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Category: Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: International students infuse tens of millions of dollars into local economies across the US. What happens if they stay home?

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Barnet Sherman, Professor, Multinational Finance and Trade, Boston University

    The Trump administration has recently revoked the visas of more than 1,300 foreign college students – detaining some – and launched immigration enforcement actions on college campuses across the country. This has raised concerns among the more than 1.1 million international students studying at U.S. universities.

    Headlines are filled with perspectives from immigration and civil rights experts, but one aspect of the story often goes overlooked: the tremendous economic impact international students have on local communities.

    Although the actual impact on enrollment won’t be known until the next academic year, interest from foreign students in pursuing graduate-level education in the U.S. fell sharply in the early days of the Trump administration, one analysis showed.

    If these global scholars stay home, that’s bad economic news for cities and towns across the United States.

    A $44 billion economic impact

    Higher education is America’s 10th-largest export, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. (Yes, even though students are coming into the U.S. for their education, economists consider it an export.)

    Last year, U.S. colleges and universities attracted international students from 217 nations and territories, including one student from the island nation of Niue in the South Pacific. Their economic contributions added up to more than the value of U.S. telecommunications, computer and information services exports combined.

    While the national impact is impressive, the effects at the local level are even more important. After all, nearly every city across the U.S. has at least one institution of higher learning.

    The average international student brings a wallet stuffed with about $29,000 to spend on everything from tuition to pizza. As these students rent apartments, buy books and order DoorDash delivery to fuel all-nighters, they’re pumping money into the local community.

    This money translates into American jobs. On average, a new job is created for every four international students enrolled in a U.S. college or university. In the 2023-24 academic year, about 378,175 jobs were created. And that’s just counting jobs that are directly supported by international students, such as local business hiring to staff retail shops and restaurants. If you count those jobs indirectly supported by international students, such as employees at a distribution center, the number is even higher.

    A boon to local economies

    In any of the 50 largest American cities, you’ll find at least one college or university with international students on campus. For these communities, global learners bring a most welcome financial aid package.

    Consider Boston. Greater Boston hosts more than 50 colleges and universities, including Boston University, where I teach multinational finance and trade. The city’s economic gains from the more than 63,000 international students attending these schools are huge: about $3 billion.

    Prestigious private schools are a draw, but hands down the biggest pull for international students are state universities and colleges. Of the nation’s top schools enrolling these students last year, 29 were state colleges and universities, attracting over 251,300 students.

    In the top three of those public institutions alone − Arizona State University, the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign and the University of California, Berkeley − international students contributed nearly $1.7 billion, supporting over 16,800 jobs. Expand that to the top 10 − the University of California system takes four of those spots − and the numbers pop up to $4.68 billion and 47,136 jobs.

    Bringing the world to Mankato

    Yet international students aren’t just boosting the economies of major university towns. Consider Mankato, a small city of 45,000 about 80 miles from Minneapolis that hosts a Minnesota State University campus. In the 2023-24 academic year, about 1,716 international students called Mankato their home away from home.

    Those students brought an infusion of $45.9 million into that community, supporting around 190 jobs. There are dozens of similar campuses in cities and towns like Mankato across the country. It adds up quickly.

    In addition to private and public universities, community colleges attract thousands of global scholars. Although their international enrollment declined during Covid-19, community colleges are resurgent, attracting some 59,315 international students in 2024, with China, Vietnam and Nepal leading the countries-of-origin list.

    Generating about $2 billion and supporting 8,472 jobs, they have a major economic impact − particularly in Texas, California and Florida, where the majority of these students come to learn.

    Texas leads the nation with the three community colleges with the largest international enrollment: Houston Community College, Lone Star College and Dallas College. Of the $256.7 million and 1,096 jobs international students brought into those institutions, Lone Star led the pack with $102.3 million and 438 jobs, nearly one job created for every two international students − double the national average.

    Due to changing demographics, American colleges enroll 2.3 million fewer domestic students than they did a decade ago − a decline of 10.7%. Colleges and universities are increasingly looking to international students to fill the gap. What’s more, universities tend to see international students as subsidizing domestic students, particularly since international students are generally ineligible for need-blind admissions.

    Moreover, the vast majority of international students are funded by family or foreign sponsors. Few require student aid packages. In fact, less than 20% of all international students receive grant funding from a federal source, and most of that goes to postgraduates doing advanced research. If you look at undergraduate exchange students alone, just 0.1% receive any sort of public funding.

    One thing’s for sure: Whether they’re attending small-town community colleges or the Ivies in big cities, international students bring a “high degree” of economic impact with them.

    This is an updated version of a story originally published Aug. 13, 2024.

    Barnet Sherman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. International students infuse tens of millions of dollars into local economies across the US. What happens if they stay home? – https://theconversation.com/international-students-infuse-tens-of-millions-of-dollars-into-local-economies-across-the-us-what-happens-if-they-stay-home-254539

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Thucydides Trap: Vital lessons from ancient Greece for China and the US … or a load of old claptrap?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Andrew Latham, Professor of Political Science, Macalester College

    Retreat of the Athenians from Syracuse during a battle of the Peloponnesian War, from Cassell’s ‘Universal History,’ published in 1888. Ken Welsh/Design Pics/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

    The so-called Thucydides Trap has become a staple of foreign policy commentary over the past decade or so, regularly invoked to frame the escalating rivalry between the United States and China.

    Coined by political scientist Graham Allison — first in a 2012 Financial Times article and later developed in his 2017 book “Destined for War” — the phrase refers to a line from the ancient Greek historian Thucydides, who wrote in his “History of the Peloponnesian War,” “It was the rise of Athens and the fear that this instilled in Sparta that made war inevitable.”

    At first glance, this provides a compelling and conveniently packaged analogy: Rising powers provoke anxiety in established ones, leading to conflict. In today’s context, the implication seems clear – China’s rise is bound to provoke a collision with the United States, just as Athens once did with Sparta.

    But this framing risks flattening the complexity of Thucydides’ work and distorting its deeper philosophical message. Thucydides wasn’t articulating a deterministic law of geopolitics. He was writing a tragedy.

    History repeats as tragedy?

    Thucydides fought in the Peloponnesian War on the Athenian side. His world was steeped in the sensibilities of Greek tragedy, and his historical narrative carries that imprint throughout. His work is not a treatise on structural inevitability but an exploration of how human frailty, political misjudgment and moral decay can combine to unleash catastrophe.

    That tragic sensibility matters. Where modern analysts often search for predictive patterns and system-level explanations, Thucydides drew attention to the role of choice, perception and emotion. His history is filled with the corrosive effects of fear, the seductions of ambition, the failures of leadership and the tragic unraveling of judgment. This is a study in hubris and nemesis, not structural determinism.

    Much of this is lost when the phrase “Thucydides Trap” is elevated into a kind of quasi-law of international politics. It becomes shorthand for inevitability: power rises, fear responds, war follows.

    But Thucydides himself was more interested in why fear takes hold, how ambition twists judgment and how leaders — trapped in a narrowing corridor of bad options — convince themselves that war is the only viable path left. His narrative shows how conflict often arises not from necessity, but from misreading, miscalculation and passions unmoored from reason.

    Even Allison, to his credit, never claimed the “trap” was inescapable. His core argument was that war is likely but not inevitable when a rising power challenges a dominant one. In fact, much of Allison’s writing serves as a warning to break from the pattern, not to resign oneself to it.

    Traditional Russian wooden dolls depict China’s President Xi Jinping and U.S. President Donald Trump.
    AP Photo/Dmitri Lovetsky

    In that sense, the “Thucydides Trap” has been misused by commentators and policymakers alike. Some treat it as confirmation that war is baked into the structure of power transitions — an excuse to raise defense budgets or to talk tough with Beijing — when in fact it ought to provoke reflection and restraint.

    To read Thucydides carefully is to see that the Peloponnesian War was not solely about a shifting balance of power. It was also about pride, misjudgment and the failure to lead wisely.

    Consider his famous observation, “Ignorance is bold and knowledge reserved.” This isn’t a structural insight — it’s a human one. It’s aimed squarely at those who mistake impulse for strategy and swagger for strength. Or take his chilling formulation, “The strong do what they will and the weak suffer what they must.” That’s not an endorsement of realpolitik. It’s a tragic lament on what happens when power becomes unaccountable and justice is cast aside.

    Seen in this light, the real lesson of Thucydides is not that war is preordained, but that it becomes more likely when nations allow fear to cloud reason, when leaders mistake posturing for prudence and when strategic decisions are driven by insecurity rather than clarity.

    Thucydides reminds us how easily perception curdles into misperception — and how dangerous it is when leaders, convinced of their own virtue or necessity, stop listening to anyone who disagrees.

    It ain’t necessarily so.
    Dan Kitwood/Getty Images

    The real lessons of Thucydides

    In today’s context, invoking the Thucydides Trap as a justification for confrontation with China may do more harm than good. It reinforces the notion that conflict is already on the rails and cannot be stopped. But if there is a lesson in “The History of the Peloponnesian War,” it is not that war is inevitable but that it becomes likely when the space for prudence and reflection collapses under the weight of fear and pride. Thucydides offers not a theory of international politics, but a warning — an admonition to leaders who, gripped by their own narratives, drive their nations over a cliff.

    Avoiding that fate requires better judgment. And above all, it demands the humility to recognize that the future is not determined by structural pressures alone, but by the choices people make.

    This article is part of a series explaining foreign policy terms commonly used, but rarely explained.

    Andrew Latham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Thucydides Trap: Vital lessons from ancient Greece for China and the US … or a load of old claptrap? – https://theconversation.com/the-thucydides-trap-vital-lessons-from-ancient-greece-for-china-and-the-us-or-a-load-of-old-claptrap-252954

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Thailand’s fragile democracy takes another hit with arrest of US academic

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Adam Simpson, Senior Lecturer, International Studies, University of South Australia

    Despite the challenges faced by local democratic activists, Thailand has often been an oasis of relative liberalism compared with neighbouring countries such as Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia.

    Westerners, in particular, have been largely welcomed and provided with a measure of protection from harassment by the authorities. Thailand’s economy is extremely dependent on foreign tourism. Many Westerners also work in a variety of industries, including as academics at public and private universities.

    That arrangement now seems under pressure. Earlier this month, Paul Chambers, an American political science lecturer at Naresuan University, was arrested on charges of violating the Computer Crimes Act and the lèse-majesté law under Section 112 of Thailand’s Criminal Code for allegedly insulting the monarchy.

    Chambers’ visa has been revoked and he now faces a potential punishment of 15 years in jail.

    The lèse-majesté law has become a common tool for silencing Thai activists. At least 272 people have been charged under the law since pro-democracy protests broke out in 2020, according to rights groups.

    Its use against foreigners has, until now, been limited. No foreign academic has ever been charged with it. Because of the law, however, most academics in Thailand usually tread carefully in their critiques of the monarchy.

    The decision to charge a foreign academic, therefore, suggests a hardening of views on dissent by conservative forces in the country. It represents a further deterioration in Thailand’s democratic credentials and provides little optimism for reform under the present government.

    Thailand’s democratic deficit

    Several other recent actions have also sparked concerns about democratic backsliding.

    Following a visit by Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra to China in February, the government violated domestic and international law by forcibly returning 40 Uyghurs to China.

    The Uyghurs had fled China a decade earlier to escape repression in the western Xinjiang region and had been held in detention in Thailand ever since. They now potentially face worse treatment by the Chinese authorities.

    Then, in early April, Thailand welcomed the head of the Myanmar junta to a regional summit in Bangkok after a devastating earthquake struck his war-ravaged country.

    Min Aung Hlaing has been shunned internationally since the junta launched a coup against the democratically elected government in Myanmar in 2021, sparking a devastating civil war. He has only visited Russia and China since then.

    In addition, the military continues to dominate politics in Thailand. After a progressive party, Move Forward, won the 2023 parliamentary elections by committing to amend the lèse-majesté law, the military, the unelected Senate and other conservative forces in the country ignored the will of the people and denied its charismatic leader the prime ministership.

    The party was then forcibly dissolved by the Constitutional Court and its leader banned from politics for ten years.

    In February, Thailand’s National Anti-Corruption Commission criminally indicted 44 politicians from Move Forward for sponsoring a bill in parliament to reform the lèse-majesté law. They face lifetime bans from politics if they are found guilty of breaching “ethical standards”.

    Even the powerful former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, whose daughter is also the current prime minister, is not immune from the lèse-majesté law.

    He was indicted last year for allegedly insulting the monarchy almost two decades ago. His case is due to be heard in July.

    This continued undermining of democratic norms is chipping away at Thailand’s international reputation. The country is now classified as a “flawed democracy” in the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index, with its ranking falling two years in a row.



    Read more:
    Thailand’s democracy has taken another hit, but the country’s progressive forces won’t be stopped

    Academic freedom at risk

    The lèse-majesté law has always represented something of a challenge to academic freedom in Thailand, as well as freedom of speech more generally. Campaigners against the law have paid a heavy price.

    The US State Department has provided a statement of support for Chambers, urging the Thai government to “ensure that laws are not used to stifle permitted expression”. However, given the Trump administration’s attacks on US universities at the moment, this demand rings somewhat hollow.

    Academic freedom is a hallmark of democracies compared with authoritarian regimes. With the US no longer so concerned with protecting academic freedom at home, there is little stopping flawed democracies around the world from stepping up pressure on academics to toe the line.

    The undermining of democracy in the US is already having palpable impacts on democratic regression around the world.

    With little international pressure to adhere to democratic norms, the current Thai government has taken a significant and deleterious step in arresting a foreign academic.

    In the future, universities in Thailand, as in the US, will find it harder to attract international talent. Universities – and the broader society – in both countries will be worse off for it.

    Adam Simpson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Thailand’s fragile democracy takes another hit with arrest of US academic – https://theconversation.com/thailands-fragile-democracy-takes-another-hit-with-arrest-of-us-academic-254706

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Reckoning and resistance: The future of Black hiring commitments on campus

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Cornel Grey, Assistant Professor in Department of Gender, Sexuality, and Women’s Studies, Western University

    In the wake of George Floyd’s murder in May 2020, a global reckoning on anti-Black racism ignited protests, conversations and demand for action. Across North America, universities scrambled to make public commitments to racial justice. They pledged to make changes and address systemic inequalities.

    One of the most significant commitments was what’s known as cluster hiring. Recruiting multiple Black scholars at the same time can foster a thriving intellectual community. Research shows cluster hires improve Black faculty representation and retention.

    This strategy can also help combat the isolation, hostility and lack of support that Black faculty often face in predominantly white institutions.

    Many universities pledged lofty and hopeful equity initiatives at the time. These included similar commitments to hiring Indigenous faculty in clusters, developing or expanding Black Studies programs and implementing campus-wide anti-racism strategies.

    But these pledges now face a challenging landscape.

    The United States is witnessing a growing backlash against diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) and higher education in general. And Canada is not immune.

    In Canada, hiring freezes are now gripping several Canadian post-secondary institutions.

    As austerity measures as well as political shifts impact students, faculty and administrators, a big question looms. What programs will institutions cut in these times of fiscal restraint and shifting cultural values?



    Read more:
    The world is in crisis – what role should our universities play?

    The true test to racial justice committment

    In 2020, McGill made a powerful pledge: to hire 40 Black tenure-track or tenured professors by 2025 and 85 by 2032.

    According to McGill University, it has increased the number of Black tenure-track or tenured professors from 14 in 2021 to 50 in 2025. This marks a significant step toward addressing longstanding gaps in representation.

    But as public support for DEI initiatives wanes and universities face growing financial pressures, will these efforts to build a more equitable faculty be sustained?

    Several Canadian universities also pledged to create or expand Black Studies programs.

    New programs were launched at Toronto Metropolitan University, Western University, the University of Guelph and the University of Waterloo. Existing initiatives at Queen’s University, Dalhousie University and York were expanded.

    Yet the development and funding of Black Studies in Canada largely remains fragile. Administrative support is often lacking and dependent on broader institutional priorities.

    Black studies programs are fragile

    Disciplines like Black Studies, Indigenous Studies and Gender Studies are not just academic pursuits. They provide students with essential analytical tools to understand our most pressing issues, including economic precarity, the erosion of civil freedoms and land sovereignty.

    These university programs are at the forefront of equity education. They are crucial to foster the ability of students and scholars to critically engage with the key challenges we face today.



    Read more:
    Afua Cooper: My 30-year effort to bring Black studies to Canadian universities is still an upward battle

    The U.S. is a warning

    Recent developments in the U.S. serve as a cautionary tale. Canadian politicians and agencies often take cues from American trends.

    Republican lawmakers have aggressively targeted DEI initiatives on campuses in several states. And new legislation bans race-conscious hiring and rewrites curricula.

    Canadian researchers receiving funding from U.S. federal agencies are being pressured to conform their scholarship to the ideological agendas of the White House.

    At the University of Alberta, the move away from DEI discourses to more neutral language like “access, community, and belonging” has marked a fundamental shift.

    In Alberta, the Provincial Priorities Act (Bill 18) now requires federal research funds to align with provincial government priorities. And in Nova Scotia, Bill 12 threatens to link university funding decisions to the government’s social and economic priorities.

    In this climate, ideas of curtailing DEI in research are no longer speculative.

    Within these changes are urgent questions about how research and funding agencies like the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) and Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) will respond.

    Research shows that including DEI frameworks in funding applications has had some positive impacts for researchers in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) fields, but its focus on personal responsibility and metrics can obscure the deeper forces behind inequality.

    Retaining its political edge

    Universities often frame their commitments to Black faculty hiring and Black Studies programs as part of broader DEI agendas.

    However, as scholars have long pointed out, DEI policies prioritize representation over structural transformation, reducing the presence of Black faculty to a matter of optics rather than a meaningful shift in institutional power.

    When Black Studies is treated as an administrative deliverable rather than a radical intellectual tradition grounded in resistance to oppression, it is stripped of its political edge.

    Institutional integrity

    As Canadian universities face financial pressures and shifting political tides, the commitments will now be put to the test.

    Anti-Black racism and equity cannot be a temporary trend that universities go through during times of public scrutiny. It must remain at the core of academic values, regardless of political or financial pressure.

    The fight for Black and Indigenous hiring initiatives continues and the 2020-21 promises made by universities need to be held to the highest standard. This is about sustained commitment to structural change in our institutions. The stakes couldn’t be higher.

    Cornel Grey receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC).

    Muna-Udbi Abdulkadir Ali receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC).

    Stephanie Latty receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC).

    – ref. Reckoning and resistance: The future of Black hiring commitments on campus – https://theconversation.com/reckoning-and-resistance-the-future-of-black-hiring-commitments-on-campus-253676

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why deregulating online platforms is actually bad for free speech

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael Gregory, Assistant Professor of Philosophy, Clemson University

    Free speech requires freedom from fear and intimidation. AP Photo/Schalk van Zuydam

    One of the first executive orders that President Trump signed after his inauguration on Jan. 20, 2025, was titled Restoring Freedom of Speech and Ending Federal Censorship. The order accused the previous administration of having “trampled free speech rights by censoring Americans’ speech on online platforms.”

    What Trump was referring to as censorship was the government’s attempt to work with social media and broadcasting platforms to regulate misinformation, disinformation and misleading information by removing content, limiting its dissemination or labeling it, sometimes with fact-checking included. Similar accusations had been brought before the Supreme Court in 2024, where the justices sided with the federal government, preserving its ability to interact and coordinate with social media platforms.

    However, the decision came during a trend toward deregulation of online platforms as Elon Musk removed guardrails after acquiring X, and Meta and YouTube removed policies meant to combat hate and misinformation. With Trump’s commitment to free speech protections through deregulation, online platforms are likely to remove more guardrails.

    As a scholar of legal and political philosophy, I know that deregulation and free speech are often linked. Recently there has been a significant increase in broad court rulings on the First Amendment that support deregulation in all sorts of market sectors, from contributions to political campaigns to graphic labels on cigarettes.

    This is not surprising considering that free speech has long been associated with the metaphor of free trade in ideas, closely tied to the value of a deregulated market economy. The presumption has been that the way to protect freedom of speech is through a deregulated marketplace, and speech on social media platforms is no exception. However, research on online speech shows the opposite to be the case: Regulating online speech protects free speech.

    What is content moderation?

    Free speech and its exceptions

    Free speech in the U.S. has always been accompanied by a series of exceptions, laid out clearly by the courts, that constrain speech based on a competing concern for the prevention of harm. For example, speech that threatens, incites or directly causes harm is not protected speech.

    Yet, when it comes to content-based regulation dealing with ideas or ideological expression, the courts have been clear that the government should not place burdens on speech that is objectionable. The government cannot censor speech that is false but does not lead to a specific, identifiable harm.

    Despite these legal constraints, researchers have suggested that upholding the value of free speech requires some content-based regulation. To understand this seemingly paradoxical conclusion, it’s important to understand why free speech is valuable in the first place. Free speech enables you to be an autonomous member of society by allowing you to express yourself and hear other people express themselves.

    People consider it wrong when a government bans discussion of a viewpoint or piece of content because that violates their right as speakers and listeners to engage with the viewpoint or content. In other words, having free speech is essential because citizens need to be able to choose freely what they say and listen to.

    In addition, democracy is served by having a citizenry that is able to engage freely and meaningfully in the content of their choosing. Democratic dissent, after all, was the original inspiration for free speech protections and serves as the backbone of their protections today.

    Regulating for free speech

    The need for citizens in a democratic state to be autonomous speakers and thinkers underscores the importance of content-based regulation in upholding free speech. Research has shown that hate speech online in particular and the proliferation of extremism online in general have a chilling effect on online speech through intimidation and fear. So, restrictions on hate speech can support free speech rather than undermining it.

    Hate speech is a form of speech that can diminish free speech.
    Creative Touch Imaging Ltd./NurPhoto via Getty Images

    In addition, the spread of online misinformation and the challenges of detecting it can similarly undermine the people’s ability to exchange ideas and evaluate viewpoints as autonomous speakers or listeners. In fact, research shows that users are bad at distinguishing between true and false claims online. This fundamental weakness undermines your ability to operate as an autonomous speaker or listener.

    Finally, increased polarization online, caused by the dissemination of falsehoods, undermines the democratic point of free speech protections. People cannot meaningfully engage in the marketplace of ideas on a platform where falsehoods are amplified. Importantly, this insight aligns with users’ preference that platforms remove disinformation rather than protect it.

    All of this is evidence that deregulating social media platforms is a net loss for free speech. In economic markets, maintaining a consumer’s freedom of choice requires regulations against coercion and deceit. In the marketplace of ideas, the principle is the same: The free trade of ideas requires regulation.

    Michael Gregory does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why deregulating online platforms is actually bad for free speech – https://theconversation.com/why-deregulating-online-platforms-is-actually-bad-for-free-speech-253015

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why is Donald Trump failing to bring peace to Ukraine like he promised?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jennifer Mathers, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, Aberystwyth University

    Ending Russia’s war in Ukraine was one of Donald Trump’s campaign promises, and one that he famously boasted could be achieved in 24 hours. But three months after taking office, the Trump administration has only managed to negotiate a partial ceasefire that has done nothing to stop the fighting.

    On April 13, for example, Russia fired ballistic missiles into the city of Sumy in north-eastern Ukraine, killing at least 35 civilians gathered to celebrate Palm Sunday and injuring over 100 more.

    Military attacks have continued despite numerous meetings between senior Russian and US officials, and phone conversations where Trump and his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, have spoken directly.

    So, why are Trump’s efforts to end the war struggling to get off the starting blocks? The most important reason is that Russia is blocking progress. Moscow has created obstacles, deployed delaying tactics and has generally muddied the waters.

    Fighting in Ukraine has continued as Washington and Moscow discuss the future of Ukraine.
    Institute for the Study of War

    Trump’s major initiative is his proposal for a 30-day general ceasefire to prepare the way for broader peace negotiations. While Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, agreed to this immediately when it was proposed in March, Putin did not. He instead offered a counter proposal: a partial ceasefire banning attacks on energy infrastructure.

    Russia relies heavily on the export of energy, especially oil, to fund the war. But Ukraine has been systematically targeting Russia’s oil refineries and storage facilities, mainly using domestically produced drones. Ukraine is estimated to have destroyed 10% of Russia’s refining capacity since the beginning of 2025.

    By narrowing the scope of the ceasefire, Putin was able to shield Russia’s energy production while continuing to attack Ukraine. Moscow needs the fighting to continue to achieve its openly stated goal of controlling all of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, the four regions of Ukraine it claimed to annex in 2022.

    Another Russian tactic has been to take every opportunity to present a list of demands for Ukrainian concessions. These include Kyiv giving up its claims to Ukrainian territory occupied by Russia, abandoning its goal of joining Nato, and reducing its armed forces significantly. Russia also wants Ukraine to agree to a change of political leadership.

    This tactic is important for two reasons. First, Russia’s demands make it clear that Moscow envisages the war as the first stage in a longer-term plan to exercise control over all of Ukraine, not only the annexed territories. And second, repeatedly stating Russia’s demands gets them into the public discourse.

    When journalists – or, especially, US officials – repeat them, as Trump’s special envoy Steve Witkoff did recently, they gain an air of legitimacy. This creates the expectation that a peace agreement will comply with Moscow’s agenda.

    Russia is also good at deflecting attention away from ending the war. Sometimes Putin does this with flattery and by appealing to Trump’s sense of self-importance.

    In an interview about his March trip to Moscow, Witkoff glided over his failure to secure a pledge from the Russians to agree to a general ceasefire and instead conveyed a touching story demonstrating Putin’s regard for Trump.

    Putin apparently told Witkoff that he went to church and prayed for Trump’s recovery after he narrowly escaped an assassination attempt during the election campaign. Putin also sent Witkoff back to the US with a portrait of Trump, painted by an artist who is known for producing flattering portraits of Putin himself.

    Another effective tactic of deflection involves money. Russian officials dangle the prospect of lucrative deals involving trade and investment in front of Trump administration officials. This was evidently the focus of much of the first meeting between US and Russian officials in Saudi Arabia in February, although it was convened to discuss plans for peace.

    It is also probably the reason for Kirill Dmitriev’s visit to Washington at the beginning of April. Dmitriev, a figure close to Putin and head of Russia’s sovereign wealth fund, confirmed to journalists that his discussions encompassed possible deals with the US involving rare-earth metals, exploiting resources in the Arctic, and resuming direct flights between the US and Russia.

    Trump’s role

    While Russia places obstacles in the path of peace, Trump and his officials do nothing to remove them. This allows Moscow to continue waging war without constraints.

    Despite Trump’s occasional tough talk about running out of patience with Moscow, as well as his threats of secondary tariffs on countries that buy oil from Russia, no measures that would put pressure on Russia have been implemented.

    Trump has instead made excuses for Moscow. He described the attack on Sumy as a “mistake”, and has expressed admiration for Putin for dragging his feet to get a better deal with Washington.

    This contrasts sharply with Trump’s dealings with Ukraine. Zelensky was publicly humiliated during his meeting with Trump and US vice-president, J.D. Vance, in the Oval Office in February. Trump has even accused Zelensky of starting the war, which was launched by a mass invasion of Russian forces.

    Trump and his team have shown far less interest in Ukraine’s security needs than in striking a lucrative deal to extract the country’s natural resources. The prospect of the Trump administration negotiating a peace agreement that the Ukrainians would accept seems remote.

    So, where does this leave the peace process? When the partial ceasefire arrangement comes to an end later in April, Washington will have to decide whether to resume its efforts to secure a general ceasefire or chart a new course.

    Based on his track record so far, Trump might just blame the Ukrainians for refusing to surrender to Russia’s terms, abandon attempts to reach a negotiated settlement to the war, and go straight to reestablishing normal relations with Russia.

    Jennifer Mathers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why is Donald Trump failing to bring peace to Ukraine like he promised? – https://theconversation.com/why-is-donald-trump-failing-to-bring-peace-to-ukraine-like-he-promised-254546

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five reasons why young-onset dementia is often missed

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Molly Murray, PhD Candidate, University of the West of Scotland

    The number of people with young-onset dementia could be even higher than current estimates suggest. AtlasStudio/ Shutterstock

    Around 57 million people worldwide have dementia. While most cases of dementia are diagnosed in older adults, about 7% of cases occur in people under 65. This number may be even higher as young-onset dementia continues to be under-recognised. This means many people may be missing out on the support they need.

    Here are five reasons young-onset dementia remains under-recognised:

    1. Dementia is typically associated with older age

    When you hear the word “dementia” do you picture someone under 65? While dementia is usually associated with older adults, the condition doesn’t discriminate based on age. In fact, anyone (even children) can be diagnosed with different forms of dementia.

    But this common assumption means many younger people may not seek a diagnosis from their doctor, as many don’t assume dementia could be causing any of the symptoms they’re experiencing.

    Doctors, too, often fail to consider the possibility of a younger person having dementia. Many people diagnosed with young-onset dementia initially had their symptoms dismissed. Some doctors even showed little concern for their experiences. It also isn’t uncommon for younger adults to be told they’re “too young” to have dementia.

    It’s not surprising then that these experiences lead to frustration, with patients and their families feeling unheard and neglected by the healthcare system.

    The misunderstanding that dementia is a disease of older adults leaves people with young-onset dementia fighting to be heard.

    2. Symptoms are different

    Dementia is most often linked to short-term memory loss. However, cognition (which encompasses all of our mental processes, from thinking to perception) is very complex. For this reason, dementia can lead to a huge variety of symptoms – such as changes in personality and language, difficulties recognising objects, judging distances or coordinating movement and even hallucinations and delusions.

    Compared to dementia in older adults, people with young-onset dementia are more likely to experience symptoms other than memory loss as the earliest signs of the condition. For instance, research shows that for around one-third of people with young-onset Alzheimer’s disease, the earliest symptoms they had were problems with coordination and vision changes.

    3. Rarer causes of dementia

    Dementia is an umbrella term that encompasses a range of brain disorders that all cause problems with cognition. In older adults, the most common cause of dementia is Alzheimer’s disease – accounting for 50-75% of cases. But in people under 65, only around 40% of dementia cases can be attributed to Alzheimer’s disease.

    Instead, young-onset dementia tends to be caused by rarer neurodegenerative conditions, such as frontotemporal dementias. Frontotemporal dementias only affect around one in 20 people diagnosed with dementia. These conditions affect parts of the brain responsible for personality, behaviour, language, speech and executive functioning.

    For example, primary progressive aphasia is one type of frontotemporal dementia. This condition affects around three in every 100,000 people. Primary progressive aphasia mainly alters a person’s ability to communicate and understand speech.

    Primary progressive aphasia can make it difficult to communicate.
    Fida Olga/ Shutterstock

    Secondary dementias are also more common in people with young-onset dementia. These are dementias that are caused by another underlying medical condition, disease (such as Huntington’s disease or a brain tumour) or external factor (such as a viral infection, substance misuse or head injury).



    Read more:
    Young-onset Alzheimer’s can be diagnosed from as early as 30 – and the symptoms are often different

    Recognition of these rarer forms of dementia is increasing – thanks in part to celebrities such as Fiona Phillips, Pauline Quirke and Terry Jones opening up about their experiences. But there’s still much less understanding around treatment options and managing symptoms when it comes to these rarer forms of dementia. Rarer dementias are also linked to atypical symptoms, which often go missed. This prolongs the diagnostic journey.

    4. Symptoms overlap with other conditions

    Symptoms of young-onset dementia have considerable overlap with those common in certain mental health conditions, such as bipolar disorder, psychosis, depression and anxiety. Symptoms might also include apathy, feelings of panic, irritability, hallucinations and delusions.

    Early symptoms of young-onset dementia may also be misdiagnosed as menopause in women, as well as a period of burnout.

    Of course, not everyone experiencing these symptoms will have young-onset dementia. But it’s important we raise awareness about symptom overlap to make the diagnosis process easier for those who do.

    5. Experiences differ between people

    The type and severity of a person’s symptoms can vary due to a variety of factors – such as their physical health, their social environment and even their stress levels. This all leads to significant variability in how dementia is experienced.

    A person’s cognitive reserve (the brain’s ability to maintain good cognitive function despite damage or brain changes) also affects their experience of dementia symptoms and how they cope with them. Some people may adapt more effectively, drawing on strong support networks, psychological resilience or their own personal coping strategies to overcome these challenges.

    All of these factors together can make it difficult to recognise symptoms of young-onset dementia, especially in its early stages.

    Need for awareness

    The under-recognition of young-onset dementia is significant. It contributes to the lack of resources, specialised care and advice, appropriate support and early diagnosis for people with young-onset dementia. While this is improving, greater awareness still needs to be brought to the experience of dementia in younger adults – especially given research shows that the progression of cognitive decline is more pronounced in younger adults.

    If you’re worried about yourself or a family member showing signs of dementia, it’s important to discuss symptoms and seek support early. You can also contact local dementia support organisations such as Alzheimer Scotland, Dementia UK, and Alzheimer Society, who can provide information, resources and guidance on support options.

    Molly Murray is a PhD student at the University of the West of Scotland. She receives a Studentship and funding from the University of the West of Scotland for completing her PhD which explores experiences of navigation in people with young-onset dementia.

    – ref. Five reasons why young-onset dementia is often missed – https://theconversation.com/five-reasons-why-young-onset-dementia-is-often-missed-254001

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Wall Street caught between a rock and a hard place as tensions between US and China rise

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Johannes Petry, CSGR Research Fellow, University of Warwick

    American investment bank JP Morgan’s logo on its Hong Kong office. Tada Images / Shutterstock

    The trade war between China and the US has spiralled into unchartered territory. On April 10, the Trump administration imposed a tariff of 125% on all Chinese imports. China called the actions unfair and responded with similar measures.

    Within the broader debate around unravelling economic ties between the US and China, where economic interdependence has increasingly been viewed as a threat to US national security, this escalation raises questions about whether global finance is also reducing its presence in China.

    After all, the risks of financial connectivity with China have been discussed prominently by US policymakers in recent years. And many financial analysts have spent much of the past year discussing whether China has become “uninvestable” due to rising geopolitical tensions.

    However, as I show in a recently published study, most global financial firms have continued to expand their presence in Chinese markets over the last decade, even as tensions have intensified.

    Crucially, they have done so on China’s terms, operating within a system that prioritises government oversight and policy goals over liberal market norms. This pragmatic accommodation is quietly reshaping the global financial order.

    China’s capital markets, which have historically been sealed off from the rest of the world, have been opening up in recent decades. This has prompted global financial firms to expand their footprint in China.

    Investment banks such as Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan have taken full ownership of local joint ventures. And asset managers like BlackRock or Invesco have established fund management operations on the Chinese mainland.

    Yet China has not liberalised in the way many in the west expected. Rather than conforming to global norms of open, lightly regulated markets, China’s financial system remains largely guided by the state.

    Markets there operate within a framework shaped by the policy priorities of the central government, capital controls remain in place, and foreign firms are expected to play by a different set of rules than they would in New York or London.

    Foreign investors have been allowed to buy into mainland markets, but through infrastructure that limits capital outflows and preserves regulatory oversight.

    Rather than adapting China to the global financial order, Wall Street has accommodated China’s distinct model. The motivation behind this is clear: China is simply too big to ignore.

    Take China’s pension system as an example. Whereas pension assets in the US amount to 136.2% of GDP in 2019, in China these only amounted to 1.6%. The growth potential in this market is enormous, representing a trillion-dollar opportunity for global firms.

    Consequently, index providers such as MSCI, FTSE Russell, and S&P Dow Jones – key gatekeepers of global investment – have included Chinese stocks and bonds in major benchmark indices.

    These decisions, taken between 2017 and 2020, effectively declared Chinese markets “investment grade” for institutional investors around the world. This has helped legitimise China’s market model within the architecture of global finance.

    America strikes back

    In recent years, Washington has sought to curtail US financial exposure to China through a growing set of measures. These include investment restrictions, entity blacklists, and forced delisting for Chinese firms on US stock exchanges. Such actions signal a broader effort to use finance as a tool of strategic leverage.

    The moves have had some effect. Some US institutional investors and pension funds have declared China “uninvestable”, and are reducing their exposure. American investments in China have roughly halved since their US$1.4 trillion (£1.1 trillion) peak in 2020.

    But attributing this solely to geopolitical pressure overlooks another key factor: China’s underwhelming market performance. A protracted property crisis, a government crackdown on tech companies, and a weak post-pandemic economic recovery have made Chinese markets less attractive to investors in purely financial terms.

    More strategically oriented investors from Asia, Europe and the Middle East have invested more into Chinese markets, filling gaps left by US investors. Sovereign wealth funds from the Middle East, especially, have engaged in more long-term investments as part of broader efforts to strengthen economic cooperation with China.

    And at the same time, many western financial firms have doubled down on their presence in China, expanding their onshore footprint. Since 2020, institutions like JP Morgan, Goldman Sachs and BlackRock have opened new offices, increased their staff, acquired new licences and bought out their joint venture partners to operate independently as investment banks, asset managers or futures brokers.

    It has become more difficult to invest foreign capital in China. But western financial firms are positioning themselves to tap into China’s huge domestic capital pools and capture its long-term growth opportunities – even as they tread carefully around geopolitical sensitivities.

    Fragmenting financial order

    It is too early to predict the long-term effects of the current geopolitical tensions. But Wall Street is trying to placate both sides. On the one hand, it is adapting to capital markets with Chinese characteristics. And on the other, it is trying not to antagonise an increasingly interventionist America.

    However, while holding its breath amid further escalation and having scaled back some of its activities, Wall Street has not left China. It is instead learning how to work within the constraints of a system shaped by a different set of priorities.

    This does not necessarily signal a new global consensus. But it does suggest that the liberal financial order, once defined by Anglo-American norms, is becoming more pluralistic. China’s rise is showing that alternative models – where the state retains a strong hand in markets – can coexist with, and even shape, global finance.

    As tensions between the US and China continue to rise, financial firms are learning to navigate a world in which existing relationships between states and markets are being reconfigured. This process may well define the future of global finance.

    Johannes Petry receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the German Research Foundation (DFG).

    – ref. Wall Street caught between a rock and a hard place as tensions between US and China rise – https://theconversation.com/wall-street-caught-between-a-rock-and-a-hard-place-as-tensions-between-us-and-china-rise-254490

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How petrostates succeeded in watering down the world’s plan to cut shipping emissions

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Christiaan De Beukelaer, Senior Lecturer in Culture & Climate, The University of Melbourne

    The UN’s International Maritime Organization has just agreed to start charging ships for the greenhouse gases they emit. After decades of ineffective incremental tweaks to shipping emissions, the breakthrough came on April 11 at a summit in London. It makes shipping the first industry subject to a worldwide – and legally binding – emissions price.

    The positive spin is that getting any sort of deal is a major win for multilateral climate action, especially considering two strong headwinds.

    From within the meeting, there was sustained opposition to ambitious action from Saudi Arabia and other petrostates, as well as from China and Brazil. Second, the US had already disengaged from negotiations. Even so, from outside the meeting, the US administration’s tariff war and explicit threat to retaliate against states supporting a shipping pricing regime could have affected talks far more than they did.

    But we’re not sure that this agreement can be considered a success. While there is little traditional climate change denial at the IMO, “mitigation denial” is alive and kicking. Mitigation denial means making lofty promises, often in line with scientific evidence, but not adopting concrete measures able to deliver on these targets. This is exactly what petrostates pushed the IMO to do last week.

    Ultimately, the IMO has well and truly failed the most climate vulnerable, by favouring a more gradual and less certain transition to low-carbon shipping. It’s even effectively making these countries pay the price.

    What are the measures?

    The IMO agreement introduces a global fuel standard for shipping, with financial penalties for ships that don’t meet emissions targets. This is effectively a carbon-trading scheme.

    It sets two targets, both of which get tougher every year: a “base” level and a stricter “direct compliance” level. Ships that miss the direct target have to buy “remedial units”, and more expensive ones if they also fail the base level. Ships that go beyond their targets earn “surplus units”, which they can trade or save for up to two years.

    In practice, this means that the companies and countries that can invest in new technologies will earn a double dividend: they won’t pay for emissions and they will receive rewards for using low-emission fuels.

    At the same time, countries and shipping companies lacking the means to invest will effectively subsidise those early movers by paying penalties that reward them. Hardly any revenues will be available for the promised “just and equitable” transition that would ensure no country is left behind. No wonder nearly all delegates from vulnerable Pacific nations abstained from the vote at the IMO.

    For a typical ship burning heavy fuel oil in 2028, it works out at around US$25 (£19) per tonne of greenhouse gas. That’s far lower than needed to drive a rapid transition to cleaner fuels. We also still don’t know exactly how the money raised will be used.

    Delegates also agreed to update the IMO’s “carbon intensity” policy, which now requires ships to be 21.5% more fuel efficient by 2030 compared to 2019. This is a modest 2.5% improvement per year.

    Pacific island states and the UK were among those arguing for bigger cuts (up to 47%). China pushed for 15% and the EU proposed the surprisingly low 23%. The final result of 21.5% is a bad compromise that does not reflect scientific recommendations on meeting the IMO’s goals or what is possible with available technology.

    Climate action at the IMO

    This geopolitical struggle goes back decades. Following the adoption of the Kyoto protocol (a precursor of the Paris agreement) in 1997, the UN tasked the IMO with reducing shipping emissions. After two decades of little progress, in 2018 the IMO eventually set a weak target to cut emissions by 50% from 2008 levels. In 2023, that goal was strengthened to net-zero emissions “by or around 2050”, with interim targets of 20-30% cuts by 2030 and 70-80% by 2040.



    Read more:
    Why the shipping industry’s increased climate ambition spells the end for its fossil fuel use

    Most importantly, the 2023 strategy also committed to adopting legally binding measures in April 2025 to deliver on these targets. This has now happened.

    In light of that history, the new measures do constitute progress. However, their success has to be judged on whether they can actually meet the IMO’s targets.

    The 2030 goal is especially important as climate damage is proportional to cumulative emissions over time, so it’s important to cut emissions as soon as possible. If the shipping sector misses its 2030 target, it may have emitted too much carbon to still make a fair contribution to the Paris agreement.

    Academics at UCL have analysed the new IMO agreement. Unfortunately, they calculated the new policies will only deliver a 10% reduction by 2030 – that’s not even close to the 20% goal the IMO set, let alone the “strive” target of 30%.

    Mitigation denial?

    At the IMO’s closing meeting, Harry Conway, chair of its Marine Environment Protection Committee, held up a glass of water and remarked that at the start of the week, the glass was empty, now the glass is half full.

    As political spin, that image might work. But when it comes to setting a clear and ambitious path forward, the measures fall well short.

    The 2023 strategy committed nations to “strive” to deliver 30% emissions cuts by 2030. Last week’s meeting might yield 10%. Another reason why Pacific delegates abstained from voting. There is a lot more striving – and delivering – to be done.

    A credible pathway to reach net-zero by 2050 is now at risk. Strong pushback by the US, Saudi Arabia, China and Brazil, and weak leadership from the EU all played a role. Even adopting these modest measures – which requires a vote in October – and specifying operational “guidelines” afterwards will be an uphill battle.

    Christiaan De Beukelaer receives funding from the ClimateWorks Foundation.

    Simon Bullock is a member of the Institute for Marine Engineering, Science and Technology (IMarEST)

    – ref. How petrostates succeeded in watering down the world’s plan to cut shipping emissions – https://theconversation.com/how-petrostates-succeeded-in-watering-down-the-worlds-plan-to-cut-shipping-emissions-254638

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Television wasn’t the death knell for cinema – and that holds lessons for the creative industries and AI

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mark Fryers, Lecturer in film and media, The Open University

    KitohodkA/Shutterstock

    As television grew rapidly in popularity in the second half of the 20th century, many people assumed it would cause a knock-on crisis for the film industry. After all, it meant that viewers no longer had to leave their sofas to enjoy onscreen entertainment.

    But the reality was far more nuanced. The “death of cinema” has been habitually touted ever since the introduction of the TV, but never really came to pass. Instead, cinema found ways to work with new competition through technological innovation, aesthetic invention and engaging with challenging subject matters.

    Today, lessons from the introduction of TV demonstrate how the creative industries have navigated the introduction of new technology. And could offer some comfort to those who fear that artificial intelligence (AI) technology could be a death knell for the creative industries.

    This article is part of our State of the Arts series. These articles tackle the challenges of the arts and heritage industry – and celebrate the wins, too.

    As far back as 1938, long before its widespread popularity, film production company Paramount Studios sought to break into television. It made significant investment in DuMont Laboratories, which evolved into a pioneering commercial TV network.

    Other studios followed suit and experimented with “live cinema”. This was a form of entertainment in which broadcast images, including sporting events, were converted into 35mm film and projected onto cinema screens, and it was made throughout the 1940s.

    The “Paramount decrees” antitrust case issued by the US Supreme Court in 1948 ended the monopolistic practices of the studios, which precluded them from owning broadcast companies in favour of the radio networks. They were also ordered to sell their cinema chains, which meant that their films no longer had guaranteed screenings to the public.

    Nevertheless, they continued to form television production companies, with Columbia establishing Screen Gems in 1951 and Paramount reinvesting in the ABC network in 1952. By the 1960s, the majority of prime-time television programming was provided by Hollywood studio companies. These close ties fostered a mutually beneficial relationship.

    Cross-pollination

    After the break-up of the studios, many studio personnel found work in the television industry. It provided a training ground for future cinema stars, including as Steven Spielberg, George Clooney and John Travolta. Studios could also rent out their studios and facilities to television production companies.

    The “star system” (in which the popularity of film stars had always driven the commercial potential of cinema) was now complimented by the exposure of these stars on television programmes.

    Jaws was advertised across TV channels.
    Wiki Commons, CC BY-SA

    Many studios began using TV to advertise their films. For example, Disneyland TV programmes helped to advertise the Disney studio and its cinematic products as distinct from television. And film trailers became another important conduit for cinema advertising. The summer blockbuster era was ushered in by Jaws in 1975 with blanket advertising on every prime-time TV show.

    When early television schedules lacked enough new content to fill the airwaves, British cinema and cheap films and serials (a series of short films with cliffhanger endings; an early progenitor of television series) from the smaller Hollywood studios filled the early schedules.

    Other studio executives took note that their back catalogues of film, which mainly sat untouched in vaults, were a financial goldmine that could be ploughed back into film production and technological development. MGM, which owned titles including perennial favourite The Wizard of Oz, which CBS reserved exclusive rights to screen for 20 years, from August 1956 US$34 million (£12 million) for its titles, while Paramount held out for US$50 million (£17.8 million). Screening rights were sold to the television networks.

    As a result, television became the primary conduit for film viewing. Subsequently, more films were seen on television than on the big screen. There were 3.4 billion film viewings on UK TV in 2013 compared with 165 million cinema admissions – these are now shared with streaming and on demand services. Something had to be done to keep people going to the cinema.

    Technical and aesthetic innovation

    In attempting to preserve the experience of the big screen, widescreen, 3D and multi-track sound systems were introduced to cinemas. The move to standardised colour film accelerated, while extended film length attempted to link the cinematic experience with “high culture” such as the theatre and opera, with overtures and intermissions.

    While many were seen as gimmicky (such as “smell-O-vision” in Scent of Mystery, 1960), widescreen filming became the aesthetic choice of filmmakers, producing epic canvasses and an alternative viewing experience to the small television screen.

    A trailer for A Scent of Mystery and its ‘smell-o-vision’ marketing.

    Although many of these technologies dated back to the 1920s, small-screen competition drove technological and aesthetic innovation, and was partly financed by the tele-visual licensing of their films. Alongside these innovations, the content of the films themselves offered a demonstrable alternative to the small screen.

    By the late 1960s, Hollywood had essentially broken free from the self-imposed censorial strictures of the Hay’s production code, which regulated everything from language to interracial relationships. Instead, film-makers had absorbed the influences of documentary, avant-garde and the French New Wave, among others, as well as the rock n’ roll and counterculture movements to make bold and controversial films, such as Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? (1966) and Easy Rider (1969).

    The topics and levels of sex and violence portrayed in these films were unthinkable within the heavily regulated family and advertiser-friendly television industry.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Director Alfred Hitchcock made the most of this distinction between mediums. He utilised the agile tele-visual working crew of his TV series Alfred Hitchcock Presents (1955) for the taboo-bothering horror film Psycho in 1960, suggesting that the two mediums could be related but also divided by content. This, along with the aesthetic innovations helped to elevate cinema artistically in relation to the small screen.

    And so the AI era dawns. The writers and actors strike of 2023 showed that the creative industries are ready to fight for their survival. Adaptability, as Hollywood has demonstrated throughout its history, can also be the key to continued success.

    Dr Mark Fryers received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (MA & PhD funding, 2011-2015).

    – ref. Television wasn’t the death knell for cinema – and that holds lessons for the creative industries and AI – https://theconversation.com/television-wasnt-the-death-knell-for-cinema-and-that-holds-lessons-for-the-creative-industries-and-ai-250227

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Birkin vs Wirkin: the backlash against the global elite and their luxury bags – podcast

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

    Tony Neil Thompson/Shutterstock

    The Birkin bag made by French luxury retailer Hermès has become a status symbol for the global elite. Notoriously difficult to obtain, the world’s rich obsess over how to get their hands on one.

    But when US retailer Walmart recently launched a much cheaper bag that looked very similar to the Birkin, nicknamed a “Wirkin” by others, it sparked discussions about wealth disparity and the ethics of conspicuous consumption.

    In this episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast, we speak to two sociologists about the Birkin and what it symbolises.

    For the rich housewives of Delhi, the Birkin bag is a must have, says Parul Bhandari. A sociologist at the University of Cambridge in the UK, she’s spent time interviewing wealthy Indian women about their lives and preoccupations. She told us:

     A bag that is carried by rich women of New York, of London, of Paris, is something that you desire as well, so it’s a ticket of entry into the global elite.

    Birkins are also used by some of these rich women as a way to show off their husband’s affection, Bhandari says: “ Not only from the point of view of money, because obviously this bag is extremely expensive, but also because it is difficult to procure.” The harder your husband tries to help you get the bag, the more getting one is a testimony of conjugal love.

    Manufactured scarcity

    Named after the British actress Jane Birkin, Hermès’s signature bag can cost tens of thousands of dollars, or more on the resale market for those made in rare colours or out of rare leathers. But you can’t just walk into any Hermès store to buy one, as Aarushi Bhandari, a sociologist at Davidson College in the US who studies the internet – and is no relation to Parul – explains.

    You need to have a record of spending tens of thousands of dollars even before you’re offered to buy one. But spending that money doesn’t automatically mean you get a bag. You have to develop a relationship with a sales associate at a particular Hermès store and the sales associate really gets to decide, if there’s availability, whether or not you get offered a bag.

    Bhandari became intrigued by online communities where people discuss the best strategies for obtaining an Hermès. So when US retailer Walmart launched a bag in late 2024 that looked very similar to a Birkin, and the internet went wild, Bhandari was fascinated.

    She began to see posts on TikTok discussing the bag. First it was fashion accounts talking it up, but then a backlash began, with some users criticising those who would spend thousands on a real Birkin and praising the “Wirkin” as a way to make an iconic design accessible to regular people. Bhandari sees this as an example of an accelerating form of anti-elitism taking hold within parts of online culture.

    In February, the chief executive of Hermès, Axel Dumas, admitted that he was “irritated” by the Walmart bag and that the company took counterfeiting “very seriously”.

    The Walmart bag quickly sold out and no more were put on sale. It has since entered into a partnership with a secondhand luxury resale platform called Rebag, meaning customers can buy real Birkins secondhand through Walmart’s online marketplace.

    The Conversation approached Hermès for comment on the Walmart bag, and to confirm how the company decides who is eligible to buy a Birkin. Hermès did not respond.

    Listen to the full episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast to hear our conversation with Parul Bhandari and Aarushi Bhandari, plus an introduction from Nick Lehr, arts and culture editor at The Conversation in the US.

    This episode of The Conversation Weekly was written and produced by Katie Flood. Mixing and sound design by Eloise Stevens and theme music by Neeta Sarl.

    TikTok clips in this episode from babydoll2184, chronicallychaotic and pamelawurstvetrini.

    Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here.

    Parul Bhandari and Aarushi Bhandari do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Birkin vs Wirkin: the backlash against the global elite and their luxury bags – podcast – https://theconversation.com/birkin-vs-wirkin-the-backlash-against-the-global-elite-and-their-luxury-bags-podcast-254723

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Federal judge finds ‘probable cause’ to hold Trump administration in contempt – a legal scholar explains what this means

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Cassandra Burke Robertson, Professor of Law and Director of the Center for Professional Ethics, Case Western Reserve University

    A judge’s opinion moves the nation closer to a collision between the executive branch and the courts. Xand, iStock / Getty Images Plus

    A battle between the Trump administration and federal courts over the deportation of more than 100 immigrants to a prison in El Salvador intensified on April 16, 2025. U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg released an opinion saying that he had “probable cause” to hold members of the administration in criminal contempt. That potentially dramatic action was in response to the White House disobeying Boasberg’s March 15 order to halt flights taking those immigrants to El Salvador.

    “The Government’s actions on that day demonstrate a willful disregard for its Order,” the 46-page, April 16 opinion says.

    Amy Lieberman, a politics editor at The Conversation U.S., spoke with Cassandra Burke Robertson, a legal scholar at Case Western Reserve University, to better understand Boasberg’s decision.

    U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg attends a panel discussion in Washington on April 2, 2025.
    Drew Angerer/AFP via Getty Images

    What exactly did Judge Boasberg do in this memorandum opinion?

    Boasberg is saying there is evidence that the Trump administration has not complied with the court’s order to return the deportees, and that it may have intentionally flouted that order. He is making a finding of probable cause, meaning that the court needs to dig a little deeper to find out what happened and why the government, in this case, apparently did not comply with the court order.

    It’s not too late for the government to comply. One option for the government is called “purging the contempt,” meaning the administration complies with the court order and brings the individuals who were sent to El Salvador back into U.S. custody.

    If the administration does that, there will not be any further contempt proceedings. Normally, that would be attractive to the government in this position.

    If the government chooses not to bring the detainees back into U.S. custody, then the probable cause finding means there is going to be an investigation overseen by the court.

    But nobody has been found in contempt, yet.

    The next step is taking evidence about what happened, including declarations from government officials. If needed, the court may also order, Boasberg wrote, “hearings with live witness testimony under oath or to depositions conducted by Plaintiffs.” The goal is to find out who ordered what, when and why. Then the court can decide whether someone within the government is responsible for flouting the court order.

    Boasberg is giving the administration until April 23 to respond. By that date, the government must either, first, explain the steps it has taken to seek to return the individuals to U.S. custody. Or, second, it can identify the individuals who decided not to halt the transfer of the detainees out of U.S. custody, after the court ruled that they should not be transferred.

    If Boasberg holds government officials in contempt, what happens next?

    It is definitely not clear who Boasberg would hold in contempt. Part of what Boasberg is doing is figuring out who the relevant decision-makers are and what they might have ordered. The next step is to take discovery on those issues and to make a finding about who is responsible.

    With rare exceptions, a contempt case is prosecuted in the same court whose order was violated. Under the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, a prosecutor is responsible for charging the defendants, once identified, with contempt. Those charges, like any criminal case, would need to be proved beyond a reasonable doubt. Issuing sanctions isn’t something Boasberg can just decide – there is a process.

    Normally, a prosecutor in a case like this would be from the Department of Justice. In Boasberg’s opinion, he acknowledged that the Department of Justice might decline to prosecute. Federal rules allow the judge to appoint a different prosecutor if the government declines to prosecute or if “the interest of justice requires the appointment of another attorney.”

    One big question is, can the president pardon contempt? Notably, Trump has done so before, when he pardoned Sheriff Joe Arpaio for defying a court order requiring him to stop his immigration patrols. However, some scholars have argued that such pardons may violate the Constitution’s separation of powers.

    What is the punishment for contempt?

    The two most common punishments would typically be a term of incarceration, or monetary sanctions. I suspect monetary sanctions are easier to enforce here than jail time.

    It is so uncommon to hold any government official in contempt. Usually, the government would very quickly change direction to come into compliance to avoid the risk of any government official being sent to jail or any financial penalties being levied.

    In the past, courts rarely needed to sentence government officials, because once there was a probable cause finding, the government would comply with what the judge was asking. Researcher Nicholas Perillo found “many examples of agencies shifting toward compliance on being faced with a mere contempt motion,” so that sanctions were not needed.

    There aren’t a lot of cases where a judge has tried to enforce sanctions against a member of the government. In fact, only two federal officials – in 1951 – have ever been incarcerated for contempt, and they only spent a few hours in jail.

    The Supreme Court found that the deportees’ case was not supposed to be heard in Boasberg’s court. Does Boasberg still have the authority to hold the government in contempt?

    Boasberg had to address this, because the government also raised the issue. Boasberg points out the Supreme Court has historically said that when a party is faced with a court order, it has to comply with that court order until it gets relief on appeal. It cannot just ignore an order it believes a court should not have issued.

    Here, the government had an obligation to comply with the order to return the Venezuelan immigrants sent to prison in El Salvador, even as it appealed the case to a higher court. And that is what is the issue here – that it failed to comply.

    Have government officials ever been held in contempt of court before, and does this case differ from other cases?

    It’s not a rare remedy in general–every year, many litigants are held in contempt and even jailed for refusing to comply with court orders. It’s especially common in child support and custody proceedings.

    But it’s very rare for government officials to be held in contempt of court. One was the Arpaio case. Another case involved a Kentucky clerk who refused to issue marriage licenses for same-sex couples and was held in contempt. She spent six days in jail before she was released on the condition that she wouldn’t interfere with her deputies granting the licenses.

    President Donald Trump speaks with Nayib Bukele, president of El Salvador, in the White House on April 14, 2025.
    Brendan Śmiałowski/AFP via Getty Images

    There has been talk of the U.S. edging into a constitutional crisis with this development. Does this order show that a crisis is already happening?

    Any time the government fails to comply with a court order, I think we risk a constitutional crisis. But I believe that contempt proceedings are a way to show the strength of the Constitution. The contempt power has been around for as long as federal courts in the U.S. have been around, since 1789. This is fundamental to our constitutional system. If a litigant does not obey a court order, courts have power to enforce those orders.

    Cassandra Burke Robertson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Federal judge finds ‘probable cause’ to hold Trump administration in contempt – a legal scholar explains what this means – https://theconversation.com/federal-judge-finds-probable-cause-to-hold-trump-administration-in-contempt-a-legal-scholar-explains-what-this-means-254767

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘STOP the American takeover of Canada!’ — Inspiration and humour from a London, Ont. art movement

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ruth Skinner, Sessional instructor, School for Advanced Studies in the Arts & Humanities, Western University

    Facing American tariffs and taunts of becoming the 51st state, Canada can look inward for inspiration, humour and reassurance.

    On social media, many arts figures or associations have shared versions of Canadian artist Greg Curnoe’s (1936-92) Map of North America.

    As seen on accounts that include the Arts Canada Institute, the Banff Centre’s Derek Beaulieu, filmmaker Stephen Broomer, the Embassy Cultural House, the Curnoe estate and others, the map erases the United States from the continent. It re-imagines the longest border to lie between Canada and Mexico.

    Curnoe’s Map of North America, first created in 1972, is inseparable from his hometown of London, Ont. The work, artist and city offer valuable insights for navigating this new relationship with our nearest neighbour. My recent doctoral dissertation explores the cosmopolitan outlook of London’s artists and arts publishers, both historic and present. This includes their incisive commentary on Canada-U.S. relations.

    London as test market

    London is a leading test market for Canadian and American retailers. This is thanks to its moderate size, demographic composition and proximity to major cities, highways and the border.

    Test marketing involves localized experience with a concept or product before incurring large-scale expense. A landmark example for London was the development of Wellington Square, North America’s first enclosed shopping centre, in 1961.

    A 1967 cover of the London arts publication 20 Cents Magazine satirically celebrated this “test market” status. It also chided the reader: “Are you getting your share of the business, for fair?” Artists of London have long played with the local flavour of their city, and the city has a distinct arts scene.

    Distinct arts scene

    Curator and author Barry Lord profiled the city in a 1969 Art in America feature entitled “What London, Ontario Has That Everywhere Else Needs.” Lord positioned London as “younger than Montréal, livelier than Toronto, vying with Vancouver in variety and sheer quantity of output [and] in many ways the most important of the four.”

    This scene included the burgeoning London Regionalist movement — an art movement of which Curnoe was a feature — and the birth of Canadian Artists’ Representation (now Canadian Artists’ Representation/Le Front des artistes canadiens). Lord lauded London artists as “indelibly Canadian, and perhaps among the first global villagers.”

    Nationalist with wicked humour

    What would Curnoe make of the present dynamic between Canada and its closest neighbour?

    “I think he would be fired up,” says Jennie Kraehling, associate director of Michael Gibson Gallery, which represents the Curnoe estate.

    Kraehling continues: “Greg would be making a lot of statements, and I think he’d be very passionate. Just knowing his devout patriotism, his interest in the local and his pro-Canadian sentiments, I think that he would be trying to get a movement going.” Rather than anti-American, however, Kraehling describes Curnoe as a nationalist with a wicked sense of humour.

    As the late journalist Robert Fulford wrote in a 2001 column, in the early 80s Curnoe noted: “My work is about resisting as much as possible the tendency of American culture to overwhelm other cultures.”

    Social critique

    Historian Judith Rodger emphasizes Curnoe’s Map as “tongue-in-cheek” even as it levies sharp social critique. Observing the negotiations between Canada, the U.S. and Mexico that would lead to the North American Free Trade Agreement, Curnoe revisited the work through the 1980s and 1990s in lithographs and clay.

    Curnoe’s Nihilist Party of Canada (NPC), an absurdist political movement formed in 1963, advertised regularly in 20 Cents magazine. One ad encouraged the reader to “STOP the American takeover of Canada,” and to “Stop Pollution, Stop Killing, Stop Exploitation … Get off your Butt – Do Something! THINK NEGATIVELY.”

    Rodger notes that despite its strong politics, the party had “no platform and no candidates.”

    The NPC preceded the Nihilist Spasm Band, an internationally lauded, multi-member noise band that inspired a second generation of artistic collaboration. Members have included performers John Boyle, Murray Favro, John Clement, Bill Exley, Art Pratten, Aya Onishi, as well as the late Hugh McIntyre, Archie Leitch and Curnoe.

    The track “Destroy the Nations” opens their 1968 No Record album. It begins with Pratten railing: “Destroy the nations! Destroy America! England is dead! Destroy America! AHHHHHH!” The NSB’s performance is a howl against imperial servitude and corporate greed.

    In a city forever mimicking the topography and titles of an older London, and so close to the U.S., Ontario’s Londoners are aware of an implied second-fiddle position. Yet Curnoe volleyed his pro-Canadian attitude at the border, just 200 kilometres south. In one of his bicycle series paintings, Mariposa 10 Speed No. 2 (1973), the words “CLOSE THE 49th PARALLEL ETC.” are emblazoned across Curnoe’s bike’s top tube.

    Canada, U.S. markets and fine art

    Yet the situation is not entirely insular, nor is it comparable with the “Buy Canadian” encouragement seen at supermarkets, liquor stores and other retail outlets today.

    Canada’s art market is, in the words of Mackenzie Sinclair of the Art Dealers Association of Canada, “a fragile ecosystem.” Canada’s GDP (including its art) is deeply integrated with the U.S.: many Canadian artists have American dealers, show in American galleries and use American-made materials.

    With ongoing threats of American tariffs and export restrictions, Canadian collectors and galleries are abstaining from American art fairs and seeking stronger connections with European markets. Canada’s only international art fair, Art Toronto, is fostering a special new partnership with Mexican galleries, enacting a version of Curnoe’s Map of North America in real time.

    Curation about nationalist rhetoric

    Curnoe’s nationalist perspective is an important one right now. However, nationalism can quickly devolve into dangerous and exclusivist rhetoric.

    Until recently, London-based artist Angie Quick was in a group exhibition curated by Andil Gosine for Washington’s Art Museum of the Americas. The show was abruptly cancelled. Speaking with the Globe and Mail, Gosine speculated this was due to due to the museum pre-emptively bending to the new political order in D.C. in light of the exhibition’s queer perspectives.

    For Quick, this cancellation signals a transnational warning. She notes that The Museum of the Americas is an arm of the Organization of the American States, a regional organization that brings together North and South American governments including Canada, the U.S. and Mexico.

    The call to cancel, she says, far exceeds a phenomena happening only in the U.S.:

    “It is a reminder of what role funding has in liberation politics when it comes to the arts. And as we [Canadians] like to other ourselves from the U.S. it’s just as important to remember we are just as much at risk to nationalism dictating values in the arts.”

    Ruth Skinner has received funding from The Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) and the London Arts Council (LAC).

    – ref. ‘STOP the American takeover of Canada!’ — Inspiration and humour from a London, Ont. art movement – https://theconversation.com/stop-the-american-takeover-of-canada-inspiration-and-humour-from-a-london-ont-art-movement-252980

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Growing threats faced by women candidates undermine our democracy

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Inessa De Angelis, PhD Student, Faculty of Information, University of Toronto

    As Liberal MP Pam Damoff prepares to leave politics, she joins other Canadian women MPs in warning that growing threats and harassment are driving them out of politics.

    Their call adds to the voices of other politicians in Australia and the United Kingdom who caution that misogyny and threats of violence, especially on social media, have caused them to refrain from seeking re-election.

    With the Canadian federal election approaching, campaigns expose politicians to increased online incivility and abuse. Nearly 19 per cent of tweets analyzed by the Samara Centre for Democracy during the 2021 campaign contained harassment.

    Harassment undermines democracy and threatens the equal participation of women in politics. When women politicians don’t seek re-election, we lose key voices advocating for a more equitable future.

    Despite threats to our democracy being a key theme of the ongoing federal election campaign, barely anyone is talking about the threat harassment poses.

    Harassment is a threat to representation

    Women remain underrepresented in Canadian Parliament. Canada currently ranks 70th out of 190 countries for representation of women in politics. Following the federal election in 2021, women held only 30.9 per cent of the seats in the House of Commons.

    While research shows women who run for office are just as likely to win as their male counterparts, women require more convincing to step up and put their name on the ballot.

    Once women politicians are elected, they face more barriers in Parliament. Some of these barriers include family obligations and fewer promotions to high-profile roles.

    However, gender-based heckling, violence and harassment are additional barriers.

    Shaping voter behaviour

    Violence against women politicians aims to silence and exclude women from participating in politics simply because they are women.

    And while men and women politicians receive similar amounts of online harassment, online attacks against women politicians tend to be more personal and sexist in tone.

    Online harassment isn’t just driving women out of politics; it’s also shaping voter behaviour.

    In fact, research shows that women voters are less likely to participate in political discussions on social media because they fear getting harassed as women politicians are.

    These findings align with outgoing Liberal MP Jennifer O’Connell’s letter to her constituents that cites online threats of sexual violence fuelled by misinformation and disinformation as rationale for not seeking re-election.

    Increasing security

    The rising threats of harassment against all politicians led the Privy Council Office to offer private-sector security services for candidates who feel intimidated and threatened during the 2025 campaign.

    The goal of private security is to offer an extra level of protection when the threshold for police protection is not met. Through the program, candidates can get an unarmed guard to watch their surroundings and manage risks.

    Which metrics are used to determine if the threshold is met? Private security services should protect all candidates equally. However, the lived experiences and concerns of women politicians are often discounted and not taken seriously.

    A new way to measure harassment

    Defining and quantifying types of harassment is hard. Hate speech is recognized as explicit harassment, but this raises questions about who gets to decide which less explicit incidents count as harassment.

    There are more subtle forms of harassment like sexist microaggressions that threaten women candidates just as much as blatant hate speech. But these subtle microaggressions are often brushed off as not being harassment.

    With no single definition or agreed-upon way to measure harassment, I developed a seven-point scale to categorize nuanced forms of online harassment. This scale takes into account more subtle forms of harassment, including social media comments that question the authority of women politicians to explicit hate speech.

    I found that 86 per cent of replies to tweets sent to women MPs contained some form of harassment.

    We cannot view each incident of harassment such as threatening social media comments, volunteers being screamed at or signs being vandalized as isolated events. Understanding all of these incidents, regardless of their severity, as being connected allows us to track the growing forms and impacts of violence.

    Legislation needed

    Steps have already been taken at Parliament to fight harassment through Bill C-65, which strengthens federal workplace protections against violence and sexual harassment. But more should be done on the campaign trail.

    The Privy Council Office’s new private-sector security service is a start. However, candidates should not be expected to quantify how threats make them feel to receive help. Political parties and the Privy Council Office should proactively offer more support to all candidates.

    Social media platforms must take greater responsibility for applying their terms of service to minimize harmful content.

    New legislation should be drafted to address threats faced by politicians. Regardless of who forms the next government, all parties need to work together to pass online harms legislation.

    Harassment is used as a barrier to stop women from running for office. This is fundamentally about making sure their voices are heard in our democracy.

    Inessa De Angelis receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Province of Ontario.

    – ref. Growing threats faced by women candidates undermine our democracy – https://theconversation.com/growing-threats-faced-by-women-candidates-undermine-our-democracy-254371

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How single-stream recycling works − your choices can make it better

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Alex Jordan, Associate Professor of Plastics Engineering, University of Wisconsin-Stout

    Successful recycling requires some care. Alejandra Villa Loarca/Newsday RM via Getty Images

    Every week, millions of Americans toss their recyclables into a single bin, trusting that their plastic bottles, aluminum cans and cardboard boxes will be given a new life.

    But what really happens after the truck picks them up?

    Single-stream recycling makes participating in recycling easy, but behind the scenes, complex sorting systems and contamination mean a large percentage of that material never gets a second life. Reports in recent years have found 15% to 25% of all the materials picked up from recycle bins ends up in landfills instead.

    Plastics are among the biggest challenges. Only about 9% of the plastic generated in the U.S. actually gets recycled, according to the Environmental Protection Agency. Some plastic is incinerated to produce energy, but most of the rest ends up in landfills instead.

    A breakdown of U.S. recycling by millions of tons shows about two-thirds of all paper and cardboard gets a second life, but only about a third of metal, a quarter of glass and less than 10% of plastics do.
    Alex Jordan/University of Wisconsin-Stout

    So, what makes plastic recycling so difficult? As an engineer whose work focuses on reprocessing plastics, I have been exploring potential solutions.

    How does single-stream recycling work?

    In cities that use single-stream recycling, consumers put all of their recyclable materials − paper, cardboard, plastic, glass and metal − into a single bin. Once collected, the mixed recyclables are taken to a materials recovery facility, where they are sorted.

    First, the mixed recyclables are shredded and crushed into smaller fragments, enabling more effective separation. The mixed fragments pass over rotating screens that remove cardboard and paper, allowing heavier materials, including plastics, metals and glass, to continue along the sorting line.

    The basics of a single-stream recycling system in Pennsylvania. Source: Van Dyk Recycling Solutions.

    Magnets are used to pick out ferrous metals, such as steel. A magnetic field that produces an electrical current with eddies sends nonferrous metals, such as aluminum, into a separate stream, leaving behind plastics and glass.

    The glass fragments are removed from the remaining mix using gravity or vibrating screens.

    That leaves plastics as the primary remaining material.

    While single-stream recycling is convenient, it has downsides. Contamination, such as food residue, plastic bags and items that can’t be recycled, can degrade the quality of the remaining material, making it more difficult to reuse. That lowers its value.

    Having to remove that contamination raises processing costs and can force recovery centers to reject entire batches.

    Plastic bags, food residue and items that can’t be recycled can contaminate a recycling stream.
    City of Greenville, N.C./Flickr

    Which plastics typically can’t be recycled?

    Each recycling program has rules for which items it will and won’t take. You can check which items can and cannot be recycled for your specific program on your municipal page. Often, that means checking the recycling code stamped on the plastic next to the recycling icon.

    These are the toughest plastics to recycle and most likely to be excluded in your local recycling program:

    • Symbol 3 – Polyvinyl chloride, or PVC, found in pipes, shower curtains and some food packaging. It may contain harmful additives such as phthalates and heavy metals. PVC also degrades easily, and melting can release toxic fumes during recycling, contaminating other materials and making it unsafe to process in standard recycling facilities.

    • Symbol 4 – Low-density polyethylene, or LDPE, is often used in plastic bags and shrink-wrap. Because it’s flexible and lightweight, it’s prone to getting tangled in sorting machinery at recycling plants.

    • Symbol 6 – Polystyrene, often used in foam cups, takeout containers and packing peanuts. Because it’s lightweight and brittle, it’s difficult to collect and process and easily contaminates recycling streams.

    Which plastics to include

    That leaves three plastics that can be recycled in many facilities:

    However, these aren’t accepted in some facilities for reasons I’ll explain.

    Taking apart plastics, bead by bead

    Some plastics can be chemically recycled or ground up for reprocessing, but not all plastics play well together.

    Simple separation methods, such as placing ground-up plastics in water, can easily remove your soda bottle plastic (PET) from the mixture. The ground-up PET sinks in water due to the plastic’s density. However, HDPE, used in milk jugs, and PP, found in yogurt cups, both float, and they can’t be recycled together. So, more advanced and expensive technology, such as infrared spectroscopy, is often required to separate those two materials.

    Once separated, the plastic from your soda bottle can be chemically recycled through a process called solvolysis.

    It works like this: Plastic materials are formed from polymers. A polymer is a molecule with many repeating units, called monomers. Picture a pearl necklace. The individual pearls are the repeating monomer units. The string that runs through the pearls is the chemical bond that joins the monomer units together. The entire necklace can then be thought of as a single molecule.

    During solvolysis, chemists break down that necklace by cutting the string holding the pearls together until they are individual pearls. Then, they string those pearls together again to create new necklaces.

    Other chemical recycling methods, such as pyrolysis and gasification, have drawn environmental and health concerns because the plastic is heated, which can release toxic fumes. But chemical recycling also holds the potential to reduce both plastic waste and the need for new plastics, while generating energy.

    The problem of yogurt cups and milk jugs

    The other two common types of recycled plastics − items such as yogurt cups (PP) and milk jugs (HDPE) − are like oil and water: Each can be recycled through reprocessing, but they don’t mix.

    If polyethylene and polypropylene aren’t completely separated during recycling, the resulting mix can be brittle and generally unusable for creating new products.

    Chemists are working on solutions that could increase the quality of recycled plastics through mechanical reprocessing, typically done at separate facilities.

    One promising mechanical method for recycling mixed plastics is to incorporate a chemical called a compatibilizer. Compatibilizers contain the chemical structure of multiple different polymers in the same molecule. It’s like how lecithin, commonly found in egg yolks, can help mix oil and water to make mayonnaise − part of the lecithin molecule is in the oil phase and part is in the water phase.

    In the case of yogurt cups and milk jugs, recently developed block copolymers are able to produce recycled plastic materials with the flexibility of polyethylene and the strength of polypropylene.

    Improving recycling

    Research like this can make recycled materials more versatile and valuable and move products closer to a goal of a circular economy without waste.

    However, improving recycling also requires better recycling habits.

    You can help the recycling process by taking a few minutes to wash off food waste, avoiding putting plastic bags in your recycling bin and, importantly, paying attention to what can and cannot be recycled in your area.

    Alex Jordan received funding in in the past from TotalEnergies. He has worked on projects to create PP-PE block copolymers.

    – ref. How single-stream recycling works − your choices can make it better – https://theconversation.com/how-single-stream-recycling-works-your-choices-can-make-it-better-250017

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The gap between wages and housing prices is widening, fuelling the affordability crisis

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Patrick Michael Condon, Professor and UBC James Taylor Chair in Landscape and Livable Environments., University of British Columbia

    Racial disparities played a significant role in shaping unequal COVID-19 mortality rates. What is less widely understood is how overcrowded housing conditions were an even deadlier variable.

    In California’s Bay Area, for instance, residents of overcrowded apartments — many of them recent immigrants — were found to be significantly more likely to die from COVID-19 than residents of demographically similar, but less crowded, apartments.

    ‘Broken City: Land Speculation, Inequality, and Urban Crisis’ by Patrick M. Condon.
    (UBC Press)

    Even less examined is the root cause of this overcrowding. Overcrowding is not just a matter of zoning or population growth, but something more systemic and difficult to confront: the speculative financial forces acting on the land beneath our feet.

    Urban land is now assessed by people not for its consumption value for a home but for its ability to hold and increase in cash value — in other words, its “speculative value.”

    My recent book, Broken City, paints a picture of how the same market logics that defined the Gilded Age of the late 19th century have quietly returned in our own century, with similarly corrosive consequences for urban life.

    Echoes of the Gilded Age

    A growing share of average workers’ incomes is being swallowed up by housing costs, often for homes that fail to meet their basic needs. This is not the result of natural scarcity, but mechanical economic processes that inform the price of urban land.

    We now find ourselves in circumstances uncomfortably close to those of Victorian England or Gilded Age America, when mass migrations to urban centres were driven by the need for jobs.



    Read more:
    What’s behind Canada’s housing crisis? Experts break down the different factors at play

    Back then, as now, a small number of urban landowners were able to extract enormous wealth — what political economist Henry George called the unearned increment — from the labour of others by virtue of owning the right patch of ground.

    A portrait photograph of Henry George, taken after 1885.
    (Wikimedia Commons)

    The demands for the unearned increment, George explained, was only limited by how much a region’s wage-earners and entrepreneurs collectively produced. Almost all of that value eventually went into land price.

    Today, we appear to be experiencing the same phenomenon. The social and epidemiological pressures produced by inflated land prices are no longer confined to historically marginalized racial or ethnic groups.

    As my book explains, millennials and Gen Xers, who are increasingly working service-sector jobs that dominate today’s economy, especially in countries like Canada and the U.S., are facing housing pressures once reserved only for the poor.

    In short, housing precarity has gone mainstream.

    Skyrocketing land prices

    At the heart of the housing crisis lies a deeper problem: runaway urban land prices are not just a crisis of housing affordability, but a problem of equitable urban design. They are eroding our political capacity to solve many urban problems.

    The same inflated land values that burden tenants and aspiring homeowners also restrict what cities can do to address housing and transportation needs, whether through planning, taxation or direct provision.

    Urban land prices are spiralling due to the collision of two long-term trends. First, the global economy has shifted from being primarily driven by wages earned through labour to one dominated by returns on assets. Urban land is now the single largest category of fixed capital asset in the world.

    Second, this asset-driven economy has widened the gap between wages and home prices, and helped drive the explosion in inequality. Housing has become the primary site where that inequality is expressed.

    Public frustration over this yawning gap between stagnant incomes and sky-high housing costs has erupted into political conflict. Many now blame local governments and planning regulations for blocking the supply of new homes. If only we could build more, they argue, prices would fall.

    But the evidence tells a different story. Take Vancouver, a city that has tripled its housing stock since the 1960s, largely through infill development. If the supply theory held true, Vancouver should be the most affordable city in North America. Instead, it is the least affordable.

    A landmark study published in March by the National Bureau of Economic Research found that supply constraints didn’t explain rising housing prices or housing growth across American cities. In other words, building more housing isn’t enough to bring down prices.

    A path out of the housing crisis

    My book offers several solutions and examples for how cities can reclaim land wealth for the common good.

    One promising approach lies in tying new housing approvals to affordability requirements. This policy framework — known as inclusionary zoning — requires developers to include a certain number of permanently affordable units as a condition for increased density.

    Without such requirements, upzoning — meaning increasing the maximum building size the city authorizes for a parcel — can inflate the value of land, rewarding speculation and driving prices further out of reach.

    Examples of effective inclusionary zoning abound. In Cambridge, Mass., an affordable housing overlay mandates 100 per cent affordability in exchange for permission to double density across the city. In Vancouver, new legislation related to inclusive zoning was introduced in 2024 and a development tax on new high-density projects has helped finance non-market housing directly.

    The path forward is not mysterious. But it does require confronting the truth that the housing crisis is not the result of broken systems — but of a speculative financial systems working exactly as designed.

    Patrick Michael Condon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The gap between wages and housing prices is widening, fuelling the affordability crisis – https://theconversation.com/the-gap-between-wages-and-housing-prices-is-widening-fuelling-the-affordability-crisis-252157

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Amplifying delusions: How social media can negatively impact our mental well-being

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Bernard Crespi, Professor, Evolutionary Biology, Simon Fraser University

    Social media is an evolutionary novelty, like M&M’s, e-cigarettes, fentanyl and H-bombs. Each comes with novel risks to health and well-being that humans are entirely unaccustomed to. (Shutterstock)

    Imagine a tribe of uncontacted hunter-gatherers in the deepest Amazon rainforest. Anthropologists airdrop dozens of smartphones loaded with social media apps, with solar chargers, simple instructions in their native language and Wi-Fi just within the tribe. What would happen to their culture and their mental health?

    Such an experiment appears fanciful, but a similar one has been unfolding in our world for about 20 years. For the first time in human evolution, everyday social interactions have changed from face-to-face to disembodied experiences, from in-person to digital and from social reality to whatever someone puts online.

    Social media is an evolutionary novelty, like M&M’s, e-cigarettes, fentanyl and H-bombs. Each comes with novel risks to health and well-being to which humans are entirely unaccustomed.

    What, then, are the risks of seemingly innocuous behaviours such as sharing posts, giving likes, making oneself look good in pictures, and, in general, interacting virtually rather than physically? The short answer is that we don’t know — yet — especially because our big experiment has no control group.

    But we can try to find out.

    Social media and mental disorders

    We recently investigated the question of what mental disorders are associated with high social media use. To do so, we conducted a systematic review — an objective way to find and evaluate all of the relevant literature. We hypothesized that social media use should be higher among people whose psychology, and psychiatric traits and disorders, were more socially mentalistic.

    Mentalism refers to within-brain traits like theory of mind, inferring intentions or emotions of others and empathizing. Social media is expected to be mentalistic because it involves disembodied thoughts, feelings and associated images, intended to connect us with other humans. Mentalistic thinking contrasts with the mechanistic cognition of scientists plying their trade of cause and effect in the physical, non-mentalistic world of things.

    To test our hypothesis, we scrutinized hundreds of scientific articles, and a curious picture emerged. High social media use was strongly associated with a subset of mentalistic traits and disorders: narcissism, erotomania (the belief that some celebrity loves you), paranoia, body dysmorphia and anorexia.

    These traits and disorders seem unrelated, but we noticed they all centrally involve delusions: false beliefs about reality, held despite absent or contradictory evidence. Some delusions can be mental (narcissism, paranoia, and erotomania), or physical (body dysmorphia and anorexia). Some are positively valanced (narcissism and erotomania) and some are negative (paranoia, body dysmorphia and anorexia).

    Why, then, was social media associated with delusionality?

    Social delusions

    Like other mental traits, delusions exist in one’s brain for a reason. What these mental disorders also appear to share, psychologically, is an underdeveloped and fragile sense and construction of the self, which happens during early life through social interactions with family, friends, and others.

    If one’s mental and perceived bodily self is underdeveloped in childhood, it can, later, be bolstered, and this commonly happens through social interactions that involve beliefs that, though false, make oneself feel better.

    Low self-image and self-esteem can be shored up through admiration or love from outside — with extremes of narcissism or erotomania. Perceived embodiment and body image problems can be enhanced through fictitious beliefs about appearance — with extremes of body dysmorphia and anorexia.

    What better way to do any of these things than with social media and the internet, where users can pursue likes and followers to their heart’s content, and present themselves mentally and physically as they wish, using applications designed specifically for that purpose?

    Most importantly, social media allows users to delusionally “improve” themselves because it circumvents reality testing: the direct, face-to-face interactions we engage in when physically interacting with other people.

    Social media allows one to delusionally ‘improve’ oneself because it circumvents reality testing: the direct, face to face interactions we engage in when physically interacting with other people.
    (Shutterstock)

    Delusion amplification

    As we outline in our paper, the processes just described represent a “Delusion Amplification by Social Media” model that can help explain why and how high social media use is linked with a specific subset of mental disorders that involve delusions and an underdeveloped self.

    By this model, some people are relatively vulnerable, psychologically, to the negative effects of social media, because they are drawn to it, and because it amplifies and exacerbates their problems. This exacerbation is, of course, not benign or accidental; the goal of many social media companies is, after all, to keep us online, scrolling, striving and seeking hits of social pleasure and self-validation.

    What, then, then can be done, aside from cutting the virtual social umbilical cord? First and most crucial is enhanced awareness of our own psychological makeups and how they are affected by specific platforms or apps. The problem with delusions, of course, is lack of awareness that our reality is false — but we can still become more cognizant of the rifts between perceived and actual worlds and what drives them.

    Second is more research, to extend the delusion amplification model, and to better determine the psychological and neurological differences between in-person and virtual interactions, and what mental problems they can cause.

    If we find that social media really is ruining mental health, as suggested by recent increases in narcissism, body dysmorphia and other disorders among young people, then the research will need to be incorporated into policy, so we can regain control over our social lives, our brains and our social worlds.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Amplifying delusions: How social media can negatively impact our mental well-being – https://theconversation.com/amplifying-delusions-how-social-media-can-negatively-impact-our-mental-well-being-252137

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Human connections to seagrass meadows date back 180,000 years, study reveals

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Benjamin Jones, Chief Conservation Officer, Project Seagrass & Research Affiliate, Swansea University

    Benjamin Jones/Project Seagrass, CC BY

    For millennia, humans lived as hunter-gatherers. Savannas and forests are often thought of as the cradle of our lineage, but beneath the waves, a habitat exists that has quietly supported humans for over 180,000 years.

    Archaeological evidence suggests that early humans migrated along coasts, avoiding desert and tundra. So, as Homo spread from Africa, they inevitably encountered seagrasses – flowering plants evolved to inhabit shallow coastal environments that form undersea meadows teeming with life.

    Our recently published research pieces together historical evidence from across the globe, revealing that humans and seagrass meadows have been intertwined for millennia – providing food, fishing grounds, building materials, medicine and more throughout our shared history.

    Our earliest known links to seagrass date back around 180,000 years. Tiny seagrass-associated snails were discovered in France at Paleolithic cave sites used by Neanderthals. Too small to be a consequence of food remains, these snails were likely introduced with Posidonia oceanica leaves used for bedding – a type of seagrass found only in the Mediterranean. Neanderthals didn’t just use seagrass to make sleeping comfortable – 120,000 year old evidence suggests they harvested seagrass-associated scallops too.

    A bountiful supply of food

    Seagrass meadows provide shelter and food for marine life, such as fish, invertebrates, reptiles and marine mammals. Because they inhabit shallow waters close to shore, seagrass meadows have been natural fishing grounds and places where generations have speared, cast nets, set traps and hand-gathered food to survive and thrive.

    Long before modern fishing fleets, ancient communities recognised the value of these underwater grasslands. Around 6,000 years ago, the people of eastern Arabia depended on seagrass meadows to hunt rabbitfish – a practice so prevalent here that remnants of their fishing traps are still visible from space.

    Seagrass meadows have even been directly harvested as food. Around 12,000 years ago, some of the first human cultures in North America, settling on Isla Cedros off the coast of Baja California, gathered and consumed seeds from Zostera marina, a species commonly called eelgrass. These seeds were milled into a flour and baked into breads and cakes, a process alike to wheat milling today.

    Further north, the Indigenous Kwakwaka’wakw peoples, as far back as 10,000 years ago, developed a careful and sustainable way of gathering eelgrass for consumption. By twisting a pole into the seagrass, they pulled up the leaves, and broke them off near the rhizome – the underground stem that is rich in sugary carbohydrates. After removing the roots and outer leaves, they wrapped the youngest leaves around the rhizome, dipping it in oil before eating. Remarkably, this method was later found to promote seagrass health, encouraging new growth and resilience.



    Read more:
    Seagrass, protector of shipwrecks and buried treasure

    Today, seagrass meadows remain a lifeline for coastal communities, particularly across the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Here, fishing within seagrass habitats is shown to be more reliable than other coastal habitats and women often sustain their families by gleaning – a fishing practice that involves carefully combing seagrass meadows for edible shells and other marine life. For these communities, seagrass fishing is vital during periods when fishing at sea is not possible, for example, during tropical storms.

    When seagrasses returned to the sea around 100 million years ago, they evolved to have specialised leaves to tolerate both saltwater submergence and periods of time exposed to the sun during tidal cycles. This allowed seagrasses to flourish across our coastlines, but also made them useful resources for humans.

    Seagrass leaves, once dry, are relatively moist- and rot-proof – properties likely discovered by ancient civilisations when exploring the uses of plants for different purposes. Bronze age civilizations like the Minoans, used seagrass in building construction, reinforcing mudbricks with seagrass. Analysis of these reveal superior thermal properties of seagrass mudbricks compared to bricks made with other plant fibres – they kept buildings warmer in winter and cooler in summer.

    These unique properties may have been why early humans used seagrass for bedding and by the 16th century, seagrass-stuffed mattresses were prized for pest resistance, requested even by Pope Julius III.

    By the 17th century, Europeans were using seagrass to thatch roofs and insulate their homes. North American colonialists took this knowledge with them, continuing the practice. In the 19th century, commercial harvesting of tens of thousands of tonnes of seagrass began across North America and northern Europe.

    In the US, Boston’s Samuel Cabot Company patented an insulation material called Cabot’s “Quilt”, sandwiching dried seagrass leaves between two layers of paper. These quilts were used to insulate buildings across the US, including New York’s Rockefeller Center and the Capitol in Washington DC.

    A legacy ecosystem – and a living one

    The prevalence of seagrass throughout human civilisation has fostered spiritual and cultural relations with these underwater gardens, manifesting in rituals and historical customs. In Neolithic graves in Denmark, scientists found human remains wrapped in seagrass, representing a close connection with the sea.

    Our new research tells us that seagrass meadows are not just biodiversity hotspots or carbon storage systems. They are ancient human allies. This elevates their value beyond conservation – they’re repositories of cultural heritage and traditional knowledge. They were practical, valuable, and deeply integrated into human cultures.

    We have depended on seagrass for 180,000 years – for food, homes, customs – so investing in their conservation and restoration is not just ecological, it’s deeply human.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Nicole Foster receives funding from the European Union’s Horizon Europe Training and mobility actions.

    Oscar Serrano receives funding from the Spanish National Research Council

    Benjamin Jones does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Human connections to seagrass meadows date back 180,000 years, study reveals – https://theconversation.com/human-connections-to-seagrass-meadows-date-back-180-000-years-study-reveals-253307

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nayib Bukele: El Salvador’s strongman leader doing Donald Trump’s legwork abroad

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amalendu Misra, Professor of International Politics, Lancaster University

    The US president, Donald Trump, has unleashed a string of controversial policies since returning to the White House that have put his administration at odds with most of the world. He has, at the same time, forged an alliance with one country that is willing to do his bidding abroad.

    This country is El Salvador, a tiny central American nation nestled between Guatemala and Honduras. El Salvador has found itself at the forefront of overseeing Trump’s contentious drive to deport undocumented migrants.

    In recent months, hundreds of foreign-born men have been deported from the US to the Center for Terrorism Confinement (Cecot) mega-prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador. This is part of an agreement between Trump and the self-declared “world’s coolest dictator”, Nayib Bukele.

    Such is the warmth between Trump and El Salvador’s leader that the US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, recently hailed their alliance as “an example for security and prosperity in our hemisphere”.

    The comment came shortly before Bukele met with Trump at the White House and said he will not return Kilmar Abrego García, a man that the US government admits was mistakenly deported. Bukele referred to the suggestion as “preposterous”.

    This is despite a US Supreme Court ruling that the Trump administration “facilitate” García’s return. The US government says a court does not have the power to order the release of a person in a foreign prison.

    Bukele, the grandson of Palestinian Christian immigrants, is considered something of a maverick. His background is in advertising. Through his business, Obermet, Bukele advertised two election campaigns for the ruling Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) in the 2000s.

    He joined the FMLN as a member in 2012, and was elected as mayor of El Salvador’s capital, San Salvador, three years later. Bukele’s relationship with the FMLN soon became strained. After several public spats, he was expelled from the party. This included calling Luis Martínez, the country’s then attorney-general, a “gangster, very corrupt, [and] the worst of the worst”.

    Bukele subsequently launched his own political front, Nuevas Ideas. And when the country’s electoral court refused to register the party for the 2019 presidential elections, he ran as the candidate for the right-wing Grand Alliance for National Unity. Bukele won with 53% of the vote and, since then, his political fortunes have been in constant ascent.

    While many outside El Salvador see Bukele as a serial human rights abuser, his countrymen consider him a political messiah. His popularity is such that he won an unprecedented second presidential term in 2024 with over 84% of the vote.

    The country’s constitution had previously restricted a sitting president from contesting two terms in a row. Bukele’s critics say he circumvented the rules by using his congressional majority to replace Supreme Court judges.

    The court later ruled that the president can serve two consecutive terms in office. In the past, Bukele has remarked that restrictions on re-election only exist in developing countries.

    Bukele’s popularity stems from having rid his country of gang violence. El Salvador was once known for having the highest per capita homicide rate in the world, with 105 murders per 100,000 people in 2015. But under Bukele’s leadership, it is now considered a haven of peace in an otherwise unstable region.

    In 2022, after a spate of gang killings, Bukele declared a state of emergency. The decree curtailed the right to be informed of the reason for arrest and access to a lawyer upon being detained. It also allowed for administrative detention of more than 72 hours.

    Tens of thousands of people were rounded up and thrown in jail without trial. El Salvador now has the highest incarceration rate in the world, with roughly 110,000 people in jail. The proportion of its population that is incarcerated is twice that of the next nearest country, Cuba.

    Many of the alleged criminals – as well as those deported from the US – are held in Cecot. The prison has been described by activists as “a black hole of human rights”. When Bukele first unveiled the facility, he said prisoners would receive “not one ray of sunlight”.

    Bukele’s tough anti-criminal stance has been lauded across Latin America. Many regional leaders have embraced Bukele-style policies to tackle criminal violence in their respective countries. His policies have also clearly been appreciated by Trump.



    Read more:
    Latin America: several countries look to combat gang violence by fighting fire with fire

    Alliance of convenience

    Bukele and Trump share the same ideological persuasion. Both are conservative right-wing populists. But while there is a deep convergence in their ideology, their alliance is also one of convenience.

    Trump wants to rid the US of undocumented migrants from south of the border. El Salvador has, so far, provided a convenient avenue to address his administration’s needs.

    And for Bukele, it is financially worthwhile to house deportees from the US. The Bukele and Trump administrations have reportedly signed an agreement that will pay El Salvador US$20,000 (£15,000) per prisoner. This is a significant sum for El Salvador’s economy.

    His alliance with Trump will also help him shore up his political position at home and consolidate his image as a “do gooder” in an otherwise violent continent.

    Bukele’s security strategy has certainly rid El Salvador of gang violence. However, opening up El Salvador as a destination to address other countries’ criminality sets a bad precedent.

    Encouraged by Bukele’s policies, more states could choose to violate human rights and ignore judicial process by simply dumping their own citizens and others in prisons abroad. This is a reality that more courts may soon struggle to prevent.

    Amalendu Misra is a recipient of British Academy and Nuffield Foundation fellowships.

    – ref. Nayib Bukele: El Salvador’s strongman leader doing Donald Trump’s legwork abroad – https://theconversation.com/nayib-bukele-el-salvadors-strongman-leader-doing-donald-trumps-legwork-abroad-254629

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why were people so drawn to phrenology?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Fenneke Sysling, Assistant Professor in History of Science, Medicine and Colonialism, Leiden University

    B.erne/Shutterstock

    It’s hard to imagine now, but people once believed that the bumps on your head could reveal your personality. For one thing, it’s so hard to locate the bumps on your head, let alone the thirty or so bumps the phrenologists said could be discerned. So why was phrenology such an attractive idea for such a long time?

    Phrenology was the belief that the brain’s activity could be studied by examining the bumps on the skull, in places where the brain pushed outwards. Phrenologists claimed they could read your personality based on how big different bumps were. Initially, after German physiologist Franz Joseph Gall developed the new doctrine around 1800, it was a subject of serious scientific debate. But it was soon labelled quackery by the academic elite.

    But that wasn’t the end of phrenology. In fact, it became more popular in the 19th century, thanks to physician Johann Gaspar Spurzheim who wrote books and gave public lectures in Britain and France – focusing less on skulls and brains, and more on reading the living people. It remained a popular pastime for more than a century, mainly in English-speaking parts of the world but also outside it, for example in China.

    Front page of the American Phrenological Journal and Science of Health, 1880.
    AKaiser/Shutterstock

    Part of the appeal of phrenology was that it gave people a vocabulary to understand themselves and others. With urbanisation and a growing middle class, outside rigid class and religious structures, people were curious about new ways to categorise humankind. In the city, you wouldn’t necessarily know everyone nearby or even your neighbours, so your place in society was less determined.

    This may have led to more freedom but also to insecurity about what your and everyone else’s place was. Phrenology was a new way of classifying others. But it was not only meant to study others, it was also a way to know yourself, just like diary writing which also gained popularity in this period. With the help of phrenology, people could now see themselves as having an individual self, reflected in the shape of their head.

    Those interested could go to a lecture or read a book about phrenology or – if you lived in New York – visit the Phrenological Cabinet, a display of skulls, busts and portraits. If you really wanted to learn something about yourself, you asked a phrenologist for an examination. In the US this would cost you about half a dollar, (US$20 dollars (£15) today). Many popular phrenologists in the UK and the US offered readings. They were often itinerant, setting up shop in hotel rooms or at Brighton Pier in southern England.

    After a reading, clients sometimes received a written assessment, but more usually
    received a cheaper standardised chart that detailed their characteristics. On it, they received a score for typical phrenological characteristics such as adhesiveness (or friendship), spirituality, benevolence and time (the ability to judge the lapse of time, “essential for musicians”).

    The score was based on the phrenologist’s approach. They tended to gauge the size of the bumps in relative size, compared to your other bumps and to other people’s bumps. They claimed that this was a scientific approach, but it gave phrenologists a great deal of freedom in interpretation.

    And – surprise surprise – my analysis of about 160 charts between 1840 and 1940 showed that every single person who received a chart scored above average in most if not all traits.

    The positive results partly explain the appeal of a visit to the phrenologist. Another explanation, writes history professor Michael Sokal, is the Barnum effect. This is the tendency of people to rate descriptions of their personality that supposedly are tailored for them as accurate. In fact, they are often so vague and general that they would apply to almost all people.

    Many people, for example, would agree with the suggestion that they are of above-average intelligence but also experience anxiety and self-doubt sometimes. And, indeed, in my collections of phrenological charts, the trait that on average gets the lowest score was “self-esteem”. If only you work a bit on your self-esteem, is the implicit message, you can be an even better version of yourself.

    Phrenologists were often deterministic when they judged criminals or non-white
    people, based on the skulls or busts they had of people from these categories. Their irregular features or skull shapes apparently condemned them to a life in prison or in slavery.

    But they took a different approach to the middle-class visitors of their offices. The character trait of “destructiveness”, for example, was seen the trait of a murderer, but for a middle-class individual was usually explained as energy for overcoming difficulties.

    According to phrenologists, everyone could play a role in their destiny and people could use their self-knowledge for improvement. Taking time to reflect on the relationship between cause and effect, for example, could slowly increase the size of your “causality” bump, phrenologists said.

    According to early 20th-century phrenologist Stephen Tracht, it took three weeks for a child, three years for a young man, and more once you were 45 or 50, to develop a specific part of the brain.

    These practices show how in phrenology self-knowledge and self-improvement came to be seen as two sides of the same coin. And while not everyone will have accepted their phrenological assessment as an absolute truth and customers often took only the information from it that they liked, phrenology did become part of people’s vocabulary, and with it the message that with the right tools, they could become a better version of themselves.

    Fenneke Sysling received funding from the Dutch Research Council

    – ref. Why were people so drawn to phrenology? – https://theconversation.com/why-were-people-so-drawn-to-phrenology-246646

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Low iron is common in teenage girls – with vegans and vegetarians at greatest risk, according to our research in Sweden

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Moa Wolff, Postdoctoral Fellow, Family Medicine and Community Medicine, Lund University

    Teenage girls are particularly at risk of iron deficiency. Perfect Wave/ Shutterstock

    Teenage girls who avoid meat in favour of a plant-based diet are at higher risk of developing an iron deficiency, according to our latest research.

    Our study confirmed that iron deficiency is common among teenage girls, with 38% of participants affected. We also found that risk of iron deficiency was strongly associated with both eating patterns and menstrual blood loss. Girls who reported heavy periods and followed a meat-restricted diet – meaning they were vegetarian, vegan, pescatarian or avoided red meat – had by far the highest risk of developing iron deficiency. We found that nearly 70% of vegans and vegetarians had iron deficiency.

    As a growing number of young people turn to sustainable eating practices, this condition could become even more common. This is why it’s important teenagers are properly informed about the risks of low iron – and how they can get enough iron even while following a plant-based diet.

    The idea for this study came from the personal experience of one of us, whose teenage daughter struggled with fatigue, low mood and poor stamina. After months of assuming it was stress or excess screen time, blood tests revealed the cause: iron deficiency anaemia. The experience made us wonder whether the issue is more widespread. This sparked a research collaboration that brought together clinical and nutritional expertise.

    The study included 475 female high school students from southern Sweden. Participants completed questionnaires about their diet, what supplements they used, as well as their menstrual patterns. They also provided blood samples, which were analysed for haemoglobin and ferritin – the key markers used to assess iron status.

    The body contains about as much iron as a two-inch nail. Around two-thirds of the body’s iron is used in red blood cells to carry oxygen from the lungs to the rest of body. This is why a deficiency can cause tiredness, pale skin and shortness of breath.

    But iron isn’t just about oxygen. The remaining one-third plays a key role in brain function, energy metabolism and nerve signalling. Studies show that even without anaemia, low iron can lead to fatigue, poor concentration, reduced academic performance and physical tiredness. Treating iron deficiency has been linked to reduced fatigue.

    Teenage girls are at particular risk of iron deficiency. There are several reasons for this.

    First, the body needs extra iron to keep up with the rapid growth that happens during puberty. Second, menstruation leads to iron loss, with periods often heavy during the first years after menarche (a woman’s first period). Third, diet plays a key role. Many girls also change their eating habits during adolescence, often reducing their intake of red meat or animal products. But even among omnivores, iron intake tends to be too low. It’s not just about what they avoid – it’s that many simply aren’t getting enough iron overall.

    Those who avoided animal proteins were at the highest risk of iron deficiency.
    nadianb/ Shutterstock

    While our findings are from Sweden, the issue is not unique to the country. A European school-based study from 2006-2007 found iron deficiency in 26% of girls aged between 12 and 17. Data from the United States also found that around 17% of girls aged 12 to 21 have low iron stores. Study methods may differ, but the trend is consistent: adolescent girls across countries are at risk of iron deficiency – often without knowing it.

    Despite how common iron deficiency is, several persistent myths can prevent young people from getting the help they need.

    One common belief is that eliminating animal products is inherently healthy, without acknowledging the need to replace the nutrients they supply.

    A plant-based diet can absolutely be healthy and sustainable. But when animal sources of iron are removed, it’s essential to include iron-rich plant foods and to combine them with certain foods for better absorption. Without that knowledge, even well-intentioned choices can lead to nutritional gaps.

    Another common belief is that low iron would be obvious – that you’d feel if you had it.

    In reality, iron deficiency and anaemia often develops slowly and the body adapts over time. Symptoms such as tiredness, poor concentration and low mood can sneak up gradually and become the new normal.

    A third misconception is that iron supplements are dangerous or unnecessary.

    For those diagnosed with a deficiency, supplements are often essential and safe when used properly. Treatment usually needs to continue for at least three months to restore the body’s iron stores.

    Iron intake

    So, what can be done? Here are three simple, evidence-based tips for a sustainable iron-rich diet:

    1. Make iron part of your daily routine. Whole grains, legumes and leafy greens (such as spinach, kale and chard) are good plant-based sources of iron. Even in a balanced diet, where a person consumes a maximum of 500g of red meat per week, more than 80% of daily iron intake comes from plant-based sources.

    2. Help your body absorb it. Plant-based iron is often tightly bound to phytic acid and needs help to be released. So it’s important to combine iron-rich meals with enhancers such as vitamin C (citrus fruits, peppers and cruciferous vegetables) or natural acids (citrus juice, vinegar, soy sauce, miso, kimchi or sauerkraut). These enhancers help improve iron absorption. You can also use fermentation to your advantage. Foods such as sourdough bread have gone through processes that reduce phytic acid, making iron more accessible.

    3. Avoid iron blockers. Skip tea or coffee with meals. The tannins they contain can significantly reduce iron absorption.

    With the right knowledge, young people can eat both sustainably and healthily – and avoid iron deficiency and its consequences.

    Moa Wolff receives funding from the Southern Health Care Region of Sweden, the Lions Research Fund Skåne, and Regional Funding for Clinical Research (USVE). She has also received an honorarium from Pharmacosmos for giving an educational webinar.

    Anna Stubbendorff does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Low iron is common in teenage girls – with vegans and vegetarians at greatest risk, according to our research in Sweden – https://theconversation.com/low-iron-is-common-in-teenage-girls-with-vegans-and-vegetarians-at-greatest-risk-according-to-our-research-in-sweden-253878

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Four ways to get out of bed in the morning – and beat grogginess

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Trudy Meehan, Lecturer, Centre for Positive Psychology and Health, RCSI University of Medicine and Health Sciences

    Studio Romantic/Shutterstock

    If you feel like “waking up is the hardest thing I do all day” then you’re not alone. The experience has been termed “sleep inertia” and while it’s a normal part of the sleep-wake experience, it can be frustrating to wake up feeling tired.

    Much of the research on sleep inertia focuses on reducing the risk of performance impairment and we are yet to find clear empirical evidence to support the use of any one single reactive countermeasure.

    The most promising evidence is for the use of caffeine: taken before a short nap of less than 30 minutes, it has been shown to reduce the effects of sleep inertia. While this is helpful if you need to recover after a rest during the day, heading back to bed for a nap just after waking up isn’t very practical for most of us.

    So here are some more practical tips that you can use to help you get out of bed.

    Get an alarm clock

    If you’re struggling to get out of bed in the morning the first thing to ask is, where is your smart phone? Do you keep it next to the bed as an alarm clock? Make getting an old fashioned alarm clock your priority.

    The mere presence of the phone near you as you sleep reduces sleep quality – if it’s nearby, it’s too hard to resist. It’s not just through disruptive notifications (putting it on silent isn’t good enough). Having the phone next to you as you sleep can induce anticipatory anxiety and increase emotional arousal. Just knowing it’s there will keep you at a level of alertness that is not conducive to falling off into a deep sleep.

    There’s an additional benefit to keeping the phone out of your room: you are less likely to check it first thing in the morning. There are many reasons to avoid this habit, one of the most compelling centres around the problem of micro-dosing ourselves with dopamine before we even get enough motivation to get out of the bed.

    Dopamine plays a central role in motivation and craving. It peaks and troughs throughout our day, dopamine dips are functional because we feel discomfort and that propels us to seek relief. Think cave men and women needing the motivation to leave the safety of the cave to find food, water or a mate. Leaving the cave was high risk, and the push from our dopamine drop discomfort would have been essential to get us up and out.

    We forget how much of our brain still works in these ancient ways. Humans still rely on the same system to get out of bed. When we reach for a smartphone, we’re met with rapid, bite-sized dopamine hits – notifications, beautiful people, likes, novel information. These micro-stimuli may blunt the natural dip in dopamine, circumventing the discomfort we need to motivate us to get moving. Instead of experiencing a rise in drive, we feel artificially satisfied, making it easier to stay curled up under the warm covers.

    Don’t hit snooze

    You’ve got the devices out of your bedroom – but now you need to work on your relationship with your alarm clock. Don’t hit snooze.

    Hitting snooze increases the likelihood of dropping back into a deep sleep phase and will induce regular sleep disruptions and unwanted sleep stage transitions. These all increase the impact of sleep inertia and reduce vigour.

    If you really struggle to avoid the seductive snooze button, there are alarm clocks available that usually come with wheels that will take themselves out of your reach. A bit of movement to help get you out of bed as a bonus.

    Or, think about getting an alarm clock that opens your curtains to let in the morning light. Brief bright light exposure has been shown to improve alertness and energy

    Remember when your parents pulled the covers off the bed?

    Anyone who had older siblings, or a parent or caregiver involved in getting them out of bed when you were an adolescent will have experienced having the cover pulled off the bed as a last ditch effort to move you along. It turns out that there may have been some wisdom to this method.

    Cooling the extremities immediately after waking up is a promising way to accelerate recovery from sleep inerita. And while we are staying old school, if all else fails, wash your face.

    Maybe you need to stay in bed?

    Most importantly of all, maybe you are just tired and need to stay in bed. That’s not a moral failing or a collapse of your will power. You might just actually need more rest.

    If you’re someone who is genuinely sleep deprived or living with an energy sapping illness or a life event that’s taking all your resources, maybe you need to make space for staying in bed. Critical disability scholar Ellen Samuels writes about “crip time”. Sometimes illness or disability change our relationship with time and we need to go at a different pace. Samuels and other scholars reflect on the paradox of needing to slow down in order to keep up.

    So sometimes the problem is the expectation that we force our minds and bodies into unrealistic performances of competency and productivity – and sometimes it’s going to have to be okay to not get out of bed.

    Trudy Meehan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Four ways to get out of bed in the morning – and beat grogginess – https://theconversation.com/four-ways-to-get-out-of-bed-in-the-morning-and-beat-grogginess-254334

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: New form of dark matter could solve decades-old Milky Way mystery

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Shyam Balaji, Postdoctoral Research Fellow of Physics, King’s College London

    Susan Stolovy (SSC/Caltech) et al., NASA SPitzer/IRAC

    Astronomers have long been puzzled by two strange phenomena at the heart of our galaxy. First, the gas in the central molecular zone (CMZ), a dense and chaotic region near the Milky Way’s core, appears to be ionised (meaning it is electrically charged because it has lost electrons) at a surprisingly high rate.

    Second, telescopes have detected a mysterious glow of gamma rays with an energy of 511 kilo-electronvolts (keV) (which corresponds to the energy of an electron at rest).

    Interestingly, such gamma rays are produced when an electron and its antimatter counterpart (all fundamental charged particles have antimatter versions of themselves that are near identical, but with opposite charge), the positron, collide and annihilate in a flash of light.

    The causes of both effects have remained unclear, despite decades of observation. But in a new study, published in Physical Review Letters, we show that both could be linked to one of the most elusive ingredients in the universe: dark matter. In particular, we propose that a new form of dark matter, less massive than the types astronomers typically look for, could be the culprit.

    Hidden process

    The CMZ spans almost 700 light years and contains some of the most dense molecular gas in the galaxy. Over the years, scientists have found that this region is unusually ionised, meaning the hydrogen molecules there are being split into charged particles (electrons and nuclei) at a much faster rate than expected.

    This could be the result of sources such as cosmic rays and star light that bombard the gas. However, these alone don’t seem to be able to account for the observed levels.

    The other mystery, the 511keV emission, was first observed in the 1970s, but still has no clearly identified source. Several candidates have been proposed, including supernovas, massive stars, black holes and neutron stars. However, none fully explain the pattern or intensity of the emission.

    We asked a simple question: could both phenomena be caused by the same hidden process?

    Dark matter makes up around 85% of the matter in the universe, but it does not emit or absorb light. While its gravitational effects are clear, scientists do not yet know what it is made of.

    One possibility, often overlooked, is that dark matter particles could be very light, with masses just a few million electronvolts, far lighter than a proton, and still play a cosmic role. These light dark matter candidates are generally called sub-GeV (giga electronvolts) dark matter particles.

    Such dark matter particles may interact with their antiparticles. In our work, we studied what would happen if these light dark matter particles come in contact with their own antiparticles in the galactic centre and annihilate each other, producing electrons and positrons.

    In the dense gas of the CMZ, these low-energy particles would quickly lose energy and ionise the surrounding hydrogen molecules very efficiently by knocking off their electrons. Because the region is so dense, the particles would not travel far. Instead, they would deposit most of their energy locally, which matches the observed ionisation profile quite well.

    Using detailed simulations, we found that this simple process, dark matter particles annihilating into electrons and positrons, can naturally explain the ionisation rates observed in the CMZ.

    Even better, the required properties of the dark matter, such as its mass and interaction strength, do not conflict with any known constraints from the early universe. Dark matter of this kind appears to be a serious option.

    The positron puzzle

    If dark matter is creating positrons in the CMZ, those particles will eventually slow down and eventually annihilate with electrons in the environment, producing gamma-rays at exactly 511keV energy. This would provide a direct link between the ionisation and the mysterious glow.

    We found that while dark matter can explain the ionisation, it may also be able to replicate some amount of 511keV radiation as well. This striking finding suggests that the two signals may potentially originate from the same source, light dark matter.

    The exact brightness of the 511keV line depends on several factors, including how efficiently positrons form bound states with electrons and where exactly they annihilate though. These details are still uncertain.

    A new way to test the invisible

    Regardless of whether the 511keV emission and the CMZ ionisation share a common source, the ionisation rate in the CMZ is emerging as a valuable new observation to study dark matter. In particular, it provides a way to test models involving light dark matter particles, which are difficult to detect using traditional laboratory experiments.

    Move observations of the Milky Way could help test theories of dark matter.
    ESO/Y. Beletsky, CC BY-SA

    In our study, we showed that the predicted ionisation profile from dark matter is remarkably flat across the CMZ. This is important, because the observed ionisation is indeed spread relatively evenly.

    Point sources such as the black hole at the centre of the galaxy or cosmic ray sources like supernovas (exploding stars) cannot easily explain this. But a smoothly distributed dark matter halo can.

    Our findings suggest that the centre of the Milky Way may offer new clues about the fundamental nature of dark matter.

    Future telescopes with better resolution will be able to provide more information on the spatial distribution and relationships between the 511 keV line and the CMZ ionisation rate. Meanwhile, continued observations of the CMZ may help rule out, or strengthen, the dark matter explanation.

    Either way, these strange signals from the heart of the galaxy remind us that the universe is still full of surprises. Sometimes, looking inward, to the dynamic, glowing centre of our own galaxy, reveals the most unexpected hints of what lies beyond.

    Shyam Balaji receives funding from the STFC under grant ST/X000753/1. He is affiliated with King’s College London.

    – ref. New form of dark matter could solve decades-old Milky Way mystery – https://theconversation.com/new-form-of-dark-matter-could-solve-decades-old-milky-way-mystery-252194

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How could Canada deter an invasion? Nukes and mandatory military service

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Aisha Ahmad, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Toronto

    United States President Donald Trump has been loud and clear. America’s liberal democratic allies cannot rely on the U.S. to protect them.

    Trump has also suggested using illegal force to achieve his own imperialist ambitions, even against former allies.

    Message received.

    Canadians and Europeans understand the American partnership is over.

    They’re now processing the implications of America’s apparent democratic collapse for global security.

    Does Trump’s stance mean that liberal democracies are now vulnerable to invasions, annexations and theft of natural resources? Yes, it does.



    Read more:
    An American military invasion of Canada? No longer unthinkable, but highly unlikely

    International security scholarship shows that, unless they are deterred, predatory superpowers use force to seize territory and natural resources for the purpose of aggrandizement.

    While an invasion of Canada is not imminent, the threats to democratic nations are now fully detectable and predictable.

    The responsible time to deter these threats is right now.

    Asymmetric deterrence

    Deterrence works when the imposed cost of an action is higher than its expected benefit. That means a hostile power won’t attack Canada if the risks of invasion are higher than the value of seizing our natural resources.

    Given that Canada is extremely resource-rich, that’s a challenge.

    While the Canadian government can make smart choices on military procurement, there is little any Canadian leader can do to transform the Canadian Armed Forces into a superpower army.

    Even if Canada redirected every penny of its budget to defence spending, it could not catch up with American, Russian or Chinese military power. Given this asymmetry, is deterrence possible?

    Absolutely.

    To get there, Canada must take two big steps: first, adopt a “whole-of-society” defence system to protect the homeland; and second, contribute to a democratic nuclear umbrella.



    Read more:
    Amid U.S. threats, Canada’s national security plans must include training in non-violent resistance

    Whole-of-society defence

    In “whole-of-society” defence, all citizens play a role in national security and emergency response. This approach requires mandatory military service and nationwide civil defence preparations.

    Whole-of-society defence not only improves societal resilience, but it also scares away potential invaders.

    Ordinary citizens can in fact defeat superpowers using nothing more than small arms and light weapons. The U.S. and Russia have both been trounced in the past by well-armed resistance movements.

    For a power-drunk dictator, whole-of-society defence is a sobering reality check.

    The presence of a large, well-armed and well-trained domestic population promises invaders a bloody, expensive and protracted ground war. That means high risks, low rewards, skyrocketing costs and decades-long timelines.

    That’s enough to deter a predatory superpower.



    Read more:
    Why annexing Canada would destroy the United States

    Many of Canada’s democratic allies have already embraced whole-of-society defence. Norway, Finland, Sweden and Switzerland all have mandatory military service and civil defence, and sensible gun regulations that allow law-abiding citizens to contribute to national security.

    Canada has every reason to adopt the Scandinavian approach to national defence, including mandatory military and civil service and the removal of some restrictions on Canadian firearms. An excellent model to consider is Sweden’s brand new “Total Defence” system.

    Norwegians, Finns and Swedes are peaceful people who have learned to survive next to a dangerous superpower. Canadians must look at their own vulnerabilities and see the logic and wisdom behind the Scandinavian approach.

    A democratic nuclear umbrella

    Although the 1968 Non-Proliferation Treaty prohibits nuclear weapons development, the Trump administration’s utter disdain for democratic allies has prompted a global rethink. Trump has demanded NATO countries stop relying on the U.S. military and spend more on their own defence.

    Nuclear weapons acquisition complies with his demand.

    Germany and Poland have reopened the nuclear debate, but most European democracies lack the materials to develop their own weapons. Instead, they are looking to France and the United Kingdom to create a new European nuclear umbrella.

    Some Canadians hope the U.K. and French umbrellas could protect Canada, too.

    That’s the wrong mentality.

    The U.K. and France have a combined 515 nuclear weapons. Russia has 5,580.

    Instead of asking the U.K. and France to further stretch their limited arsenals, Canada could step up and contribute to the solution.

    Canada is already a nuclear-threshold state with both the know-how and raw materials to develop a nuclear weapon. It would take time and money, but Canada is in a better position to help than most other European countries.

    Once across the nuclear threshold, Canada would have a bulletproof defence of its homeland. It could then work with the U.K. and France as an equal and reliable partner, contributing to a democratic nuclear umbrella to protect vulnerable allies.

    This would require formal withdrawal from the Non-Proliferation Treaty, but that action doesn’t need to be provocative or unilateral. Canada could co-ordinate its withdrawal with European allies as part of a collective defence of liberal democracies.

    In the face of rising tyranny and superpower conquest, Canada can either choose to be a burden on its overstretched French and British allies or a source of renewed safety for its democratic friends.

    Defending democracy

    Deterrence is hard work, but it is infinitely better than the horrors of invasion.

    Mandatory military service and nuclear weapons may be new ideas for Canadians, but other friendly democracies have been using these strategies for decades.

    The good news is that successful deterrence means stability and peace, so citizens can relax and carry on with their lives. Canadians want this safety for themselves, and for their allies, too.

    The time for Canada to act is now, when threats are foreseeable but not imminent. Waiting until an army amasses at the border is too late.

    To deter aggression, Canadians need to step up and be a little more like their Scandinavian, British and French allies. That is the price of continued freedom.

    Aisha Ahmad receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    – ref. How could Canada deter an invasion? Nukes and mandatory military service – https://theconversation.com/how-could-canada-deter-an-invasion-nukes-and-mandatory-military-service-253414

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Africa’s traditional fermented foods – and why we should keep consuming them

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Florence Malongane, Senior lecturer, University of South Africa

    Fermentation is a process where microorganisms like bacteria and yeast work together to break down complex carbohydrates and protein into simpler, more digestible forms.

    The fermentation process not only extends the shelf life of food but also enhances its nutritional content. During fermentation, beneficial microorganisms produce essential vitamins and minerals.

    Fermented foods have many benefits and have been shown to reduce inflammation and infections.

    As nutrition researchers we undertook an in-depth assessment of fermented African foods and their potential to improve human health cost-effectively.

    By gaining a deeper understanding of the diverse microbiomes present in various fermented indigenous African foods, we aim to enhance human health through targeted dietary interventions.

    Going back in history

    Fermentation as a preservation method can be traced back a long way.

    In the Middle East, between 1,000 and 15,000 years ago, people moved from foraging and hunting to organised food cultivation and production.

    Evidence of the alcoholic fermentation of barley into beer and grapes into wine dates back to between 2000 and 4000 BC.

    In the Middle East and the Indian subcontinent milk was fermented to create yoghurt and other sweet and savoury fermented milks. White cabbage pickles and fermented olives are very popular in the Middle East.

    In India and the Philippines, rice flour was fermented to produce products like noodles.

    Africa’s traditions

    In Africa, fermented foods hold great cultural significance and health benefits, yet this topic has not been thoroughly researched.

    Foods are mostly fermented at home and trends vary by region.

    The primary ingredients in African fermented foods are mainly cereals, tubers and milk.

    Most of the fermented foods are plants that grow on their own in the wild and are often considered weeds in cropped and cultivated land. These include amaranths, Bidens pilosa, cleome and Corchorus species. The increased availability of African indigenous foods could expand the range of commercially available fermented African foods.

    While some products like marula beer have entered the commercial market, the overall consumption of fermented foods among Africans has declined.

    This drop is largely due to the widespread availability of refrigeration systems and a growing loss of interest in traditional African foods.

    Improving health in Africa

    Fermented root plants such as cassava and yam have been shown to decrease creatinine levels, which may indicate enhanced renal function and kidney health. This suggests that the fermentation process not only enriches these root plants with probiotics, but also promotes better physiological responses in the body.

    Among the diverse array of fruits native to Africa, baobab and marula are the most popular fermented fruits. Fermenting them enhances their protein and fibre content. Consuming fermented baobab fruits has been shown to reduce the activity of α-amylase, an enzyme that may have implications for regulating blood sugar.

    Millet, maize, African rice and sorghum are the most fermented grains in Africa. When these foods are fermented, they can help reduce blood glucose levels, serum triglycerides and cholesterol.

    Amahewu is a traditional beverage produced through the fermentation of sorghum or maize, mostly enjoyed in South Africa and Zimbabwe for its tangy flavour and smooth texture.

    In Kenya, a similar fermented cereal beverage known as uji is made of millet and flavoured with milk, adding to its rich and nutritious profile.

    Ghana boasts its own version called akasa, which is prepared from a combination of sorghum, corn and millet and known for its unique taste and cultural significance.

    In Sudan, the beverage referred to as abreh varies in preparation but shares the same essence of fermentation, while in Nigeria, ogi is another fermented cereal paste, from similar small grains like sorghum and millet, which produce a creamy beverage.

    Fermenting sorghum and millet provides essential nutrients and supports metabolic health and gut function.

    In Nigeria, fermented cereal beverages are widely used to control diarrhoea in young children.

    Sour milk is the most fermented food in Africa, celebrated for its rich flavour and numerous health benefits.

    During the fermentation process, bacteria convert the milk sugar, called lactose, into lactic acid.

    Kulenaoto, a traditional fermented milk drink enjoyed in Kenya, is known for its creamy texture and slightly tangy flavour. South Africa produces sour milk known as amasi. Nigeria and Togo share a common fermented dairy product known as wara, which is made from fermented soybeans and is often served as a snack.

    In Ghana, nyamie is a rich, thick yogurt-like product. In Cameroon, pendidam is a unique fermented milk product that is cherished for its distinctive taste and nutritional benefits, making it a staple in many households.

    Regular consumption of fermented sour milk can play a significant role in weight management, decreasing visceral (gut) fat, which is a risk factor for cardiovascular diseases.

    Moreover, fermented milk offers valuable protection against folate deficiency.

    Looking forward

    African fermented foods could be the easiest and least expensive way of introducing beneficial microbes to the gastrointestinal tract, replacing expensive pharmaceutical probiotics.

    These processes should be encouraged, and younger generations need to be exposed to the benefits of these traditions.

    Vanishing plants could be preserved and distributed through seed banks.

    The tradition of fermentation should be encouraged at both household and commercial levels to promote overall health.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Africa’s traditional fermented foods – and why we should keep consuming them – https://theconversation.com/africas-traditional-fermented-foods-and-why-we-should-keep-consuming-them-243287

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Have Trump’s tariffs affected his popularity? Here’s what approval data shows

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Whiteley, Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex

    When Donald Trump launched a trade war on April 2, he produced enormous volatility in stock markets around the world, but since then upheaval in the bond market has forced him to row back on some of his tariffs.

    Investors traditionally consider US Treasury bonds to be a safe asset with a guaranteed return and therefore preferable to stocks when the latter are falling in price. However, instead of buying these bonds investors have been selling them, and this produced a rapid fall in their price.

    While stock prices have recovered somewhat in Europe and Asia they have continued to fall in the US. But what do US consumers make of all this? Has the shifting of the bond market and economic uncertainty affected voter confidence, and approval, in the US president?

    A round up of recent polls suggest US voters expect to see higher prices for goods as a result of the tariffs, with 75% expecting short-term price hikes, and 48% long-term. While 51% like Trump’s trade goals, only 37% approve of his approach. Meanwhile, 91% of Republicans think the president has a clear plan for tariffs and trade, but only 16% of Democrats and 43% of independent voters do. Republican voters are also much more willing to take a longer time to make up their minds about Trump’s trade policy, with 49% saying they will assess it in a year’s time or longer, compared to 36% of independents and 21% of Democrats who are willing to wait that long.

    The latest Morning Consult poll on April 14 gives Trump his lowest approval rating yet for his second term, at 45%. A few weeks ago it was clear from the polls that there were massive differences between Democrats and Republicans when it came to approval for Trump’s handling of his job. An Economist/YouGov poll completed on March 18 showed that 6% of Democrats, 90% of Republican and 37% of independents approved of his performance at that time.

    A more recent Economist/YouGov poll, completed on April 8 after the trade war began, shows a significant change in the views of independent voters. The Democrat and Republican approval/disapproval ratings are about the same as in the earlier survey by the Economist, but approval among voters who class themselves as independents has fallen by 5% to 32%.

    Put simply, the nonaligned voters in America have shifted against Trump over tariffs. This is significant because they are the largest political group in the US, at 37% of electors compared with 34% Democrats and 29% Republicans. Also significant is that, according to Morning Consult, the average voter is more likely to hold positive than negative views about Democrats in Congress, for the first time since the 2024 election, at 47% to 46%.

    If this shift continues, and independent voters support Democrat candidates in the 2026 mid-term elections, it means that the Democrats are likely to take control of Congress. This will give them greater opportunity to block presidential initiatives to introduce new bills, which must be passed by both the House of Representatives and the Senate to became law

    If, at some point, the Democratic party wanted to try and impeach Trump they would need far more Congressional votes than they currently have. The Republicans currently have majorities in both Houses. Impeachment requires a simple majority in the House of Representatives, but a two-thirds majority in the Senate, so it is not an easy thing to do.

    That said, the point is often made that Trump is a transactional politician and as a result attracts little personal loyalty from many of the people around him, particularly in Congress. However, if his approval ratings started to rapidly deteriorate, and the midterm elections turn into a disaster for their party, some Republicans may be ready to turn on Trump.

    Presidential approval and mid terms

    We can get an idea of the likelihood of a midterm swing by looking at the relationship between presidential approval and support for the president’s party in all 20 midterm elections since the second world war.

    Presidential approval in October and changes in House seats in November midterm elections in the US (1946-2022)

    The chart above compares presidential approval ratings in the month prior to elections with seat changes in the president’s party in the House of Representatives. There are 435 members of the House, and they are all up for re-election next year.

    It is clear that there is a strong positive relationship between presidential approval and the success of his party in the mid-term elections (correlation = 0.57). In other words when the president is popular his party does well and when he is unpopular it does badly.

    Donald Trump did rather badly in the midterm elections in 2018 during his first term of office. On that occasion the Republicans lost 40 House seats, a significantly greater number than the post-war average loss of 23 seats for Republican presidents. The last time the Republicans lost more seats than 2018 was in 1974 after Gerald Ford took over from Richard Nixon following the Watergate scandal.

    Currently, the president’s current approval ratings might suggest that the loss of seats by Republicans is likely to be greater in next year’s midterm elections than it was in 2018. In October 2018 Trump’s approval rating was 41%, whereas it currently stands at 45% (with 52% disapproving) in the Economist/YouGov survey.

    However, the current approval rating does not take into account the medium to longer term effects of the economic turmoil and market instability triggered by his policies. Tariffs, in particular, are very likely to increase inflation and slow economic growth both in the US and the rest of the world. This is likely to damage his approval ratings.

    In the UK Conservative prime minister Liz Truss spooked the bond market in the autumn of 2022 by proposing large unfunded tax cuts. She was rapidly removed by her party from the job of leader and prime minister. This was followed by a crushing defeat for the party in the 2024 election. The same could happen to the Republicans, although the voters will have to wait until next year to make their presence felt.

    Paul Whiteley has received funding from the British Academy and the Economic & Social Research Council.

    – ref. Have Trump’s tariffs affected his popularity? Here’s what approval data shows – https://theconversation.com/have-trumps-tariffs-affected-his-popularity-heres-what-approval-data-shows-254725

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Denying compensation to ‘Waspi’ women over pension changes could be a missed opportunity

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jane Falkingham, Dean of the Faculty of Social, Human and Mathematical Sciences, University of Southampton

    Serenity Images23/Shutterstock

    Governments around the world have addressed the challenge of increasing life expectancy and declining birth rates by raising the pension age. The UK is no exception. The challenge this creates for governments is the thorny dual issue of rising care costs for the ageing population while fewer taxpayers support the economy.

    Between the 1940s and 2010, the UK state pension age was 65 for men and 60 for women. This gender difference reflected long-standing norms about men’s and women’s employment patterns, as well as typical age differences at marriage.

    These days, there is more acceptance of an equal age for women and men to receive the state pension. But in the process of levelling the playing field, some women feel they have been penalised by the government. So how did it happen?

    The Pensions Act 1995 equalised things, setting out a plan to gradually increase women’s state pension age to 65. But ten years later, an independent Pensions Commission report found that a state pension age fixed at 65 was no longer sustainable or affordable.

    Between 2007 and 2014 the law changed three times. This accelerated the equalisation of women’s and men’s state pension age, bringing forward the increase from 65 to 66 by five and a half years to 2020.

    Further changes accelerated the increase in the state pension age for both men and women to 67 by 2028. This was eight years earlier than the previous timetable. Another review suggested increasing the state pension age from 67 to 68 in 2039. This would bring it forward by seven years in response to continued gains in life expectancy.

    The Waspi campaign

    These changes in the state pension age led to a long-running campaign by a group known as the Waspi (Women Against State Pension Inequality) women. This group claims that women born between April 6 1950 and April 5 1960 have been badly affected by the way the government equalised the state pension ages.

    They are campaigning for compensation – but the government has repeatedly refused to pay out the recommended amounts of up to £2,950 per woman. These payment could have cost the government more than £10 billion.

    The group’s argument rests on the way the increases in the state pension age were communicated and the amount of notice women were given to plan their finances in retirement. Some women in this cohort were affected by more than one increase in the state pension age.

    The Waspi group estimates that about 3.8 million women are affected. Analysis from the House of Commons puts that figure just above 1.5 million women.

    Analysis of data from the UK’s largest household panel study, the UK Household Longitudinal Study, shows that the impact of the rise in the state pension age has been positive for older women’s employment rates. But it has been harmful for their wellbeing.

    The government’s analysis has also shown that younger women in the 1950-58 birth cohort have stayed in employment for longer.

    Studies analysing the Family Resources Survey have shown that the women affected by the increased state pension age have a reduced household income, and this effect is larger for those in lower-income households.

    The changes in the state pension age, and their effect on women born in the 1950s, has been the topic of both parliamentary debates and (unsuccessful) legal challenges by women affected by these changes.

    In March 2024, the Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman found the Department for Work and Pensions had demonstrated maladministration in its communication about the 1995 Pensions Act. This resulted in women losing opportunities to make informed decisions about their future. But it found that this did not result in an injustice or the women suffering direct financial loss.

    How the UK state pension age was equalised – and raised

    Whatever the outcome of the debate about women born in the 1950s, this topic raises broader issues – and lessons – about social policy. Change in social policies is inevitable. Social structures shift, as do norms and patterns in a population’s health and economic circumstances.

    However, introducing change in a way that is both informed by evidence and transparent is vital for ensuring that reforms are acceptable.

    Far from always creating “winners and losers”, social policy change can be a tool that demonstrates a collective sense of responsibility and adaptability to changing times.

    Gender differences have consistently permeated employment and pensions, and women tend to fare worse than men. More women are working in the UK than ever before and benefit from state, workplace and personal pensions. But gender gaps are persistent across areas that directly affect someone’s ability to have enough money to live comfortably in later life.

    Women are still less likely to work and to work full-time than men. And they are more likely to provide informal care within and beyond the household (except from age 75 and over). These realities result in lower earnings and a lower capacity to save for later life.

    In the broader context of stubborn financial gender inequalities over lifetimes, the issue of changing the state retirement age for women born in the 1950s is a missed opportunity. The government could play a critical part in evening out gender differences for the Waspi women – and for the millions of others coming up after them.

    Jane Falkingham receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.

    Athina Vlachantoni receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.

    Yifan Ge receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.

    – ref. Denying compensation to ‘Waspi’ women over pension changes could be a missed opportunity – https://theconversation.com/denying-compensation-to-waspi-women-over-pension-changes-could-be-a-missed-opportunity-254018

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The world could stop central Africa’s deadly mpox outbreak if it wanted to

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Chloe Orkin, Professor of Infection and Inequities, Centre for Immunobiology, Blizard Institute, Faculty of Medicine and Dentistry, Queen Mary University of London

    MIA Studio/Shutterstock

    The global outbreak of mpox in 2022-23 affected more than 100 countries and grabbed the attention of the scientific community. Research on mpox has intensified since.

    The virus behind the outbreak, technically mpox clade IIb, is spread through close physical contact. During the 2022 outbreak it was found in both sperm and vaginal fluid for the first time. This suggests it is sexually transmissible.

    Overall, deaths in the 2022 outbreak were very low: 0.1%. However, in people with very weak immune systems – such as those with advanced HIV – deaths were much higher, at around 15%.

    The outbreak was curtailed through public health agencies and doctors working in partnership with those most at risk of the disease – sexually active men who have sex with men. Key interventions included ensuring that people knew what signs to look for and how to protect themselves, as well as offering vaccinations.

    The more a virus spreads, the greater the likelihood it will mutate. Mutations can allow the virus to be more easily transmissible. This happened with the clade II virus, which branched into two and resulted in the clade IIb global outbreak in 2022. Something very similar has now happened with clade I. Clade I virus caused 14,626 mpox cases and 654 deaths in 2023.

    Health inequality is a killer

    Doctors in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have been battling to contain exponentially rising cases of the more severe clade I mpox, mainly affecting children under 15 and their caregivers.

    Mpox can be lethal, especially for children under five years old. The mortality rate for clade I is between 3% and 10%. The variation in mortality rates is due to differences in access to healthcare, such as access to antibiotics, as well as specialist care in hospital and intensive care.

    This strain, which has caused significant harm in central African countries such as the DRC, has not attracted the world’s attention in the same way as it has in the west – even though the number of people with the disease was rising year on year. Sadly, it’s very common in global public health for infectious diseases to be neglected unless they affect people in wealthy countries.

    Clade I virus is transmitted through close physical contact, respiratory droplets and contact with infected materials like bedding and infected animals. Historically affected countries, like the DRC, have not had access to the vaccine that helped curtail the outbreak in the US, Europe and the UK.

    The vaccine – called Jynneos in the US and Imvanex in Europe – has not been made or sold in Africa so far. And at US$100 per dose (£76), it is beyond the affordability of most low- and middle-income countries.

    These countries have relied on donations from philanthropic organisations or from governments. However, during the 2022 mpox outbreak, insufficient vaccines were donated to African countries, and local laboratory capacity – needed to test, monitor and respond to cases – was not significantly strengthened. According to experts, wealthier nations, international health agencies and global health donors should have taken the lead in addressing these gaps, but their support fell far short of what was needed.

    In 2024, the mpox virus spread very quickly from the Kivu area of the DRC, which is on the eastern border with Uganda, Burundi and Rwanda – and caused over 16,000 new cases and 511 deaths. The rapid spread among heterosexual people who were moving across porous borders with neighbouring countries – and within camps of internally displaced people – prompted scientists to study the virus to see if it had mutated.

    The virus has changed significantly enough to warrant being named as a new sub-variant: clade Ib.

    These changes may have enabled the rapid spread to several other African countries and the first ever case of clade I virus in Europe (Sweden) in a returning traveller.

    Vaccine accessibility

    So what does this mean for people in wealthy countries? The risk to the general population is very low. However, travellers to affected countries who mix with affected communities are at risk of contracting mpox and transmitting it to close contacts on return.

    We live in an interconnected world, so cases of the new strain are extremely likely to be identified in the coming weeks and months in many countries. But this does not make a global outbreak of clade Ib inevitable. The tools needed to limit the virus from spreading are in use already: community engagement, contact tracing, laboratory surveillance of new cases to monitor spread of clade Ib virus, and vaccination.

    Anyone who develops symptoms after being in contact with a returning traveller should isolate and follow national guidance on where to attend for medical care. It’s essential to do this as soon as possible after noticing symptoms because being vaccinated within four days of exposure can limit the likelihood of getting mpox and the severity – and length – of infection.

    Mpox causes skin lesions that look like blisters which become filled with pus after a few days – and it can cause ulcers in the mouth and on the genitals and bottom. People diagnosed with mpox should isolate and limit close physical and sexual contact while they have lesions.

    Stopping this outbreak is possible if affected countries are equipped with three things: access to free diagnostic tests, laboratory capacity to determine the mpox clade so the extent of the outbreak can be monitored and, most important, equal access to the vaccine.

    Millions of doses will be needed to protect people in affected countries. The declaration of a public health emergency of international concern by the World Health Organization will allow better coordination of the international response, such as emergency licensing of the vaccine in all countries and greater capacity to buy and make the vaccine where it is needed most.

    Chloe Orkin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The world could stop central Africa’s deadly mpox outbreak if it wanted to – https://theconversation.com/the-world-could-stop-central-africas-deadly-mpox-outbreak-if-it-wanted-to-236981

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: King Charles visits the Vatican: my research shows countries that cut ties with the Catholic Church perform better

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jason Garcia-Portilla, Lecturer in Business Management, University of Winchester

    King Charles’s recent visit to the Vatican may appear to be simply a symbolic gesture of ecumenical goodwill. But moments like this provide an opportunity to look at the long-term consequences of church-state relations around the world.

    Britain, of course, has a complicated history with the Catholic church. Edward VII (Charles’s great-great-grandfather) was the first UK monarch to visit the Vatican since the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century.

    The UK (and much of western Europe) is largely secular today, but this is a global exception: 85% of the world’s population identifies as religious. These beliefs are often passed down through generations, not necessarily chosen freely.

    Today’s religious identities have more to do with political decisions made centuries ago than with personal faith. Spain and Portugal are predominantly Catholic not because of the individual choices of their population, but because their monarchs aligned (and maintained the hegemony) of the Roman Catholic church-state. In England, on the other hand, King Henry VIII broke away from Rome in the 1530s, challenging (“protesting”) against the universal papal authority and leading to the establishment of the Church of England.

    This religious split also carried over to former colonies. Compare the US, (a Protestant country) to Mexico or Brazil (Catholic countries), and you’ll see the long shadow of these old decisions. My research shows the profound and lasting consequences of religion on these societies.

    Diverging nations

    In my book Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits, I analysed data from 65 countries across Europe and the Americas using both qualitative and quantitative methods.

    My findings suggest that countries with historical and legal alignments with the Catholic church — such as Spain, Portugal, Austria, Ireland and much of Latin America — tend to underperform on a number of metrics, including inequality and education, and have more political corruption compared to states that maintained institutional separation (such as through the Protestant Reformation). Historical Protestant countries include the UK, Switzerland, Scandinavian and North American countries.

    In particular, countries with strong traditional links to the Catholic church tend to exhibit higher levels of corruption and inequality. They also perform weaker in education, sustainability and competitiveness compared to Protestant countries.

    Prosperity and educational differences between Protestants and Roman Catholics are evident even within countries. In Switzerland, the Protestant cantons (such as Geneva and Zurich) are currently the most competitive, while the Roman Catholic cantons (such as Ticino and Valais) are the least competitive. In Germany, Protestants are more educated (0.8 years more) and more prosperous (5.4% higher income) than Catholics.

    Differences in economic prosperity and education are even higher comparing data across Protestant and Catholic countries.

    Before the Reformation, literacy in England was below 10%, and the Roman church largely monopolised education. The Protestant emphasis on individual reading – especially of the Bible – dramatically increased literacy rates and access to knowledge. This paved the way for broader democratic participation, industrialisation and innovation.

    Protestantism similarly proved influential in historical law revolutions, gradually separating society from feudal institutions and papalist medieval canon law.

    In Britain, the Reformation was not just a theological shift, but a political one, breaking institutional ties with Rome and affirming national sovereignty. The long-term effects of that decision have echoed through the UK’s democratic and economic development.

    Church-state relations

    The Vatican’s political influence is often underestimated. The Roman Catholic church is the only religious body that is, at the same time, a sovereign political state – with ambassadors, diplomatic immunity and seats at international forums. The pope holds absolute executive, legislative and judicial authority.

    Many of today’s Catholic-majority countries maintain formal relations with the Roman See through bilateral treaties called concordats. These agreements exert the power of the church in countries that have them, and are rarely democratically consulted with the population.

    In Colombia, for example, concordats throughout history have linked religion and politics, have given church-influenced groups power over the economy, and allowed Rome to control what is taught in public and private education at all levels.

    Since then, liberal efforts have reestablished much of the state’s power. But the effects are still evident in the strong cultural identity and presence of Catholicism in the country. Colombia has one of the highest proportions of adults raised as Roman Catholics in the world (92%), after Paraguay (94%).

    The Vatican remains a political actor whose influence is often underestimated.
    Collection Maykova/Shutterstock

    Historically, informal gestures of religious diplomacy have laid the groundwork for further cooperation and formal agreements with Rome.

    But King Charles’s recent Vatican visit is more diplomatic than anything. It reflects modern efforts to maintain and strengthen state-to-state relations and discuss shared global concerns like climate change and peacebuilding.

    It is for this reason that the king’s visit matters – not because a formal treaty is on the table, but because it shows the strength of the UK’s experience since the Reformation. An exemplary model of the success of church-state separation, British democracy and prosperity have thrived for centuries – without formal entanglements with the Catholic church.

    Dr Jason Garcia-Portilla earned his PhD in Organization Studies and Cultural Theory at the University of St. Gallen (Switzerland), financed with a Swiss Government Excellence Scholarship–ESKAS. Additionally, he holds an MSc in Climate Change and Policy from the University of Sussex in the UK (funded by the British Chevening Scholarship).

    – ref. King Charles visits the Vatican: my research shows countries that cut ties with the Catholic Church perform better – https://theconversation.com/king-charles-visits-the-vatican-my-research-shows-countries-that-cut-ties-with-the-catholic-church-perform-better-254357

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Culture can build a better world: four key issues on Africa’s G20 agenda

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ribio Nzeza Bunketi Buse, Associate Professor, University of Kinshasa

    The cultural and creative industries are a growing source of income and job creation around the world, generating tens of millions of jobs. The cultural sector is also linked to soft power, to relations between countries.

    Because of this, culture is an active part of the agenda of the G20 global economic forum. Under the presidency of South Africa in 2025, the G20 has chosen four key culture focus areas: heritage restitution; socio-economic strategies for inclusivity; digital technologies; and climate action.

    Here, as a scholar of the sector, I outline why these four priorities are relevant to both the G20 and the African continent, and to South Africa itself as the host country, in the light of current global trends and issues.

    G20 and culture

    The relationship between culture and development is increasingly emphasised. The 2022 Unesco World Conference on Cultural Policies and Sustainable Development – or Mondiacult – recommended that culture be a “stand-alone” sustainable development goal.

    This proposal is underlined by the UN’s Pact for the Future, adopted in 2024. The 17 sustainable development goals, adopted by the UN in 2015, are to ensure peace and prosperity for all people by 2030. They include goals like zero hunger and reduced inequalities.



    Read more:
    What is Mondiacult? 6 take-aways from the world’s biggest cultural policy gathering

    As the global order shifts, new actors from the global south are emerging as the Brics group. However, the G20 is the only forum that includes countries from both the global north and south.

    The G20, like the G7 and Brics, has a tradition of including culture among the items for discussion at ministerial level, supported by a working group.

    Under Brazil’s presidency in 2024, the G20 Culture Working Group highlighted the relationship between education and culture. This was in line with Unesco’s Framework for Culture and Arts Education. Taking over the G20 presidency, South Africa has expanded on the cultural agenda.

    Cultural heritage

    Priority 1: the safeguarding and restitution of cultural heritage to protect human rights.

    This relates to cultural property, mainly stolen during colonisation and displayed in global south museums. It’s one of the key issues in the heritage sector today.

    After years of demands by formerly colonised countries, there’s a growing list of high profile objects being sent back home. France returned 26 Dahomey Kingdom royal treasures to Benin and the saber of El Hadj Omar Tall to Senegal; 119 Benin bronzes came from the Netherlands to Nigeria. Akan cultural objects were restituted from Japan to Côte d’Ivoire.

    This global issue has particularly affected African countries. South Africa, too, knows its importance, with the repatriation of the human remains of Saartjie Baartman by France.

    The Mondiacult 2022 declaration calls the return of cultural heritage an “ethical imperative”. It’s part of the respect for cultural rights and human rights.

    For South Africa, one of the most influential countries on the continent, this is a good way to support the 2023 position of the African Union (AU) on the urgent return of this heritage. Improving the relationship between the global north and south requires this kind of debate.

    Inclusive development

    Priority 2: integrating cultural policies in socio-economic strategies to ensure inclusive, rights-based development.

    The importance of cultural goods and services in national and international trade has been highlighted many times. Statistics show they make up a healthy share of a country’s gross domestic product (GDP).

    A 2021 study found that the cultural and creative industries contributed 4.3% to South Africa’s GDP. At African level, they are estimated to generate US$45.35 billion in income and 15.87 million jobs. According to the 2024 UN Creative Economy Outlook, exports of creative services globally rose to $1.4 trillion in 2022, an increase of 29% since 2017. Exports of creative goods reached US$713 billion, an increase of 19%.



    Read more:
    South Africa has taken over the G20 presidency from Brazil – what lessons can it learn?

    With the development of an African Continental Free Trade Area, the AU revised its plan for action on cultural and creative industries.

    South Africa can play a leading role in this priority, having drafted a national policy paper on trade agreements involving the creative and cultural industries. The country’s Creative Industries Vision 2040 aims for an annual growth rate of 6.8% of GDP for these industries.

    However, the creative economy should be rights-based development and inclusive of local communities, young people and women. The G20 countries will need to work together to support policies that enhance sustainability and equity for creative workers. This is especially important in Africa where the creative economy is largely informal and unprotected.

    Digital technologies

    Priority 3: harnessing digital technologies for the protection and promotion of culture and sustainable economies.

    Digital technology is transforming the creative economy value chain. In my survey of the COVID era’s harsh impact on creative workers, I found that digital media, online games, music and audiovisual content were able to be resilient. Their value chains, from creator to user, don’t require high levels of face-to-face interaction, and online tools can be used effectively.

    In 2024 the UN Conference on Trade and Development reported that, in 2022, the most exported creative services globally were software services (41.3%), research and development (30.7%), advertising, market research and architecture (15.5%), audiovisual services (7.9%), information services (4%) and cultural, recreational and heritage services (0.6%).

    While digital technologies like artificial intelligence (AI) can be seen as a threat to creativity and intellectual property, they can also be used to promote respect for communities and creators. The development of monitoring software for collecting music rights payments is an example.

    In 2021 the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization adopted a recommendation on the ethics of AI. It proposes that AI tools be used for the benefit of the promotion, preservation, enrichment and accessibility of intangible or tangible cultural heritage. This issue is crucial because Mondiacult 2022 declared that culture is a “global public good” and the G20 must fund research and development of the most appropriate and advanced AI tools.

    Climate change

    Priority 4: the intersection of culture and climate change – shaping global responses.

    The challenges of climate change require a range of responses. Intangible cultural heritage (like oral traditions, social practices, rituals) can help to teach how ancient societies organised their relationships with nature and how they dealt with changes.

    Art, theatre, film, gaming and many other cultural forms can educate and raise awareness about this urgent issue. The African continent has a rich cultural diversity and is a potential source of many unexpected and insightful solutions.

    Keeping it relevant

    These four priorities reflect what is important on the continent. Africa will benefit from the collective efforts of the G20 countries in implementing such priorities. The presence of the AU as a permanent member of the G20 will support South Africa’s leadership and advance the continent’s cause.

    The challenge to the culture working group is to come up with relevant recommendations that can be endorsed by the G20 Ministerial Meeting. The 2024 G7 Ministerial Meeting on Culture, along with the AU and the African Development Bank, has set the tone. Their Naples Statement on culture for the sustainable development of Africa and the world notes that the G7 countries “intend to work with African governments to harness culture as a key driver of sustainable development”.

    A G20 summit on African soil cannot do less. It has all the potential it needs to support the African cultural sector in a variety of ways.

    Ribio Nzeza Bunketi Buse does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Culture can build a better world: four key issues on Africa’s G20 agenda – https://theconversation.com/culture-can-build-a-better-world-four-key-issues-on-africas-g20-agenda-253864

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –