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Category: Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Colonialism, starvation and resistance: How food is weaponized, from Gaza to Canada

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Charles Z. Levkoe, Canada Research Chair in Equitable and Sustainable Food Systems, Lakehead University

    For more than a year, the Israeli state has been engaged in a massive incursion into Gaza following the October 2023 Hamas attack against Israel.

    In March 2024, Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, announced: “There are reasonable grounds to believe that the threshold indicating the commission of the crime of genocide…has been met.”

    A core element of this apparent genocide includes food militarization and weaponization, a tactic that has also been used by Canada to exterminate, dispossess and control Indigenous populations.

    We have come together as a group of critical food systems scholars to examine the parallels between the weaponization of food in Gaza and Canada to bring about the systematic destruction of Indigenous Peoples. But we’ve also observed that food has been a powerful tool of resistance and resurgence.



    Read more:
    Israeli siege has placed Gazans at risk of starvation − prewar policies made them vulnerable in the first place

    Food as a weapon

    Throughout modern history, food has been deployed as a weapon by colonial regimes to control and displace Indigenous populations. The current crisis in Gaza has brought this into sharp focus as the Israeli state has engaged in the systematic destruction of Palestinian food systems, with devastating consequences.

    Israel’s blockade of Gaza, in place since 2007, has cut off access to essential agricultural areas and restricted fishing activities. Gaza farmers are often unable to access their land, while fishers are constantly barred from accessing the coast, harassed, intimidated and even killed by Israeli forces.

    This blockade, combined with military operations that destroy farmland, trees and infrastructure, has resulted in more than 95 per cent of people in Gaza facing severe food insecurity and a famine declared by the United Nations experts in the summer of 2024.



    Read more:
    Starvation is a weapon of war: Gazans are paying the price

    Canada’s use of food weaponization

    Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, the Canadian government employed similar tactics to restrict Indigenous Peoples’ access to land, food and water. Colonial policies like the Indian Act, the Homesteading Act and the Pass System confined Indigenous Peoples to reserves, prohibited hunting and fishing and forced reliance on inadequate government food rations.

    This led to malnutrition and starvation, particularly in response to Indigenous resistance to settler expansion. The use of food as a weapon was part of a broader project to eliminate or otherwise undermine Indigenous identity and self-determination, a process that continues today.

    From ongoing boil-water advisories to environmental degradation caused by mining, oil and gas extraction, forestry, agriculture and chemical production, settler governments and industries continue to dispossess Indigenous Peoples from their lands and undermine their livelihood.

    These practices have severely and disproportionately impacted Indigenous health and well-being, as well as their food systems.



    Read more:
    Colonialists used starvation as a tool of oppression

    The Scream, by Kent Monkman (2016), was part of a travelling exhibition in 2017 on colonized Canada entitled ‘Shame And Prejudice: A Story Of Resilience.’
    (Courtesy of Kent Monkman)

    Israel targets food infrastructure

    In the occupied Palestinian territories, Israeli control over land and resources reflects a similar colonial dynamic. Laws like the Absentee Property Law of 1950 facilitated the expropriation of Palestinian land.

    Meanwhile, the Israeli military has systematically targeted Gaza’s food infrastructure and used starvation as a weapon of war, according to Human Rights Watch. Satellite imagery shows that 70 per cent of Gaza’s tree cover has been eliminated or damaged, and about one-third of greenhouses have been demolished.

    Tanks and trucks have decimated orchards, field crops and olive groves.

    An estimated 800,000 tonnes of asbestos among the debris of destroyed buildings will result in asbestos-related diseases for generations to come. Under the Geneva Conventions, destruction of civilians’ means of survival and starvation as a tool of warfare is strictly prohibited.

    Food as resistance

    Food has also long been mobilized as a powerful tool of resistance. Among Palestinians, struggles for food sovereignty have played a critical role in self-determination.

    Palestinians continue to cultivate their land under the rubble, grow olive trees despite ongoing violence and maintain food practices that connect them to their lands and their cultural heritage.

    Similarly, Indigenous nations and communities across Canada have used food as a form of resurgence. Alongside land back movements, efforts to revitalize Indigenous food systems — such as hunting, fishing, growing and gathering — are central to movements for Indigenous sovereignty.

    Learning about and enacting traditional food practices are important acts of resistance, as these practices sustain communities, strengthen connections to land and assert rights over the unceded territories Indigenous Peoples are fighting to reclaim. By reclaiming and rebuilding their land and food systems on their own terms, they continue to challenge colonial structures.

    Food, colonialism and resistance

    The destruction of food systems in Gaza and Canada is part of a larger effort of land dispossession and capitalist accumulation. By severing Indigenous Peoples’ connection to their food systems, settlers and colonial regimes have sought to control not only the land but also the people who depend on it.

    Yet, through food sovereignty movements, these same populations are reclaiming their right to self-determination and building global networks of solidarity.



    Read more:
    Indigenous food sovereignty requires better and more accurate data collection

    The struggle for food sovereignty is inseparable from broader struggles for land, justice and self-determination.

    Connecting the dots between the Palestinian territories and Canada provides powerful examples of global colonial relations and struggles for justice and self-determination. It challenges us to critically examine the role of food in these struggles and demand government accountability.

    We wish to acknowledge Mustafa Koç, professor emeritus at Toronto Metropolitan University, as a co-author and to thank Max Ajl, Yafa Al Masri and Justin Podur for contributions to this article.

    Charles Z. Levkoe receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the the Government of Ontario.

    Sarah Rotz receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Tammara Soma receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Martha Stiegman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Colonialism, starvation and resistance: How food is weaponized, from Gaza to Canada – https://theconversation.com/colonialism-starvation-and-resistance-how-food-is-weaponized-from-gaza-to-canada-241525

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A new president will be elected − but it may take some time to determine who wins

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By John M. Murphy, Professor of Communication, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

    For more than 100 years, media of many kinds tried to be the first to report presidential election results. Although that urge still exists, pundits and analysts are now more concerned with accuracy than speed.

    That’s because of the 2020 election. A raging pandemic, a divided country, a close race, polling failures, false presidential claims of voter fraud and uncertainty made everyone anxious. Then came the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, which meant the election was about more than the presidency – it was about democracy itself.

    What’s most important now is not being first but rather being right. In recent decades, Americans have gotten used to media organizations declaring the winners of races in the hours or days after the polls close, but those are not official results. They are projections based on the available unofficial information. The formal results of the election are checked and certified through a process that takes weeks to months – and potentially longer, if lawsuits are filed.

    A wrong call could spark violence, particularly because Donald Trump has yet to say that he will accept the results of the 2024 election if he loses.

    Media figures and election officials are preparing Americans for the fact that we might have to wait some time to get an accurate call. As in 2020, they’re using metaphor to shape public expectations. But this year, they’re also explicitly trying to define the nation’s perceptions of time, in terms of which results count as on time or as delayed.

    Sometimes what you see isn’t actually what’s real.
    simon’s photo/Moment via Getty Images

    Don’t get confused by mirages

    A metaphor is a linguistic device that describes something in terms of something else, usually to highlight an important idea. If we see a football team as the Bears, we know they’re not literally animals, but they are ferocious. As a scholar of presidential rhetoric and political campaigns, I know it’s important to notice metaphors because they often shape public perceptions.

    As members of the media prepare themselves and the public for an uncertain election night, they’re worried that Americans will be misled by false or incomplete information in the early returns. Fredreka Schouten and Sara Murray of CNN Politics write, “Election officials worry that delays in counting could give the public a false sense of who’s winning the election.” The Republican Pennsylvania secretary of state adds, “It’s obviously a concern.” And so, as they did in 2020, they’re again using the metaphor of “mirage.”

    A mirage is an optical illusion, something that looks real but is not. Old adventure movies would show a mirage of water in a desert. Lost explorers with empty canteens would run excitedly toward a sparkling oasis, only to find nothing but sand.

    In 2020, no one was quite sure whether the early results would show a red or a blue mirage and so they suggested it could vary by state. For example, some states, such as Florida and Arizona, counted mail ballots as they arrived, even before Election Day. In those states, Vox reported, the early “results might look overwhelmingly favorable to Joe Biden and other Democratic candidates.”

    In 2024, the overwhelming expectation is that early returns in this year’s key states will look better for Republicans. Reporter Nick Corasaniti of The New York Times wrote that “Democratic operatives” have come to expect “‘the red mirage,’ the result of far more Democrats than Republicans opting to vote by mail, leading to Democratic votes being counted later.” The editorial board of The Washington Post fretted in September 2024 that Trump “used this so-called red mirage in 2020 to declare victory and insist that the counting stop.” The implication was clear: a fear he might do so again.

    People tend to see what they want to see. Those lost explorers want and need water, much as Trump yearns for victory. And mirages are partly self-deception. Partisans want that beautiful picture of triumph, blue or red seas cascading across screens on election night. These feelings explain why the mirage metaphor works well for the media: It signals that campaigns and the public see what they hope for, not what’s there. Wait, the metaphor tells us. Wait until we know it’s real.

    Try not to lose sleep waiting for the results.
    fcafotodigital/E+ via Getty Images

    A wait doesn’t mean it’s late

    To make the waiting easier, the media has also explicitly tried to shape the public’s perceptions of time. This is not a new idea: The ancient Greeks used the term “kairos” to talk about timing in public speech – when we should speak, how we define time in that speech, and what sorts of times we live in.

    For example, an NBC report catalogs changes various states have made since 2020 to speed up the counting, but nonetheless notes “in the event of a close race, a handful of key battleground states could keep Americans waiting well beyond Election Day.” In early October 2024, Arizona’s secretary of state told a group at Harvard the results would take “thirteen days and we’re not doing it any sooner because we’re going to get it right.”

    At that same Harvard meeting, Pennsylvania Secretary of State Al Schmidt disputed the concept that taking time to count votes constituted a “delay.”

    “It’s not a delay at all. It takes time to count millions of votes, with integrity, especially when you can only start at 7 a.m. on election morning,” Schmidt said.

    Taken together, the two persuasive strategies urge patience. A mirage will appear, but it is false, alluring and dangerous. It does not reflect reality. Reality will come in time, the proper time, in its season. This isn’t a delay, because it takes time to get things right. This election poses enough dangers, these officials and the media believe. All Americans need to take – or give – the time to get the count right.

    Some of the material in this article was previously published on Nov. 3, 2020.

    John M. Murphy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A new president will be elected − but it may take some time to determine who wins – https://theconversation.com/a-new-president-will-be-elected-but-it-may-take-some-time-to-determine-who-wins-241199

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Want to go viral this #Halloween? It’s all about tapping into fun, fears and algorithms

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anastasia Denisova, Senior Lecturer in Journalism, University of Westminster

    Here they come: an apron and tattoos that make you look like chef Carmy from The Bear, or weird insect-like accessories resembling the infamous Paris Fashion Week bedbugs – new year, new over-the-top inventive Halloween trends. Thanks to the proliferation of social media platforms like TikTok and Instagram, we’re in for a treat for this year’s online Halloween extravaganza.

    What used to be a traditional holiday celebrated with reverence by the people remembering the religious meaning of All Hallow’s Eve, or simply an excuse for phantasmagorical parties by those who didn’t, Halloween is now exhibiting a whole new digital layer.

    Last year, the hashtag #Halloween was viewed three billion times in a week. We live in a time of “information fatigue”, “information anxiety” or even “infobesity”, as some academics call our oversaturated media environment, with plentiful, often unpleasant stimuli coming from the news and social media.

    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

    Read more from Quarter Life:

    All this badly affects our biological systems, which have not developed as fast as the media environment. As a result, we are overwhelmed, anxious, overstimulated and struggling with processing so much information. It is hard to cut through this noise, whether you’re a journalist, politician, influencer or just someone having fun in a pumpkin latte costume.

    In my research on viral journalism, I discovered that even professional communicators struggle to keep up with the changes in social media algorithms and various new functions of these platforms. Many feel discouraged by the non-transparency of social media giants and prefer to rely on classic principles of strong reporting and creative presentation formats. But what are the triggers for media virality for those who still want their posts to explode online?

    Not a virus, but a choice

    Halloween, like St Valentine’s Day and other annual celebrations, presents a chance to be the new viral sensation, simply because using the hashtag #Halloween instantly grants additional visibility.

    Virality stands on two pillars – the opaque algorithms of social networks, and people’s emotional reactions. Unlike viruses, from which the word “viral” originates, virality online is not a malady, but a choice. People instinctively choose content that will satisfy their needs. These can be having something to think about, or a distraction, so we don’t have to think about other things going on in the world.

    Engagement with stories online is seldom rational – research has shown that emotions dominate our relationship with news and social media. The feelings of awe, anger and anxiety are the strongest predictors for a post to go viral.

    So how, when creating content, do we achieve the coveted reaction of “awe”? This feeling can be described in a variety of ways, from a religious epiphany, to deep appreciation because we’re impressed, to the sense of calm experienced through nature. This is where the theory of memes can help.

    Halloween costumes on social media are, essentially, wearable and broadcastable memes. These, as my book Internet Memes and Society explains, are half-baked jokes and weird cryptic artefacts that tempt users to figure out why they are supposed to be funny.

    Memes are used as everyday language, political tools, and “fast-food” media. Will a costume based on Only Murders in the Buildings’ Christmas fitness influencer make it to viral stardom? Will it be another take on the brat summer? Or perhaps some twisted commentaries on the cost-of-living crisis?

    Theories of humour and Halloween costumes

    I predict that virality this season will demand either to go full-on maximalist, or be understated and minimalist. The theories of humour stand on three pillars: humour as release, humour as aggression, and humour as incongruity.

    Perhaps we will also see the manifestations of what Plato called comedy as scorn: “Taken generally,” the ancient Greek philosopher mused, “the ridiculous is a certain kind of evil, specifically a vice.” Expect the highest-earning or most influential celebrities to be shoved off their pedestal and roundly mocked in a Halloween costume.

    What about incongruity? Some of the more absurd costumes from last year featured a drink coaster and a paper bag, or a man dressed as a ULEZ street camera. These examples generate a reaction of awe, surprise and glee, making the posts worthy of sharing.

    And finally, release. Humour is invaluable when it comes to dissipating worries or letting off steam. The recent viral sensation from the music band The Kiffness’ “Eating the cats” ft Donald Trump hilariously reimagined a phrase from the US presidential debate as a soft reggae hit – and a hit it has become, amassing eight million views in a matter of weeks.

    This Halloween will surely see a couple of TikTokers dressed as cats, or dogs, or even “a catalogue of other things to eat”. Humour allows us to reveal the ridiculousness of certain political claims, and therefore serves as a soothing tool that unites people and challenges those in power through mockery.

    Virality as modern mythology

    Virality – memes included – forms the modern mythology. The media informs our collective identities and often the things we think about, which means the themes of this Halloween will most likely reveal what people are scared of as a way to release those fears.

    Who will people mock because they feel intimidated by a particular public figure’s power, wealth, talent, influence, looks or profile (aggression). Or who or what do people find awe-inspiring or puzzling this year (incongruity)?

    After all, Halloween is the one time of the year that reminds people of the medieval carnivals of the 14th century – the only time jesters and critics could come to the main square and have a go at the king. The digital carnival (as academics like myself sometimes call the digital mockery of the elites) is not limited to a specific time in the year.

    The never-ending flow of ridicule, sarcasm and dressing up online never ceases to amaze viral studies academics. But the end of October sees a particular concentration of this subversion, attracting the attention of the digital crowds seeking to laugh at the rich, famous and powerful.

    People form and negotiate cultural codes through viral cultures, by choosing what posts to share, like, and comment on. Through these interactions, valuable meanings and identities emerge, and it will be fascinating to see which meanings the collective beehive wants to focus on this Halloween 2024. Whether that’s Carmy Berzatto in his blue apron or the cats and dogs of Springfield.

    Anastasia Denisova does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Want to go viral this #Halloween? It’s all about tapping into fun, fears and algorithms – https://theconversation.com/want-to-go-viral-this-halloween-its-all-about-tapping-into-fun-fears-and-algorithms-242166

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Can a superstar hippo help save Africa’s rainforests?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will de Freitas, Environment + Energy Editor, UK edition

    The world’s first superstar hippo lives in a zoo in Thailand. Moo Deng shot to fame soon after she was born in July this year, thanks to viral videos that showed off her cute expressions and chirpy demeanour. Yet the story of her species is less happy, and reveals the close links between the extinction and climate change crises.

    Moo Deng is a pygmy hippo, a species native to the forests of west Africa. Unlike their bigger and significantly scarier cousins (regular hippos), the pygmys are secretive creatures, who like to conceal themselves in swamps and dense vegetation.

    Today, pygmy hippos are officially listed as endangered. Huanyuan Zhang-Zheng and Sulemana Bawa, conservationists at the University of Oxford, point out that 80% of their native forests have been lost. Just 2,500 remain in the wild.



    Read more:
    Moo Deng: the celebrated hippo’s real home has disappeared – will the world restore it?

    “Cocoa production is probably the biggest cause of forest loss,” they write, “then gold mining and unsustainable logging. These activities now encroach on forest reserves and other supposedly protected areas.”


    This roundup of The Conversation’s climate coverage comes from our award-winning weekly climate action newsletter. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 35,000+ readers who’ve subscribed.

    You probably didn’t want to hear this (I certainly didn’t) but it seems chocolate is helping wipe out the pygmy hippo. This pressure is unlikely to let up any time soon: the Ivory Coast, home of most of these hippos, is also the world’s number one cocoa exporter.

    But it was another passage in their article which really caught my eye. Zhang-Zheng and Bawa wrote: “West Africa’s forest loss is particularly heartbreaking as research shows that a remaining patch may be the most productive on Earth, surpassing even the Amazon rainforest.” (Productive, in this context, refers to how much plant growth there is).

    Before extensive fieldwork beginning in 2016, researchers had underestimated the value of west African forests, particularly their capacity to store carbon and thereby offset global warming. This oversight was partly the result of these forests being hidden by clouds, which makes satellite observation difficult, and their relative neglect by western researchers compared with other ecosystems elsewhere.

    This made me wince. Has The Conversation been part of this neglect? After all, Jack and I have edited dozens of articles on the Amazon and its role in the climate system, but relatively few on forests in Africa.

    Researchers are doing their best to highlight how important these forests are for the climate. Here’s one of them, Michele Francis of Stellenbosch University in South Africa, writing about her research on a “sacred forest” in Togo, west Africa: “My calculations showed that one hectare of forest [about two and a half football pitches] is able to permanently remove as much carbon dioxide from the atmosphere as is released by a power station burning nearly 16 tonnes of coal.”



    Read more:
    ‘Sacred forests’ in West Africa capture carbon and keep soil healthy

    African forest elephants, like this one in the Republic of Congo, are smaller than their cousins on the savanna.
    Roger de la Harpe / shutterstock

    But Africa’s biggest forest by far is found a thousand miles to the south east, in the Congo Basin. The world’s second largest rainforest is almost half the size of the Amazon yet has only a small portion of its global fame.

    As the forest is underresearched, there are still huge discoveries to be made. Back in 2017, Simon Lewis and Greta Dargie of the University of Leeds lead a UK-Congolese team who first mapped out an England-sized tropical peatland – the world’s largest – under marshy wetlands deep in the jungles of Congo. They wrote about this for The Conversation at the time:

    After 17 days, covering just 1.5km a day, we finally reached the centre of the swamp between two of the major rivers. Our reward was not only the knowledge that these peatlands are indeed vast. We also found ever-deeper peat, reaching up to 5.9m, roughly the height of a two-storey building.



    Read more:
    How we discovered the world’s largest tropical peatland, deep in the jungles of Congo

    Peat is made of partially-decomposed plant matter and can store extraordinary amounts of carbon. Lewis and Dargie “found 30 billion metric tonnes of carbon stored in this new ecosystem that nobody knew existed. That’s equivalent to 20 years of current US fossil fuel emissions.”

    This rainforest, and its huge carbon stores, are under threat. In 2022, Lewis, writing with his Leeds colleague Bart Crezee, warned that plans to drill for oil in the Democratic Republic of Congo could be “the beginning of the end for these peatlands”.



    Read more:
    Congo peat swamps store three years of global carbon emissions – imminent oil drilling could release it

    They updated their map of Congolese peatlands and overlayed it on a map of proposed oil concessions. They discovered:

    The upcoming sale of rights to explore for fossil fuels includes close to 1 million hectares of peat swamp forest. If destroyed by the construction of roads, pipelines and other infrastructure needed to extract the oil, we estimate that up to 6 billion tonnes of CO₂ could be released, equivalent to 14 years’ worth of current UK greenhouse gas emissions.

    In late 2023, DR Congo postponed its plans to drill for oil. It seems the scientists really were listened to – for the time being at least.

    Yet oil drilling is only one threat, in one corner of a vast forest. Researchers lead by Judith Verweijen of the University of Antwerp have written about the armed conflicts and industrial mining affecting the eastern end of the same Congo Basin.



    Read more:
    Mining and armed conflict threaten eastern DRC’s biodiversity in a complex web

    The mines, for instance, degrade the soil and pollute the water, and trees must be cleared to make way for them.

    But Verweijen and colleagues say there are also indirect effects that “stem from the construction of new roads to make mining sites accessible, and population growth in the vicinity of mines. This leads to further natural resource exploitation, such as fuel and construction wood extraction, bushmeat hunting and shifting agriculture.”

    None of this has caused the same global outcry as fires in the Amazon or palm oil deforestation in Indonesia. What might fix that?

    Back to Moo Deng. Many conservation academics will tell you that a single well-known species can be the key to saving an entire ecosystem and its often boring-but-crucial biodiversity. Protect the tigers, pandas or pygmy hippos, and you’ll also ensure the survival of the worms, ants and peat bogs.

    If it takes a viral hippo to at least cast some attention on the disappearing rainforests of Africa, then so be it.

    – ref. Can a superstar hippo help save Africa’s rainforests? – https://theconversation.com/can-a-superstar-hippo-help-save-africas-rainforests-242481

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nick Bosa’s MAGA hat vs. Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling: Will the NFL reveal a double standard?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Noah Eliot Vanderhoeven, PhD Candidate, Political Science, Western University

    After the San Francisco 49ers won its Oct. 27 National Football League game against the Dallas Cowboys, their star defensive lineman Nick Bosa, appeared in a post-game media segment wearing a “Make America Great Again” hat in violation of the league’s uniform rules.

    The NFL has avoided overt political messages since former 49er Colin Kaepernick’s anthem protests against police brutality against Black Americans. But what are the implications of a white player displaying an overt political message right before the United States presidential election?

    Kaepernick received heavy media scrutiny and was very quickly exiled from the NFL for his protest and the apparent “distraction” it created. The power of the backlash Kaepernick faced was surprising, given that Democrats and Republicans are just as likely to be avid sports fans, with no meaningful differences in the strength of their fandom.

    However, Republican sports fans tend to be more vocal about what causes should receive representation in sport spaces and make these judgments based on greater support for individualism and the military. That means there’s little evidence to support the argument that Americans want sports and politics to remain separate.

    Nevertheless, support for conservative causes in sports spaces are generally accepted while progressive causes face strong resistance.



    Read more:
    How professional sports leagues that embrace social justice causes could influence politics

    Limits on social justice stances

    For example, the NFL was slow to adopt anti-racism messaging following the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in May 2020 by a police officer ultimately convicted of murder.

    Players initially felt they were being silenced by proposed league rules preventing players from kneeling during the national anthem. Eventually, the NFL agreed to allow players to feature social justice statements on the backs of their helmets. But this only came about after pushback from Black players, and they were limited to one of six pre-approved statements.

    Generally, the NFL has preferred to support non-partisan political messaging. One example is “get out the vote” initiatives. That has not changed in the lead-up to the 2024 election, as teams have been holding voter registration sessions and featuring the word “vote” prominently in their end zones.

    Bosa’s actions, however, were certainly partisan and constitute athlete activism, regardless of whether he wants to discuss his views any further.

    Previous acts of protest

    Donald Trump’s second candidacy to become president, and the re-emergence of a vocal white ethno-nationalist voice in American politics, has seemingly motivated the demand for agency and fuelled new activism by predominantly Black athletes. Bosa, in the meantime, has used his platform via the NFL to support Trump.

    The literature covering the intersection of sport and politics has mainly focused on individual acts of protest and nationalism. One prominent example are the protests by American sprinters John Carlos and Tommie Smith during the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City.



    Read more:
    The Olympics are ‘on the wrong side of history’ when it comes to free speech

    U.S. athletes Tommie Smith, centre, and John Carlos extend gloved hands skyward in racial protest during the playing of national anthem at the 1968 Olympics.
    (AP Photo)

    Their raised fists while on the medal podium were met with resistance and disapproval, with some commentators at the time arguing their protest was unnecessary and petty. Still today, many believe sport is an improper venue for political messaging.

    In turn, Kaepernick’s protest against police brutality and historic inequalities was seen as unpatriotic, and faced significant criticism.

    Will Bosa face a similar backlash? It seems highly unlikely, especially since Bosa’s support for Trump will probably be framed as patriotic due to the former president’s populist rhetoric about returning America to greatness.

    Double standard?

    The severe backlash against Kaepernick’s protest was driven by conservatives and centred on perceived disrespect for the military and the American flag. Those same conservatives are likely to defend Bosa’s actions, and will probably argue his hat was an expression of his First Amendment rights if the NFL takes serious action against him.

    Former San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick (7) and outside linebacker Eli Harold (58) kneel during the playing of the national anthem before an NFL football game against the Atlanta Falcons in Atlanta.
    (AP Photo/John Bazemore)

    But when Bosa donned a piece of campaign merchandise on national television a little over a week out from a contentious presidential election, it was overtly political — arguably just as overtly political as taking a knee during the national anthem.

    At the moment, given the NFL’s lack of action against him, Bosa seems to be benefitting from a double standard when it comes to the intersection of sports and politics.

    It doesn’t appear Bosa is going to be suspended or miss any games for his actions. The NFL has until Saturday to announce any consequences for him, and it’s likely he’ll be fined up to US$11,000 for violating the NFL’s uniform rules by wearing unauthorized logos or branding.

    But that fine is probably the full extent of the repercussions Bosa will face, and $11,000 is a bargain for a national television advertisement when the Trump campaign is already spending tens of millions of dollars on advertising.

    ‘Stick to sports’

    Furthermore, Bosa is unlikely to face the kind of dehumanization faced by progressive activist athletes that misappropriates their cause and fuels hostility towards them. When athletes protest in support of social causes, they often see their job market and marketing profile take a hit.

    This is another example that shows when conservatives say athletes should “stick to sports” or “shut up and dribble,” they don’t actually want politics out of sports entirely.

    Rather, they don’t want to see political views they oppose being platformed in professional sports spaces.

    If they agree with the politics, sporting events are seemingly just another stop on the campaign trail.

    Noah Eliot Vanderhoeven does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Nick Bosa’s MAGA hat vs. Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling: Will the NFL reveal a double standard? – https://theconversation.com/nick-bosas-maga-hat-vs-colin-kaepernicks-kneeling-will-the-nfl-reveal-a-double-standard-242468

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The ‘nocebo effect’ in IBS: Why gluten might not be the real problem

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Caroline Seiler, PhD, McMaster University

    One-third of patients with irritable bowel syndrome aslo have disordered eating habits and perceptions about food that may cause symptoms in and of themselves. (Shutterstock)

    Many people find that wheat or gluten cause them to react in some way: Some people have a wheat allergy, some have the autoimmune condition celiac disease, but the majority find they have some sort of intolerance or sensitivity to wheat and gluten.

    This is challenging to diagnose because there still aren’t any reliable biomarkers to confirm gluten or wheat sensitivity, and clinicians typically rely on patient self-reports.

    In irritable bowel syndrome (IBS), patients experience gastrointestinal symptoms without any visible damage to the digestive tract. Many patients with IBS believe that specific foods, like gluten or wheat, trigger their symptoms, prompting them to exclude these foods from their diets without consulting a dietitian or their doctor.

    Unsurprisingly, about a third of IBS patients develop disordered eating habits and perceptions about food that may cause symptoms in and of themselves, such as orthorexia, or an unhealthy preoccupation with healthy eating. This may cause a “nocebo effect,” where patients experience symptoms due to their beliefs and expectations about a substance they assume is causing their issues but is actually inert — a “nocebo.”

    Identifying the true sensitivities for patients with IBS is a controversial research area, with some studies finding gluten avoidance to be beneficial versus others finding it to have [no significant effect.
    (Shutterstock)

    As a nutrition researcher at McMaster University’s Farncombe Institute, I’m a member of a team that ran a clinical trial to find out whether wheat, gluten or a gluten-free nocebo caused symptoms in IBS. And the results were surprising: even though some patients experienced worse symptoms from gluten or wheat, they weren’t very different from the nocebo, with similar proportions of patients reacting to each.

    These results are similar to other published studies. Identifying the true sensitivities for patients with IBS is a controversial research area, with some studies finding gluten avoidance to be beneficial versus others finding it to have no significant effect.

    Researchers from the United Kingdom and the Netherlands published an innovative study from the Lancet medical journal. Patients with reported gluten sensitivity were divided into four groups: Two groups were given gluten-free bread, but one of these groups was told it contained gluten and one was told it didn’t. Two other groups were given bread that did contain gluten, with one group believing it was gluten-free and the other believing it contained gluten.

    The results showed that the patients who ate gluten and were also told they were eating gluten had significantly worse symptoms than the other three groups.

    Why are people concerned about gluten?

    Patients with IBS are often left to navigate conflicting online resources and test new diets to treat their symptoms.
    (Shutterstock)

    Given the controversial evidence that not only gluten, but other wheat components like fermentable carbohydrates or immune-stimulating proteins, may exacerbate IBS symptoms, it’s possible for this hot topic to get blown out of proportion or taken out of context, contributing to nutrition misinformation.

    All of these factors — that it is often diagnosed by excluding all other options, the significant psychological component, the division in the scientific community and clinicians who often discount patients’ experiences — make treatment difficult for patients with this disorder.

    As a result, patients with IBS are often left to navigate conflicting online resources and test new diets to treat their symptoms.

    How patients respond to evidence

    When researchers challenge patients with gluten, wheat or a nocebo, they rarely report the personalized results back to the patients and see how this information impacts patient behaviour.

    At McMaster University, we wanted to see how presenting personalized nutrition information would affect our patients. After providing them with personal results about their gluten and wheat reactions, we followed up with patients after six months or more to see how this impacted their beliefs, behaviours and symptoms.

    Again, we were in for a surprise! Patients largely kept similar beliefs about gluten, maintained a gluten-free diet and had consistent symptoms even after learning that most of them did not react to gluten or wheat. This begs the question: when people more generally learn new information that conflicts with an existing belief, what may help them to change accordingly?

    The role of psychology in treating IBS

    IBS has been long understood as a disorder of the gut-brain interaction. Psychological treatments are being increasingly investigated to minimize patient fears of foods, or nocebo effects, and to treat IBS symptoms more generally. At Harvard, a recent study found that exposure-based cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) showed promise to improve IBS symptoms in five sessions with a nurse practitioner.

    Similarly, CBT correlated with shifts in brain networks and the gut microbiome, or gut bacteria, that were also correlated with improvements in gastrointestinal symptoms. At the University of Calgary, virtually delivered yoga was highly feasible and helped improve symptoms for patients with IBS.

    However, IBS is a complex disorder which may be exacerbated due to many different causes, and psychological treatment will likely be only one component of an effective treatment plan for many patients.

    Diet plays an important role in human health, but how it does so — especially among those with gastrointestinal diseases — becomes complicated by the emotional aspects of eating and the real needs for people to have nutritious, well-balanced diets without risking malnutrition. If you have concerns that certain foods, like gluten, trigger your symptoms, it’s a good idea to consult your doctor or a registered dietitian.

    Caroline Seiler receives funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research.

    – ref. The ‘nocebo effect’ in IBS: Why gluten might not be the real problem – https://theconversation.com/the-nocebo-effect-in-ibs-why-gluten-might-not-be-the-real-problem-241553

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Each bears his own ghosts’: How the classics speak to these days of fear, anger and presidential candidates stalking the land

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rachel Hadas, Professor of English, Rutgers University – Newark

    “Fear stalks the land, including the Upper West Side,” I wrote to a friend the other day. A week before the election, everyone seems to be afraid.

    Not that we’re afraid of the same things. Newspaper owners and corporate leaders fear Donald Trump’s retribution if they endorse Kamala Harris. Election workers fear the mob. Democrats fear losing votes because of the carnage in the Gaza Strip. Trump’s followers fear immigrants.

    Walled up in our silos, we fear what the people in the other silo might inflict on us. The frightening visions have different names and faces, but everyone seems to fear the future.

    Halloween’s ghoulish displays seem to have generated more sales than ever this year, inflation be damned. What with school shootings, random violence and a general atmosphere of threats, one would think we didn’t need to scare ourselves more.

    But as psychologist Sarah Kollat has recently written, Halloween thrills and chills can feel warming and reassuring. People who have survived a frightening shared ordeal, be it a hurricane or flood or fire or war or even, apparently, a haunted house, feel significantly connected to those who have experienced the same fearful event alongside them.

    Our fear can bring us together. It can also tear us apart.

    Halloween provides the language to talk about threats, real or imagined. “The zombies have arrived, and we have to figure out how to navigate around them,” a citizen of a Vermont town was recently quoted as saying. She was talking about homeless people.

    ‘Treachery, Rage and black Fear’

    It’s both easy and helpful to personify fear as something outside of us – to give it, in Shakespeare’s phrase, “a local habitation and a name.”

    Fear looms and fades; visits at night; thrives in certain conditions. In his epic “The Aeneid,” the Roman poet Virgil describes the war god, Mars, as accompanied by his posse: “the god’s retainers – Treachery, Rage, and black Fear – pound beside him.”

    This nightmare troika has a contemporary ring. If by treachery we understand traps, tricks, ambushes, we can plug in political debate, rife with accusations of mendacity; tricks and rage also characterize a good deal of public discourse. And isn’t anger the opposite side of the coin of fear?

    Virgil, a great psychologist of many kinds of unease, also depicts a less aggressive manifestation of fear: “Up on the wall stood frightened mothers, gazing/After the dust cloud and the bronze-bright squadrons.” Uneasy spectators, helpless to protect their loved ones, they watch their sons marching to war. In a similar passage, “mothers, the unarmed commons,/And weak old men came pouring out to fill/Towers and roofs.”

    Those of us not on a battlefield are in a position of tense watching and waiting.

    We feel powerless to affect the outcome; the stakes are high; we fear the worst.

    Love and heroism in short supply

    Fear is linked to love. In Homer’s “Iliad,” Achilles is reluctant to fight for the Greek side not because he’s afraid of death, even though he knows his life may be short. Rather, he’s too angry to sacrifice his life for a cause and commanders he no longer believes in – until his beloved Patroklos is killed by Hector. Only then do Achilles’ mood and motivation change; he eagerly rejoins the fight.

    Characters in Greek tragedies can make terrible decisions, be subject to madness, destroy themselves and others – but they are rarely afraid. The fear and pity Aristotle ascribes to tragedy are the emotions of the spectator.

    In connection with fear, one of the only characters in Greek tragedy who readily comes to mind is Admetus, the husband of Alcestis in Euripides’ play of that name. Informed that he is fated to die, Admetus scrambles frantically for a substitute to die in his place. His own father huffily refuses, but his wife Alcestis volunteers.

    When at the end of the play a veiled, silent figure we presume to be Alcestis reappears, there’s relief, as well as some nervous laughter. This play, with its – sort of – happy ending, turns out not to be a tragedy after all. It’s closer to dark comedy.

    In our own time, rather than fear of death, fear of loss looms large – fear of isolation, humiliation, status; fear of poverty; fear of change. Elsewhere in “the Aeneid,” a character in the underworld makes a resonant remark about the afterlife: “Each bears his own ghosts.”

    Maybe each of us has our own flavor of fear. There’s not much love or heroism in evidence these Halloween and preelection days. Anger and treachery, fear’s companions, are on daily display.

    Rachel Hadas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Each bears his own ghosts’: How the classics speak to these days of fear, anger and presidential candidates stalking the land – https://theconversation.com/each-bears-his-own-ghosts-how-the-classics-speak-to-these-days-of-fear-anger-and-presidential-candidates-stalking-the-land-242286

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Slow vote-counting, flip-flopping leads, careful certification and the weirdness of the Electoral College – people who research elections look at what to expect on election night

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jeff Inglis, Politics + Society Editor, The Conversation US

    What should you make of the flood of information about the election? Dilok Klaisataporn/iStock / Getty Images Plus

    As Election Day arrives, people’s feelings of eagerness and anxiety can intensify. It’s normal to want to know the results, but it’s also important to make sure that when the results are announced, they’re accurate.

    The Conversation U.S. has covered many aspects of the election, including the mechanics of tallying and reporting the votes. Here are selections from some of those articles:

    1. How long did it take to count votes in 2020?

    In 2020, Election Day was Nov. 3. While some results emerged that evening and over the subsequent days, it was not until four days later, Nov. 7, that The Associated Press called the race for Joe Biden over Donald Trump.

    Waiting can be unsatisfying, wrote John M. Murphy, a communications scholar at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, but it’s key to getting accurate results.

    Murphy warned: “People tend to see what they want to see. … Partisans want that beautiful picture of triumph, blue or red seas cascading across screens on election night.” But, he observed, that might be a mirage – and realizing it’s a mirage means one thing: “Wait. … Wait until we know it’s real.”



    Read more:
    A new president will be elected − but it may take some time to determine who wins

    Election officials count ballots at the Allegheny County elections warehouse in Pittsburgh in 2020.
    Jeff Swensen/Getty Images

    2. Why do candidates’ leads change as the results emerge?

    Every state counts votes slightly differently. Some, like Colorado, allow election workers to begin counting absentee ballots in advance of Election Day, while in other states, like Illinois, the count can’t even start until the polling places close at the end of Election Day.

    In addition, various communities report their results in different ways. Some may release preliminary results every so often while the counting continues, while others may wait until counting is fully complete before announcing any results.

    That’s why vote counts change over time: Partial results are updated, and additional results are added to statewide tallies. In a 2020 article, Kristin Kanthak, a political science professor at the University of Pittsburgh, went through the whole process, including the release of partial results:

    “Importantly … this doesn’t mean the system is ‘rigged.’ Actually, it means the system is transparent to a fault,” she wrote.



    Read more:
    How votes are counted in Pennsylvania: Changing numbers are a sign of transparency, not fraud, during an ongoing process

    3. How do we know the results are accurate?

    Election officials take their jobs very seriously and work hard to count all the eligible votes accurately while under great pressure. They have specific rules and processes for how to handle ballots and vote-counting.

    Derek Muller, an election-law scholar at the University of Notre Dame, explained those steps in detail, highlighting the focus on verifiable facts rather than people’s opinions about the process:

    “Certifying an election is a rather mundane task. … It is little more than making sure all precincts have reported and the arithmetic is correct. But it is an important task, because it is the formal process that determines who won the most votes.”



    Read more:
    No, local election officials can’t block certification of results — there are plenty of legal safeguards

    Washoe County employees in Nevada open ballots as they begin processing mailed ballots in the 2024 primary election.
    AP Photo/Andy Barron

    4. Who invented the Electoral College?

    Of course, the candidate who gets the most votes doesn’t necessarily win the presidency. The official decision is made by the Electoral College.

    Phillip VanFossen, a civics educator at Purdue University, explained that the Constitutional Convention in the summer of 1787 came up with three ideas, but couldn’t agree. Determined to find common ground, even if it was imperfect, the delegates told 11 men to come up with a solution, which was the Electoral College.

    VanFossen explained that “with this compromise system, neither public ignorance nor outside influence would affect the choice of a nation’s leader. (The delegates) believed that the electors would ensure that only a qualified person became president. And they thought the Electoral College would serve as a check on a public who might be easily misled, especially by foreign governments.”



    Read more:
    Who invented the Electoral College?

    5. Why does the US still have an Electoral College?

    Other nations were inspired by the U.S. Constitution, but not for long, as Westminster College political scientist Joshua Holzer explained:

    “None have been satisfied with the results. And except for the U.S., all have found other ways to choose their leaders.”

    Many people in the U.S. also aren’t satisfied with the Electoral College, and Holzer identifies one effort under way to replace it without amending the Constitution. But even that won’t ensure that the person who becomes president is supported by at least half of the people who cast ballots.



    Read more:
    No country still uses an electoral college − except the US

    – ref. Slow vote-counting, flip-flopping leads, careful certification and the weirdness of the Electoral College – people who research elections look at what to expect on election night – https://theconversation.com/slow-vote-counting-flip-flopping-leads-careful-certification-and-the-weirdness-of-the-electoral-college-people-who-research-elections-look-at-what-to-expect-on-election-night-241340

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘A Different Man’ examines tensions between personal identity and societal expectations

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Billie Anderson, Ph.D. Candidate, Media Studies, Western University

    This story contains spoilers about ‘A Different Man.’

    A Different Man, a new film by Aaron Schimberg, offers a complex and nuanced portrayal of disability, one that both disabled and non-disabled audiences can learn from.

    The film premiered at notable festivals and is now playing in select theatres.

    In an era where disability is receiving long-overdue attention in cinema and films are under greater scrutiny to authentically represent disability, A Different Man pushes the conversation. It does so by emphasizing disability is not merely a challenge to overcome — but an integral part of the human experience.

    It’s crucial for audiences to seek out this film, as its limited release means that many may miss out on Schimberg’s provocative exploration of the tensions between identity, performance and societal expectations.



    Read more:
    Despite its Oscar win, CODA is still a film that depicts deafness as a burden

    Perceptions of disability

    The story centres on Edward (played by Sebastian Stan), a man with neurofibromatosis — a condition that causes tumours to grow on nerves.

    After living for a long time with the condition, Edward seeks out an experimental drug meant to “fix” his appearance. The drug is successful and overnight, Edward transforms from disfigured to conventionally attractive.

    The narrative hinges on Edward’s struggle with self-esteem issues that stem from societal perceptions of his disability. However, the change in his outward appearance only deepens his internal conflict: although Edward physically transforms, his struggles with self-perception and societal rejection persist.

    Trailer for ‘A Different Man.’

    This highlights a critical point made by disability studies scholars, including Rosemarie Garland-Thomson, who argue that our culture pressures disabled individuals to conform to non-disabled norms. Norms about how to look, sure, but also norms about how to behave, communicate and even think.

    Even when the visible markers of disability are removed, the underlying societal pressures and biases remain, illustrating that the true challenge lies not in the body itself, but in the societal structures that dictate what is considered an acceptable life.

    Embracing one’s identity

    This message, however, is turned on its head when audiences meet Oswald, played by Adam Pearson.

    Oswald, who has the same disability that Edward was just cured of, embodies a different relationship with his appearance; he is confident and self-assured, fully embracing his identity without the desire to conform to societal expectations.

    Oswald’s confidence is evident in how he navigates the world unapologetically, refusing to hide or downplay his appearance, a stark contrast to Edward’s desire for transformation. Pearson plays Oswald with a larger-than-life charisma, reminiscent of an Austin Powers type — loud, brash and fully aware of his own charm.

    This boldness not only serves as comic relief but also positions Oswald as a character who owns every room he walks into, subverting what disability studies scholars David T. Mitchell and Sharon L. Snyder argue are expectations of disabled people as passive or self-conscious figures.

    By embracing this energetic, self-assured persona, Oswald disrupts the traditional narrative that disabled people must seek a “cure” or hide their differences to be accepted or achieve happiness.

    His character challenges audiences to rethink the value society places on external appearance, demonstrating that self-acceptance can be far more powerful than fitting into conventional standards of beauty or normalcy.

    Through Oswald’s defiant approach, A Different Man invites viewers to question whether the real issue lies in disability or in society’s limited perceptions of what it means to live fully. Perhaps more than that, for disabled viewers, Oswald’s character offers a refreshing alternative — a model of self-acceptance that defies the pressure to overcome, and instead embrace, radical difference.

    Appearance and conformity

    This contrast raises important questions about the value society places on appearance and conformity. Through Oswald, the film critiques the prevailing belief that a “normal” life — a non-disabled life — is synonymous with happiness or fulfilment.

    Schimberg pushes back against reductive portrayals of disability that have long been seen in the film industry that either elicit pity or offer a misguided sense of inspiration. A Different Man offers a more nuanced and honest representation, capturing the complexity that disability can be: simultaneously challenging and liberating, visible yet invisible, empowering yet stigmatizing.

    With Edward and Oswald as richly developed characters, each embodies distinct relationships with their disabilities — neither character “incorrect” in their interpretation of their lived experience. These contradicting portrayals illustrate it is possible to craft authentic narratives that reflect the realities of disabled life, while also challenging our perception of disability, and highlighting the real struggles that disabled people overcome.

    Questions of identity

    One of the most striking aspects of A Different Man is how it handles identity. After Edward’s transformation, he adopts the name “Guy” and begins living a double life, even wearing a replica of his old face as a mask for a theatre role.

    This surreal detail critiques the performance of disability in the film industry — a theme Schimberg also explored in his 2018 film, Chained for Life.

    Disabled actors are often cast because of their differences, but they are still expected to perform that difference in ways that conform to able-bodied expectations.

    Authenticity in disability representation

    In A Different Man, the relationship between how disabled individuals are perceived by others and their own lived experiences raises crucial questions about authenticity in disability representation.

    Can a non-disabled actor like Sebastian Stan authentically portray a disabled character? Or does it reinforce the objectification of disabled bodies? Schimberg invites the audience to grapple with these questions.



    Read more:
    Mad Max: Fury Road was a pioneering portrayal of disability. Furiosa is a letdown

    Such questions and a shift toward complexity is critical as audiences and filmmakers increasingly recognize the need for inclusive storytelling that goes beyond race and gender to encompass disability.

    As disability studies scholars Mitchell and Snyder argue, narratives that embrace multifaceted identities can disrupt the status quo, offering new insights into how society views disabled individuals outside of the cinema.

    A Different Man serves as a roadmap for these richer portrayals, inviting viewers to engage with the complexities of identity, societal expectations and the human body. The film signifies a reimagining of cinema’s potential to elevate marginalized voices and foster a deeper understanding of diverse experiences that shape people’s stories about disability.

    Billie Anderson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘A Different Man’ examines tensions between personal identity and societal expectations – https://theconversation.com/a-different-man-examines-tensions-between-personal-identity-and-societal-expectations-241100

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the Thai cave rescue can teach us about unconventional leadership

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Amélie Cloutier, Professor of Strategy and Innovation, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

    Leadership can emerge from unexpected places, especially during times of crisis. One such example occurred during the 2018 rescue of a group of 12 young soccer players and their coach, who were trapped in a cave in northern Thailand after heavy rains blocked their exit route.

    The 17-day rescue operation involved a co-ordinated response from thousands of people, including 2,000 soldiers, 200 divers and personnel from 100 government agencies. The success of the operation was largely due to an unconventional group of leaders: an international group of cave divers whose unique expertise was vital to the rescue effort.

    Our recent research on the rescue aimed to explore how leadership can emerge outside of the traditional chain of command. To do this, we analyzed a documentary and news coverage about the rescue, along with scientific literature and online searches, including LinkedIn profiles.

    We wanted to better understand development of leaders who don’t adhere to the stereotypical image of heroic or charismatic leaders. These atypical leaders challenge our conventional ideas about what a leader should look like, or how they should act.

    From advisers to leaders

    Tham Luang Nang Non is a cave located beneath Doi Nang Non, a mountain range on the border between Thailand and Myanmar. On June 23, 2018, a group of 12 boys from a local soccer team and their assistant coach became trapped in the cave after heavy rainfall blocked their way out.

    On June 25, Royal Thai Navy SEAL divers arrived and began searching the cave for the team, but the flooding made it impossible to locate them. Initially, civilian cave divers were brought in as advisers to the Navy SEALs. However, when the SEAL divers failed to locate the trapped team, the cave divers took the lead.

    On July 2, two divers from the British Cave Rescue Council found the group alive, and their roles shifted from being advisers to active participants in the rescue operation.

    Following the discovery, the Thai Navy SEAL divers attempted to reclaim their roles as primary rescuers, believing they had the ability to complete the mission. However, their overconfidence and underestimation of the challenges ahead led to a critical setback: those who reached the children were unable to return with them due to a lack of oxygen.

    With the situation worsening, the cave divers successfully persuaded the conventional leaders in place — Governor Narongsak Osatanakorn, Lt. Gen. Bancha Duriyapunt, Rear-Admiral Apakorn Youkongkaew and Capt. Anan Surawan — to allow them to take over the mission.

    The cave divers assembled a new team of expert cave divers from around the world. The extraction began on July 8, and by July 10, everyone had been rescued.

    The ‘Rudolph Effect’

    The rescue operation demonstrates how individuals with specialized skills and social capital can step up to lead effectively, even in the most challenging situations.

    Before the rescue, many viewed cave diving as odd, and even abnormal. In the documentary The Rescue, cave diver Josh Bratchley acknowledged that being in a pitch-black cave underwater is “probably some people’s worst nightmares.” But for cave diver Jim Warny, “once I get underground, that all disappears.”

    For these self-described unconventional individuals, their love for cave diving and exploration serves as a form of escape and empowerment, while accepting that they stand apart from the norm.

    However, their knowledge of navigating cold and dark waters underground, combined with their capital within the cave diving community, made the cave divers effective leaders. This case study demonstrates how leadership can emerge unexpectedly, and how atypical skills like cave diving, if valued and encouraged, can lead to innovative solutions.

    In our study, we coined the term the “Rudolph Effect” to describe how outcasts and unconventional individuals can become key leaders when given opportunities. Like Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer, the term’s namesake, these leaders can guide their teams through extreme situations effectively, using skills and perspectives that traditional leaders might not possess.

    Unconventional and trustworthy helpers can transform into leaders, leveraging their unique skills, knowledge and social capital to manage extreme situations. But this transformation is only possible if they have the chance to demonstrate their abilities.

    Cultivating unconventional leaders

    The need for these unique leaders isn’t limited to extreme situations. By highlighting an extreme example, we aim to show that managers should create more opportunities for unconventional thinkers to contribute, even in day-to-day situations.

    Managers should identify and nurture leadership potential in individuals from diverse backgrounds and experiences. By doing this, organizations can not only improve their ability to handle crises, but also widen their pool of potential leaders. This diversity strengthens companies, making them more resilient and adaptable when facing unexpected challenges.

    This case study serves as a reminder for managers to constantly reassess and adjust their resources to achieve their goals. In tough situations, it can be beneficial to bring in leaders who think outside the box.

    Managers should be aware of the unique skills and connections within their teams to identify these unconventional leaders during their risk planning. They should also have backup plans ready in case initial solutions prove ineffective.

    Amélie Cloutier receives funding from FRQSC.

    Andrew Webb receives funding from SSHRC and le Secrétaire du Conseil du Trésor du Québec.

    – ref. What the Thai cave rescue can teach us about unconventional leadership – https://theconversation.com/what-the-thai-cave-rescue-can-teach-us-about-unconventional-leadership-233538

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: I research rap lyrics and testified in a Toronto rapper’s murder trial

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jabari M. Evans, Assistant Professor of Race and Media, School of Journalism and Mass Communications, University of South Carolina

    Toronto rapper Top5 appearing in his music video ‘Movie’ featuring the rappers Why G and Bundog. The Crown recently stayed murder charges against Top5 after a judge ruled his lyrics and social media content could not be used as evidence. (YouTube/Top5)

    In May, I was in my office grading papers when an email came through from Arika, a paralegal working for Toronto lawyer Gary Grill. They were reaching out to me about potentially serving as an expert witness in a murder trial. The case involved Hassan Ali, better known as the rapper Top5, who was charged in 2021 with first-degree murder in the shooting of 20-year-old accounting student Hashim Omar Hashi.

    Arika mentioned that they had come across my research on drill rap and hoped I could testify on the inadmissibility of rap lyrics and music videos as criminal evidence. Without hesitation, I agreed.

    As an academic expert on hip-hop culture, Black youth, the music industry and the digitization of artistic expression, my research explores the intersection of cultural production, race and legal systems, focusing particularly on drill music culture.

    Drill music is a subgenre of hip-hop that originated in Chicago, characterized by its gritty, raw lyrics focused on street life, violence and survival, often reflecting the harsh realities of inner-city environments.

    Lyrics as evidence

    In September, a judge ruled that Top5’s social media posts, music videos and lyrics were inadmissible as evidence, recognizing that much of what he posted was part of his artistic persona. As a result, the charges against him were stayed.

    The Canadian legal system, like its U.S. counterpart, has allowed these forms of creative expression to be weaponized against artists. This was evident in the case of Chael Mills and Lavare Williams, where rap lyrics were used as evidence contributing to their convictions for murder. That case (and others like it) opened the door for rap lyrics to be used against artists in court, further entrenching harmful stereotypes about Black men and violence. This practice is unjust and perpetuates racial biases.

    Though Top5’s lyrics didn’t explicitly threaten the victim in this case, the prosecution used songs and social media posts in which he alludes to the Go Getem Gang (his crew) being a criminal group. In 2023, he appeared in a music video while in prison where he said: “I was 18 when I bought a gun, 22 when I shot your son.”

    Using rap lyrics and music videos as evidence is not only unfair but it perpetuates the dangerous assumption that rappers’ personas are entirely authentic representations of who they are. This often results in creative expression being misinterpreted as autobiographical fact, jeopardizing someone’s freedom based on their art.

    However, when I delved into Top5’s online presence, I was struck by just how sensational his persona was. Beyond the music videos, he is an avid vlogger and live streamer, frequently discussing recent shootings, open cases involving his friends and making overt threats toward his rivals — all while name-dropping his connections, including Drake. He was using social media in a way that blurred the line between artistic performance and self-incrimination.

    This placed me in a difficult moral position. Reviewing all the evidence and seeing Top5’s brazen online behaviour made me wonder whether defending him would undermine my larger argument: that rap lyrics and videos shouldn’t be used as evidence because they are artistic expressions, not confessions.

    However, this internal debate led me to reaffirm my stance: the very assumptions I was grappling with were precisely what I had been fighting against. Even if Top5 seemed to push the boundaries, it was still unjust for the legal system to interpret his art and social media as literal truths.

    ‘Heard of Me’ by Top5 featuring Why G.

    Clout chasing

    What became clear to me was that Top5, like many young rappers, was caught in the grip of clout chasing — a phenomenon driven by the need for attention and validation in today’s social media age.

    Clout chasing isn’t just about gaining followers; it reflects deeper issues in society, especially among Black youth.

    As sociologist Elijah Anderson described, the tension between earning respect in the streets and striving for middle-class success is central to understanding drill rappers like Top5. On one side, Black youth are encouraged to adopt “decency” as defined by white society and achieve upward mobility through socially acceptable means.

    On the other, they must navigate the “code of the streets,” where respect is earned through fearlessness and survival, often in defiance of mainstream societal norms.

    Top5’s rise illustrates this tension vividly. His strategy for visibility online relied heavily on broadcasting the most sensational aspects of his life — threats, rivalries and bravado — all while crafting a persona as a street entrepreneur.

    However, Top5’s lyrics, videos and social media posts exist in a gray area between reality and performance art. What Hassan Ali creates as Top5 is a carefully constructed character, not a confession to crimes.

    This distinction is crucial in understanding why these forms of expression should not be used as evidence in court. The very nature of rap as a genre involves exaggeration, metaphor and artistic license, and treating it as literal truth is both unjust and misleading.

    The broader implications of clout chasing and the digital age on legal proceedings are significant. Top5’s use of digital clout is, in many ways, a symptom of what some scholars have called “emotional illiteracy” among some young Black men — a kind of bravado or fearlessness that manifests as aggression or recklessness online.

    Yet, this behaviour is often misunderstood. It’s not about incriminating oneself. It’s about asserting one’s worth and survival in a society that has long marginalized young Black voices.

    A trailer for ‘As We Speak: Rap Music on Trial,’ a documentary that explores the weaponization of rap lyrics in the U.S. criminal justice system.

    Legal implications

    The judge’s decision in Top5’s case was groundbreaking. It underscored that even in an era of social media oversharing, courts must be careful not to conflate performance with reality. For the first time, a court acknowledged that an artist’s social media content could be as much a part of their creative self-expression as their lyrics or music videos.

    This ruling was not only significant for rap and hip-hop artists who have long been subjected to legal scrutiny based on their work. It also signals a growing recognition that creative expression — whether in the form of lyrics, videos or even Instagram posts — cannot be treated as literal fact without risking injustice.

    As rap music continues to evolve and engage with social issues, it’s imperative that the legal system evolves alongside it, developing a more nuanced understanding of artistic expression in the digital age.

    Using rap music as evidence in criminal trials is not just a legal issue but a cultural one. It speaks to how society views Black art and Black lives. By treating rap lyrics as confessions, the legal system perpetuates harmful stereotypes about Black men as inherently violent or criminal.

    The decision in Top5’s case represents a step forward, but the fight for justice is far from over. We must remain vigilant in protecting the creative freedoms of all artists, regardless of how controversial their work may seem.

    Jabari M. Evans does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. I research rap lyrics and testified in a Toronto rapper’s murder trial – https://theconversation.com/i-research-rap-lyrics-and-testified-in-a-toronto-rappers-murder-trial-241884

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five reasons weight-loss jabs alone won’t help get people back to work

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucie Nield, Senior Lecturer in Nutrition and Dietetics, University of Sheffield

    Weight-loss injectables don’t address the many core reasons for why weight gain and unemployment occur in the first place. oleschwander/ Shutterstock

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer and health secretary Wes Streeting have recently discussed plans to trial weight-loss injections for around 250,000 people with obesity who are unemployed in a bid to get them back into work, ease pressure on the NHS and boost the economy.

    Obesity is estimated to cost UK society around £35 billion annually. This is due to lower productivity and higher NHS treatment costs.

    Around 26% of the English adult population (approximately 15 million) are considered obese. However, it’s not known what proportion of unemployed people are obese.

    While weight-loss injections have proven to be very effective in helping people who are obese to lose weight and lower their risk of certain chronic diseases, there are many reasons why these drugs alone won’t help tackle obesity and unemployment rates in the UK.

    1. Lack of capacity

    The majority of UK people who are obese are likely to meet the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence’s eligibility criteria for weight-loss injections.

    But prescribing these drugs is just one part of the equation. Eligible patients will require support from specialist services who provide guidance in making the appropriate lifestyle changes (such as to their diet) to successfully lose weight while on these drugs. This is crucial, as all of the weight-loss injection trials to date have involved a behaviour change component. This may potentially be key to the successful weight losses observed in these studies.

    However, current demand for weight-loss services is already outstripping capacity. Nearly half of eligible patients in England are unable to get an appointment with a specialist team. Weight-loss injections can only be prescribed through such services currently. If the government is to roll out the proposed programme, they will need to rethink the way weight-loss services are delivered so all eligible patients can access support.

    2. Won’t work for everyone

    Weight-loss jabs don’t necessarily work for everyone. One study found that 9-15% of participants who took the drug tirzepatide (Mounjaro) did not lose clinically significant amounts of weight.

    Weight-loss jabs may also cause intolerable side-effects for some. Trials have shown between 4-8% of participants couldn’t tolerate the side-effects, causing them to drop out of the study. Constipation, diarrhoea and nausea are some of the most commonly reported.

    People with certain health conditions may be unable to use weight-loss injections – such as those with inflammatory bowel disease and pancreatitis. In such cases, weight-loss jabs may worsen symptoms or interact with the prescription drugs used to manage these conditions, increasing risk of harm.

    There are many reasons why weight loss jabs may not work for a person.
    Mohammed_Al_Ali/ Shutterstock

    Additionally, some people may not want to take an injection – whether that’s simply due to personal preference or even fear of needles.

    3. Obesity is a complex issue

    There are many complex factors that contribute to weight gain – such as opportunities for physical activity, access to healthy foods and levels of deprivation in a community. Prescribing weight-loss jabs to help people lose weight may not be effective long-term if the rest of these factors are not also addressed.

    A more effective way of seeing significant, sustainable reductions in obesity levels across a population is by using a “whole systems approach”. This would address to the multiple environmental, social and economic factors that contribute to obesity.

    Where whole systems approaches have been embedded in healthcare design and delivery, they have led to improvements in services and patient outcomes – including obesity-related metrics (such as patients making healthier food choices and being more active).

    However, one limitation to whole systems approaches is challenges in measuring impact. This can reduce political will to implement these approaches.

    4. Obesity stigma

    Obesity stigma in the workplace is a huge barrier to satisfactory employment and leads to poor wellbeing and burnout.

    Obesity stigma in the workplace perpetuates harmful weight-based stereotypes that overweight and obese people are lazy, unsuccessful, unintelligent and lack willpower. As a result, people with obesity are more likely to be in insecure and lower-paid jobs than those who may be considered of a healthy weight.

    It’s also well-evidenced that regular exposure to stigmatising, isolating and degrading prejudices has long-term consequences on physical and mental health – and may lead to problems such as binge eating and depression.This can lead to a loss of productivity, absenteeism and loneliness.

    Prescribing weight-loss jabs to help a person lose weight doesn’t address the core reasons for why they may have been absent from work or unemployed in the first place. Nor does it help to address the mental health struggles they may still harbour as a result of discrimination they might have experienced.

    5. Barriers to employment

    Weight loss alone does not begin to address the complex physical and mental health reasons for why a person might be unemployed. A person may also be unemployed due to factors such as caring responsibilities or disability.

    Current prescribing restrictions also limit some injections to a maximum of 24 months (although further trials are ongoing). This means that even if a person has successfully lost weight, they may regain that weight again when they stop using the drug. This could mean any health problems they experienced prior to losing weight (and which may have prevented them from being in employment) could reemerge.

    There are better ways of getting people back into work than prescribing weight-loss jabs. Flexible working approaches, for instance, may make it easier for someone who is unemployed due to caring responsibilities or health problems to transition back into employment. Supportive policies and workplace wellbeing programmes may be a more cost-effective way of helping people to overcome barriers, improve their health and transition back into work.

    Lucie Nield has received funding from The National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) for evaluation of children’s weight management services.

    Lucie Nield sits on the Board of Trustees for Darnall Wellbeing (a local community service organisation).

    – ref. Five reasons weight-loss jabs alone won’t help get people back to work – https://theconversation.com/five-reasons-weight-loss-jabs-alone-wont-help-get-people-back-to-work-241835

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Do we need a European DARPA to cope with technological challenges in Europe?

    Source: The Conversation – France – By David W. Versailles, Professor, strategic management and innovation management, co-director of PSB’s newPIC chair, PSB Paris School of Business

    The headquarters of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) in Arlington, Virginia. ajay_suresh/Flickr, CC BY

    The US Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) is often held as a model for driving technology advances. For decades, it has contributed to military and economic dominance by bridging the gap between military and civilian applications. European policymakers frequently reference DARPA in discussions, as outlined in the 2024 Draghi Report, but an EU equivalent has yet to materialise. To create such an agency, the governance and management of European innovation programmes would need drastic changes.

    DARPA supports disruptive innovation

    Founded in 1958, DARPA operates under the US Department of Defense (DoD) with a straightforward mission: to fund high-risk technological programmes that could lead to radical innovation. DARPA provides support throughout the innovation process, focusing on environments where new uses for technology must be invented or adapted. Although part of the DoD, DARPA funds projects that promise technological and economic superiority whether they align with current military priorities or not. DARPA has backed projects like ARPANET, the precursor to the internet, and the GPS. Today, DARPA shows interest in autonomous vehicles for urban areas and new missile technologies.

    As part of its core mission, DARPA accepts high financial risks on exploration projects and makes long-term commitments to these projects. Many emblematic successes explain why DARPA is a reference agency. However, the list of failed projects is even longer. Both failures and successes feed the exploration process in emerging industrial sectors. They represent opportunities to learn together and build collective strategies in innovation ecosystems.

    Five key principles of DARPA

    DARPA’s success stems not just from its stability but from adhering to five organisational principles that allow it to explore deep tech in an open innovation context:

    • Independence: DARPA operates independently from other military services, research & development centres and federal agencies, allowing it to explore options outside dominant research paradigms. While cooperation is possible, its decisions and directions are not influenced by other parts of the federal administration.

    • Agility: The agency’s flat organisational structure minimises bureaucracy. Its independent decision-making processes and streamlined contracting allow it to pivot quickly, test new concepts and collaborate with academic or private sector partners. Agility also enables DARPA to test new exploration or experimentation methods that are often based on user-centric approaches. Potential military or civilian end-users are involved very early in innovation projects to discuss potential uses and applications. This approach has recently led DARPA to absorb the Strategic Capabilities Office (SCO), where officers from the different military services (Army, Air Force, Navy and Marines) and all military ranks test new technological solutions (from different maturity levels), fostering co-creation processes with military innovators and expanding the agency’s impact.

    • Sponsorship: High-ranking executives within the DoD and other federal administrations (NASA, Department of Energy) endorse, but do not commission, DARPA’s projects. This sponsorship model increases a project’s potential impact and allows for swift adaptation if a project fails.

    • Community building: DARPA creates innovation communities with a mix of diverse expertise. By bringing different perspectives together, it fosters collective strategies essential for disruptive innovation.

    • Diverse leadership: Project managers come from a range of backgrounds, including civilian experts, military officers and private-sector professionals. All have demonstrated scientific and technological expertise and a solid capability to bridge dreams and foresight with reality. All have a perfect command of risk and complexity management. Managers serve three- to four-year terms focused on driving technological disruption and building new innovation ecosystems. Their diverse expertise sets DARPA apart from other federal agencies.

    The challenge of a European DARPA

    The Draghi Report on European competitiveness suggests that a European DARPA could help bridge technological gaps, reduce dependencies and accelerate the green transition. However, implementing this model would require a seismic shift in how European agencies operate. Creating a new agency would be ineffective without ensuring that all principles underlying the success of DARPA are implemented in Europe.

    Even if Europe actively promotes deep tech and devotes significant budgets to it, European public policies and ways of working prevailing in national and European agencies are hardly consistent with the DARPA model. European agencies do not have much autonomy in their decisions about the exploration of new ventures or human resource management. They clearly demonstrate an outcome-focused orientation inconsistent with DARPA’s approach to risk.

    Two main challenges

    European agencies often lack the stable missions, scope and ambition seen at DARPA. The European Space Agency (ESA), the European Defence Agency (EDA) and Eurocontrol highlight the difficulties in developing cohesive, cross-border innovation ecosystems. A European DARPA would require a unified ambition among EU member states, a challenging feat given the institutional and geopolitical divides within Europe. The debates around the European Defence Fund illustrate how complex it is to reach consensus on shared objectives and funding.

    Adopting DARPA’s five organisational principles would represent a cultural revolution for European agencies in relation to EU bureaucratic norms and the budgetary controls of individual member states. Implementing these changes would also disrupt the existing power balance between countries. The DARPA model is inconsistent with the European “fair returns” model that refers to proportionality rules between funding, research operations and then industrial repartition during the production phase between member states in each project. The DARPA model would only focus on existing competencies, excellence, risk-taking approaches and entrepreneurial mindsets.

    Establishing a European DARPA would require a fundamental rethinking of public policy management in Europe. Its success would depend on whether European stakeholders are willing to adopt DARPA’s core principles, including its independence, agility and willingness to accept failure. Creating an agency is one thing; ensuring it adheres to the structures that make DARPA effective is another. The question remains: Is Europe ready for this transformation?

    David W. Versailles has received funding from the French Ministry of Defence to develop this research.

    Valérie Mérindol has received funding from the French Ministry of the Armed Forces to develop this research.

    – ref. Do we need a European DARPA to cope with technological challenges in Europe? – https://theconversation.com/do-we-need-a-european-darpa-to-cope-with-technological-challenges-in-europe-240696

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: South Africa’s fight against extreme poverty needs a new strategy – model shows how social grants could work

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ramos Emmanuel Mabugu, Professor, Sol Plaatje University

    South Africa has been struggling for decades to reduce poverty, inequality and unemployment and raise the rate of economic growth.

    Economic growth has been slow since a recession in 2008. The annual growth rate averaged 1.1% between 2009 and 2021, slowing to 0.6% in 2023.

    Unemployment remains stubbornly above 30%. It was 32.9% in the first quarter of 2024.

    The country’s Gini coefficient, a measure of how income is distributed across the population, is estimated to be 0.63, one of the worst in the world. Poverty levels remain high too. A large number of people live in extreme poverty. According to Statistics South Africa, an estimated 40.0% of the population (or 25 million people) have a monthly consumption expenditure of below R9,096 (which is used as the lower-bound poverty line). And 55.5% of the population falls within the upper-bound poverty line, with monthly consumption expenditure of below R13,656.

    This is despite government’s extensive spending on social assistance and other support mechanisms. In the 2023/24 fiscal year, there were 18.8 million social grant beneficiaries (about 35% of the population) with an annual cost to the fiscus of R217.1 billion (US$12.2 billion). This is expected to increase to R259.3 billion (US$14.6 billion) in 2026/27.

    Social support also includes spending on health, education, social protection, community development and employment programmes which protect the most vulnerable groups. In addition, the government has extended the Social Relief of Distress Grant which was introduced during the COVID pandemic.

    Based on my research as an economist for the last 20 years, I believe the government won’t make much progress in reducing unemployment, inequality and poverty unless it adopts a different strategy – one that targets extreme poverty reduction explicitly.

    In a recent paper, colleagues and I identify key conditions for reducing extreme poverty through social transfers. We designed an economic simulation model to track the effect of increasing social grants to very poor South Africans to move them out of extreme poverty. This would be done by transferring an average of R4,020 (US$225) to every extremely poor South African. Based on our assumptions, about 25 million individuals would be eligible for this social transfer.

    Moving about 25 million South Africans out of extreme poverty would cost on average US$6.5 billion per year. We argue that this cost is worth carrying. Our model also showed that, under certain conditions, poverty-alleviation social transfers can be good for the broader economy.

    Additional benefits

    We know that social grants are important instruments to fight poverty and inequality in South Africa. They can produce sizeable multiplier effects in the economy.

    But we wanted to know more about how society benefits when a large share of the public budget is transferred to poor households.

    What makes the model we built to explore this different is that we simulated the economic implications of a hypothetical South Africa with lower poverty and inequality outcomes. More precisely, we set the poverty headcount rate at the lower-bound poverty line at 5.0% under both unconstrained and constrained scenarios. This is the conventionally accepted definition of extreme poverty eradication.

    The tool combined a macroeconomic model to project the economic impacts and a micro-simulation model to work out the poverty and inequality effects.

    We tested a combination of policy options, including social grants, and their multiplier effects and funding implications. We considered two financing scenarios: one that involved a budget deficit and one which was budget-neutral.

    Under a budget-neutral scenario, funding for interventions would be taken from budgets allocated for other purposes and put towards poverty alleviation instead.

    Key findings

    The model showed that the South African economy, measured by the level of gross domestic product (GDP), would grow faster (by 0.5 percentage points) when the transfer was designed to support poor people’s progressive engagement in economic participation rather than simply providing them with a basic cash grant. This can be done, for instance, by expanding and upgrading the current social assistance schemes such as the public work programmes. These have been shown to have positive outcomes for economic participation.

    When people who receive income transfers are able to work, they contribute to a higher supply of goods and services as well as to higher demand.

    The inflationary effects, in particular food price increases, are limited under this scenario.

    On the other hand, GDP deteriorates by 1 percentage point when there is no requirement or condition for participation (when grant recipients still don’t have a job). Under this scenario food demand increases and related price increases contribute to reducing consumers’ purchasing power.

    What needs to be done

    Our model shows how poverty-alleviation social transfers can have positive economic outcomes under two conditions.

    First, the expansion of the grant lifting approximately 25 million South Africans above the lower-bound poverty line of R9,606 has to be done under a budget-neutral funding arrangement.

    Second, the transfer has to be made with a requirement that there is an increase in the economic participation of extremely poor beneficiaries. In other words, the grant only has a positive effect if the very poor beneficiaries can find work or are required to participate in a certain kind of public work activity.

    The fiscal cost of the poverty alleviating grant transfer would be around 1.6% of GDP or 4.9% of public expenditure. This would mean increasing social spending by 4.9%. Alternatively, spending on other areas would have to be cut by the same proportion.

    In either scenario, the findings show that this constraint might even be relaxed if the fiscal transfer enabled poor people to get work or if the cash transfer was conditional on recipients doing certain work.

    In our view the benefits of this are massive in terms of extreme poverty eradication.

    Ramos Emmanuel Mabugu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. South Africa’s fight against extreme poverty needs a new strategy – model shows how social grants could work – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-fight-against-extreme-poverty-needs-a-new-strategy-model-shows-how-social-grants-could-work-241694

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How does REACH, the EU regulation governing chemical substances, work?

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Johanna Berneron, Toxicologue reglementaire, Agence nationale de sécurité sanitaire de l’alimentation, de l’environnement et du travail (Anses)

    Adopted by the European Union in 2006, the REACH regulation (Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals) governs the manufacture and use of chemical substances in Europe. Despite its importance, REACH has often been criticised for being slow and complex. These concerns prompted calls for reform as part of the European Green Deal, though the European Commission ultimately postponed the revision. Various NGOs have called for this reform, and in early 2024, the French National Assembly’s European Affairs Committee reignited the conversation, with a resolution currently under review.

    Nevertheless, REACH remains an ambitious and indispensable regulation that protects human health and the environment from the hazards posed by chemical substances. While it’s not perfect, it represents progress in comparison with previous regulatory frameworks. One notable success is the ban on bisphenol A (BPA), a controversial chemical previously used in baby bottles.

    Understanding the REACH process

    REACH is straightforward if you break down its steps:

    • Substance registration: Manufacturers must submit detailed information on the chemical, toxicological and environmental properties of substances they produce or import. If no data exists, they are required to generate it. Unlike previous regulations and directives, REACH places the burden of proof on companies. To comply with the regulation, companies must identify and adequately manage the risks associated with the substances they manufacture and market in the EU. In particular, they must demonstrate how the substances can be used safely and communicate risk management measures to users.

    • Compliance checks: The European Chemicals Agency (ECHA) ensures that the registration dossiers are complete and meet regulatory requirements. This is known as compliance analysis.

    • Substance evaluation: If concerns arise, a substance undergoes further evaluation to assess risks to human health and the environment. This procedure is conducted by the member states (with ANSES representing France) and enables the authorities to request additional information from industries.

    Member states, including ANSES, carry out these evaluations, focusing on national health priorities. Substances flagged for further assessment are added to the Community Rolling Action Plan (CoRAP), a three-year plan outlining substances to be evaluated by member states.

    If additional safety measures are needed, several outcomes are possible:

    • SVHC identification: Substances of Very High Concern (SVHC) may require authorisation for continued use.

    • Restrictions: Can limit or ban certain uses of a substance.

    • Classification: Hazardous substances may be classified as carcinogenic, toxic to reproduction or in other such categories and must be labelled for these hazardous properties.

    Bisphenol A: a case study

    Bisphenol A (BPA) exemplifies REACH’s impact. In 2017, Germany initiated an evaluation of BPA, resulting in its classification as a reprotoxic substance under the EU’s Classification, Labelling and Packaging (CLP) regulation. BPA was also identified as an SVHC due to its endocrine-disrupting properties, which pose risks to human health and the environment.

    Although these various management measures have faced legal challenges from industry, including through appeals, all have been upheld. They have proven effective, as highlighted by a European Environment Agency (EEA) report showing that BPA concentrations in Europeans’ urine are decreasing, in contrast to other bisphenols.

    The role of ANSES

    ANSES plays a key role in implementing the EU’s REACH regulation, supporting French authorities in managing chemical risks. Among its responsibilities, ANSES can identify a substance as an SVHC, preparing dossiers that can lead to these substances being added to Annex XIV of REACH. Once listed, the substances are restricted, and their use is only allowed if the European Commission specifically authorises it. Such authorisations are granted when it’s proven that the risks are controlled or the socioeconomic benefits outweigh them.

    Before a substance is included in Annex XIV, it must first be identified as an SVHC. This step is aimed at encouraging the gradual replacement of these hazardous chemicals with safer alternatives, protecting both human health and the environment.

    ANSES also prepares restriction dossiers, evaluating the socioeconomic impact of limiting or banning substances that pose unacceptable risks. These restrictions can apply to chemicals in their pure form, in mixtures, or within products.

    Additionally, ANSES produces harmonised classification dossiers for chemicals like carcinogens, mutagens, and reproductive and respiratory sensitizers, for instance. Once included in Annex VI of the CLP regulation, industries must label their products accordingly, alerting users – especially workers – about potential hazards and ensuring proper precautions are taken.

    Room for improvement

    Despite improvements, the REACH regulation still faces significant challenges. Many industries, and particularly smaller companies, struggle to comply due to the high cost of registration. In 2018, the German Federal Institute for Risk Assessment (BfR) reported that 31% of chemical substances produced in or imported into the EU in quantities over 1,000 tonnes per year failed to meet REACH requirements.

    In response, ECHA has enhanced its chemical data management, but industries remain unsatisfied, accusing ECHA of pushing for classifications or requesting new tests without robust toxicological justifications. These requests often aim to address data gaps in industry-provided dossiers while minimising animal testing.

    REACH’s main limitation is its dependence on industry-submitted data to evaluate chemical risks. These data can be incomplete, outdated or missing, forcing regulators to request additional information, which delays risk assessments and decision-making.

    Consequently, the evaluation of substances and review of authorisation requests are often slow, delaying the entry of safer, innovative chemicals. Many potentially hazardous substances remain on the market without adequate regulation, a persistent concern from a public health standpoint.

    A revision of REACH is expected to streamline processes, improve efficiency and impose stricter penalties on non-compliant industries, potentially revoking their REACH registration numbers. This would prevent the sale of substances without the necessary data.

    These changes align with the European Commission’s strategy for a toxic-free environment under the European Green Deal. However, there is concern that lobbying could undermine this vital regulation, a global standard in chemical safety.

    Despite its complexities, REACH remains a critical safeguard for European public health and environmental protection.

    Johanna Berneron ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

    – ref. How does REACH, the EU regulation governing chemical substances, work? – https://theconversation.com/how-does-reach-the-eu-regulation-governing-chemical-substances-work-241931

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Abortion and marijuana ballot measures may bring out Florida Democrats, but the GOP has 1M more active voters in the Sunshine State

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel A. Smith, Professor of Political Science, University of Florida

    Could ballot initiatives bring more Democrats to the polls in Florida? Jeffrey Greenberg/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    The number of voters registered as Democrats has tumbled in recent years in Florida, effectively removing the Sunshine State as a battleground and placing it firmly in the red column.

    At least that’s the dominant narrative found in many media outlets. And it is true that Republican Donald Trump won the state in both 2016 and 2020.

    Still, Nikki Fried, the Florida Democratic party chair, thinks Florida Democrats are making a “clear resurgence.”

    Buoyed by broad support for two statewide initiatives on the ballot – the legalization of recreational marijuana and the establishment of a constitutional right to abortion up to viability – Fried is predicting robust turnout of Democratic voters this November despite concerns hurricanes Helene and Milton may suppress turnout.

    Fried suggests that Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris and Democratic U.S. Senate nominee Debbie Mucarsel-Powell will benefit from the two hot issues on the ballot. A ban on most abortions after six weeks went into effect in Florida on May 1, 2024, with the state Supreme Court at the same time deciding to put the issue to voters.

    The marijuana ballot measure looks likely to pass, while support for the abortion access measure is more uncertain. But the point is that these are the types of issues that bring Democrats – and unaffiliated voters – out to the polls.

    I’ve written extensively on direct democracy and Florida politics. My research shows how ballot measures can have what I call “educative effects,” not only bolstering turnout but also priming voters to choose candidates who support the same initiatives they do.

    This goes a long way to explain Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis’ efforts to thwart both measures, going so far as to use taxpayers’ dollars to oppose the abortion amendment.

    Florida’s abortion amendment needs to pass with 60% of the vote, so turnout is key.
    Rebecca Blackwell/AP Photo

    Active voters

    But Fried and the Democrats face a major hurdle – a widening voter registration gap – as Florida Republicans are quick to point out. Over the past several years, the GOP steadily narrowed the Democratic Party’s lead in voter registrations in the Sunshine State, finally surpassing Democrats’ plurality of active registered voters in 2021.

    Fried thinks the widening gap between registered Republicans and Democrats is a mirage. She claims that the Republican advantage is an artifact of a shift in state law that more aggressively reclassifies voters as being “inactive” if they don’t vote in two general election cycles or keep their information on file with local supervisors of elections.

    There is no question that the law, which went into effect in 2022, has deflated Democratic registration numbers. Here are the stats.

    According to the Florida secretary of state’s website, updated on Oct. 7, 2024, there are more than 1 million more registered Republicans (5,455,480) than Democrats (4,400,561) in Florida, followed by no party affiliation (3,584,982) and those registered with minor parties (404,890). That is, Republicans appear to account for more than 39% of registered voters in the Sunshine State, while Democrats make up less than 32%.

    However, the numbers posted on Florida’s official website, which amount to nearly 13.7 million registered voters, are misleading: They tally only active voters in the state.

    There are more than 2.5 million inactive voters on the rolls as of Aug. 1, 2024, according to my calculation of publicly available raw voter files. This brings the total number of registered voters in Florida to more than 16 million people.

    Inactive and unaffiliated voters

    Inactive registered voters have every right to cast ballots just like active voters. The main difference between the two groups is that inactive voters didn’t vote in 2020 or 2022.

    There are hundreds of thousands more inactive Democrats and unaffiliated voters than Republicans on the rolls. This is likely the result of lackluster campaigns in the state for Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden in 2020 and for Democratic gubernatorial candidate Charlie Crist in 2022. Uninspired Democrats and unaffiliated voters didn’t show up to the polls, particularly in 2022.

    Currently, according to the publicly available Florida voter rolls, there are over 900,000 inactive Democrats and over 921,000 inactive unaffiliated voters, compared with fewer than 643,000 inactive Republicans. So, while Republicans account for 39% of active voters, they account for only 25% of inactive voters.

    To sharpen the point: 1 in 10 Republicans are currently inactive, whereas nearly 2 in 5 of all registered Democrats and more than 1 in 5 unaffiliated voters in Florida are inactive. These inactive voters tend not to receive the same attention from parties and groups trying to mobilize registered voters to the polls.

    There’s no question that the fortunes of the Florida Democratic Party have tumbled over the past decade. Twelve years ago, just prior to the 2012 general election, Democrats accounted for 40% of all active registered voters. It’s been a sharp decline down to 32%.

    But the difference has not been made up by Republicans. From 2012 to 2024, the share of active voters registered as Republicans increased by only 3 percentage points, from 36% to 39%.

    The biggest increase in the share of active voters over the same period is with unaffiliated voters, whose share jumped 5 percentage points, from less than 21% in 2012 to 26% in 2024. These unaffiliated voters in Florida tend to be younger and Hispanic, many of whom likely have been turned off by the toxic political landscape in the state.

    But back to the November election and Fried’s prognostications.

    Will the two statewide ballot measures – Amendment 3 on recreational marijuana and Amendment 4 on reproductive rights – offset the rise in Republican voter registration in Florida? Is the sizable lead of Republican active voters a mirage, only to disappear as Election Day nears?

    It will come down to turnout and whether inactive Democratic and unaffiliated voters’ support for Amendment 3 and Amendment 4 primes them to back the Democratic ticket.

    Daniel A. Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Abortion and marijuana ballot measures may bring out Florida Democrats, but the GOP has 1M more active voters in the Sunshine State – https://theconversation.com/abortion-and-marijuana-ballot-measures-may-bring-out-florida-democrats-but-the-gop-has-1m-more-active-voters-in-the-sunshine-state-239538

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Misinformation is more than just bad facts: How and why people spread rumors is key to understanding how false information travels and takes root

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kate Starbird, Professor of Human Centered Design & Engineering, University of Washington

    Spreading rumors is problematic but understandable. H. Armstrong Roberts/ClassicStock/Archive Photos via Getty Images

    On Sept. 20, 2024, a newspaper in Montana reported an issue with ballots provided to overseas voters registered in the state: Kamala Harris was not on the ballot. Election officials were able to quickly remedy the problem but not before accusations began to spread online, primarily among Democrats, that the Republican secretary of state had purposefully left Harris off the ballot.

    This false rumor emerged from a common pattern: Some people view evidence such as good-faith errors in election administration through a mindset of elections being untrustworthy or “rigged,” leading them to misinterpret that evidence.

    As the U.S. approaches another high-stakes and contentious election, concerns about the pervasive spread of falsehoods about election integrity are again front of mind. Some election experts worry that false claims may be mobilized – as they were in 2020 – into efforts to contest the election through tactics such as lawsuits, protests, disruptions to vote-counting and pressure on election officials to not certify the election.

    Our team at the University of Washington has studied online rumors and misinformation for more than a decade. Since 2020, we have focused on rapid analysis of falsehoods about U.S. election administration, from sincere confusion about when and where to vote to intentional efforts to sow distrust in the process. Our motivations are to help quickly identify emerging rumors about election administration and analyze the dynamics of how these rumors take shape and spread online.

    Through the course of this research we have learned that despite all the discussion about misinformation being a problem of bad facts, most misleading election rumors stem not from false or manipulated evidence but from misinterpretations and mischaracterizations. In other words, the problem is not just about bad facts but also faulty frames, or the mental structures people rely on to interpret those facts.

    Misinformation may not be the best label for addressing the problem – it’s more an issue of how people make sense of the world, how that sensemaking process is shaped by social, political and informational dynamics, and how it begets rumors that can lead people to a false understanding of events.

    Rumors – not misinformation

    There is a long history of research on rumors going back to World War II and earlier. From this perspective, rumors are unverified stories, spreading through informal channels that serve informational, psychological and social purposes. We are applying this knowledge to the study of online falsehoods.

    Though many rumors are false, some turn out to be true or partially true. Even when false, rumors can contain useful indications of real confusions or fears within a community.

    Rumors can be seen as a natural byproduct of collective sensemaking – that is, efforts by groups of well-meaning people to make sense of uncertain and ambiguous information during dynamic events. But rumors can also emerge from propaganda and disinformation campaigns that lead people to misinterpret or mischaracterize their own and others’ experiences.

    University of Washington’s Kate Starbird explains rumors as collective sensemaking.

    Evidence, frames and (mis)interpretations

    Prior research describes collective sensemaking as a process of interactions between evidence and frames. Evidence includes the things people see, read and hear in the world. Frames are mental schema that shape how people interpret that evidence.

    The relationship between evidence and frames flows in two directions. When people encounter novel events or new evidence, they try to select the best frame from their mental filing cabinets. The selected frame then determines what evidence they focus on and what evidence they exclude in their interpretations. This evidence-frame view of collective sensemaking can help researchers understand rumors and disinformation.

    Everyone has their own ways of interpreting events based on their unique experiences. But your frames are not yours alone. Frames are shaped, sometimes intentionally, by information from media, political leaders, communities, colleagues, friends, neighbors and family. Framing – the process of using, building, reinforcing, adapting, challenging and updating frames – can be a deliberate strategy of political communication.

    Frames play a role in generating rumors, shaping how people interpret emerging events and novel evidence. False rumors occur when sensemaking goes awry, often due to people focusing on the wrong piece of evidence or applying the wrong frame. And disinformation, from this perspective, is the intentional manipulation of the sensemaking process, either by introducing false evidence or distorting the frames through which people interpret that evidence.

    In 2020, we saw these dynamics at work in a rumor about Sharpie pens in Arizona. In the lead-up to the election, President Donald Trump and his allies repeatedly alleged that the election would be rigged – setting a powerful frame for his followers. When voters noted that the Sharpie pens provided by election officials were bleeding through their ballots, many interpreted their experiences through the frame of a “rigged election” and became concerned that their ballots would not be counted.

    A Maricopa County, Arizona, election worker counts ballots in the 2020 election as false rumors that Sharpie pens were ruining ballots spread online.
    AP Photo/Matt York

    Some people shared those experiences online, where they were soon amplified and given meaning by others, including online influencers. Concerns and suspicions grew. Soon, members of Trump’s family were repeating false claims that the bleed-through was systematically disenfranchising Republican voters. The effect was circular and mutually reinforcing. The strategic frame inspired misinterpretations of evidence – real bleed-through falsely seen as affecting ballot counting – that were shared and amplified, strengthening the frame.

    Social media sensemaking

    Collective sensemaking is increasingly taking place online, where it is profoundly shaped by social media platforms, from features such as repost and like buttons to algorithmic recommendations to the connections between accounts.

    Not so long ago, many people hoped that the internet would democratize information flows by removing the historical gatekeepers of information and disrupting their ability to set the agenda – and the frames – of conversation. But the gatekeepers have not been erased; they have been replaced. A group of newsbrokering influencers have taken their place, in part by gaming the ways online systems manipulate attention.

    Many of these influencers work by systematically seeking out and amplifying content that aligns with prevailing political frames set by elites in politics and media. This gives creators the incentive to produce content that resonates with those frames, because that content tends to be rewarded with attention, the primary commodity of social media.

    These dynamics were at work in February 2024, when an aspiring creator produced a man-on-the-street video interviewing migrants to the U.S. that was selectively edited and captioned to falsely claim to show undocumented migrants planning to vote illegally in U.S. elections. This resonated with two prominent frames: the same rigged-election frame from 2020 and another that framed immigration as harmful to the U.S.

    The video was shared across multiple platforms and exploded in views after being amplified by a series of accounts with large followings on X, formerly Twitter. X CEO Elon Musk commented with an exclamation point on one post with the embedded video. The creator soon found himself on Fox News. He currently has hundreds of thousands of followers on TikTok and Instagram and continues to produce similar content.

    Interactions between influencers and online audiences result in content that fits strategic frames. Emerging events provide new evidence that people can twist to fit prevailing frames, both intentionally and unintentionally. Rumors are the byproducts of this process, and online attention dynamics fuel their spread.

    Collective sensemaking and election 2024

    Heading into the 2024 election, false and misleading claims about election integrity remain widespread. Our team has tracked more than 100 distinct rumors since the beginning of September. The machinery for quickly converting perceived evidence from elections into widely shared rumors and conspiracy theories is increasingly well oiled.

    Experts discuss election integrity and efforts to undermine voter confidence.

    One concerning development is an increase in so-called election integrity organizations that seek to recruit volunteers who share the rigged-election frame. The groups aim to provide volunteers with tools to streamline the collection and amplification of evidence to support the rigged-election frame.

    One worry is that these volunteers may misinterpret what they see and hear on Election Day, generating additional rumors and false claims about election integrity that reinforce that increasingly distorted frame. Another is that these false claims will feed lawsuits and other attempts to contest election results.

    However, we hope that by shedding light on some of these dynamics, we can help researchers, journalists, election officials and other decision-makers better diagnose and respond to rumors about election integrity in this cycle. Most importantly, we believe that this collective sensemaking lens can help us all to both empathize with well-meaning people who get caught up in sharing false rumors and see how propagandists manipulate these processes for their gain.

    Kate Starbird receives funding from the National Science Foundation, Knight Foundation, Hewlett Foundation, and Craig Newmark Philanthropies.

    Stephen Prochaska has received funding from the National Science Foundation, Knight Foundation, and Hewlett Foundation.

    – ref. Misinformation is more than just bad facts: How and why people spread rumors is key to understanding how false information travels and takes root – https://theconversation.com/misinformation-is-more-than-just-bad-facts-how-and-why-people-spread-rumors-is-key-to-understanding-how-false-information-travels-and-takes-root-241748

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Simple science summaries written by AI help people understand research and trust scientists

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By David Markowitz, Associate Professor of Communication, Michigan State University

    Smoothing out the complexity can help with comprehension. kislev/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Artificial intelligence-generated summaries of scientific papers make complex information more understandable for the public compared with human-written summaries, according to my recent paper published in PNAS Nexus. AI-generated summaries not only improved public comprehension of science but also enhanced how people perceived scientists.

    I used a popular large language model, GPT-4 by OpenAI, to create simple summaries of scientific papers; this kind of text is often called a significance statement. The AI-generated summaries used simpler language – they were easier to read according to a readability index and used more common words, like “job” instead of “occupation” – than summaries written by the researchers who had done the work.

    In one experiment, I found that readers of the AI-generated statements had a better understanding of the science, and they provided more detailed, accurate summaries of the content than readers of the human-written statements.

    I also investigated what effects the simpler summaries might have on people’s perceptions of the scientists who performed the research. In this experiment, participants rated the scientists whose work was described in the simpler texts as more credible and trustworthy than the scientists whose work was described in the more complex texts.

    In both experiments, participants did not know who wrote each summary. The simpler texts were always AI-generated, and the complex texts were always human-generated. When I asked participants who they believed wrote each summary, they ironically thought the more complex ones were written by AI and simpler ones were written by humans.

    It can feel like you need a Ph.D. to understand science research published in a journal.
    R.Tsubin/Moment via Getty Images

    Why it matters

    Have you ever read about a scientific discovery and felt like it was written in a foreign language? If you’re like most Americans, new scientific information is probably hard to understand – especially if you try to tackle a science article in a research journal.

    In an era where scientific literacy is crucial for informed decision-making, the abilities to communicate and grasp complex ideas are more important than ever. Trust in science has been declining for years, and one contributing factor may be the challenge of understanding scientific jargon.

    This research points to a potential solution: using AI to simplify science communication. By making scientific content more approachable, this work demonstrates that AI-generated summaries may help to restore trust in scientists and, in turn, encourage greater public engagement with scientific issues. The question of trust is particularly important, as people often rely on science in their daily lives, from eating habits to medical choices.

    What still isn’t known

    As AI continues to evolve, its role in science communication may expand, especially if using generative AI becomes more commonplace or sanctioned by journals. Indeed, the academic publishing field is still establishing norms regarding the use of AI. By simplifying scientific writing, AI could contribute to more engagement with complex issues.

    While the benefits of AI-generated science communication are perhaps clear, ethical considerations must also be considered. There is some risk that relying on AI to simplify scientific content may remove nuance, potentially leading to misunderstandings or oversimplifications. There’s always the chance of errors, too, if no one pays close attention.

    Additionally, transparency is critical. Readers should be informed when AI is used to generate summaries to avoid potential biases.

    Simple science descriptions are preferable to and more beneficial than complex ones, and AI tools can help. But scientists could also achieve the same goals by working harder to minimize jargon and communicate clearly – no AI necessary.

    David Markowitz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Simple science summaries written by AI help people understand research and trust scientists – https://theconversation.com/simple-science-summaries-written-by-ai-help-people-understand-research-and-trust-scientists-241105

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Fighting antibiotic resistance at the source – using machine learning to identify bacterial resistance genes and the drugs to block them

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Abdullahi Tunde Aborode, Mississippi State University

    Current methods of identifying resistance mutations in microbes can miss other ways resistance can develop. koto_feja/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Antibiotic resistance is a growing public health problem around the world. When bacteria like E. coli no longer respond to antibiotics, infections become harder to treat.

    To develop new antibiotics, researchers typically identify the genes that make bacteria resistant. Through laboratory experiments, they observe how bacteria respond to different antibiotics and look for mutations in the genetic makeup of resistant strains that allow them to survive.

    While effective, this method can be time-consuming and may not always capture the full picture of how bacteria become resistant. For example, changes in how genes work that don’t involve mutations can still influence resistance. Bacteria can also exchange resistance genes between each other, which may not be detected if only focusing on mutations within a single strain.

    My colleagues and I developed a new approach to identify E. coli resistance genes by computer modeling, allowing us to design new compounds that can block these genes and make existing treatments more effective.

    Identifying resistance

    To predict which genes contribute to resistance, we analyzed the genomes of various E. coli strains to identify genetic patterns and markers associated with resistance. We then used machine learning algorithms trained on existing data to highlight novel genes or mutations shared across resistant strains that might contribute to resistance.

    E. coli is one of many bacterial species developing resistance to common antibiotics.
    National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases/National Institutes of Health via Flickr, CC BY-NC

    After identifying resistance genes, we designed inhibitors that specifically target and block the proteins these genes produce. By analyzing the structure of the proteins these genes code for, we were able to optimize our inhibitors to strongly bind to these specific proteins.

    To reduce the likelihood that bacteria would evolve resistance to these inhibitors, we targeted regions of their genome that code for proteins critical to their survival. By interfering with how bacteria carry out important functions, it makes it more difficult for them to develop mechanisms to compensate. We also prioritized compounds that work differently from existing antibiotics to minimize cross-resistance.

    Finally, we tested how effectively our inhibitors could overcome antibiotic resistance in E. coli. We used computer simulations to assess how strongly a number of inhibitors bind to target proteins over time. One inhibitor called hesperidin was able to strongly bind to the three genes in E. coli involved in resistance that we identified, suggesting it may be able to help combat antibiotic-resistant strains.

    A global threat

    The World Health Organization ranks antimicrobial resistance as one of the top 10 threats to global health. In 2019, bacterial antibiotic resistance killed an estimated 4.95 million people worldwide.

    By targeting the specific genes responsible for resistance to existing drugs, our approach could lead to treatments for challenging bacterial infections that are not only more effective but also less likely to contribute to further resistance. It can also help researchers keep up with bacterial threats as they evolve.

    Some microbes can transfer resistance to other microbes.

    Our predictive approach could be adapted to other bacterial strains, allowing for more personalized treatment strategies. In the future, doctors could potentially tailor antibiotic treatments based on the specific genetic makeup of the bacteria causing the infection, potentially leading to better outcomes.

    As antibiotic resistance continues to rise globally, our findings may provide a crucial tool in the fight against this threat. Further development is needed before our methods can be used in the clinic. But by staying ahead of bacterial evolution, targeted inhibitors could help preserve the efficacy of existing antibiotics and reduce the spread of resistant strains.

    Nothing to disclose.

    – ref. Fighting antibiotic resistance at the source – using machine learning to identify bacterial resistance genes and the drugs to block them – https://theconversation.com/fighting-antibiotic-resistance-at-the-source-using-machine-learning-to-identify-bacterial-resistance-genes-and-the-drugs-to-block-them-237919

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Time to freak out? How the existential terror of hurricanes can fuel climate change denial

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jamie Goldenberg, Professor of Psychology and Area Director, Cognitive, Neuroscience and Social Psychology, University of South Florida

    Hurricane Milton flooded parts of the Tampa Bay region just days after Hurricane Helene made landfall nearby. Bryan R. Smithy/AFP via Getty Images

    As TVs across Florida broadcast the all-too-familiar images of a powerful hurricane headed for the coast in early October 2024, people whose homes had been damaged less than two weeks earlier by Hurricane Helene watched anxiously. Hurricane Milton was rapidly intensifying into a dangerous storm, fueled by the Gulf of Mexico’s record-breaking temperatures.

    Many residents scrambled to evacuate, clogging roads away from the region. Officials urged those near the coast who ignored evacuation warnings to scrawl their names on their arms with indelible ink so their corpses could be identified.

    The two hurricanes were among the most destructive in recent memory. They are also stark reminders of the increasingly extreme weather events that scientists have long warned would be the consequence of human-driven climate change.

    Still, many people deny that climate change is a worsening threat, or that it exists at all. As its impacts grow more visible and destructive, how is this possible?

    Views of Hurricane Milton’s damage across Florida.

    One answer lies in a unique facet of human psychology – specifically, in how people manage the fear aroused by existential threats. For many people, denying the existence of a climate crisis is not only convenient, but may feel psychologically necessary.

    Terror management theory

    The Pulitzer Prize-winning anthropologist Ernest Becker put it this way: “The idea of death, the fear of it, haunts the human animal like nothing else … to overcome it by denying it in some way is the final destiny for man.”

    In plain terms, he was saying that most people struggle to accept their mortality and take pains to distort their perception of reality to avoid confronting it.

    In the 1980s, social psychologists developed “terror management theory,” showing the lengths people go to deny death. Hundreds of experiments have tested its implications. In a common method, participants reflect on their own death, while control groups consider less threatening topics, like dental pain. The key question: What does death awareness do to people?

    After writing about death, people tend to quickly move on, pushing thoughts of it from consciousness with distractions, rationalizations and other tactics. Health care professionals see this every day. For example, people often dodge screenings and diagnostic tests to avoid the frightening possibility of discovering cancer.

    Skidmore College psychologist Sheldon Solomon discusses Ernest Becker’s ‘The Denial of Death’ and terror management theory in the context of humanity’s history of brutal behavior.

    But here’s the rub: Terror management theory suggests that when people are not thinking about death, it nevertheless holds influence. The unconscious mind lingers on the problem even after people have used strategies to quiet the fear by pushing it from awareness.

    Social psychology experiments show that people often cope with the specter of death by attaching themselves to cultural ideologies, such as religious, political or even sports fandom. These worldviews imbue life with meaning, values and purpose. And that can ease the terror of mortality by connecting people to an enduring and comforting web of ideas and beliefs that transcend one’s own existence.

    When people are made aware of death, those systems of meaning become even more critical to their psychological functioning. Existential threats make us cling even tighter to the meaning systems that sustain us.

    Climate denial as a defense mechanism

    Much like a terror management lab experiment – or the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic – natural disasters like hurricanes Helene and Milton trigger death anxiety.

    Rising sea levels, warming oceans and intensifying storms – all tied to global warming fueled by human actions – represent an existential threat.

    From our perspective, it is not surprising that climate-related disasters disappear from the public consciousness almost as soon as they have passed. Google Trends data exemplifies this: Incoming storms instigated an uptick in searches for “climate change” and “global warming” in the days before Hurricane Helene made landfall on Sept. 25, 2024, and Hurricane Milton on Oct. 9, 2024. Then those searches quickly declined as people shifted their focus away from the threat.

    Unfortunately, climate change isn’t going away, no matter how hard anyone tries to deny it.

    While climate denial allows people to protect themselves from feelings of distress, terror management theory suggests that denying death is just the tip of the iceberg. For some people, accepting the reality of climate change would necessitate reevaluating their ideologies.

    Terror management theory predicts that individuals whose ideologies conflict with environmental concerns may ironically double down on those beliefs to psychologically manage the existential threat posed by climate-related disasters. It’s similar to how mortality reminders can lead people to engage in risky behavior, such as smoking or tanning. Hurricanes may reinforce denial and commitment to a worldview that rejects climate change.

    A path forward: Building new worldviews

    Although denial may be a natural psychological response to existential threats, the U.S. may be getting to a point where even deniers can’t ignore the existential threat associated with climate change.

    Again and again, Americans are gobsmacked by the devastation – from hurricanes to severe flooding, wildfires and more.

    A terror management analysis suggests that overcoming this crisis requires weaving a solutions-focused narrative into the ideologies that people rely on for comfort. As psychologists who work on terror management, we believe the fight against climate change should be framed not as an apocalyptic battle that humanity is destined to lose, but as a moral and practical challenge that humanity can collectively overcome.

    Tampa, Florida, meteorologist Denis Phillips had the right idea as the two hurricanes headed for his community: His fact-based social media updates eschew partisan critique, encourage neighbors to support one another and emphasize preparedness and resilience in the face of incoming storms.

    As Milton approached, Phillips told residents to remember his Rule #7: Don’t freak out. That doesn’t mean do nothing – it means evaluate risks without letting emotion interfere, and take action.

    Shifting the narrative from helplessness to collective empowerment and action can help people confront climate change without triggering the existential anxieties that lead to denial – offering a vision for a future that is both secure and personally meaningful.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Time to freak out? How the existential terror of hurricanes can fuel climate change denial – https://theconversation.com/time-to-freak-out-how-the-existential-terror-of-hurricanes-can-fuel-climate-change-denial-242390

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nationalism is not patriotism: 3 insights from Orwell about Trump and the 2024 election

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Mark Satta, Associate Professor of Philosophy and Law, Wayne State University

    Donald Trump hugs an American flag as he arrives at the Conservative Political Action Conference on Feb. 24, 2024, in Baltimore. Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

    Shortly after Donald Trump was inaugurated as president of the United States in January 2017, George Orwell’s 1949 novel “Nineteen Eighty-Four” shot to the top of Amazon’s bestseller list. Apparently, lots of people thought Orwell had something relevant to say in that political moment.

    Nearly eight years later, the United States once again faces the prospect of a Trump presidency.

    In 2016, many Americans were caught off guard by Trump’s win, leading them to grapple with the potential consequences of a Trump presidency only after he was elected. But this time, more people seem to be thinking about the ramifications of such an outcome in advance.

    In my work as a professor of philosophy and law, I’ve spent a lot of time studying Orwell’s writing. I think people were correct eight years ago to conclude that Orwell could provide insight into a Trump presidency.

    Here are three such insights that I think are useful for Americans to keep in mind as they prepare to vote for their next president.

    Trump supporters clash with police and security forces as they try to storm the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, in Washington, D.C.
    Brent Stirton/Getty Images

    Nationalism is not patriotism

    In his 1945 essay “Notes on Nationalism,” Orwell distinguishes between the terms nationalism and patriotism.

    For Orwell, nationalism was “the habit of identifying oneself with a single nation or other unit, placing it beyond good and evil and recognizing no other duty than that of advancing its interests.”

    He was quick to point out that this was distinct from the concept of patriotism, which he defined as “devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life, which one believes to be the best in the world but has no wish to force on other people.”

    To understand Orwell’s conception of patriotism, I find it useful to consider an analogy. Many parents think that their kids are the best kids in the world. This doesn’t mean that they think there are objective metrics that could be used to rank children. Most parents recognize that there is no such thing, and they don’t go around saying other children aren’t as good as theirs. Yet there is still a real sense in which they see their own kids as the very best.

    There is something similar in the attitude of Orwell’s patriot. They may think that their country or their way of life is the best, but – and this may be the most important part – they have no wish to force their views or way of life on others.

    Not so with the nationalist. Orwell claims, “Patriotism is of its nature defensive, both militarily and culturally. Nationalism, on the other hand, is inseparable from the desire for power.” The nationalist is like a parent who goes around tearing other people’s kids down in order to lift theirs up.

    Mere love of country is not inherently dangerous. Making advancement of one’s nation or culture one’s top priority is extremely dangerous. Patriotism sticks to the former. Nationalism goes in for the latter.

    Orwell insightfully recognizes that when the nationalist makes advancement of their way of life their top priority, they inevitably end up placing that goal “beyond good and evil.” This makes the nationalist susceptible to endorsing unethical means for advancing their own way of life.

    A prime example of such a nationalist mentality was Trump’s response to losing the 2020 presidential election. He sought to subvert the election results by lying and by encouraging insurrection.

    Similarly, Trump’s supporters who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6 were embracing a nationalist mentality. They engaged in an unethical means of trying to advance their own political agenda.

    Donald Trump does exactly what Orwell predicts the nationalist will do. He conceptualizes everything, as Orwell put it, “in terms of competitive prestige” and “his thoughts always turn on victories, defeats, triumphs and humiliations.”

    Fixation on competitive prestige is not patriotic. It’s unadulterated nationalism.

    An autocrat is easy to underestimate

    In a 1942 essay written during the middle of World War II and reflecting on his experiences as a volunteer soldier in the Spanish Civil War, Orwell wrote that “our traditions and our past security have given us a sentimental belief that it all comes right in the end and the thing you most fear never really happens,” and that “we believe half-instinctively that evil always defeats itself in the long run.”

    Orwell was worried by these optimistic instincts because he thought they ran counter to the evidence. The evidence, on the contrary, suggested that things typically don’t turn out right on their own. Rather, social improvements normally require concerted effort and vigilance against backsliding.

    In another essay from the same year, Orwell criticized various intellectuals who treated Hitler as “a figure out of comic opera, not worth taking seriously.” And he criticized many English-speaking countries for being places where it was “fashionable to believe, right up to the outbreak of war, that Hitler was an unimportant lunatic and the German tanks made of cardboard.”

    As numerous commentators and news outlets have noted, Trump routinely speaks like an autocrat.

    Yet many Americans excuse such talk, failing to treat it as the evidence of a threat to democracy that it is. This seems to me to be driven in part by the tendency Orwell identified to think that truly bad things won’t happen – at least not in one’s own country.

    Orwell thought it was worth taking the possibility of bad outcomes seriously. This is one way to understand what he was up to in his most famous books, “Animal Farm” and “Nineteen Eighty-Four.” Americans would benefit from taking potential threats to U.S. democracy seriously, too.

    George Orwell, whose writings from the middle of the 20th century have relevance in 2024.
    Ullstein Bild/Getty Images

    Nationalism can attack within

    You can read “Nineteen Eighty-Four” as Orwell’s attempt to think about what a ruling political party completely captured by nationalism might look like.

    In “Nineteen Eighty-Four,” orthodox party members in the fictional nation of Oceania are obsessed with “competitive prestige” and “the desire for power.” Activities such as the Two Minutes Hate, where party members were encouraged to scream and jeer at a video of a political opponent, prompt party members to focus their thoughts on “victories, defeats, triumphs and humiliations.”

    A notable feature of the party is how often it turns on its own members through kidnapping, torture and murder. The occurrence was so frequent in Oceania that it had a name: being “vaporized.” Nationalists are a threat not only to those outside the nation but also to those inside the nation who don’t fully support the nationalist’s pursuit of power at any cost.

    From this perspective, Trump’s threats against those whom he views as “the enemy from within” reveal his own nationalistic desire to turn on Americans who threaten his pursuit of power.

    Orwell’s writing suggests that voters should take such threats seriously.

    Mark Satta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Nationalism is not patriotism: 3 insights from Orwell about Trump and the 2024 election – https://theconversation.com/nationalism-is-not-patriotism-3-insights-from-orwell-about-trump-and-the-2024-election-241883

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: People with blindness and low vision are squeezed by high costs of living − new research

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Zachary Morris, Associate Professor of Social Welfare, Stony Brook University (The State University of New York)

    A young blind man prepares to board a Denver RTD light rail train in 2019. Robert Alexander/GettyImages

    Colin Wong, a blind Ph.D. student, can’t forget having to pay US$100 for an Uber when he needed to take a standardized test. There was no testing center in San Francisco, where he lived, that could accommodate his disability.

    That kind of expensive hassle isn’t unusual. It costs nearly $7,000 more per year to live in the U.S. with his disability, according to research I, a social work scholar, conducted with four experts at the American Foundation for the Blind – a nonprofit dedicated to promoting equality and inclusion for people with blindness or low vision.

    For our research, we looked at survey data from a representative sample of Americans, focusing on how people with visual impairments answered. We considered anyone who said they live with a vision disability – or said that they have a lot of trouble seeing or can’t see at all, even with glasses – as a person with low vision or blindness.

    We calculated that people with blindness or low vision spend, on average, 27% of their household income on expenses related to their disability – about $7,000 per year.

    Low-income Americans with disabilities are shouldering an even bigger burden. The people who took this survey and were earning less than $25,000 per year said they spent about 40% of their income on costs related to their disability, on average, compared with 16% for those with higher incomes.

    That leaves them with less money for other essentials such as food and housing. About 1 in 4 of the people we surveyed said they spent less on food to cover their expenses associated with their disability.

    And about 2 in 3 of the people we surveyed said they frequently go without goods and services they need, including medical care, assistive technologies and transportation to get to school or go to work.

    Why it matters

    Cost-of-living issues rank at the top of all Americans’ concerns, according to a recent Gallup survey. And people with disabilities, including those with physical or mental health conditions, tend to have more trouble making ends meet than the average person.

    That includes the roughly 7 million Americans with blindness or vision loss who are among the more than 1 in 4 people in this country with a disability.

    One reason for the higher costs of living is that people with disabilities tend to incur many other extra expenses, such as spending more on transportation, prepared foods and grocery delivery services. Others struggle to afford the prescription and over-the-counter drugs and supplements they need.

    Politicians and policymakers appear to be paying more attention to this problem, which my research team calls the “disability squeeze.” Vice President Kamala Harris, for example, announced in October 2024 a proposal to expand Medicare to cover the long-term care needs for older adults and people with disabilities.

    Denise Chamberlin and her guide dog, Ridley, emerge from a Toronto subway station.
    AP Photo/Business Wire

    What still isn’t known

    Our survey included 288 people with blindness or low vision. Studies with larger numbers of participants could greatly expand upon what’s known about this problem and what can be done about it.

    Expanding accessible public transit, making assistive technologies more affordable and increasing disability benefits might be enough for some people with disabilities to have an opportunity to thrive, but not for others.

    Future research could shed a brighter light on the cracks in the U.S. health and social welfare systems. For example, researchers could look into why people with health insurance from Medicaid or Medicare told us they had more unmet needs rather than fewer than those with coverage through private insurers. Other studies could examine how the disability squeeze affects the health and employment of people with disabilities over the long term.

    The Research Brief is a short take about interesting academic work.

    Zachary Morris’ research presented here is funded from the National Institute on Disability, Independent Living, and Rehabilitation Research, part of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. The contents of this survey do not necessarily represent the policy of the federal government or any government agency.

    – ref. People with blindness and low vision are squeezed by high costs of living − new research – https://theconversation.com/people-with-blindness-and-low-vision-are-squeezed-by-high-costs-of-living-new-research-241752

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Religion in the workplace is tricky – but employers and employees both lose when it becomes a total taboo

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Christopher P. Scheitle, Associate Professor of Sociology, West Virginia University

    Many offices make a point to celebrate diversity, but what does that look like when it comes to faith? FatCamera/E+ via Getty Images

    Since we spend so much of our lives at our jobs, it’s only natural that conversations with colleagues go beyond the work in front of us. People share interests and hobbies, family struggles, health concerns, and hopes or goals, from the silly to the serious.

    The topic of religion, however, can provoke anxiety. Many people might second what the Muslim CEO of a technology company told us: “If you want to express faith, do it! Just do it on your own time.” Uncertainty surrounding religion’s role in the workplace tends to lead to silence. Even among researchers who study workplaces, religion is often ignored.

    Yet for many people, faith is a core component of their identity – part of the “whole self” that employees are increasingly encouraged to bring to work. It’s an important piece of diversity but one that managers often tiptoe around. And for many Americans, faith is part of why they show up at their job each day: 1 in 5 consider their work a spiritual calling.

    We are social scientists who spent the past five years conducting research on the role of faith at work. Our findings – from more than 15,000 surveys with a nationally representative population, and nearly 300 in-depth interviews with some of those workers – confirm that there are many challenges when religion comes into the workplace. However, the costs of ignoring or suppressing workers’ faith often exceed those risks and challenges.

    Conflict and discrimination

    The most common concern we heard about bringing up religion in the workplace is that it will lead to conflict – including conflict from people trying to change each other’s beliefs. A Catholic woman who works in eldercare told us, “I think we shouldn’t talk about religion at work because that’s when the problems arise. I’m going to defend what I think, and they will defend what they think, their way of being, their religion.”

    Several other people we interviewed also expressed concerns that some forms of religious expression could make people uncomfortable, or even turn into harassment. A nonreligious security guard noted that during Christmas and Easter some of his Christian co-workers will say, “‘God bless,’ ‘Let’s pray,’ and stuff like that. It becomes very uneasy for me, uncomfortable.”

    Asking workers to bottle up their faith when they start the workday may seem like the easiest way to avoid these problems. Some workers we interviewed agreed with this sentiment. As one Muslim federal employee told us, “If I wear my religion as a badge on my shoulder, it will rub somebody the wrong way. So, why do that?”

    What’s more, silence around religion may seem like a neutral request. If no one expresses their faith, after all, then no one can be discriminated against, no one can be offended, and no one is seen as getting special treatment for their religious beliefs.

    Not so neutral

    There are a few problems with this logic, however.

    First, employers are legally required to provide reasonable accommodations tied to workers’ religion. Under most conditions, this includes things such as providing time off for religious observances. It also generally includes accommodating dress and grooming practices tied to one’s religion, such as wearing Sikh turbans or Christian crosses.

    What’s more, vague expectations about not acknowledging faith at work aren’t necessarily so neutral and often tend to disproportionately harm minority groups.

    In our survey, we asked individuals whether they “conceal their religious beliefs at work for fear of others’ perceptions.” Nineteen percent of Jewish workers, 51% of Hindus, 29% of Muslims and 28% of Buddhists said they did. By contrast, only 9% of evangelical Protestants, 15% of nonevangelical Protestants and 13% of Catholics reported that they conceal their faith at work.

    A Jewish project manager at an engineering firm told us how she has tried to conceal her faith from others: “The times that I did have to pray, I actually walked outside into a closed corner in the hallway to do it.”

    In the same survey, we asked individuals if they “have been treated unfairly” at work due to their “religion or non-religion.” Overall, 31% of U.S. adults agreed, and such experiences are most common among Muslim and Jewish workers.

    One Muslim woman we interviewed described how her colleagues made life extremely difficult for her, calling her names that were derisive, and said she’s received little support from her employer. Indeed, during one meeting her boss “got up and talked a lot about me being Muslim, and it was all negative.”

    Satisfaction and belonging

    Whether their co-workers or managers like it, many U.S. adults do see their work and faith as interwoven.

    One of our surveys, for example, asked workers whether they “turn to faith for support through stressful times in their work life.” Nearly half agreed.

    For many Americans, faith is also part of why they do their work in the first place. According to another one of our surveys, 20% of U.S. adults “see their work as a spiritual calling.” This percentage is higher among certain groups, such as evangelical Protestants and Muslims: 33% and 30%, respectively. Viewing work in spiritual terms is also more likely among women, at 24%, and Black workers, at 31%.

    And it is not just workers in explicitly religious jobs who view their work this way. One marine biologist explained to us, “I think that all truth is from God and, as a scientist, I try to understand and reveal the truth of how the world works.”

    Importantly, our research finds that individuals who feel a sense of spiritual connection to their work report greater job satisfaction, find more meaning in their work and better manage negative experiences they encounter in the workplace.

    Social science research has found that people’s well-being, social interactions and performance are harmed when they feel the need to suppress an important part of themselves within a group or organization. In other words, everyone suffers when individuals are not allowed to bring their whole selves to work.

    Welcome at work

    Despite such evidence, our research finds that many organizations are not taking even basic steps to accommodate individuals’ religious lives.

    In one survey, we asked workers whether their “workplace provides accommodations that allow people to practice their religion.” Almost one-fifth of workers disagreed. This percentage was highest among Muslim workers: 54%.

    Workers appreciate when their employers take active steps to let employees know that religious accommodations are available and that religious expression in general is not forbidden. Having upfront conversations about what is or is not appropriate – not only legally but socially – can go a long way toward setting boundaries.

    A Muslim optometry technician we interviewed, for example, recounted how appreciative she was when her boss told her, “If you ever do prayers or anything, feel free to go to that room – it can be your space, you can leave your mat in there.”

    Ideally, however, organizations would take active steps to establish and communicate policies to all employees, rather than reacting to situations as they arise.

    While we recognize the challenges when it comes to addressing individuals’ faith in the workplace, proactively engaging in conversations about the appropriate role of religion at work is better for workers and workplaces.

    Christopher P. Scheitle receives funding from the National Science Foundation and the John Templeton Foundation.

    Denise Daniels receives funding from the Lilly Endowment.

    Elaine Howard Ecklund receives funding from the Templeton Religion Trust and the Lilly Endowment.

    – ref. Religion in the workplace is tricky – but employers and employees both lose when it becomes a total taboo – https://theconversation.com/religion-in-the-workplace-is-tricky-but-employers-and-employees-both-lose-when-it-becomes-a-total-taboo-239996

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the presidential candidates have done − and where they stand − on education

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Robert Shand, Assistant Professor of Education, American University

    Donald Trump and Kamala Harris present dueling platforms for U.S. education. Getty Images

    When it comes to education policy, former President Donald Trump and Vice President Kamala Harris not only have mostly distinct visions but also distinct track records.

    Harris is calling for a wider role for the federal government and larger investment to improve educational opportunities. Trump is focused on reducing the federal role in education and relying upon states, localities and parents to make educational decisions and investments.

    At the same time, there are some commonalities, including the growing importance of career and technical education. What follows is a review of what the two candidates have done in the world of education while in office.

    On higher education

    The candidates share a concern about the high cost of higher education. But they have different visions for how to address those costs. As California’s attorney general, Harris secured a US$1.1 billion judgment against Corinthian Colleges for false advertising. The judgment provides refunds for students who were misled by claims about job placement rates, program offerings and military affiliations.

    Whereas Harris has pursued for-profit colleges for fraud, Trump has focused on promoting innovation by reducing regulation and expanding alternatives to traditional higher education. This includes making it easier for online, faith-based and for-profit institutions to be accredited.

    As part of the Biden administration, Harris has pursued student loan debt forgiveness. She has also strongly signaled her support for expanding access to the Public Service Loan Forgiveness program. This follows her having co-sponsored legislation for debt-free college as a United States senator.

    The administration has faced challenges to the constitutionality of the loan forgiveness initiative on the grounds that the president does not have the authority under present law to unilaterally cancel debt. Opponents have also said any debt forgiveness would have to be authorized by Congress. Critics say further that loan forgiveness does not address the root causes of rising costs of higher education. Loan forgiveness could cause further price increases if institutions thought that students would care less about the cost of college in anticipation of having their debt forgiven.

    Trump created two entities to advise the federal government on workforce development and training needs: a council of federal officials and an advisory board of business leaders.

    In 2019, Trump signed a bipartisan bill to make permanent $250 million in annual federal funding for Historically Black Colleges and Universities, or HBCUs, that was previously subject to annual renewal.

    Harris has called for reducing degree requirements for federal jobs. She also promoted job training programs as an alternative to incarceration in her Back on Track initiative as attorney general of California from 2011 to 2017.

    As attorney general and then a U.S. senator from California, she called for greater oversight of advertising by for-profit colleges and debt forgiveness for former students of for-profit colleges. She also supported expanding federal aid to public and nonprofit colleges, including free community colleges and large grants to HBCUs.

    On K-12 education

    The 2024 Trump campaign platform calls for sweeping changes to K-12 education policy. This includes universal school choice and more parental control over schools, which would entail allowing parents across the country to use educational funds to pay for private school through vouchers or tax credits if they chose. It also features a drastically reduced federal role in education. In fact, Trump wants to eliminate the U.S. Department of Education. Many of these plans, such as direct election of school principals by parents, are unlikely to come to fruition due to the fact that schools in the United States are mainly under state and local control.

    Under the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, Trump expanded college savings 529 plans to allow parents to save up to $10,000 per year tax-free for K-12 private school tuition.

    While president, Trump made several other proposals that could foreshadow his future plans. These proposals include creating a $5 billion federal tax credit for private school tuition, cutting the budget for the U.S. Department of Education in annual budget requests and turning the Title I allocation for supplemental services for students in poverty, such as smaller classes or tutoring, into a block grant to states.

    The Biden administration has sought to expand federal funding for full-service community schools.
    Full-service community schools are public schools that receive additional funding and staffing to help address the academic needs of students as well as factors outside of school, such as access to health care and healthy food, that affect learning.

    The Biden administration also expanded Title IX gender discrimination protections to include sexual orientation and gender identity.

    As a candidate for the presidential nomination in 2019, Vice President Harris also called for federal funding to provide teachers with an average of a $13,500 raise, though she has not made a similar call in this campaign.

    As California attorney general, Harris made reducing chronic absenteeism a signature issue when she led the In School and On Track anti-truancy initiative. This initiative included additional funding to districts and schools to use data to better understand and monitor absenteeism and to communicate with parents about the importance of school attendance.

    The data and communication-focused approach was an evolution from her initial approach as San Francisco district attorney, which placed more emphasis on prosecuting parents for truancy.

    On early childhood learning

    Neither Trump nor Harris has a significant record of tangible actions when it comes to early childhood education. Project 2025, which Trump has disavowed but was written by close allies of the former president, calls for eliminating Head Start, a federally funded, locally run, early childhood learning program to support low-income families.

    Although Trump made several similar proposals to cut funding for the Child Care and Development Block Grant by about 5%, they were not passed into law by Congress.

    Harris has made calls for free, universal prekindergarten for all 4-year-olds, but the Biden administration was not able to get its early childhood proposals through Congress.

    More recent studies of some universal pre-K programs have raised questions about how long the academic gains from early childhood programs persist. On net, however, the evidence from the highest-quality studies for high-quality early childhood programs in general, and the Head Start program in particular, suggests that they improve cognitive skills among children.

    Robert Shand does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What the presidential candidates have done − and where they stand − on education – https://theconversation.com/what-the-presidential-candidates-have-done-and-where-they-stand-on-education-239555

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Scholar’s new rap album seeks to turn the tables on the ‘masters’ from the Old South

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By A.D. Carson, Associate Professor of Hip-Hop, University of Virginia

    Could the path to the Ph.D. run through the recording studio? Ratchapon Supprasert via iStock / Getty Images Plus

    Usually when a rap artist comes out with a new album, it’s released by a record label as part of their career as an entertainer. For Dr. A.D. Carson, a professor of hip-hop at the University of Virginia, his latest album – “Owning My Masters (Mastered): The Rhetorics of Rhymes & Revolutions” – represents a capstone in his academic career.

    Published and released in October 2024 by University of Michigan Press, the album and digital archive features two volumes of hip-hop music, an annotated timeline, several videos and a digital book. The album – originally submitted to Clemson University in South Carolina as Carson’s doctoral dissertation – has been mastered. In the following interview with The Conversation U.S., Carson explains the significance of the project and what it means for hip-hop in the world of academe.

    ‘Owning My Masters’ seems like a deep play on words. Is it?

    Yes. The Latin word “magister” was used to describe a master or teacher in ancient Rome. I earned a master’s degree before enrolling in my doctoral program, so I own that. People probably know that the final step in the process of composing an album is called mastering. In that process, a master version of the recording is created. This is what gets duplicated and released on streaming services, vinyl or whatever way you receive music.

    It’s not always guaranteed that an artist owns the rights to those recordings, but I own all of my music.

    Also, the album was written in South Carolina at Clemson University, which is located on a former plantation owned by the slaveholding U.S. politician John C. Calhoun. Buildings there are named for people who had owned, enslaved and trafficked people; fought in the Civil War to preserve the right to traffic people; and lynched Black people. Earning a terminal degree from a place with that kind of reprehensible history seemed like a way to figuratively own those so-called slave masters and so-called masters and teachers.

    Who is your audience for this album?

    I’m always thinking about multiple audiences. For lovers of hip-hop, the album demonstrates the power and promise I feel listening to albums that have influenced me. For academics, I believe it is the future of research. Academic credentials have been used by folks to perpetuate the idea that expertise looks and sounds a certain way, and this project infiltrates that system to disprove that idea.

    If you’re interested in learning about hip-hop, academia and how arguments are made, the album can be instructive, challenging, entertaining and educational.

    The album had to pass through a doctoral dissertation defense committee and then academic peer review. But before then, I posted drafts on SoundCloud to get feedback from regular folks who use that site to listen to new music.

    What kind of themes does the album address?

    My Ph.D. is in rhetorics, communication and information designs, so it’s also about rap rhetorics – including emphasis on the local and how hip-hop can preserve information like histories and counter-histories.

    Since I had moved to Clemson, and was feeling anxiety about leaving home in Illinois, I wrote “Dissertation (Part 1: The Introduction)” early on in the process. And because I lived in that South Carolina college town, “See the Stripes” is a song about Clemson’s history and its present. The song and its video moved through Clemson’s communities, but then, as protests were happening on campuses across the world, it found national and global audiences with whom the subject matter resonates. When students were finally able to get Calhoun’s name removed from the honors college in 2020, they acknowledged their work was continuing efforts since “See the Stripes.”

    More generally, the album is about form and content. With its form, it demonstrates knowledge production using hip-hop creative and compositional practice. The contents interrogate ideas of home, history, historical imagination, citizenship, political contradictions, race and humanness.

    The album is presented in chronological order from the time I arrived on campus in 2013 until I finished my coursework and submitted the 34-song project to my dissertation committee.

    Owning My Masters (Mastered) Vol. One by A.D. Carson

    Owning My Masters (Mastered) Vol. Two by A.D. Carson

    How would you measure its success?

    I would say earning a Ph.D., earning tenure and having the album count as my academic work qualify as success. Those are things that sound kind of selfish, but I think are incredibly significant for hip-hop and for the ways we think about expertise and success in the culture.

    To me, success is being able to make a living creating challenging and thought-provoking music that doesn’t have to abide by traditional notions of success like sales charts or commercial music awards. I also measure success by the inquiries and applications of students who want to do similar kinds of critical thinking and making. When those people are able to launch and sustain careers, that’s a measure of success in my eyes as well.

    Why haven’t we seen more albums in academia?

    Change in academia comes at a glacial pace, it seems.

    Audiences associate expertise, especially regarding subjects that are considered academic, with how people have demonstrated their understanding of the matters in writing, like traditional theses, dissertations, books and essays. I believe this is connected to the histories in the U.S. that link credibility with formal education and literacy. This is difficult to separate from the history of Black folks being legally prohibited from learning to read.

    While music has long been one of the ways information is recorded and passed from one generation to the next, in my experience, music itself is still not taken as seriously as a form of scholarship as writing books or essays about music.

    These previously excluded forms of scholarship can change the ways people regard academia. In my mind, music sits alongside other scholarly forms that emphasize academic prose. I believe universities should make space and resources available for students to explore it the same way. More generally, I think citing more albums as scholarship – the same way journal articles and academic monographs are cited – would also be transformative.

    A.D. Carson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Scholar’s new rap album seeks to turn the tables on the ‘masters’ from the Old South – https://theconversation.com/scholars-new-rap-album-seeks-to-turn-the-tables-on-the-masters-from-the-old-south-241895

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The ‘Courage Tour’ is attempting to get Christians to vote for Trump − and focused on defeating ‘demons’

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael E. Heyes, Associate Professor and Chair of Religion, Lycoming College

    Evangelist Lance Wallnau addresses people at the ‘Courage Tour’ rally. Michael E. Heyes, CC BY

    As a scholar of religion, I attended the “Courage Tour,” a series of religious-political rallies, when it made a stop in Monroeville, Pennsylvania, from Sept. 27-28, 2024.

    From what I observed, the various speakers on the tour used conservative talking points – such as the threat of communism and LGBTQ+ “ideologies” taking over education – and gave them a demonic twist. They told people that diabolical forces had overtaken America, and they needed to expel them by ensuring Donald Trump was elected.

    The tour is attempting to get those Christians to vote for Trump. The tour has moved through several battleground states such as Arizona, Michigan and Georgia, drawing several thousand people at every site.

    The tour is not only focused on defeating Democrats but also on defeating demons. The idea that demons exert a hold over the material world is a key feature of the New Apostolic Reformation, or NAR, worldview. The NAR is a loose group of like-minded charismatic Christian churches and religious leaders – sometimes termed “prophets” – who want to see Christians dominate all walks of life.

    As someone who recently finished a book on the intersection of demons and politics, “Demons in the USA: From the Anti-Spiritualists to QAnon,” I was eager to see this combination for myself. I believe it would be a mistake to think that the New Apostolic Reformation is a fringe group with no real influence.

    The influence and reach

    The group has an associated nonprofit organization known as Ziklag – named for a town in the Hebrew Bible that is an important site associated with David’s kingship – with deep pockets for the movement’s goals. A ProPublica investigation found that the group had already spent US$12 million “to mobilize Republican-leaning voters and purge more than a million people from the rolls in key swing states, aiming to tilt the 2024 election in favor of former President Donald Trump.”

    The Southern Poverty Law Center calls the New Apostolic Reformation “the greatest threat to U.S. democracy that you have never heard of.”

    The diffuse nature of NAR membership and its rapid growth make it difficult to gauge followers: Estimates have placed the number of NAR adherents between 3 million and 33 million, but individuals who may not label themselves as part of the NAR might nevertheless agree with the group’s theology.

    Moreover, Republican vice presidential nominee JD Vance’s presence at the meeting I attended is also a tacit and significant endorsement for this group.

    The ‘Seven Mountain Mandate’

    According to NAR’s theology, there are “seven mountains” that govern areas of worldly influence, and Christians are destined to occupy all of them. These mountains are religion, government, family, education, media, entertainment and business.

    Known as the “Seven Mountain Mandate,” this “prophecy” first rose to prominence in 2013 with the publication of “Invading Babylon: The 7 Mountain Mandate,” written by Bill Johnson, lead pastor of Bethel Church in Redding, California, and member of the NAR, and Lance Wallnau, NAR prophet and one of the founders of the Courage Tour. In the book, the Seven Mountain Mandate is trumpeted as a message received directly from God.

    The NAR perceives the majority of these mountains as currently occupied by diabolical spiritual forces. To counter these forces, the NAR engages in “spiritual warfare,” which are acts of Christian prayer that are used to defeat or drive out demons.

    As religion scholar Sean McCloud writes, these prayers can be taken from “handbooks, workshops and hands-on participation in deliverance sessions.” Deliverance sessions involve diagnosing and expelling demons from an individual.

    Alternatively, it is not uncommon for pastors to incorporate spiritual warfare into church services. For example, in a much-reported sermon, Paula White-Cain, the former spiritual adviser to Trump, commanded all “satanic pregnancies to miscarry.” In the sermon’s context, satanic pregnancies were not literal pregnancies. Instead, White-Cain was praying for the failure of satanic plots “conceived” by the devil.

    In NAR theology, all Christians are embattled by demons, and spiritual warfare is a necessary part of life. As scholar of religion André Gagné writes, the NAR sees spiritual warfare as happening on three “levels.”

    The ground level occurs in a case of individual exorcism or deliverance, a kind of “one-on-one” battle with demons. The second level is the occult level, in which believers seek to counter what they believe to be demonic movements such as shamanism and New Age thought. Finally, there is the strategic level in which the movement does battle with powerful spirits whom they believe control geographic areas at the behest of Satan.

    Friday night on the Courage Tour.

    The Courage Tour

    The Courage Tour is part of a strategic-level act of spiritual warfare: Stumping for Trump is really about exerting Christian influence over the “government mountain” that followers of the NAR believe to be occupied by the devil.

    According to the speakers on the tour, America is in trouble: It is currently being run by “the Left,” or Democrats, a group that is slowly pushing the U.S. toward communism, a system of government in which private property ceases to exist and the means of production are communally owned.

    It claims that the Left wants to see this shift occur because it is populated by “cultural Marxists.” This is part of a far-right conspiracy theory that suggests all progressive political movements are indebted to the ideas of Karl Marx, whose Communist Manifesto is most closely associated with communism.

    In more extreme forms of communism, nation-states disappear – an idea reflected in speakers’ frequent criticism of “globalism,” which was generally defined as a single, worldwide governmental structure. The group rejects globalism on the grounds that God instituted nation-states as a divinely ordained form of government.

    Wallnau described globalism as a sign of the beast and the end of days, and claimed that “the intent of that Marxist element in our country is to collapse our borders.”

    Promotional sign on the Courage Tour for My Faith Votes, an organization that encourages voters to vote biblically.
    Michael E. Heyes, CC BY

    Demonizing queerness

    The speakers further claimed that this demonic Marxism was perverting the educational system in the United States. For example, numerous speakers criticized schools for supposedly indoctrinating or “evangelizing” children with “LGBTQ ideologies.”

    Wallnau even suggested that the “trans movement” began “in the days of Noah” when the fallen angels of Genesis 6 married human women and had hybrid children. This echoes a discussion Wallnau and Rick Renner had on the “Lance Wallnau Show,” linking such “ideologies” to fallen angels and the Apocalypse.

    This negative view of nontraditional gender and sexual orientations is a long-lived feature of the group. John Weaver, a scholar of religion, notes in his book “The New Apostolic Reformation” that the group’s ideas are indebted to conservative theologian Rousas John Rushdoony, who supported the death penalty for homosexuals.

    Likewise, religion scholar Damon T. Berry writes that members of the movement believe that “demonic spirits” are “acting to subvert the will of God through aspects of culture like the toleration of homosexuality, abortion, addiction, poverty and political correctness.”

    Wallnau encouraged the audience on the Courage Tour to “fight for your families because I don’t want to leave behind a demonic train wreck for my children.”

    As hard as it is to believe, one of the most important questions of the election might well be – how many Americans believe in demons?

    Michael E. Heyes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The ‘Courage Tour’ is attempting to get Christians to vote for Trump − and focused on defeating ‘demons’ – https://theconversation.com/the-courage-tour-is-attempting-to-get-christians-to-vote-for-trump-and-focused-on-defeating-demons-241335

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why vote for Harris or Trump? A cheat sheet on the candidates’ records, why their supporters like them and why picking one or the other makes sense

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Amy Lieberman, Politics + Society Editor, The Conversation

    Voters cast their ballots in Dearborn, Mich., on Oct. 29, 2024. Bill Pugliano/Getty Images

    If you are still undecided and mulling your pick for president, there are clear differences between Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris that are important to understand.

    The Conversation has published stories from more than a dozen scholars looking at the records of the two candidates.

    We had an anthropologist provide our readers with a window into why both Trump and Harris supporters favor their presidential pick.

    And we have also looked at why, even if you don’t like either candidate, it still doesn’t make sense to sit out the election.

    Here is a roundup of stories to help you evaluate the candidates:

    Kamala Harris and running mate Tim Walz campaign in Ann Arbor, Mich., on Oct. 28, 2024.
    Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images

    Harris’ and Trump’s records

    It’s no surprise that Harris and Trump have contrasting records on policy issues like LGBTQ+ rights and gun violence. The differences don’t stop there.

    While Harris has consistently supported protecting and expanding abortion rights, Trump took actions while president that made it harder for people to get an abortion, explains legal scholar Rachel Rebouché.

    And while Harris has consistently opposed the death penalty, Trump has supported it, explains political science scholar Austin Sarat.

    In other cases, their differences are not as clear-cut. Both candidates have supported restricting immigration to the U.S., writes immigration scholar William McCorkle. And both of them tried to lower drug prices, writes pharmacy practice scholar C. Michael White.

    Here are some stories to explain the candidates’ records on other issues: education, space policy, the Ukraine war, artificial intelligence, science research funding, clean energy, drug prices, health care, oil and gas production, foreign policy and labor.

    Donald Trump and running mate JD Vance appear at a 9/11 memorial event in New York City on Sept. 11, 2024.
    Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images

    Why people like Trump and Harris

    Alex Hinton, an anthropologist who researches both the far right and political polarization in the U.S., helped answer why, after all of the controversies and alleged wrongdoing, people still support Trump.

    “Many people have thoughtful reasons for voting for Trump, even if their reasoning – as is also true for those on the left – is often inflamed by populist polarizers and media platforms,” Hinton writes.

    There are a few central factors that keep Trump’s supporters loyal. These include the fact that some people recall – whether accurately or not – having more money when Trump was president, and that the economy seemed better. They are upset about immigration. And some supporters like his outlandish persona.

    And then there’s the other side to understand: Why people are voting for Harris. Hinton explained that many people deeply dislike and distrust Trump, as well as the extreme direction they think he can take the country.

    “In contrast, they contend that Harris combines steady leadership with a message of change, calm, honesty and hope for a better future,” he writes.

    Harris’ support of abortion rights and health care, as well as her commitment to international alliances and bipartisan governing, are other reasons people want her as their president.

    “Some voters also support Harris because they see her as a candidate of change,” Hinton writes. After Harris replaced President Joe Biden as the Democratic presidential nominee, “voters across a range of demographics were immediately galvanized by her relative youth, biracial identity, articulateness and positive message of change and possibility, as opposed to fear.”

    A woman drops off her ballot in Norwalk, Calif., on Oct. 28, 2024.
    Frederic J. Brown/AFP via Getty Images

    Why it still makes sense to vote

    It’s possible that none of this information resonates with undecided voters and that they are considering backing a third-party candidate instead, or not voting at all.

    But the logic that an individual vote won’t matter anyway is not accurate, according to behavioral economics scholar Daniel F. Stone.

    Every single vote matters, especially in an election like this one that is incredibly close in all of the important swing states, Stone says. This matters if the difference between Harris and Trump is just 5,000 votes in a state like Pennsylvania, for example.

    “So, if the 10,000 unhappy voters do vote for one of the two major-party candidates, they can swing the election,” Stone writes.

    Even if someone boycotts an election and doesn’t support either of the two viable candidates, “One of them is going to win whether you like it or not,” Stone writes.

    .

    – ref. Why vote for Harris or Trump? A cheat sheet on the candidates’ records, why their supporters like them and why picking one or the other makes sense – https://theconversation.com/why-vote-for-harris-or-trump-a-cheat-sheet-on-the-candidates-records-why-their-supporters-like-them-and-why-picking-one-or-the-other-makes-sense-242437

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mining must become more responsible and sustainable. Where hi-tech solutions fit in

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Rennie Naidoo, Professor of Information Systems, University of the Witwatersrand

    Digital technologies can make mining more sustainable. Sunshine Seeds/Shutterstock/For editorial use only

    If you visit a commercial mining operation anywhere in the world today, some sights and sounds – workers descending in elevators to underground shafts, the roar of truck engines – will be much the same as they have been for decades.

    But, like many other industries, mining is changing. Digital mining involves the use of digital technologies to make mining operations more efficient, safer, and sustainable. This industry emerged about a decade ago and has developed quickly over the past few years. This uptick is the result of recent advances in sensor technology, data analytics and artificial intelligence (AI), including machine learning.

    However, while technology improves, old problems persist. Large-scale mining causes massive deforestation in regions like the Amazon. It also threatens and displaces communities, as in the case of Brazil’s Xikrin and Kayapó people. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the mining of cobalt, copper and coltan (all crucial for modern technology) contaminates local water supplies and puts workers – including children – in danger.



    Read more:
    What coltan mining in the DRC costs people and the environment

    Is it time to make mining obsolete? This is not a realistic solution, at least not in the near future. Many modern technologies, like smartphones, electric vehicles, solar panels and wind turbines, depend on minerals extracted through mining. The global move towards renewable energy and low-carbon technologies means demand for minerals like lithium and cobalt is rising.

    So, while mining has environmental costs, it’s also critical in the shift to a greener economy. And mining is economically important in many parts of the world. In African countries it supports millions of jobs and contributes significantly to GDP.

    This is why sustainable mining is crucial. I am a professor of information systems. I investigate the complex interactions between technology, people and organisations in achieving sustainability goals. In a recent paper with a co-author, I examined how digital technologies could help mining operations to balance economic objectives with environmental and social sustainability.

    The findings make it clear that digital technologies can transform mining practices and achieve sustainability goals at the same time.

    Economic outcomes

    Our paper took the form of a case study. We interviewed professionals from a leading digital mining solutions company. It has operations in South Africa, Australia, Brazil, Chile and the United States. The interviewees were engineers, senior managers and executives. They offered a glimpse into how their large-scale mining clients were using digital technologies like automated haul trucks and collision avoidance systems.

    We wanted to know how their clients saw the role of digital technology in balancing business and other goals. They outlined some successful cases and others where companies were struggling to align all their aims.

    It was clear that the company and its clients recognised the importance of safety and environmental issues in their work. But they saw these issues through the lens of business sustainability. For instance, while some mining companies pursued safety improvements, they did it primarily to boost productivity and bring down costs.

    One interviewee gave the example of collision avoidance systems. Companies valued these because they reduced downtime and improved productivity. They focused on immediate business needs.

    A balancing act

    It’s time for mining companies that are serious about sustainability to shift their focus. Rather than simply looking to make immediate profits, they need to consider environmental and social impacts – and the role digital technology can play.

    As a simple example, AI can predict when machinery is likely to fail. This allows companies to carry out timely maintenance. Equipment lifespan is extended. Downtime and repair costs are reduced. And worker safety is improved because there are fewer unexpected breakdowns. This is the kind of sustainable approach, underpinned by digital technology, that can help mining companies tick all the right boxes.

    Mining leaders must not exclude employees and stakeholders when considering these issues. Environmental advocates have a role to play, too: companies must work with these groups and with local communities. A shared understanding of how digital technologies can meet both financial and sustainability targets is key.

    Mining companies are more likely to change if there are clear financial benefits or penalties tied to sustainability. Governments can help by introducing stricter environmental regulations and offering incentives to adopt sustainable digital technologies. In South Africa, for instance, there are tax incentives and subsidies to encourage the use of renewable energy in mining. These measures, expanded recently in response to the country’s energy crisis, have sparked significant investment in solar power.



    Read more:
    Africa doesn’t have a choice between economic growth and protecting the environment: how they can go hand in hand

    When paired with digital monitoring systems, renewable energy solutions can enhance efficiency by optimising energy consumption and reducing carbon emissions. Technologies like AI-driven energy management systems can help mines integrate renewable sources with less energy wastage. Thus, tax breaks or subsidies for digital solutions that support green energy adoption could motivate companies to embrace greener and more tech-driven mining practices.

    Consumers and investors, meanwhile, should invest in those mining companies that demonstrate responsible practices. Ethical investment funds need to support companies with strong environmental, social, and governance credentials.

    Rennie Naidoo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mining must become more responsible and sustainable. Where hi-tech solutions fit in – https://theconversation.com/mining-must-become-more-responsible-and-sustainable-where-hi-tech-solutions-fit-in-240558

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Africa’s flagship universities have a proud history – but are they serving local communities?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By James Ransom, Researcher: societal challenges, UCL

    Students pictured in 1955 in a reading room at what is today the University of Ibadan. Flagship universities have long histories. Evans/Three Lions/Getty Images

    Universities play a number of crucial roles in society. They educate students, research solutions to problems and serve as spaces for national debate. This is especially true for large public institutions, often referred to as flagship universities. A number were launched with great fanfare around the time of a country’s independence from colonial rule. They were tasked with driving national development by training skilled graduates to fill workforce gaps and conducting applied research to address societal challenges. Many have done well in their historic national missions. But how are they performing today when it comes to serving their local communities?

    Higher education researcher James Ransom set out to answer this question in his new book, Revisiting Africa’s Flagship Universities: Local, National and International Dynamics. He analysed local engagement at ten African flagship universities: Ethiopia’s University of Addis Ababa; Makerere University in Uganda; the universities of Ghana, Namibia, Rwanda, Mauritius, Zambia and Zimbabwe; the University of Cape Town in South Africa and Nigeria’s University of Ibadan. He tells The Conversation Africa what he learned.

    What is a flagship university?

    They are pillars of the nation: their campuses are intertwined with history as sites of protest and revolution; their researchers lead the way in publications and research; their students are tomorrow’s leaders.

    Sometimes there is one flagship in a country. Sometimes a country will be home to several. In Nigeria, the University of Ibadan is joined by the University of Nigeria at Nsukka.

    Small, specialist institutions and private universities all play important roles in national higher education systems. But flagships are the trendsetters. They often mentor new universities by seconding senior staff to lead them, and helping design the curricula. Their staff sit on government committees. They have international partnerships and projects.

    The term “flagship” has been used elsewhere in the world, not just in post-colonial countries. In the book I focused on Anglophone sub-Saharan Africa, including countries that were not traditional colonial states, such as Ethiopia.



    Read more:
    The untold story of how Africa’s flagship universities have advanced

    What made you write this book and why now?

    In the UK, where I live, we have seen a shift in the expectations placed upon universities.

    The “redbrick” universities, such as Birmingham and Liverpool, are a good example. They were founded in the 19th century to meet local needs. Then they developed strong global ambitions over the next hundred years, excelling in world-leading research and innovation.

    During the past couple of decades, the local question returned: what are you doing to serve your local community? The redbricks (and many others) have responded – nudged along by national policies and frameworks – with serious programmes of civic engagement. These include projects designed with communities, seconding staff into local planning organisations, and opening up their campuses to communities – from 5-a-side football pitches to photography exhibitions.

    The shift I witnessed in the UK, and mirrored in my work across Europe and Canada, made me wonder: has a similar shift, from a historic national mission to a local one, taken place for African universities?

    The question is timely. Societal challenges may be national or global in scale. But they need local knowledge and local partnerships to solve at the local level. This means universities working with local government, which is a key focus of my work. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development has calculated that 100 of the 169 UN Sustainable Development Goal targets can only be achieved if local governments are involved. Universities can play an important supporting role.

    What did you find?

    It is clear that flagship universities’ local work is growing and will continue to grow. For instance, Addis Ababa University established a railway engineering centre to train engineers to maintain the city’s light rail transit system, with students employed by the Ethiopian Railway Corporation. The University of Ghana runs satellite campuses in all ten regional capitals. This allows it to reach remote areas and to establish a local presence in different regions.

    Successful projects often emerge from deep links with local communities. Ibadan has worked closely with a few communities over many decades. These “field laboratories” include a community health programme in the village of Ibarapa, which began in the early 1960s with funding from the Rockefeller Foundation and technical support from the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.

    The programme has trained hundreds of medical students in community medicine through practical work in rural areas, while also improving health services and conducting research on health issues in the Ibarapa community. An example is studying and addressing neglected tropical diseases such as onchocerciasis (river blindness) and guinea worm.

    In 2020 the University of Ibadan signed a memorandum of understanding with the local government on the Ibarapa programme. Over half a century after it began, local partnerships continue to sustain the programme.

    However, a national focus continues to dominate at all ten institutions I studied. This is perhaps best illustrated by the University of Rwanda. Local engagement activity is secondary to the nation’s development strategy spearheaded by its Vision 2050, an ambitious effort to become an upper-middle income country in the next 25 years.

    There is some local activity, of course. Students provide health services to the community, staff run community workshops on informal housing, and there are plans to open model farms to showcase irrigation and agricultural mechanisation. But all of this ultimately serves the national vision.

    Rwanda is a small country, but this finding – of national priorities dominating at the expense of local programmes – was consistent across all the flagships I studied, in large countries like Nigeria as well as in other small countries like Mauritius and Namibia.

    What can other universities on the continent learn from your findings?

    Flagships are complex institutions, with rich histories and often complicated relationships with government. They are survivors, skilled at balancing multiple roles. There is much that other universities can learn from flagships, and that flagships can learn from each other – and more of these partnerships are needed.

    But one senior staff member at a flagship university told me that many African university heads

    feel rather oppressed by the narratives from higher education leaders in other parts of the world

    They were talking about international benchmarking, unequal research partnerships, and models of “best practice”. These constrain the local role of flagships, creating identikit institutions. The result is a race to local irrelevance. Relevance can only emerge from an approach that reflects the local and national context.

    Universities that capture the work they do locally, effectively communicate this, and can demonstrate how it is relevant to society, will be in a good place to chart their own path as a pillar of the nation.

    James Ransom does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Africa’s flagship universities have a proud history – but are they serving local communities? – https://theconversation.com/africas-flagship-universities-have-a-proud-history-but-are-they-serving-local-communities-240813

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Six poems that tell stories about monsters and monstrosity

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jon Stone, Senior Lecturer in Creative Writing, Anglia Ruskin University

    Master1305/Shutterstock

    Poetry isn’t a medium typically associated with towering beasts. Lyric poems tend to be short, tender and concerned with minor everyday incidents. That, or abstract concepts like love and death. Poems also tend to be thought of, wrongly or not, as true accounts – the inverse of creature feature films with preposterous special effects.

    But poets, like everyone else, live in a world of disastrous events bigger than themselves. And the monster – particularly the giant monster – is an archetype that goes right back to ancient myth.

    Talos, the bronze guardian of Crete, and Humbaba, the ogre of the Epic of Gilgamesh, are just two dangerous titans of literary history. It’s tempting to think that today we know enough about our surroundings to no longer be awed by the possibility of giants. But the truth is that there is still much that makes us feel small and vulnerable. Writing about huge monsters is one way of confronting that.

    Two different anthologies of monster poetry are published this month in the UK. Ten Poets Defend Their Cities from Giant, Strange Beasts is edited by myself and Kirsten Irving and published by Sidekick Books. In it, poets envisage the outcomes of giant monster attacks on London, Cambridge, Glasgow and Liverpool, among other cities. These confrontations are frequently surreal, or representations of other kinds of epic battle.

    Alex Adams and Aaron Kent’s Devastation Songs, meanwhile, is a compilation of writing about kaiju, the Japanese term for gargantuan fantasy creatures. In the foreword, Adams writes about how the monster movie is often used as a vehicle for “powerfully resonant social and political ideas”, pointing to recent Oscar winner Godzilla Minus One (2024) as an example.

    Here are six more poems that deal in different ways with giant monsters:

    1. Beowulf

    Beowulf is an Anglo-Saxon epic poem about the defeat of Grendel – a creature whose exact form is still debated. Depending on which translation you read, Grendel is either a “grim demon”, a berserker, a “miscreated thing in man’s form”, or a “horrible stranger”.

    Two things are certain, though: he is very large, and he is a violent murderer who must be destroyed.



    Read more:
    Publishing Tolkien’s Beowulf translation does him a disservice

    2. La Géante (The Giantess) by Charles Baudelaire

    This poem is from Baudelaire’s collection Les Fleurs du Mal (The Flowers of Evil, 1840-1867), which was dubbed “an insult to public decency” on publication.

    The Giantess reflects some of the book’s controversial themes, revelling in erotic fascination. Far from opposing the giantess, the poem’s narrator wants to see her “grow without restraint”, imagining an expedition across her vast body. Here, Baudelaire proposes monstrosity as a realm of wonder and temptation.

    The Jabberwock, as illustrated by John Tenniel, (1871).
    Wiki Commons

    3. Jabberwocky by Lewis Carroll

    One of Carroll’s (1832-1989) most famous poems, Jabberwocky is teeming with nonsense words (manxome, whiffling, burbled). This strange language keeps the titular Jabberwock obscured even as its fiery approach and defeat is recounted.

    It makes for a faithful representation of monstrosity as a quality: we can perceive it, dream up words for it, even kill it, but we can never fully understand it.

    4. The Man-Moth by Elizabeth Bishop

    The epigraph to The Man-Moth explains that it was inspired by a misspelling of the word “mammoth”. Bishop’s man-moth isn’t necessarily a giant, but several lines allude to his having a giant’s perspective (“The whole shadow of Man is only as big as his hat”, “He thinks the moon is a small hole at the top of the sky”).

    He is a sad, lonely creature who sheds a tear at the end of the poem. Bishop often wrote about the darkness in the human psyche, and her take on the subway-dwelling city beast is an allegory for urban alienation.

    5. The Loch Ness Monster’s Song by Edwin Morgan

    Scottish poet Edwin Morgan (1920-2010) specialised in linguistic play. The Loch Ness Monster’s Song is almost unintelligible – a brief burst of transcribed watery noises. But it could easily be a poem written in another language.

    It challenges us to recognise that what we call “monstrous” might just be unfamiliar – not a threat, but an opportunity for connection.

    6. Dragons by Matthew Francis

    Every line of this poem, from Francis’ 2001 collection of the same title, ends in the word “dragons”. But the narrative is one of failing to find a single dragon.

    This contrast is used to illustrate how monsters and creatures of myth loom large in our minds primarily as the result of our imaginations. In other words, we invent them to fill the gaps in reality. We need them, because without them there are too many clues pointing nowhere.

    The poem isn’t available to read online, but you can read my own pastiche of it (framed as a “DVD extra”).


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Jon Stone is an editor at Sidekick Books.

    – ref. Six poems that tell stories about monsters and monstrosity – https://theconversation.com/six-poems-that-tell-stories-about-monsters-and-monstrosity-239335

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –