of money on employees, and many large cities are struggling to fund pensions and health benefits for their workforces. As municipal retirees live longer and require more health care, the costs are mounting.

    For example, Chicago currently faces a budget deficit of nearly $1 billion, which stems partly from underfunded retirement benefits for nearly 30,000 public employees. The city has $35 billion in unfunded pension liabilities and almost $2 billion in unfunded retiree health benefits. Chicago’s teachers are owed $14 billion in unfunded benefits.

    Policy studies have shown for years that politicians tend to underfund retirement and pension benefits for public employees. This approach offloads the real cost of providing police, fire protection and education onto future taxpayers.

    Struggling downtowns and less federal support

    Cities aren’t just facing rising costs – they’re also losing revenues. In many U.S. cities, retail and commercial office economies are declining. Developers have overbuilt commercial properties, creating an excess supply. More unleased properties will mean lower tax revenues.

    At the same time, pandemic-related federal aid that cushioned municipal finances from 2020 through 2024 is dwindling.

    State and local governments received $150 billion through the 2020 Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act and an additional $130 billion through the 2021 American Rescue Plan Act. Now, however, this federal largesse – which some cities used to fill mounting fiscal cracks – is at an end.

    In my view, President Donald Trump’s administration is highly unlikely to bail out urban areas – especially more liberal cities like Detroit, Philadelphia and San Francisco. Trump has portrayed large cities governed by Democrats in the darkest terms – for example, calling Baltimore a “rodent-infested mess” and Washington, D.C., a “dirty, crime-ridden death trap.” I expect that Trump’s animus against big cities, which was a staple of his 2024 campaign, could become a hallmark of his second term.

    Detroit officials respond to disparaging remarks about the city by Donald Trump during a campaign speech in Detroit, Oct. 10, 2024.

    Resistance to new taxes

    Cities can generate revenue from taxes on sales, businesses, property and utilities. However, increasing municipal taxes – particularly property taxes – can be very difficult.

    In 1978, California adopted Proposition 13 – a ballot measure that limited property tax increases to the rate of inflation or 2% per year, whichever is lower. This high-profile campaign created a widespread narrative that property taxes were out of control and made it very hard for local officials to support property tax increases.

    Thanks to caps like Prop 13, a persistent public view that taxes are too high and political resistance, property taxes have tended to lag behind inflation in many parts of the country.

    The crunch

    Taking these factors together, I see a fiscal crunch coming for U.S. cities. Small cities with low budgets are particularly vulnerable. But so are larger, more affluent cities, such as San Francisco with its collapsing downtown office market, or Houston, New York and Miami, which face growing costs from climate change.

    Workers in North Miami Beach, Fla., distribute sandbags to residents to help prevent flooding as Hurricane Milton approaches the state on Oct. 8, 2024.
    AP Photo/Wilfredo Lee

    One city manager who runs an affluent municipality in the Pacific Northwest told me that in these difficult circumstances, politicians need to be more frank and open with their constituents and explain convincingly and compellingly how and why taxpayer money is being spent.

    Efforts to balance city budgets are opportunities to build consensus with the public about what municipalities can do, and at what cost. The coming months will show whether politicians and city residents are ready for these hard conversations.

    John Rennie Short does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A fiscal crisis is looming for many US cities – https://theconversation.com/a-fiscal-crisis-is-looming-for-many-us-cities-249436

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump order boosts school choice, but there’s little evidence vouchers lead to smarter students or better educational outcomes

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Charles J. Russo, Joseph Panzer Chair in Education and Research Professor of Law, University of Dayton

    Surveys suggest growing support for school choice, such as in Ohio, even as voters reject such policies in referendums. AP Photo/Samantha Hendrickson

    The school choice movement received a major boost on Jan. 29, 2025, when President Donald Trump issued an executive order supporting families who want to use public money to send their children to private schools.

    The far-reaching order aims to redirect federal funds to voucher-type programs. Vouchers typically afford parents the freedom to select nonpublic schools, including faith-based ones, using all or a portion of the public funds set aside to educate their children.

    But research shows that as a consequence, this typically drains funding from already cash-strapped public schools.

    We are professors who focus on education law, with special interests in educational equity and school choice programs. While proponents of school choice claim it leads to academic gains, we don’t see much evidence to support this view – but we do see the negative impact they sometimes have on public schools.

    The rise of school choice

    The vast majority of children in the U.S. attend traditional public schools. Their share, however, has steadily declined from 87% in 2011 to about 83% in 2021, at least in part due to the growth of school choice programs such as vouchers.

    Modern voucher programs expanded significantly during the late 1980s and early 1990s as states, cities and local school boards experimented with ways to allow parents to use public funds to send their kids to nonpublic schools, especially ones that are religiously affiliated.

    While some programs were struck down for violating the separation of church and state, others were upheld. Vouchers received a big shot in the arm in 2002, when the Supreme Court ruled in Zelman v. Simmons-Harris that the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause permitted states to include faith-based schools in their voucher programs in Cleveland.

    Following Zelman, vouchers became a more realistic political option. Even so, access to school choice programs varied greatly by state and was not as dramatic as supporters may have wished. Because the Constitution is silent on education, states largely control school voucher programs.

    Currently, 13 states and Washington, D.C., offer one or several school choice programs targeting different types of students. Total U.S. enrollment in such programs surpassed 1 million for the first time in 2024, double what it was in 2020, according to EdChoice, which advocates for school-choice policies.

    Voters, however, have taken a dim view of voucher programs. By one count, they’ve turned down referendums on vouchers 17 times, according to the National Coalition for Public Education, a group that opposes the policy.

    Most recently, three states rejected school choice programs in the November 2024 elections. Kentucky voters overwhelmingly rejected a proposal to enshrine school choice into commonwealth law, while Nebraska voters chose to repeal its voucher program. Colorado also rejected a “right” to school choice, but more narrowly.

    In 2025, Tennessee became the 13th state to pass some sort of school choice program, despite opposition from public school supporters.
    AP Photo/George Walker IV

    Trump’s order

    At its heart, Trump’s executive order would offer discretionary grants and issue guidance to states over using federal funds within this K-12 scholarship program. It also directs the Department of Interior and Department of Defense to make vouchers available to Native American and military families.

    In addition, the order directs the Department of Education to provide guidance on how states can better support school choice – though it’s unclear exactly what that will mean. It’s a task that will be left for Linda McMahon, Trump’s nominee for secretary of Education, once she is confirmed.

    Trump promoted school choice in his first term as well but failed to win enough congressional support to include it in the federal budget.

    Research suggests few academic gains from vouchers

    The push to give parents more choice over where to send their children is based on the assumption that doing so will provide them with a better education.

    In the order, Trump specifically cites disappointing data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress showing that 70% of eighth graders are below proficient in reading, while 72% are below proficient in mathematics.

    Voucher advocates point to research that school choice boosts test scores and improves educational attainment.

    But other data don’t always back up the notion that school choice policies meaningfully improve student outcomes. A 2023 review of the past decade of research on the topic by the Brookings Institution found that the introduction of a voucherlike program actually led to lower academic achievement – similar to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.

    A 2017 review by a Stanford economist Martin Carnoy published by the Economic Policy Institute similarly found little evidence vouchers improve school outcomes. While there were some modest gains in graduation rates, they were outweighed by the risks to funding public school systems.

    Indeed, vouchers have been shown to reduce funding to public schools, especially in rural areas, and hurt public education in other ways, such as by making it harder for schools to afford qualified teachers.

    Critics of voucher programs also fear that nonpublic schools may discriminate
    against some students    , such as those who are members of the LGBTQ+ community. There are some reports of this already happening in Wisconsin. Unlike legislation governing traditional public schools, state laws regulating voucher programs often do not include comprehensive anti-discrimination provisions.

    School reform

    Criticisms of voucher programs aside, many parents who support them do so based on the hope that their children will have more affordable, high-quality educational options. This was especially true in Zelman, in which the Supreme Court upheld the rights of parents to remove their kids from Cleveland’s struggling public schools.

    There is little doubt in our minds that in some cases school choice affords some parents in low-performing districts additional options for their children’s education.

    But in general, the evidence shows that is the exception to vouchers, not the rule. Evidence also suggests most children – whether they’re using vouchers to attend nonpublic schools or remain in the public school system – may not always benefit from school choice programs. And when it takes money out of underfunded public school systems, school choice can make things worse for a lot more children than it benefits.

    While the poor reading and math scores cited in Trump’s executive order suggest that change is needed to help keep America’s school and students competitive, this order may not achieve that goal.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump order boosts school choice, but there’s little evidence vouchers lead to smarter students or better educational outcomes – https://theconversation.com/trump-order-boosts-school-choice-but-theres-little-evidence-vouchers-lead-to-smarter-students-or-better-educational-outcomes-249138

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: p53 is both your genome’s guardian and weakness against cancer – scientists are trying to repair or replace it when it goes awry

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Prosper Obed Chukwuemeka, Ph.D. Candidate in Integrative Systems Biology, University of Pittsburgh

    To stop tumors from forming, p53 can trigger programmed cell death. Juan Gaertner/Science Photo Library via Getty Images

    Cancer arises when your cells grow uncontrollably and refuse to die when they should. Normally, your body is equipped with regulatory processes to prevent this chaos. One such mechanism involves a protein called p53. Often dubbed the “guardian of the genome,” this protein plays a pivotal role in ensuring that your cells grow, divide and die in an orderly fashion. When p53 malfunctions, the result is often cancer.

    Learning about how p53 works has not only deepened how scientists understand cancer, but also provided promising avenues for new treatments.

    In my work as a cancer researcher, I study the underlying mechanisms of how tumors develop and resist treatment. By understanding how cancer cells bypass safeguards like p53, scientists can find better ways to stop them, leading to more effective treatments for patients.

    How p53 works

    Each cell contains DNA that instructs it how to function. Over time, this instruction manual can accumulate errors due to various factors like exposure to harmful ultraviolet rays, smoking or even just natural wear and tear.

    This is where p53 comes in. It acts like a vigilant proofreader, detecting errors in DNA and deciding how to handle them. If the damage is minor, p53 instructs the cell to repair it. But if the damage is beyond repair, p53 triggers a process called apoptosis, or programmed cell death, ensuring the faulty cell doesn’t turn cancerous.

    In more than half of all human cancers, p53 is either missing or dysfunctional. This often happens when the gene that encodes for p53 is mutated or deleted. Without a functioning p53, errors in DNA go unchecked, allowing damaged cells to multiply and form tumors.

    p53 has four arms to wrap around and bind to DNA.
    David Goodsell/RCSB PDB-101, CC BY-SA

    Targeting p53 pathways

    Given its crucial role in preventing cancer, p53 has become a major target for drug development.

    Over the years, scientists have devised various strategies to target the p53 pathway, or the network of molecules p53 controls to regulate cell growth, repair DNA damage and trigger cell death. Rather than acting alone, p53 interacts with multiple molecular pathways – some of which researchers are still discovering – that help determine a cell’s fate.

    Treatment approaches aim to restore or mimic p53’s function in cells where it has gone awry. For example, scientists have developed small molecules that can bind to mutant p53 and stabilize its faulty structure, restoring its ability to bind DNA and regulate genes. Drugs like PRIMA-1 and MIRA-1 essentially “rescue” p53, allowing it to resume its role as the cell’s guardian.

    Even when p53 is missing, scientists can still target the processes it normally controls to treat cancer. For example, drugs can activate apoptosis or halt cell division in ways that mimic p53’s normal function. Drugs like ABT-737 or Navitoclax can block proteins in the p53 pathway that usually stop apoptosis, allowing cell death to occur even when p53 is absent.

    Targeting p53’s overseers

    Researchers are also investigating other proteins that interact with p53 as potential treatment options. Because the p53 pathway is highly complex, targeting different parts of this network presents both opportunities and challenges.

    My colleagues and I are studying two other closely related proteins that regulate p53 by marking it for destruction when it’s no longer needed. These proteins, called MDM2 and MDMX, become overactive in cancer and break down p53.

    p53 is quickly activated to respond to DNA damage.

    Researchers have developed drugs to block MDM2 or MDMX, but targeting just one of these proteins is often not enough. If one is blocked, the other can step in and continue to destroy p53. Most existing drugs are also much better at blocking MDM2 than MDMX due to subtle differences in the latter’s shape, including a smaller area for p53 to bind. This makes it harder for drugs designed to target MDM2 to effectively bind to or reach MDMX.

    To find molecules that could bind to both MDM2 and MDMX, researchers traditionally synthesize and test each molecule individually, which is often time-intensive and costly. In contrast, my colleagues and I used computer modeling tools to simulate how thousands of molecules might interact with the proteins, allowing us to narrow down potential candidates much more quickly.

    We identified a small molecule we called CPO that shows promise in its ability to target both MDM2 and MDMX. Our models showed that CPO may have a stronger ability to block both MDM2 and MDMX than another molecule that researchers previously found could inhibit both of these proteins in cell culture.

    More research is needed to confirm whether CPO works in living systems the same way it does in our computer predictions. If CPO is as safe and effective in cell and animal models, it may offer another treatment option for cancers where MDM2 and MDMX are overactive.

    p53 and cancer treatment

    The journey to fully harnessing the p53 pathway for cancer therapeutics is ongoing, and researchers are exploring several promising options.

    Advances in gene-editing technologies like CRISPR are opening doors to directly correct p53 mutations in cancer cells.

    Additionally, researchers are exploring combination therapies that pair p53-targeting drugs with other treatments, such as immunotherapy, to amplify their effectiveness.

    Like other cancer treatments, one major challenge is ensuring the drugs target p53 in cancer cells and spare healthy cells from unnecessary damage. Achieving this balance will be crucial in translating these therapies from the lab to the clinic.

    Prosper Obed Chukwuemeka does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. p53 is both your genome’s guardian and weakness against cancer – scientists are trying to repair or replace it when it goes awry – https://theconversation.com/p53-is-both-your-genomes-guardian-and-weakness-against-cancer-scientists-are-trying-to-repair-or-replace-it-when-it-goes-awry-248674

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Our research on dark web forums reveals the growing threat of AI-generated child abuse images

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Simon Bailey, Chair, International Policing and Public Protection Research Institute, Anglia Ruskin University

    Ventura/Shutterstock

    The UK aims to be the first country in the world to create new offences related to AI-generated sexual abuse. New laws will make it illegal to possess, create or distribute AI tools designed to generate child sexual abuse material (CSAM), punishable by up to five years in prison. The laws will also make it illegal for anyone to possess so-called “paedophile manuals” which teach people how to use AI to sexually abuse children.

    In the last few decades, the threat against children from online abuse has multiplied at a concerning rate. According to the Internet Watch Foundation, which tracks down and removes abuse from the internet, there has been an 830% rise in online child sexual abuse imagery since 2014. The prevalence of AI image generation tools is fuelling this further.

    Last year, we at the International Policing and Protection Research Institute at Anglia Ruskin University published a report on the growing demand for AI-generated child sexual abuse material online.

    Researchers analysed chats that took place in dark web forums over the previous 12 months. We found evidence of growing interest in this technology, and of online offenders’ desire for others to learn more and create abuse images.

    Horrifyingly, forum members referred to those creating the AI-imagery as “artists”. This technology is creating a new world of opportunity for offenders to create and share the most depraved forms of child abuse content.

    Our analysis showed that members of these forums are using non-AI-generated images and videos already at their disposal to facilitate their learning and train the software they use to create the images. Many expressed their hopes and expectations that the technology would evolve, making it even easier for them to create this material.

    Dark web spaces are hidden and only accessible through specialised software. They provide offenders with anonymity and privacy, making it difficult for law enforcement to identify and prosecute them.

    The Internet Watch Foundation has documented concerning statistics about the rapid increase in the number of AI-generated images they encounter as part of their work. The volume remains relatively low in comparison to the scale of non-AI images that are being found, but the numbers are growing at an alarming rate.

    The charity reported in October 2023 that a total of 20,254 AI generated imaged were uploaded in a month to one dark web forum. Before this report was published, little was known about the threat.

    The harms of AI abuse

    The perception among offenders is that AI-generated child sexual abuse imagery is a victimless crime, because the images are not “real”. But it is far from harmless, firstly because it can be created from real photos of children, including images that are completely innocent.

    While there is a lot we don’t yet know about the impact of AI-generated abuse specifically, there is a wealth of research on the harms of online child sexual abuse, as well as how technology is used to perpetuate or worsen the impact of offline abuse. For example, victims may have continuing trauma due to the permanence of photos or videos, just knowing the images are out there. Offenders may also use images (real or fake) to intimidate or blackmail victims.

    These considerations are also part of ongoing discussions about deepfake pornography, the creation of which the government also plans to criminalise.



    Read more:
    Deepfake porn: why we need to make it a crime to create it, not just share it

    All of these issues can be exacerbated with AI technology. Additionally, there is also likely to be a traumatic impact on moderators and investigators having to view abuse images in the finest details to identify if they are “real” or “generated” images.

    What can the law do?

    UK law currently outlaws the taking, making, distribution and possession of an indecent image or a pseudo-photograph (a digitally-created photorealistic image) of a child.

    But there are currently no laws that make it an offence to possess the technology to create AI child sexual abuse images. The new laws should ensure that police officers will be able to target abusers who are using or considering using AI to generate this content, even if they are not currently in possession of images when investigated.

    New laws on AI tools should help investigators crack down on offenders even if they do not have images in their possession.
    Pla2na/Shutterstock

    We will always be behind offenders when it comes to technology, and law enforcement agencies around the world will soon be overwhelmed. They need laws designed to help them identify and prosecute those seeking to exploit children and young people online.

    It is welcome news that the government is committed to taking action, but it has to be fast. The longer the legislation takes to enact, the more children are at risk of being abused.

    Tackling the global threat will also take more than laws in one country. We need a whole-system response that starts when new technology is being designed. Many AI products and tools have been developed for entirely genuine, honest and non-harmful reasons, but they can easily be adapted and used by offenders looking to create harmful or illegal material.

    The law needs to understand and respond to this, so that technology cannot be used to facilitate abuse, and so that we can differentiate between those using tech to harm, and those using it for good.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Our research on dark web forums reveals the growing threat of AI-generated child abuse images – https://theconversation.com/our-research-on-dark-web-forums-reveals-the-growing-threat-of-ai-generated-child-abuse-images-249067

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Your dog may be wilder than you think, according to canine sleep research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Deborah Wells, Reader, School of Psychology, Queen’s University Belfast

    Rasulov/Shutterstock

    Dogs may look adorable when they snooze, but their sleeping habits actually hold fascinating clues on how living with humans has shaped canine behaviour. The sleep-wake patterns of the dog can also serve as a useful model for human sleep and wellbeing research.

    Domestic dogs have largely diurnal sleeping habits (awake during the day, asleep at night), aligning themselves to the lifestyle of their owners. Most of their sleep happens during the night, between the hours of 9pm and 6am. Unlike humans, however, dogs have frequent bouts of sleeping during the daytime, particularly in the afternoon.

    A 2020 study estimated that the average pet dog sleeps for roughly ten hours a day. In reality, it is difficult to determine how much dogs sleep during a 24-hour period because drowsiness (resting with eyes closed) accounts for a considerable proportion of their daily activity. This has led to a large range of estimation (seven to 16 hours) in the amount of time that dogs devote to sleep.

    The dog’s ancestor, the grey wolf, tends to show nocturnal (night-time active) or crepuscular (dawn and dusk active) sleep patterns in the wild. That said, wolves can show high variability in their activity, with human disturbance, food availability and weather conditions all influencing their sleep-wake cycles.

    Captive wolves, like dogs, typically have a diurnal circadian rhythm, adapting their sleep-wake cycle to the feeding regimes and human activity in their environment. Free-ranging domestic dogs are more inclined to resemble wild canids in their sleep cycles, showing a greater propensity towards crepuscular or nocturnal activity. In urban areas feral dogs may, again, align their sleeping habits with human activity.

    These cross-species studies suggest that domestication may not necessarily have changed the sleeping habits of dogs per se. Rather, sleep in dogs appears to be determined by human lifestyle and situational factors. Left to their own devices, however, dogs may be more likely to assume the sleeping habits of their wild ancestors.

    The nature of sleep in dogs

    Dogs have a number of sleep stages, including drowsiness, lighter non-rapid eye movement (NREM) sleep and deeper rapid eye movement (REM) sleep, where most, although not all, dreaming happens. Dogs devote more of their total sleep time to REM (roughly 2.9 hours a day) than humans (1.9 hours a day).

    However, a 2022 study that involved researchers cuddling dogs and socialised wolves to sleep, found that dogs spent less time in REM sleep than the wolves.

    Both species, however, spent a similar amount of time in the other stages of sleep. This raises questions about whether REM sleep is related to domestication. Species which are at high risk of being attacked while asleep typically spend less time in REM sleep than animals who live in safer environments, so the findings from this study are intriguing.

    Dogs nap during the day more than people or wolves.
    manushot/Shutterstock

    Dogs engage in their deepest sleep during the night, and their daytime naps are relatively light. Like other animals, including rats and hedgehogs, dogs often wake up after a period of REM sleep, perhaps an evolutionary adaptation designed to force them out of their slumber to check for dangers in the environment.

    These frequent and relatively brief sleep-wake cycles allow dogs to adjust to changes in their routine more readily than humans. Drug detection dogs, for example, have been found to cope remarkably well with changes to their working schedule, showing little disruption to their sleeping patterns.

    As with humans, the duration and quality of sleep in dogs fluctuates, both day to day and over their lifespan. As dogs get older, their sleep becomes more fragmented, accompanied by decreased bouts of REM sleep at night and increased NREM sleep during the day.

    Other factors, including canine sex, daytime activity, welfare, environmental conditions, and even social interactions, can affect sleep quality. Deprivations in daytime napping typically lead to quicker sleep onset and longer REM sleep at night, both for dogs and other animals.

    Why do dogs sleep?

    Scientists still don’t agree why dogs, or indeed other animals, sleep, although we do know that the process is heavily involved in physical restoration.

    Memory consolidation (the conversion of short-term memory to long-term memory), closely linked to REM sleep, is perhaps the most studied function of sleep. Most of this work points to sleep’s important role in facilitating learning.

    For example, in 2017 researchers in Hungary found that dogs’ memory recall significantly improved when the animals were taught unfamiliar words and then allowed to take a three hour period of sleep and rest.

    The nature of sleep in dogs, as in humans, may be influenced by emotional processing. The 2017 Hungarian study found negative experiences, such as owner separation and approach from a threatening stranger, resulted in increased REM sleep and decreased drowsiness in the dogs. Further work on this aspect of sleep is much needed, particularly considering there are close parallels in cognitive functioning between humans and dogs.

    Scientists already use dogs as a model for studying a range of sleep-related issues in humans, including sleep disorders, such as narcolepsy and REM behaviour disorder, and age-related changes similar to dementia in humans (cognitive dysfunction syndrome). Although still in its foetal stages, work in this area is starting to yield data that may be useful in helping us decipher early mechanisms for Alzeimher’s disease and treatment for age-related health problems.

    It is clear that our dogs are not wasting their time slumbering on the sofa. There is still much to be learned from exploring the biological rhythms of the animals we share our lives with, so let those sleeping dogs lie.

    Deborah Wells does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Your dog may be wilder than you think, according to canine sleep research – https://theconversation.com/your-dog-may-be-wilder-than-you-think-according-to-canine-sleep-research-241981

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Switching to electric vehicles will push the power grid to the brink

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Florimond Gueniat, Associate Professor in Mechanical Engineering, Birmingham City University

    AdamEdwards / shutterstock

    The UK’s pledge to reach net-zero emissions by 2050 hinges on replacing millions of petrol and diesel vehicles with cleaner alternatives. But transitioning to electric transport isn’t just about manufacturing new cars, installing chargers and so on. It’s a gargantuan energy generation challenge that could push the power grid to its limits.

    In 2023, UK transport consumed about 46 million litres of petrol and diesel. If we convert that into electricity, it would be equivalent to 49.5 gigawatts (GW) of continuous power throughout a whole year. For perspective, this is about one-third more than the UK’s entire current electricity generation capacity.

    In other words, every single power station in the UK could be devoted entirely to powering electric vehicles and it still wouldn’t be enough. But one might say we didn’t consider the efficiency of electric vehicles. Petrol and diesel engines waste about three quarters of their energy as heat, with only a small portion used to propel the car. Electric vehicles meanwhile waste only about one quarter.

    Adjusting for this, the actual power needed if the UK went entirely electric drops to around 20 GW. It would still mean increasing today’s grid capacity by almost half (46%), corresponding to building 17 nuclear plants (1.2 GW each) or 5,800 skyscraper-sized wind turbines (3.5 MW each). Those wind farms would cost around £22 billion, while the nuclear plants would cost significantly more.

    At the moment, less than 1% of vehicles in the UK are electric, which explains why there are no specific power issues – yet. But if the country did have a fully carbon-free fleet of vehicles, the associated surge in demand would strain infrastructure and risk large blackouts. California’s grid, for example, already faces stress during electric vehicle charging peaks, prompting warnings and forcing the state to put “managed charging” policies in place.

    ‘A gargantuan energy challenge’.
    Supamotionstock.com / shutterstock

    Massive upgrade needed

    Most countries looking to switch to zero-carbon transport will need to massively upgrade their electricity grid and power plants. Renewable energy complicates matters as wind and solar can’t always meet demand spikes (you can burn more gas or coal when needed, but you can’t choose when the wind blows or the sun shines). Nuclear offers stable and massive output, but new plants can take decades to build and the public is often hostile.

    Certain “smart” solutions could help things even if the grid itself isn’t overhauled. Electric vehicle batteries could be linked to the grid for instance, and used to store and supply power. Overnight, millions of cars will soak up electricity before releasing it when demand spikes again in the morning. Price discounts would encourage people to charge their cars at night, when demand for electricity is at its lowest.

    This can help mitigate many of the issues related to wind and solar being intermittent. But it will cause batteries to deteriorate faster, and still won’t solve the problem of having to generate more electricity.

    Electricity stored overnight can be very useful in the morning when millions of lights and kettles are switched on.
    Smile Fight / shutterstock

    One underappreciated strategy is empowering households and businesses that generate their own electricity via solar panels, small wind turbines, or even micro-hydro systems. By 2035, with vigorous policies, these “prosumers” could supply up to 15% of the UK’s electricity, easing grid strain and reducing reliance on centralised funding. Such policies in Germany have lead its prosumer networks to already offset 10% of the national demand.

    Without such decentralised efforts, the financial burden of grid upgrades will fall entirely on taxpayers, at staggering costs. The alternative is a huge rise in price of electricity, felt by all, and a stalled transition.

    No time to delay

    Generating more power remains the core issue. Without urgent action, the transition to low-carbon transport could stall – or worse, overload the energy system. The governments of France, the UK and some other countries have recently begun to discuss increasing energy production, but the focus is on meeting AI-related demands rather than electricity for the next generation of vehicles.

    Critically, net-zero will only happen with strong transport and energy policies in place. Governments must increase grid capacity and incentivise small-scale renewable generation through tax breaks and specially-designed payments. The alternative – delaying and relying solely on public funds – is economically unviable and politically risky.

    Florimond Gueniat does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Switching to electric vehicles will push the power grid to the brink – https://theconversation.com/switching-to-electric-vehicles-will-push-the-power-grid-to-the-brink-248814

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: More people are playing roller derby – here’s what that might mean for foot health

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Benjamin Bullen, Lecturer in Podiatric Medicine, University of Galway

    Marben/Shutterstock

    Popularised in the 2009 Drew Barrymore film, Whip It, roller derby is one of the fastest growing sports for women worldwide – particularly in the US.

    While this roller speed-skating competition was originally established as a marathon race in the 1930s, the modern, kick-ass, punk-inspired, version began in the early 2000s.

    Players wear four-wheeled “quad” roller skates and mandatory protective equipment, including a helmet, mouth and wrist guards and elbow and knee pads – but foot injuries are common. These often include bruising, torn ligaments, broken bones and toenail injuries – like the one featured in the image below.

    Since roller derby is a growing sport, podiatrists like me will likely see more foot injuries from players, including bruising under the toenails and lost nails. Lost toenails are a common injury among these athletes due to the frequent quick turns and stops required during events.

    Many roller derby athletes wear tight skates to improve responsiveness during quick turns and stops. Loose fitting boots can also increase the risk of ankle injuries, such as sprained or torn ligaments and broken ankle and foot bones.

    Under pressure

    It is not at all uncommon for people to have one foot longer than the other, which will increase pressure in the roller skate, particularly on the big toenail. Silicone toe protectors can be worn to reduce this pressure; however, they may also reduce the amount of available room in the toebox – front of the shoe.

    Appropriate roller skate fit is essential to prevent such nail injuries and, much like other sports, shoes that are too short or too long may lead to recurring nail issues, such as “runner’s toe” – also known as a subungual hematoma – a painful, blackened toenail caused by repeated trauma.

    Skates with a deeper and wider toebox may reduce the likelihood of injury. The front of the shoe may also be “punched-out” following gentle warming of the material. This can be achieved professionally with the assistance of special stretchers. In keeping with the “do-it-yourself” ethos of roller derby, though, skaters may use the rounded end of a broom handle to gently stretch the shoes over the big toenail area.

    In addition, loose roller skate laces leave the ankle unstable and more likely to roll, leading to strains, sprains and even broken bones. Firm lacing secures the foot firmly within the roller skate, also reducing the potential for friction and the foot sliding forward within the roller skate, avoiding nail trauma.

    Foot injury prevention

    As a podiatrist, I advise patients to use protective dressings before playing sport, wear cushioning socks to absorb some of the force, and keep toe nails short with regular trimming. Some roller derby athletes have been known to apply superglue or nail glue to re-attach lifted nails – but this practice is not advised. Supergluing lost nails could cause lead to irritation, infection and further injury.

    Keeping nails short and ensuring good roller skate fit and firm lacing are essential to prevent foot, ankle and toenail injuries. Whether a roller derby player or not, if you do experience foot and ankle issues, why not visit your friendly local podiatrist?

    Later, skater.

    Benjamin Bullen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. More people are playing roller derby – here’s what that might mean for foot health – https://theconversation.com/more-people-are-playing-roller-derby-heres-what-that-might-mean-for-foot-health-248524

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Tomb of Egyptian pharaoh is first found in Luxor since Tutankhamun – here’s how we know who lay inside

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Claire Isabella Gilmour, PhD Candidate, Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Bristol

    Thutmose II was the fourth ruler of the illustrious ancient Egyptian 18th dynasty, which included Tutankhamun. Now, the location of his long-lost tomb, one of the last missing royal tombs, has been confirmed by the New Kingdom Research Foundation, a British-Egyptian archaeological team led by Piers Litherland. It’s the first pharaoh’s tomb to be discovered in Luxor for over a century.

    Thutmose II had a relatively short and uneventful reign, but his enduring legacy is his family. He was husband and half-brother of the female pharaoh Hatshepsut, and father of Thutmose III, arguably ancient Egypt’s greatest military leader.

    Thutmose was himself of royal blood as a biological son of Thutmose I. But as his mother was only a minor wife, his marriage to Hatshepsut (also a daughter of Thutmose I, by his principal wife Ahmose) cemented his position in line to the throne.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Around 500 years after Thutmose II’s death, ancient Egyptian officials of the 21st dynasty realised that his tomb (and that of other royals from the New Kingdom) had become vulnerable to damage from flooding and the attentions of tomb robbers. They chose a secret place in the Theban cliffs to relocate the royal remains to.

    The mummified bodies of kings, queens and other significant people were interred in their new resting place near Hatshepsut’s temple. The entrance was well disguised by sand and rocks, and was inaccessible by foot. There they lay there until the late 19th century.



    Read more:
    The scent of the ancient Egyptian afterlife has been recreated – here’s what it smelled like

    When the area became known to Egyptologists in 1881, the cache was found to contain the bodies of, among others, Ramesses II, Seti I, Thutmose III and, of course, Thutmose II.

    They were moved from the Egyptian Museum in Tahrir Square, Cairo, in a spectacular, globally broadcast parade to the newly opened National Museum of Egyptian Civilization in 2021. But the search for Thutmose II’s original tomb continued.

    Stone block relief showing Thutmose II, found at Karnak Temple in Luxor.
    WikiCommons, CC BY

    This tomb, designated C4, is located in a relatively inaccessible position. It is next to the magnificent mortuary temple of Hatshepsut, Thutmose’s principal wife and later pharaoh in her own right, at the site of Deir el-Bahri on the west bank of the Nile at Luxor.

    Discovered in 2022, the site is some 1.2 miles away from the Valley of the Kings, where tombs for Thutmose I and III and Hatshepsut were planned. Women of the royal family had been found there, so the initial theory was that this newly found tomb belonged to one of Thutmose’s lesser wives.

    The tomb was also blocked by flood debris. The excavation team had to work through a deep entrance staircase, collapsed ceilings, corridors filled with flooding debris, and tonnes of limestone fragments.

    What was in the tomb?

    Further exploration by the excavation team has now brought to light evidence that confirms the tomb is that of Thutmose II himself.

    Initial observations showed that the form of the entrance bore a strong resemblance to that of Hatshepsut’s KV20 tomb in the Valley of the Kings. It features a wide staircase, doorway and descending corridor, and therefore a significant space lay beyond.

    As the ceilings and walls were cleared, beautiful decoration of a starred sky and extracts from a funerary text known as the Amduat emerged, strongly suggesting that this was a king’s burial. Sifting through the limestone fragments revealed broken alabaster vessels bearing the king’s name and – crucially – that of Hatshepsut, reducing the list of potential candidates to just one.

    Even though C4 has otherwise been emptied of funerary goods such as sarcophagi, this is actually good news. It indicates that the tomb contents were moved elsewhere, perhaps due to the flooding. These items were not found with Thutmose II’s relocated body, so the search is still on to find them.

    Hatshepsut’s original tomb has not yet been found.
    Metropolitan Museum of Art, CC BY-SA

    Contrary to many reports, C4 is not the first royal tomb to be found since that of Tutankhamun in 1922 by Howard Carter. Pierre Montet’s excavations at the third intermediate period (1069–664BC) capital city of Tanis in the 1930s revealed the royal necropolis of the 21st and 22nd dynasties, with some undisturbed. However, C4 is the first since Tutankhamun in Luxor, and it is the last missing king’s tomb of the 18th dynasty.

    Still up for discovery are a handful of tombs belonging to other rulers of Egypt: Nefertiti; Ramesses XIII; the 21st-dynasty high priest of Amun, Herihor; Cleopatra VII; and Alexander the Great. Other significant tombs which may yet come to light are Ankhesenamun, wife of Tutankhamun, and the great architect Imhotep.

    Some of these tombs may never be found. But the New Kingdom Research Foundation are now looking to find the next stage in Thutmose II’s postmortem journey – where was he taken after C4, but before the royal cache in the Theban cliffs?

    Claire Isabella Gilmour does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Tomb of Egyptian pharaoh is first found in Luxor since Tutankhamun – here’s how we know who lay inside – https://theconversation.com/tomb-of-egyptian-pharaoh-is-first-found-in-luxor-since-tutankhamun-heres-how-we-know-who-lay-inside-250433

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why the US return to tariffs and protectionism ‘reeks of hypocrisy’ – podcast

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

    Amani A/Shutterstock

     When Donald Trump imposed sweeping tariffs during his first term as US president, it sparked a trade war with China. As the Trump administration ratchets up its threat to tax imports from its allies and economic rivals alike, the world is bracing for another wave of costly economic disruption.

    This protectionist shift is all the more remarkable given how the US championed trade liberalisation for decades.

    So what does it actually take for a country to use protectionism to grow its economy? Some developing countries have successfully used tariffs to do so, while others have struggled. In this episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast, we talk to Jostein Hauge, a development economist at the University of Cambridge, about who wins and who loses from tariffs and protectionism.

    The main argument against taxing imports through tariffs is that the higher costs of imported goods will be passed onto consumers. The main argument in favour is that tariffs can help to protect a country’s domestic economy, explains Hauge:

     By using tariffs, you can, if they are used effectively, and if they’re successful, help domestic firms become better at producing what they’re producing and eventually become competitive in the world economy. Sometimes that’s successful, other times that’s not successful. It can also be an effective way of raising taxes, especially for countries that don’t have a lot of tax revenue, especially developing countries.

    A number of developing countries successfully used tariffs and other forms of protectionism to grow their economies in the 1950s and 1960s, as Hauge explains:

    South Korea gradually went from being a low-income, low-tech economy towards becoming extremely important players in global industries like electronics, automotive and steel.

    The US has also used tariffs throughout its history, with varying degrees of success. It was the most protectionist country in the world in the 1800s, using tariffs to grow its economy. But the Smoot-Hawley Act in 1930, which introduced a range of taxes on imports to the US, actually contributed to worsening the Great Depression.

    From the 1970s, however, the US aggressively pushed for trade liberalisation and backed the creation of the World Trade Organization in the 1990s. That’s why Hauge says the current return to US protectionism, which began during the first Trump administration and continued under Biden, “reeks of hypocrisy”.

     When rich countries were ahead in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, it made sense for them to preach the virtues of free trade to the rest of the world.  That is also why we’re seeing this protectionist turn right now, especially in the United States, but also to some degree in Europe, because now certain countries are starting to become competitive once again. In particular, China is now challenging the economic power of the United States, especially within a lot of manufactured goods, so the United States is now turning away from this doctrine of free trade, saying actually protectionism is useful.

    Listen to the conversation with Jostein Hauge on The Conversation Weekly podcast, which also includes an introduction from Tracy Walsh, economy and business editor at The Conversation US.

    This episode of The Conversation Weekly was written and produced by Mend Mariwany with assistance from Katie Flood and Gemma Ware, Sound design was by Michelle Macklem, and theme music by Neeta Sarl.

    Clips in this episode from CNN, Bloomberg Television, BBC News, CBS News and NBC News.

    Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here.

    Jostein Hauge does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why the US return to tariffs and protectionism ‘reeks of hypocrisy’ – podcast – https://theconversation.com/why-the-us-return-to-tariffs-and-protectionism-reeks-of-hypocrisy-podcast-250329

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Playing favourites, inconsistency or a fair decision? Unpacking Jannik Sinner’s doping case

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Matt Nichol, Lecturer in Law, CQUniversity Australia

    The tennis world is still reeling after news the number one ranked men’s player, Jannik Sinner, agreed to a three-month suspension issued by the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) to be served between the Australian and French Opens.

    Sinner, a three-time Grand Slam winner, received the ban after twice testing positive for clostebol, a steroid banned by the World-Anti Doping Code, in March 2024.



    Read more:
    Tennis is facing an existential crisis over doping. How will it respond?

    The fallout

    “Unintentional doping offences” – as in Sinner’s case – can attract a maximum two-year ban even if the athlete shows no fault or negligence.

    Sinner’s three-month ban was immediately criticised by many in the media and within tennis circles due to its leniency and convenient timing. It also did not result from a hearing before an anti-doping tribunal or the Court of Arbitration for Sport, as has been the case with other tennis players who have received bans in the past.

    The suspension was the product of a “case resolution agreement” (a negotiated settlement) between WADA and Sinner.

    WADA initially appealed the International Tennis Integrity Agency’s decision not to suspend Sinner on the basis of demonstrating no significant fault or negligence, but withdrew its case before the Court of Arbitration for Sport.

    Sinner argued the banned substance entered his system after a massage by a physiotherapist in his entourage who had used a cream with clostebol to treat a cut on his finger.

    Both WADA and the International Tennis Integrity Agency accepted this version of events.

    In the eyes of most, WADA’s actions failed to pass the “pub test” and many high-profile tennis players voiced their concerns.

    Novak Djokovic flagged issues over the treatment of high-ranked athletes such as Sinner compared to lower-ranked players.

    For example, Chilean Nicolas Jarry was suspended for 11 months in 2020 after testing positive to ligandrol and stanozolol that he alleged were in a supplement he took.

    In 2023 Sweden’s Mikael Ymer was suspended for 18 months by the Court of Arbitration for Sport for failing to submit to three out-of-competition tests in a 12-month period.

    Great Britain’s Tara Moore took nearly two years to clear her name before an anti-doping tribunal in 2023 revealed contaminated meat had led to her positive tests for nandrolone and boldenone. Despite this decision, Moore served a 19-month ban.

    Djokovic’s view suggested favouritism for higher-ranked players, who can access top lawyers. He also criticised a lack of transparency in the Sinner agreement with WADA.

    However, high-ranked players such as Simona Halep and Maria Sharapova have received lengthy suspensions for doping violations.

    Nick Kyrgios was similarly critical, stating it was a sad day for the sport and that fairness in tennis did not exist.

    Former Spanish player Feliciano Lopez was among those who supported Sinner. He said he believed in clean sport and that Sinner had not enhanced his performance and took responsibility for the actions of his physiotherapist.

    Intentional and unintentional doping

    The criticisms appear to be based on a misunderstanding of the anti-doping provisions in the World Anti-Doping Code and the failure by WADA to clearly communicate its rationale for Sinner’s suspension.

    Rather than favouritism for a high-ranked player, WADA’s decision to suspend Sinner for three months was based on the distinction in the World Anti-Doping Code between intentional and unintentional doping. It found that Sinner:

    • had not intended to cheat using clostebol
    • received no performance-enhancing benefit from the substance
    • had no knowledge of the administration of the substance.

    But WADA argued that under the code, Sinner was responsible for the negligence of his entourage and issued the suspension.

    WADA confirmed its rationale for the three-month suspension after Spanish media pointed out that figure skater Laura Barquero had received a six-year ban for a positive test of clostebol.

    WADA differentiated the two cases based on intention. It was not convinced by Barquero’s explanation of how clostebol entered her system, while it said the evidence supported Sinner’s version of events.

    Lessons from the Sinner case

    So what can be learned from Sinner’s case?

    One of the most important legal issues arising from the Sinner case is the distinction in the anti-doping rules between intentional and unintentional doping.

    This distinction explains the difference in penalties between Sinner and other athletes.

    Also, the facts of a doping case are relevant in determining circumstances that may reduce the severity of a penalty in matters resolved by negotiated case resolution agreements.

    An important lesson for WADA is ensuring transparency in proceedings and the clear communication of the rationale used to arrive at a penalty.

    Finally, a Court of Arbitration for Sport hearing may not have been needed for Sinner as the parties agreed on the facts leading to the doping rule violation.

    Matt Nichol does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Playing favourites, inconsistency or a fair decision? Unpacking Jannik Sinner’s doping case – https://theconversation.com/playing-favourites-inconsistency-or-a-fair-decision-unpacking-jannik-sinners-doping-case-250143

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: CDC layoffs strike deeply at its ability to respond to the current flu, norovirus and measles outbreaks and other public health emergencies

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jordan Miller, Teaching Professor of Public Health, Arizona State University

    The CDC played an instrumental, if imperfect, role in the response to COVID-19. JHDT Stock Images LLC/iStock via Getty Images

    In just a few short weeks, the Trump administration has brought drastic changes to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and public health. Beginning with the removal of websites and key public health datasets in January 2025, the Trump administration has taken actions to dismantle established public health infrastructure as part of its second-term agenda.

    In addition, the administration has begun a widespread purge of the federal public health workforce. As of Feb. 19, around 5,200 employees at the CDC and the National Institutes of Health had been let go. About 10% of the CDC’s staff have been removed, with plans for additional firings.

    As a teaching professor and public health educator, I, like thousands of other health professionals, rely on CDC data and educational resources throughout my work. CDC websites are the first stop for health information for my students and for health care practitioners, and are vital to protecting the U.S. from infectious diseases, like avian flu and COVID-19, as well as noninfectious health conditions, such as diabetes and heart disease.

    Here’s a quick look at what the CDC does to protect Americans’ health, and how it’s likely to be affected by the Trump administration’s actions:

    Gutting the CDC’s capacity

    Prior to the February cuts, the CDC employed over 10,000 full-time staff in roles spanning public health, epidemiology, medicine, communications, engineering and beyond to maintain this critical public health infrastructure.

    In addition to the centers’ wide variety of functions to protect and promote public health in the U.S., a vast amount of research in the U.S. relies on CDC data. The CDC obtains data from all 50 states, territories and the District of Columbia, which is collated into widely utilized databases such as the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, National Health Interview Survey and Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System.

    Several of these datasets and CDC websites were removed at the start of the second Trump term, and while they are currently back online due to a federal court order, it remains to be seen if these important sources of information will remain accessible and updated going forward.

    The CDC also publishes the Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, which allows for ongoing and timely surveillance of key health conditions. The reports cover a wide range of topics, including wildfires, motor vehicle accidents, autism, asthma, opioids, mental health and many others. The CDC plays a central role in monitoring and reporting the spread of flu in winter months through its FluView, which informs clinical practice as well as public health interventions.

    Physicians are reporting that their ability to respond to the surges in respiratory viruses they are seeing has been hobbled by the missing data and by prohibitions on CDC staff communicating outside the agency.

    The CDC’s famed “disease detectives,” part of the Epidemic Intelligence Service, appear to have been spared following public outcry after more than half of its members were initially told they would be let go as part of the Feb. 14 mass layoffs.

    It remains to be seen if this group will remain intact long term. Concerns are growing that shakeups to the nation’s infectious disease surveillance teams will hamper the government’s ability to respond effectively at a time when avian flu and measles are growing concerns in the U.S.

    The CDC’s headquarters are in Atlanta.
    Nathan Posner/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

    History of the CDC

    The CDC began as a small branch of the U.S. Public Health Service in 1946 as an outgrowth of successes fighting malaria in southern states during World War II and before. Its founder, Dr. Joseph W. Mountin, envisioned that it would come to serve all states, addressing all communicable diseases. Since that time, the CDC has evolved into the nation’s premier public health organization, leveraging both clinical and population health sciences to prevent and mitigate challenges to the nation’s health.

    In its first 40 years, the CDC helped eradicate smallpox and identify the causes of Legionnaires’ disease, toxic shock syndrome and HIV.

    As the country’s primary health challenges have shifted from communicable diseases to noncommunicable ones over recent decades, the organization has adapted, expanding its reach and priorities to meet changing public health needs. The CDC also has the ability to flex and scale up efforts rapidly when needed to respond to novel outbreaks, which is essential for containing infectious diseases and preventing escalation.

    CDC’s global reach

    Recognizing that health does not exist in a vacuum, the CDC also operates internationally to mitigate health challenges that could threaten health in the U.S. over time. The agency is active in addressing diseases that are endemic in certain areas, such as tuberculosis and HIV. It also responds to outbreaks from emerging threats, like Ebola and Marburg virus disease.

    The CDC played a crucial role in responding to the COVID-19 pandemic, coordinating with the World Health Organization, domestic health agencies and others to plan and execute a robust response.

    In 2024, the CDC worked with the WHO to respond to a Marburg virus outbreak in Rwanda that lasted for several months. On average, about half of people infected with Marburg virus do not survive, so early detection and effective response are essential to prevent loss of life and contain outbreaks before they spread widely.

    On Jan. 20, 2025, the White House announced President Donald Trump’s plans to withdraw from the WHO. This move further weakens the country’s ability to manage and mitigate threats to Americans’ health and national security.

    Not only does the WHO do essential work to protect children around the world from needless death due to starvation, but it monitors and responds to infectious diseases. The U.S. has been the largest contributor to the WHO, with approximately 12%-15% of its operating costs coming from the U.S. That means that removal of U.S. support will also affect the WHO’s capacity to respond to international public health issues.

    As the COVID-19 pandemic made plain, a delayed response to infectious disease outbreaks can exponentially increase long-term costs and consequences. It remains to be seen what impact the established relationships between the CDC and the WHO will have on their ability to coordinate effectively during times of crisis.

    The CDC’s work around the world helps to stop outbreaks before they spread – and reach the U.S.

    Future health care workforce threatened

    The reach, flexibility, adaptability and robust foundation of relationships developed over the past eight decades enable the CDC to respond to threats quickly, wherever in the world they arise. This is important for protecting health, and it plays a vital role in global and national security as well.

    In addition to its direct actions to promote public health, the CDC provides workforce development and training to help create an enduring public health infrastructure in the U.S. and abroad. This is more important than ever, as systemic factors have placed pressure on health professionals. The domestic public health workforce has shrunk drastically, losing 40,000 workers since the start of the Great Recession in 2009 due to economic constraints and social pressures during the pandemic. The CDC’s workforce development efforts help counteract these trends.

    Public health workers were reporting high rates of burnout and stress even before the COVID-19 pandemic, which the pandemic worsened. Cuts to the federal workforce, as well as funding for public health programs, will no doubt add to these strains.

    Jordan Miller received funding from CDC in the past.

    – ref. CDC layoffs strike deeply at its ability to respond to the current flu, norovirus and measles outbreaks and other public health emergencies – https://theconversation.com/cdc-layoffs-strike-deeply-at-its-ability-to-respond-to-the-current-flu-norovirus-and-measles-outbreaks-and-other-public-health-emergencies-248486

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: In pushing for Ukraine elections, Trump is falling into Putin-laid trap to delegitimize Zelenskyy

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Lena Surzhko Harned, Associate Teaching Professor of Political Science, Penn State

    President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy meet on Sept. 25, 2019, on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly. Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images

    Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was shut out of the discussions concerning the future of his country, which took place in Saudi Arabia on Feb. 18, 2025. In fact, there were no Ukrainian representatives, nor any European Union ones – just U.S. and Russian delegations, and their Saudi hosts.

    The meeting – which followed a mutually complimentary phone call between U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian leader Vladimir Putin just days earlier – was gleefully celebrated in Moscow. The absence of Ukraine in deciding its own future is very much in line with Putin’s policy toward its neighbor. Putin has long rejected Ukrainian statehood and the legitimacy of the Ukrainian government, or as he calls it the “Kyiv regime.”

    While the U.S. delegation did reiterate that future discussions would have to involve Ukraine at some stage, the Trump administration’s actions and words have no doubt undermined Kyiv’s position and influence.

    To that end, the U.S. is increasingly falling in line with Moscow on a key plank of the Kremlin’s plan to delegitimize Zelenskyy and the Ukrainian government: calling for elections in Ukraine as part of any peace deal.

    Questioning Zelenskyy’s legitimacy

    Challenging Zelenskyy’s legitimacy is part of a deliberate ongoing propaganda campaign by Russia to discredit Ukrainian leadership, weaken support for Ukraine from its key allies and remove Zelenskyy – and potentially Ukraine – as a partner in negotiations.

    Claims by the Russian president that his country is ready for peace negotiations appear, to many observers of its three-year war, highly suspect given Russia’s ongoing attacks on its neighbor and its steadfast refusal to date to agree to any temporary truce.

    Yet the Kremlin is pushing the narrative that the problem is that there is no legitimate Ukrainian authority with which it can deal. As such, Putin can proclaim his commitments to a peace without making any commitments or compromises necessary to any true negotiation process.

    Meanwhile, painting Zelenskyy as a “dictator” dampens the enthusiastic support that once greeted him from democratic countries. This, is turn, can translate to the reduction or even end of military support for Kyiv, Putin hopes, allowing him a fillip in what has become a war of attrition.

    What Putin needs for this plan to work is a willing partner to help get the message out that Zelenskyy and the current Ukraine government are not legitimate representatives of their country – and into this gap the new U.S. administration appears to have stepped.

    Then-candidate Volodymyr Zelenskyy at a polling station during Ukraine’s presidential election in Kiev on March 31, 2019.
    Genya Savilov/AFP via Getty Images)

    Dictating terms

    Take the narrative on elections.

    At the meeting in Saudi Arabia, the U.S. reportedly discussed elections in Ukraine as being a key part of any peace deal. Trump himself has raised the prospect of elections, noting in a Feb. 18 press conference: “We have a situation where we haven’t had elections in Ukraine, where we have martial law.” The U.S. president went on to claim, incorrectly, that Zelenskyy’s approval rating was down to “4%.” The latest polling actually shows the Ukrainian president to be sitting on a 57% approval rating.

    A day later, Trump upped the attacks, describing Zelenskyy as a “dictator without elections.”

    Such statements echo Russia’s narrative that the government in Kyiv is illegitimate.

    The Kremlin’s claims regarding what it describes as the “legal aspects related to his [Zelenskyy’s] legitimacy” are based on the premise that the Ukraine president’s five-year term as president of Ukraine should have ended in 2024.

    And elections in Ukraine would have taken place in May of that year had it not been for the martial law that Ukraine put into place when the Russian Federation launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

    The Martial Law Act – which Ukraine imposed on Feb. 24, 2022 – explicitly bans all elections in Ukraine for the duration of the emergency action.

    And while the Ukrainian Constitution only includes language regarding the extension of parliament’s powers until martial law is lifted, constitutional lawyers in Ukraine tend to agree that the implication is that this also applies to presidential powers.

    Notwithstanding what the law says, the Kremlin’s questioning of the democratic institutions of Ukraine and its push for elections in Ukraine have found traction in Washington of late. Trump’s special envoy Gen. Keith Kellogg declared on Feb. 1 that elections “need to be done” as part of peace process, saying that elections are a “beauty of a solid democracy.”

    The ballot box trap

    Zelenskyy is not opposed to elections in principle and has agreed that elections should be held when the time is right. “Once martial law is over, then the ball is in parliament’s court – the parliament then picks a date for elections,” Zelenskyy stated in a Jan. 2 interview.

    And he appears to have the backing of the majority of Ukrainians. In May 2024, 69% of Ukrainians polled said Zelenskyy should remain president until the end of marshal law, after which elections should be held.

    The issue, as Zelenskyy has said, is the timing and circumstances. “During the war, there can be no elections. It’s necessary to change legislation, the constitution, and so on. These are significant challenges. But there are also nonlegal, very human challenges,” he said on Jan. 4.

    Even opposition politicians in Ukraine agree that now is not the time. Petro Poroshenko, Zelenskyy’s main political rival, has dismissed the idea of wartime elections, as has Inna Sovsun, the leader of the opposition Golos Party.

    Apart from logistical problems of ensuring free and fair elections in the middle of a war, the conflict would present logistical hurdles to campaigning and accessing polling sites. There is also the question of whether and how to include Ukrainians in Russian-occupied territories and those who are internally displaced, as well as the 6.5 million who fled fighting and currently reside abroad.

    Good elections … and bad

    Russia did, of course, hold elections during the current conflict. But the 2024 election that Putin won with 87% of the vote was, according to most international observers, neither free nor fair.

    Rather, it was a sham vote that only underlined what most political scientists will confirm: Elections are at best a necessary but insufficient marker of democracy.

    This point is not wasted on Ukrainians, whose commitment to democracy strengthened in the years leading up to the 2022 invasion. Indeed, a survey taken a few months into the war found that 76% of Ukrainians agreed that democracy was the best form of governance – up from 41% three years earlier.

    There are other reasons Ukraine might be wary of elections. The adversarial nature of political campaigns can be divisive, especially among a society in high stress.

    Ukrainian politicians have openly argued that holding an election during the war would be destabilizing for Ukrainian society, undermining the internal unity in face of Russian aggression.

    Outside influence

    And then there is concern over outside influence in any election. Ukrainians have had enough experience with Russian meddling in their politics to take it for granted that the Kremlin will attempt to put a thumb on the scale.

    Russia has since the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 employed its substantial resources to influence Ukraine’s politics through all available means, ranging from propaganda, economic pressures and incentives to energy blackmail, threats and use of violence.

    In 2004, Moscow’s electoral manipulations in favor of the pro-Russian candidate, Viktor Yanukovich, led to the Orange Revolution – in which Ukrainians rose up to reject rigged elections. Nine years later, Yanukovich – who became president in 2010 – was deposed though the Revolution of Dignity, which saw Ukrainians oust a man many saw as a Russian stooge in favor of a path toward greater integration with Europe.

    Putin’s history of meddling in elections extends beyond Ukraine, of course. Most recently, the Romanian Constitutional Court annulled the country’s presidential elections, citing an electoral process compromised by foreign interference.

    An impossible position

    In raising elections as a prerequisite to negotiations, Putin is setting a
    “catch-22” trap for Ukraine: The Ukrainian Constitution states that elections can happen only when martial law is lifted; but the lifting of the martial law is possible only when the “hot phase” of the war is over. So without a ceasefire, no election is possible.

    But in refusing to agree to elections, Ukraine can be cast as the blockage to any peace deal – playing to a narrative that is already forming in the U.S. administration that Kyiv is the problem and will need to be sidelined for there to be progress.

    In short, in seemingly echoing Russian talking points on an election being a prerequisite for peace, the U.S. puts the Ukrainian government in an impossible position: Agree to the vote and risk internal division and outside interference, or reject it and allow Moscow – and, perhaps, Washington – to frame Ukraine’s leaders as illegitimate and unable to negotiate on the behalf of their people.

    Lena Surzhko Harned does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. In pushing for Ukraine elections, Trump is falling into Putin-laid trap to delegitimize Zelenskyy – https://theconversation.com/in-pushing-for-ukraine-elections-trump-is-falling-into-putin-laid-trap-to-delegitimize-zelenskyy-250003

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The success of the Delta Flight 4819 rescue effort highlights the need for co-ordinated responses

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jack L. Rozdilsky, Associate Professor of Disaster and Emergency Management, York University, Canada

    The day after the Delta Flight 4819 crash on Feb. 17 at Toronto Pearson International Airport, the damaged aircraft remained on the runway as the crash investigation ramped up.

    Whether it was due to luck, skill, heroism or aircraft design, the evacuation of passengers took place quickly and everyone aboard the ill-fated flight were able to exit the plane and make it on to the tarmac.

    Post-accident investigations will provide more details about what contributed to the accident, and the strengths and weaknesses of the emergency response. But one point is already obvious: the positive outcome speaks to the importance of the institutions and expertise that keep our aviation system safe overall.

    The response

    The response to Delta Flight 4819 air crash was an example of just how important inter-agency collaboration is in emergency response.

    Within minutes of the crash, not only were the airport’s firefighters on the scene to douse any flames and assist with the rescue of passengers, but other agencies were already providing aid. Mississauga Fire and Emergency Services sent six vehicles to the airport as part of the mutual aid effort.

    The news conference following the accident involving Delta Flight 4819 at Toronto Pearson Airport.

    Ornge, Ontario’s air ambulance system, also sent multiple units to the scene to help transport injured passengers to hospitals, aiding Peel Region paramedics who were also triaging passengers.

    Multiple agencies collaborated to save lives. This collaboration in emergency response isn’t developed on the fly, but instead follows a highly choreographed and practised set of plans.

    Both the airport and partner agencies maintain air crash emergency response plans that lay out the details of how help will be requested, where aid will arrive and how to scale up the response as needed.

    Preparation facilitates response

    A primary reason the air crash response worked so well was preparation. An important component of preparation at airports is regularly testing response plans and operations with specialized full-scale mock disaster exercises.

    In these exercises, airport response personnel work through scenarios that simulate emergencies. Real emergency equipment is tested, volunteer victims participate in search-and-rescue scenarios and theatrical make-up is even used to simulate injuries.

    These exercises serve multiple purposes, including increasing familiarity with the plan for responders and creating real challenges that will help to find any potential weaknesses in the plan before a real event.

    Practice saves lives

    Another less desirable way responses can be improved is for an actual disaster to happen. Actual air crash disasters force plans to be activated, require response actions to be taken, and — ideally — foster adaptive learning through hard-won experience.

    According to data from the Aviation Safety Network, there have been 23 aircraft accidents at or near Pearson Airport since 1939. As a testament to safety at Pearson, no casualties occurred in 18 of those 23 accidents.

    One past significant Pearson crash with no casualties is especially relevant to revisit now. In August 2005, Air France Flight 358 rolled off the runway during landing and caught fire.

    All 309 people on board evacuated and survived. An organizational analysis of the 2005 accident highlighted that the crash investigation report “praised the seamless tracking of events and communication between the parties involved” in response.

    Twenty years later, and Pearson CEO Deborah Flint said the crew, airport emergency workers and first responders mounted a “textbook response” to the Delta incident.

    An investigation begins

    While the immediate response may have been over fairly quickly after passengers were successfully evacuated, the mutual aid and collaboration between agencies will continue in the months ahead.

    The Transportation Safety Board (TSB) has already launched an investigation into the incident. The cockpit voice and flight data recorders have been retrieved from the wreckage, a key aspect in what will be a slow and methodical investigation.

    The integrity of the investigation depends on strong institutions and trust in experts. In the context of air crashes, lessons learned from these investigations are critical to improving airline procedures for maintaining safety, creating better regulation to avoid accidents in the first place and ensuring emergency systems are well prepared.

    Safety in aviation

    According to the most recent TSB data, the 2023 overall air transportation accident rate of 2.8 per 100,000 aircraft movements is among the lowest recorded by the federal agency since it began measuring in 2004.

    Within the first 24 hours after the Delta crash, a pivot from the emergency response phase to the investigation phase took place.

    It’s far too early to speculate on what the ultimate cause of the accident may have been. While learning about what contributed to the crash of Delta Flight 4819 is important, we can also seek comfort in the fact that air travel in Canada continues to be a safe activity for passengers.

    Jack L. Rozdilsky receives support for research communication and public scholarship from York University. He also has received research support from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research.


    – ref. The success of the Delta Flight 4819 rescue effort highlights the need for co-ordinated responses – https://theconversation.com/the-success-of-the-delta-flight-4819-rescue-effort-highlights-the-need-for-co-ordinated-responses-250211

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada’s cuts to newcomer English language programs puts communities’ well-being at risk

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Natalia Balyasnikova, Assistant Professor of Adult Education, York University, Canada

    The impact of of Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada’s 2024-25 department plan, released about a year ago, are only now starting to become clear in cities across Canada.

    Whether it’s colleges in Vancouver, Lethbridge or Toronto, many federally funded English-language training programs are experiencing crushing funding cuts resulting in closures, layoffs and fewer classes available.



    Read more:
    To really narrow digital divides, Canada should consistently fund adult education programs

    At risk is the future of Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) — a federally funded program that has been running since 1992.

    Instead of further cutting funding to LINC, the government should expand the programming in recognition that learning a language is about much more than acquiring a discrete set of skills.

    Importance of language programs

    The LINC program has 60 assessment sites across the country and has served roughly 50,000-60,000 learners per year.

    Language learning programs expecting to receive the most significant cuts will be those focused on building employment skills and preparing learners for higher education.

    Rather than the reducing barriers to newcomers’ employment as promised, the changes will make it more difficult for newcomers to access the language learning programs needed for work and life.

    Immigration is central

    The IRCC states “immigration is central to our future” and that its sustainable development strategy remains committed to addressing the barriers to employment and social belonging that newcomers face.

    While not without critique, LINC classes have an important function beyond helping newcomers acquire language skills.

    Through these programs, newcomers build confidence to be able to advocate for themselves, develop a sense of citizenship, contribute to values of equality, respect and rights and access resources essential for life in Canada. All of these contribute to one’s sense of belonging.

    Addressing connection, community

    There is strong evidence that learning in groups reduces isolation, loneliness and feelings of unbelonging, and increases sense of community and connection for immigrants.

    Research shows that learning activities that have goals beyond developing practical language skills such as drama and poetry are opportunities to build a sense of community, empowerment and belonging to facilitate intercultural dialogue.

    They also contribute to the development of learners’ resilience and leadership.



    Read more:
    Theatre shows how the art of inclusion can help build a better Canada

    A vision for sustainability

    Canada is often portrayed as a tolerant and welcoming country, a stronghold of multiculturalism and multilingualism. Canada has made promises to build a nation that is economically, socially and culturally prosperous.

    To make this promise sustainable, it is essential to continue addressing the complex needs of newcomers, especially by ensuring access to inclusive and quality education throughout their lives.

    IRCC’s choice to cut funding is influenced by a short-term economic model that seems to forget that nearly 20 per cent of Canada’s population are new permanent residents.

    These residents should have access to learning offerings and intercultural socialization opportunities. These would ideally include offerings centred on critical conversations, discussions of shared experiences, visions for life in Canada and building allyships between new immigrants and long-time citizens. Such learning, socialization and relationship-building opportunities could be made accessible through LINC.

    Social stratification concerns

    By reducing funding available for English-language classes, the federal government is denying thousands of people their fundamental right to education. The current budget cuts will inevitably contribute to growing social stratification and increase the challenges faced by the already overwhelmed immigration and educational sectors.

    A recent statement by TESL Ontario, the certification body for educators who teach English as another language in Ontario, urges the Canadian government to consider impacts on language teachers who face precarious employment and low pay, a concern shared by unions across the public sector.

    Language learning programs are foundational to ensuring sustainable settlement in Canada. A truly sustainable development strategy would see the continued funding of English-language programs as essential to ensuring the continued economic and societal well-being of all people living in Canada.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada’s cuts to newcomer English language programs puts communities’ well-being at risk – https://theconversation.com/canadas-cuts-to-newcomer-english-language-programs-puts-communities-well-being-at-risk-249103

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canadian flight attendants are pushing for fair ground pay amid union negotiations

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kenneth Haggett, Master’s Student, Women and Gender Studies, Saint Mary’s University

    Canadian flight attendants and their union, CUPE’s airline division, have faced chronic workplace issues for the past four decades. Notably, their union has been pushing the federal government and airlines for equitable pay since 2022.

    A key development came in June 2024 when Conservative MP Lianne Rood proposed Bill C-409 to the House of Commons, which would compensate attendants for training and ground time, which includes tasks like aircraft preparation, boarding, deplaning and safety demonstrations.

    However, the Conservative Party of Canada did not consult with CUPE’s airline division in tabling Bill C-409, and CUPE has expressed their uncertainty regarding the Conservative Party’s support.

    In October 2024, NDP MP Bonita Zarrillo tabled Bill C-415, which goes further by requiring attendants to be paid for all hours worked at their full rate of pay. CUPE and the NDP Party have collaborated to push for this bill.

    The issue of unpaid ground time first gained media attention in May 2022 but has been a long-standing concern among flight attendants.

    Industry labour issues

    Flight attendants in Canada work approximately 35 uncompensated hours per month, according to CUPE Airline Division President Wesley Lesosky.

    Attendants are only paid while the aircraft is in the air, meaning ground tasks and delays are unpaid. Flight attendants may work a 10- to 12-hour shift, but only be paid for six to eight hours.

    In the past, attendants were compensated well enough to cover ground duties, but stagnant wages and the current cost-of-living crisis in Canada have left attendants poorly compensated.

    Though the union primarily focuses on organizational inequities resulting in unpaid ground time, flight delays are a major cause of such extended, unpaid hours by prolonging attendants’ duty time.

    While some negotiations have been reported between airlines and the union, such as Air Transat and Air Canada, few deals have been made, leaving flight attendants uncompensated for ground duties.

    Unions mobilize against unpaid ground time

    To call public attention to the issue, the union staged demonstrations in April 2023 and May 2024.

    While the union has sought to avoid taking strike measures — likely due to non-strike provisions in collective agreements — it could legally take job action after March 31 if negotiations fail. Union members could then vote to strike.

    CUPE’s airline division began to renegotiate union agreements with Air Canada in mid-December, ahead of the March 2025 contract expiration. The union’s primary focus is to make better bargains with employers surrounding unpaid ground time. Ideally, new agreements would compensate flight attendants for all hours worked, not simply time spent in the air.

    A Feb. 3 update from the union reveals that, while negotiations are steadily progressing, the process remains lengthy and complex. To strengthen its position, the union has commissioned legal and research professionals to aid in the negotiation of benefits, pensions, wage increases and scheduling changes, among others.

    As sociologists focusing on labour relations, we conducted a literature review on historical trends within the Canadian airline industry, digging deeper into structural issues leading to unpaid ground time.

    Our research has found that the neoliberal shifts of the 1980s are a major determinant of attendants’ deteriorating working conditions. Over time, rising corporate austerity has placed attendants’ wages on the back burner.

    Structural roots of unpaid ground time

    The issue of unpaid ground time is not an isolated issue in the airline industry, but a byproduct of broader economic and labour trends.

    Our findings highlight how neoliberal economic policies — particularly the wave of deregulation and privatization in the 1980s — have strengthened corporate power while weakening unions’ bargaining capacity.

    Founded in 1948, Canada’s first flight attendant union, the Canadian Air Line Flight Attendants’ Association (CALFAA), focused on addressing attendants’ health, safety and wage concerns.

    But with the neoliberal push to deregulate and privatize the industry, CALFAA’s challenges were amplified. In response, CALFAA voted to merge with CUPE — Canada’s leading union — to extend their influence, becoming CUPE’s airline division.

    Yet the growing emphasis on corporate profit continues to erode union power to secure and maintain fair pay and equitable workplace standards. Bargaining processes have become increasingly difficult, with arbitrators often favouring corporate interests.

    State-imposed anti-strike provisions from previous years have curtailed unions’ ability to strike against unfair conditions. Successful airline lobbying has also threatened workplace safety, as indicated in a 2015 case of pilot duty time.

    As airlines continue to compete in a “race to the bottom” to minimize expenses and maximize profit, flight attendants continue to face unpaid labour issues. Federally supported through bailouts and bankruptcy protections, airlines have been pandered to at the expense of airline workers.

    A lack of state and corporate response to the issue at hand indicates the prioritization of austerity over Canadian flight attendants’ financial well-being. Without meaningful policy changes, key issues like unpaid ground time will remain chronically neglected.

    Looking ahead

    Though unpaid ground time is presented as the major issue within the workplace, the extensive, unpaid labour required of flight attendants can lead to poorer mental health, chronic fatigue and other health concerns that pose risks due to their impact on attendants’ ability to perform safety duties.

    With contract negotiations underway, CUPE’s airline division has an opportunity to push for better working conditions and pay structures that reflect all hours worked.

    Canadian airlines must address the issue of unpaid labour and, ultimately, implement more equitable workplace standards for flight attendants.

    Whether airlines and the federal government will indeed act on these demands remains to be seen. Yet the growing pressure from unions and political figures suggests the fight for fair pay is far from over.

    Lauren Cormier, an undergraduate student in sociology at Trent University, co-authored this article.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canadian flight attendants are pushing for fair ground pay amid union negotiations – https://theconversation.com/canadian-flight-attendants-are-pushing-for-fair-ground-pay-amid-union-negotiations-238959

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –