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  • MIL-OSI Global: Two key ingredients cause extreme storms with destructive flooding – why these downpours are happening more often

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Shuang-Ye Wu, Professor of Geology and Environmental Geosciences, University of Dayton

    A powerful storm system that stalled over states from Texas to Ohio for several days in early April 2025 wreaked havoc across the region, with deadly tornadoes, mudslides and flooding as rivers rose. More than a foot of rain fell in several areas.

    As a climate scientist who studies the water cycle, I often get questions about how extreme storms like these form and what climate change has to do with it. There’s a recipe for extreme storms, with two key ingredients.

    Recipe for a storm

    The essential conditions for storms to form with heavy downpours are moisture and atmospheric instability.

    First, in order for a storm to develop, the air needs to contain enough moisture. That moisture comes from water evaporating off oceans, lakes and land, and from trees and other plants.

    The amount of moisture the air can hold depends on its temperature. The higher the temperature, the more moisture air can hold, and the greater potential for heavy downpours. This is because at higher temperatures water molecules have more kinetic energy and therefore are more likely to exist in the vapor phase. The maximum amount of moisture possible in the air increases at about 7% per degree Celsius.

    Floodwaters rise in downtown Hopkinsville, Ky., on April 4, 2025.
    AP Photo/George Walker IV

    Warm air also supplies storm systems with more energy. When that vapor starts to condense into water or ice as it cools, it releases large amount of energy, known as latent heat. This additional energy fuels the storm system, leading to stronger winds and greater atmospheric instability.

    That leads us to the second necessary condition for a storm: atmospheric instability.

    Atmospheric instability has two components: rising air and wind shear, which is created as wind speed changes with height. The rising air, or updraft, is essential because air cools as it moves up, and as a result, water vapor condenses to form precipitation.

    As the air cools at high altitudes, it starts to sink, forming a downdraft of cool and dry air on the edge of a storm system.

    When there is little wind shear, the downdraft can suppress the updraft, and the storm system quickly dissipates as it exhausts the local moisture in the air. However, strong wind shear can tilt the storm system, so that the downdraft occurs at a different location, and the updraft of warm moist air can continue, supplying the storm with moisture and energy. This often leads to strong storm systems that can spawn tornadoes.

    Extreme downpours hit the US

    It is precisely a combination of these conditions that caused the prolonged, extensive precipitation that the Midwest and Southern states saw in early April.

    The Midwest is prone to extreme storms, particularly during spring. Spring is a transition time when the cold and dry air mass from the Arctic, which dominates the region in winter, is gradually being pushed away by warm and moist air from the Gulf that dominates the region in summer.

    This clash of air masses creates atmosphere instability at the boundary, where the warm and less dense air is pushed upward above the cold and denser air, creating precipitation.

    The Storm Prediction Center’s one-day convective outlooks from March 30 through April 5, 2025, and the tornado, wind and hail reports over that period reflect the damage when severe storms flooded communities in the Midwest and South.
    National Weather Service Storm Prediction Center

    A cold front forms when a cold air mass pushes away a warm air mass. A warm front forms when the warm air mass pushes to replace the cold air mass. A cold front usually moves faster than a warm front, but the speed is related to the temperature difference between the two air masses.

    The warm conditions before the April storm system reduced the temperature difference between these cold and warm air masses, greatly reducing the speed of the frontal movement and allowing it to stall over states from Texas to Ohio.

    The result was prolonged precipitation and repeated storms. The warm temperatures also led to high moisture content in the air masses, leading to more precipitation. In addition, strong wind shear led to a continuous supply of moisture into the storm systems, causing strong thunderstorms and dozens of tornadoes to form.

    What global warming has to do with storms

    As global temperatures rise, the warming air creates conditions that are more conducive to extreme precipitation.

    The warmer air can mean more moisture, leading to wetter and stronger storms. And since most significant warming occurs near the surface, while the upper atmosphere is cooling, this can increase wind shear and the atmospheric instability that sets the stage for strong storms.

    Polar regions are also warming two to three times as fast as the global average, reducing the temperature gradient between the poles and equator. That can weaken the global winds. Most of the weather systems in the continental U.S. are modulated by the polar jet stream, so a weaker jet stream can slow the movement of storms, creating conditions for prolonged precipitation events.

    All of these create conditions that make extreme storms and flooding much more likely in the future.

    Shuang-Ye Wu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Two key ingredients cause extreme storms with destructive flooding – why these downpours are happening more often – https://theconversation.com/two-key-ingredients-cause-extreme-storms-with-destructive-flooding-why-these-downpours-are-happening-more-often-254123

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: White House plans for Alaskan oil and gas face some hurdles – including from Trump and the petroleum industry

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Scott L. Montgomery, Lecturer in International Studies, University of Washington

    A pumping station and oil pipeline north of Fairbanks, Alaska, are part of the existing fossil fuel industry in the state. AP Photo/Al Grillo

    The second Trump administration has launched the next stage in the half-century-long battle between commerce and conservation over Alaskan oil and gas development. But its moves are delivering a mixed message to the petroleum industry.

    The administration has opened – or reopened – large swaths of government land in Alaska to oil and gas drilling, though only some of those opportunities have drawn much commercial interest in recent years. And an 800-mile pipeline across Alaska that the administration says it supports is not yet funded, and other administration policies risk turning off prospective partners.

    President Donald Trump says he wants to grow oil and gas production and advance the goal of what he calls U.S. “energy dominance.” The White House says that term means both reducing the amount of energy imported from other countries and increasing the amount of energy exported from the U.S., especially to allies.

    The U.S. is already the world’s largest producer and exporter of natural gas as well as the largest producer of crude oil. And the nation’s oil industry boomed under the Biden administration. However, the U.S. does import an average of over 6 million barrels per day of crude oil, most of it from Canada.

    Trump’s efforts seek to boost U.S. production to still greater heights by expanding access to areas for drilling and building related infrastructure. But as a former petroleum geoscientist and industry observer, I would suggest his various actions, taken as a whole, may have more limited effects than he seems to hope.

    Returned to leasing

    In one of his first executive orders after retaking office on Jan. 20, 2025, Trump declared that the U.S. would develop Alaska’s petroleum resources “to the fullest extent possible.”

    The Biden administration had banned oil leasing in three areas of Alaska. One was all but 400,000 acres in the coastal plain portion of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Another was a 13-million-acre swath of the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, a massive parcel of federal land west of the refuge. The third area was 44 million acres of the offshore coastal portion of the northern Bering Sea, based on concerns for tribal rights and the migration routes of marine mammals.

    Trump moved quickly to reverse all these bans, describing them as an “assault on Alaska’s sovereignty and its ability to responsibly develop (its) resources for the benefit of the Nation.” And Trump went farther, expanding the available land by an additional 6 million acres in the petroleum reserve and another 1.1 million acres of the wildlife refuge.

    All those areas are home to many different types of wildlife, as well as Indigenous groups.

    Caribou migrate onto the coastal plain of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in northeast Alaska.
    U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service via AP

    The view of industry

    For the petroleum industry, I expect these actions are both welcome and irrelevant. Reopening the northeastern portion of the petroleum reserve creates a real opportunity: Exploration has found a significant amount of oil and gas in that area, and indications are that there may be more yet to discover.

    But prospects on the land in the wildlife refuge and the shallow waters of the Bering Sea are not likely of much interest to drilling companies unless oil prices rise significantly from their levels in early 2025. There is no established production in either area at present. And, though the refuge has oil and gas potential, there are no roads or pipelines, and Arctic drilling is especially expensive.

    In fact, the last two attempts by the government to lease oil development rights in the wildlife refuge drew very little interest. In 2020, the first Trump administration teamed with Republicans in Congress to overcome long-standing legal and political opposition to leasing in the refuge. But the 2021 lease sale was a bust, with none of the top oil producers in the state participating.

    A second round of bidding, in January 2025, received no interest at all from oil companies.

    The Trans-Alaska Pipeline runs 800 miles from the North Slope to the port of Valdez, Alaska.
    Mario Tama/Getty Images

    Pipe dreams that could come true

    A strong gain for the petroleum industry would be a major new pipeline to carry natural gas more than 800 miles south from the Prudhoe Bay area on the Arctic coast to a port near Anchorage on south-central Alaska’s Cook Inlet.

    The idea has its own decades-long history, and has been both pushed forward and set back over the years by changing economics, government plans, and tribal interest and opposition.

    The main challenge is that there is no way to transport natural gas off the North Slope. Since drilling began in the late 1970s, some has been used locally for heating and running equipment, with the vast majority being reinjected into oil reservoir rock to help maintain oil production.

    Rising demand and elevated prices in Asia, however, suggest the project could be profitable, despite the current cost estimate of US$44 billion. Project plans indicate most of it would go to build a liquefied natural gas export terminal near Anchorage, with the rest spent to construct an 807-mile pipeline paralleling the existing Trans-Alaska Pipeline, and a plant at Prudhoe Bay that would capture carbon from the atmosphere, compress it and inject it into oil-producing reservoirs to boost production.

    The pipeline is designed to carry 3.3 billion cubic feet of natural gas each day, which would make it one of the largest pipelines in North America. The export terminal, to be built near the town of Nikiski on Cook Inlet, would have a capacity of roughly 1 trillion cubic feet per year, enough to heat about 15 million homes for a year.

    The pipeline could take as little as two to three years to build, but the terminal and carbon-capture plant would take longer – five years or so. The exports from Alaska could go to other ports in the U.S., but they could also fetch higher prices in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and possibly China.

    An artist’s rendering of what a natural gas export terminal would look like on Cook Inlet, near Nikiski, Alaska.
    Alaska Gasline Development Corporation

    A wrench in the works

    Most of the permits needed for the pipeline-and-export-terminal project have been secured by the Alaska Gasline Development Corporation, a company created by the state of Alaska to build the project.

    However, no company or foreign government has yet agreed to foot the bill, and despite the support of the Trump White House, there’s no indication the federal government will do so either.

    The Trump administration has also created a new barrier to the project. Its sweeping tariffs and the resulting trade war crashed prices in the global oil and gas market in early April 2025.

    In addition, uncertainty about the permanence of tariffs or other restrictions on international trade are now widespread and directly affect the oil industry. Lower gas and oil prices and less stability make any project less attractive.

    It’s true that Trump exempted oil and gas from his most recent tariffs. But that matters less than the broader effect the trade war is already having, with analysts projecting it is driving the global economy toward recession. Less economic activity means less demand for oil and gas, and therefore less incentive for companies to drill new wells and build new pipelines.

    To top everything off, the White House slapped heavy tariffs on Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, the very countries that might be inclined to help fund the pipeline project. Even before the trade war, they were hesitant about supporting it. The potential suspension, or reinstatement, or adjustment of tariffs is not likely to help them view the situation as more stable.

    Those who favor oil and gas development in Alaska may be wondering whether the president is truly on their side. It remains to be seen whether their hopes might end up a casualty of White House economic policy.

    Scott L. Montgomery does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. White House plans for Alaskan oil and gas face some hurdles – including from Trump and the petroleum industry – https://theconversation.com/white-house-plans-for-alaskan-oil-and-gas-face-some-hurdles-including-from-trump-and-the-petroleum-industry-254040

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Companies will still face pressure to manage for climate change, even as government rolls back US climate policy

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ethan I. Thorpe, Fellow at Private Climate Governance Lab, Vanderbilt University

    Amazon partnered with Dominion Energy to build solar farms in Virginia to power its cloud-computing service. Drew Angerer/Getty Images

    As the federal government moves to eliminate U.S. climate rules, companies still face pressure to be better stewards of the planet from their customers, investors, employees, local communities, lenders, insurers, global trading partners and many states.

    Each of those groups knows it will face increasing costs from rising temperatures and extreme weather if corporations don’t rein in their greenhouse gas emissions.

    Many companies will find that returning to past polluting ways isn’t in their best interest. Over 60% of chief financial officers surveyed by global management firm Kearney in December 2024 signaled that they intended to invest at least 2% of their revenue in sustainability in 2025.

    These companies may maintain a low profile about climate change while the Trump administration is in power, but they have strong financial incentives to continue to reduce their emissions and their own climate risks.

    We study private environmental governance – the ways companies and organizations work outside government to improve the nation’s sustainability and reduce environmental damage. Our work finds that, in this polarized era, addressing climate and sustainability challenges is not just a matter of government action. That’s because a lot of climate and sustainability progress is underway in the private sector.

    Sustainability matters to companies’ bottom lines

    Businesses have used climate and sustainability initiatives for years to make their operations and supply chains more efficient and to reduce their long-term costs.

    When McDonald’s faced public pressure to reduce waste in the late 1980s, the company teamed up with the Environmental Defense Fund to analyze the problem. It was able to reduce its waste by 30% over the following decade, saving the company US$6 million a year. This early risk-taking by McDonald’s opened the door for other environmental groups to help businesses understand how to reduce their environmental impact, including emissions, while boosting the companies’ profitability.

    The shipping company Maersk expects to cut emissions and boost productivity at the same time with better logistics and low-emissions ships like this one, which runs on methanol.
    Axel Heimken/picture alliance via Getty Images

    Maersk, the logistics giant responsible for nearly a quarter of global shipping, has responded to pressure from its corporate customers with a plan to reduce carbon emissions by one-third from 2022 to 2030 and reach net-zero emissions by 2045. It expects the combination of low-emissions vessels and a more efficient delivery network with hubs and shuttles to help meet its climate goals while increasing productivity.

    Companies have also helped drive the expansion of renewable energy, motivated by the competitive economics of renewables and business opportunities. Facebook’s parent company Meta and Google invested nearly $2 billion in projects to provide renewable energy in the Tennessee Valley Authority service area, even though no government required them to do so. And major companies continued
    signing renewable energy power purchase agreements in 2025.

    Microsoft and Amazon are responding to massive new power demand by trying to locate data centers near existing nuclear power plants for cleaner energy supplies.

    Thousands of companies report emissions via private systems

    Another sign of companies’ continuing commitment to sustainability is how many of them measure and report their greenhouse gas emissions even when governments do not require them to do so.

    Nearly 25,000 companies representing two-thirds of total global market capitalization and 85% of the S&P 500 report their emissions to the nonprofit CDP. Disclosing emissions is like keeping a fitness journal with a personal trainer. It helps a company track its progress and plan for future financial and environmental risks. More than 12,500 small- and medium-size companies also disclosed emissions to CDP in 2024.

    Many of these companies were initially motivated by pressure from environmental groups or corporate customers. Today, they have more reason to continue paying attention to emissions.

    California has its own formal reporting requirements designed to encourage companies to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. And other states are considering setting climate disclosure rules. The Trump administration has promised to challenge them, and announced that it also plans to cut federal greenhouse gas reporting standards, but companies will likely still face reporting rules in the future.

    The European Union also approved reporting requirements. It delayed their start date in April 2025 to give companies more time to comply.

    Cleaner supply chains can also be more efficient

    Managing supply chains with climate and environmental risks in mind can also help businesses increase their efficiency and reduce the risk that climate change will disrupt their operations.

    The supply chain is the largest source of the average company’s emissions and may be particularly vulnerable to climate shocks. A storm can easily disrupt vital production or shipping, and droughts or heat waves can damage crops, stop work and increase costs. Companies estimate climate-related supply chain risks at $162 billion, nearly three times the cost of mitigating those risks. Many companies therefore have incentives to reduce emissions and their exposure to related hazards.

    Nearly 80% of the largest companies across seven global economic sectors had set environmental requirements for suppliers within their value chains as of 2023. These requirements include reporting carbon emissions, reducing emissions and using sustainable forestry practices.

    Walmart eliminated 1 billion tons of carbon emissions from its supply chain in less than seven years by sharing its expertise with suppliers and working with them to reduce their emissions. Walmart’s global director of sustainable retail noted in 2024 that the effort made its suppliers more efficient, too.

    Keeping employees and customers happy

    Companies also face pressure from average people − both employees and customers.

    More than two-thirds of Americans support action to address climate change. Even companies that are not consumer-facing need retail customer and employee support. Pro-climate actions have been found to improve employee and customer loyalty.

    The outdoor clothing company Patagonia ranked third out of over 300 brands in a 2024 customer experience survey, in part because of its reputation for sustainable practices. Many of the over 10,000 respondents cited the company’s sustainable practices as the leading reason for their support.

    Many companies also face pressure from lenders and insurers who want to reduce climate risks to their own bottom lines. Dozens of insurers have committed to ending or restricting underwriting for new fossil fuel projects. Others use incentives, such as lower premiums for companies that reduce emissions or invest in climate adaptation.

    Climate change may accelerate the current 5% to 7% annual increase in insured losses, according to estimates from insurer Swiss Re. That has led some insurance leaders to recommend insurance companies take bigger steps to reduce emissions through their investments and policy underwriting.

    Private climate governance can help buy time

    Media attention and interest group advocacy is often focused on government actions, but decisions made in boardrooms and through initiatives with nonprofits have created an important kind of private climate governance.

    As companies respond to their own economic risks and incentives, they help buy time to avoid the worst impacts of climate change until the political system recognizes the financial risks posed to the entire country.

    Zdravka Tzankova receives funding from the National Science Foundation.

    Ethan I. Thorpe and Michael Vandenbergh do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Companies will still face pressure to manage for climate change, even as government rolls back US climate policy – https://theconversation.com/companies-will-still-face-pressure-to-manage-for-climate-change-even-as-government-rolls-back-us-climate-policy-251580

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Manuscript sold for €300 is now attributed to Cyrano de Bergerac – but questions remain about the play’s authorship

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alisa van de Haar, Assistant Professor in Historical French Literature, Leiden University

    Cyrano de Bergerac illustrated by Zacharie Heince (circa 1654). Gallica Digital Library/Canva, CC BY-SA

    French researchers recently published an edition of a previously unknown 17th-century French play that they argue could be attributed to the French satirist and dramatist Savinien de Cyrano de Bergerac.

    Bibliophiles and literary historians like myself are rejoicing at this discovery, which sheds new light on 17th-century literary, political and libertine culture. However, questions remain regarding the authorship of the comedy.

    Cyrano de Bergerac is best known as the big-nosed protagonist in a 19th-century eponymous play by Edmond Rostand. Adapted for the screen most recently in 2021, Rostand’s play portrays Cyrano de Bergerac as a flamboyant young man who combines the arts of duelling and poetry and is tormented by love for his cousin, Roxane. It caricatures the real Cyrano, who led a tumultuous life that ended tragically when he was only 35.

    Contrary to what Rostand’s play suggests, historians have argued that Cyrano de Bergerac was homosexual. While he enlisted as a musketeer serving the French king for some time, he quit after suffering several wounds. He is often associated with libertine culture, questioning the core dogmas of Christianity and the moral, sexual and political values of 17th-century France.

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    Cyrano de Bergerac wrote a variety of plays, letters and novels, often in a satirical vein. Few were published during his lifetime and his most famous works, Les États et Empires de la Lune (The States and Empires of the Moon) and a sequel on the Sun, were both published posthumously.

    These novels have been characterised as early forms of science fiction. They describe voyages to the Moon and Sun, where the protagonist encounters utopian societies inspired by some aspects of libertine thought. While Cyrano de Bergerac became the object of ridicule by some contemporaries, others – including the acclaimed French playwright Molière – were inspired by his works.

    The 17th-century manuscript now tentatively attributed to Cyrano de Bergerac was brought to the attention of lead researcher Guy Fontaine by the previous owners, who asked him to determine its possible author.

    However, in 2022, before Fontaine and his research team were able to draw any conclusions, the manuscript was sold at an auction for the low sum of €300 (£257). The auction catalogue attributed it to the minor playwright Gabriel Gilbert.

    But Fontaine and his team later concluded that the attribution to Gilbert was unlikely. According to them, the manuscript, which contains a comedy written out over 70 pages, points in the direction of Cyrano de Bergerac.

    Cyrano, a film based on the Edmond Rostand play Cyrano de Bergerac, was released in 2021.

    The play, entitled L’Art de Persuader (The Art of Persuasion), tells the story of two young men seeking to marry two women, incidentally both named Julie, in a traditional structure in five acts. The play shows an experienced playwright at work, aware of both classical and contemporary models.

    Set against the backdrop of Paris during the political upheavals involving Cardinal Mazarin and the thirty years’ war, the political events described in the play allowed the researchers to situate its creation in the final years of the 1640s or first half of the 1650s. These dates are corroborated by physical evidence. The play is written in a mid-17th-century handwriting style, and watermarks found in the paper were only in use until 1656.

    This timeline corresponds to the the active years of Cyrano de Bergerac, who emerged as a potential author because of the combined presence of a number of elements in the comedy. The play’s references to libertine ideas and Epicurean philosophy, a topic with which Cyrano de Bergerac was familiar, point in his direction.

    L’Art de Persuader’s style, including many Latin influences, and division into acts and scenes bear similarity to Cyrano de Bergerac’s known plays, as does the pairing of its characters, who often appear in duos. The locations mentioned in the play all have some connection to the historical Bergerac – and the author’s most famous theme, the Moon, is also mentioned.

    Reason for caution

    Despite the clear similarities with the style and themes preferred by Cyrano de Bergerac, the researchers remain cautious with their claim – and rightly so. Many of the elements that correspond with his style, such as the pairing of characters, were in fashion in the mid-17th century and can be found in the works of other writers, too.

    No single element connects the play irrefutably to this particular libertine author. An additional problem is that an expert in 17th-century handwriting who was consulted by the research team was unable to definitively match the writing of the manuscript to Cyrano de Bergerac’s.

    The edition of L’Art de Persuader published by the research team will enable other experts of Cyrano de Bergerac to shed their light on the authorship question. But whoever the author is, this play is of interest to literary historians as it provides new insights into the interplay between political history and theatre culture, as well as into libertine writing and the influence of Latin comedy – in particular Plautus – on baroque literature.

    For any bibliophile or historian, finding such an important text at an auction is a dream come true. And though rare, this is not the only major literary find of recent years. Take, for example the handwritten poems by Emily Brontë and the sole surviving copy of an early edition of the Bay Psalm Book, both of which came up for auction in 2021.

    When part of a private collection, however, these materials are difficult for researchers to access. It is therefore all the more valuable when owners contact specialists themselves, which is how Fontaine and his team first learned about this precious French play. For now, their edition is the only way to study this manuscript as, following the auction, it is in private hands.

    Alisa van de Haar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Manuscript sold for €300 is now attributed to Cyrano de Bergerac – but questions remain about the play’s authorship – https://theconversation.com/manuscript-sold-for-300-is-now-attributed-to-cyrano-de-bergerac-but-questions-remain-about-the-plays-authorship-254315

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What lies ahead for South Korea after the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yoon Walker, PhD Candidate in the School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, SOAS, University of London

    South Korea’s constitutional court upheld the parliament’s decision to impeach the country’s suspended president, Yoon Suk Yeol, on April 4. The court stated that, by declaring martial law in December, Yoon had taken actions that were beyond the powers granted by South Korea’s constitution.

    Yoon is also facing criminal charges for allegedly leading an insurrection with the martial law attempt. While the criminal trial is separate from the impeachment, the court’s ruling that the martial law decree was unconstitutional could undermine Yoon’s defence of presidential authority.

    Separate to this charge, Yoon is being investigated for obstructing arrest after his security team blocked attempts by the police to detain him at his residence in January. His security service refused police warrants for search and seizure, citing national security concerns.

    Yoon has been stripped of his presidential rights, including the privilege of staying in the newly built presidential residence in Seoul and being buried at the national cemetery when he passes away.

    South Koreans will now elect a new president. But, in a country beset by deep societal division, the new leader will face an uphill battle to return the nation to stability.

    Get your news from actual experts, direct to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences. Join The Conversation for free today.

    Since parliament approved Yoon’s impeachment over 100 days ago, South Korea has been divided between Yoon’s supporters, who see him as the victim of a political establishment that has been overrun by “communists”, and those in favour of his removal. There have been weekly protests from both camps.

    Most conservative politicians from Yoon’s People Power party (PPP) stood by him throughout the political upheaval. But many have started to distance themselves from him now that he has been dismissed, especially as any criminal conviction could be a setback for the party in the upcoming snap election.

    Shortly after the constitutional court’s ruling was delivered, Kwon Young-se, the PPP’s interim leader, issued an official statement declaring that the party “solemnly accepts and humbly respects” the decision. This marked a sharp contrast to the position the party had previously taken during the crisis. Many PPP members had been involved in protests organised by supporters of Yoon.

    The political stance of far-right figures is also changing. Jeon Kwang-hoon, a Protestant pastor at the forefront of the anti-impeachment movement and an advocate for the “right to resist”, has rejected the court’s ruling on Yoon’s impeachment. He has also urged his followers to resist.

    On the other hand, another prominent far-right figure called Jeon Han-gil swiftly changed his stance after the judgment. He expressed his respect for the court’s decision and announced that he would now focus on supporting the upcoming presidential election.

    Electing Yoon’s successor

    With South Korea’s need for a new president confirmed, the date for the snap presidential election has been set for June 3. Both political camps are gearing up for the race.

    Lee Jae-myung, leader of the main opposition Democratic party (DPK), has been Yoon’s most formidable rival. Lee was the DPK’s candidate in the last presidential election in 2022, where he narrowly lost to Yoon by less than 1% of the vote.

    Few others from his party have shown interest in the primary race, including former member of the National Assembly Kim Kyung-soo and the governor of Gyeonggi province, Kim Dong-yeon.

    The situation in the ruling party is more chaotic. With no clear frontrunner, a number of candidates are expected to enter the race.

    These include labour minister Kim Moon-soo, former PPP leader Han Dong-hoon, Daegu mayor Hong Joon-pyo, and Ahn Cheol-soo, a politician who made his name in the tech industry. Experts predict there could be ten candidates in the ruling party’s primary.

    South Korea’s polarisation across political, social, gender and generational lines has intensified in recent years. Lee Jae-myung was even stabbed in the neck in 2024 by a man hoping to prevent him from “becoming president”, resulting in Lee undergoing emergency surgery.

    This division has become even more pronounced since Yoon’s declaration of martial law, with tensions spilling over online and on the streets. The crisis has provided both ends of the political spectrum with an opportunity to solidify their positions, further entrenching this divide.

    During the street protests following the martial law decree, the majority of women in their 20s and 30s took the lead in advocating for Yoon’s impeachment, while many men in the same age group rallied against it.

    As South Korea prepares to elect its next leader, the urgency of uniting a deeply fractured society has never been greater. National unity has long been a central goal for South Korean political leaders, but heightened social divisions are threatening the country’s wellbeing.

    This is being compounded by a range of other pressing issues, including the world’s lowest birth rate, a high suicide rate and soaring housing prices. These paint a sobering picture of the challenges ahead.

    Yoon Walker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What lies ahead for South Korea after the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol? – https://theconversation.com/what-lies-ahead-for-south-korea-after-the-impeachment-of-president-yoon-suk-yeol-254082

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Sudan’s war isn’t nearly over – armed civilian groups are rising

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Mohamed Saad, Researcher, Charles University

    Sudan’s war, now entering its third year, has taken another unexpected turn. In March 2025, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), also known as the Janjaweed, withdrew from Khartoum, abandoning the presidential palace and airport.

    This retreat marks a significant contrast to the paramilitary group’s earlier victory when troops stormed the capital in April 2023.

    The fall of Khartoum is a turning point. But, based on my research into Sudan’s political turmoil over the past three decades, I don’t believe recent developments mark the war’s final chapter.

    What began as a power struggle between two military factions is now transforming into a much wider conflict, marked by deepening fragmentation and the rise of armed civilian groups. Across the country, new militias are emerging, many formed by civilians who once had no part in the war.

    The army encouraged civilians to fight, but now it faces a growing number of independent armed groups. In cities and rural areas alike, civilians have taken up arms.

    Some are fighting alongside the army, answering calls from the military leadership, including army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, to defend their neighbourhoods and families. Others have formed self-defence units to protect against looting and violence. Some have joined breakaway militias that have their own agendas.

    These groups don’t share a single goal. Some fight for self-defence, others for political power. Some for revenue and wealth. Others are seeking ethnic control – Sudan’s population has 56 ethnic groups and 595 sub-ethnic groups. This is what makes Sudan’s war even more dangerous: fragmentation is creating multiple mini-wars within the larger conflict.

    How the Rapid Support Forces lost Khartoum

    Several key factors forced the RSF to retreat from Khartoum after it claimed control of the Sudanese capital city two years earlier.

    • Internal fractures: The RSF, built on tribal loyalty, struggled to hold together as the war dragged on. Many factions felt sidelined by its leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti.

    • Civilian resistance: The RSF’s reliance on brutality backfired, alienating even those who might have supported them. Instead of consolidating control, they turned civilians into enemies. The RSF relied on terror – looting, mass killings and sexual violence. Instead of gaining control, they provoked fierce resistance. Armed civilians, originally taking up arms in self-defence, have become an informal militia network working against the RSF.

    • Foreign intervention: Reports suggest Egyptian airstrikes and tactical support helped the army take Khartoum. Additionally, Turkish-made Bayraktar drones weakened RSF positions. With supply lines cut, the RSF had no choice but to retreat.

    Khartoum was not just a battlefield defeat for the RSF. It was a turning point in how the war is fought – it’s no longer a military struggle but a battle involving armed civilians across Sudan.

    Based on reports from humanitarian organisations, conflict monitors and local testimonies, a clearer picture has emerged of a growing number of armed groups operating across Sudan. These groups have formed in response to the escalating conflict.

    Recent analyses highlight that arms trafficking and intensified community mobilisation have accelerated within the past two years.



    Read more:
    Omar al-Bashir brutalised Sudan – how his 30-year legacy is playing out today

    Neighbourhood defence units have emerged in urban areas like El-Gezira in central Sudan, El-Fasher in North Darfur, Al-Dalang in South Kordofan, El-Obeid in North Kordofan, Babanusa in West Kordofan and Khartoum. They were initially formed to protect residential zones from the RSF but have since expanded their roles and increasingly operate outside the oversight of the army.

    Tribal and regional militias have also become more prominent, particularly in Darfur and Kordofan. In these regions, entrenched ethnic and political rivalries have intertwined with the current war. Some of these militia groups have aligned with the army. Others remain independent, pursuing their own agendas, which include securing territory.

    In Darfur, growing anger at Hemedti’s favouritism towards his own tribe (Rizeigat) led to defections. Internal divisions within the RSF have played a major role in its recent losses. Some former RSF fighters have formed their own militias. The RSF was never a unified force, but a tribal alliance dominated by the Dagalo family and Rizeigat elites. Initially, gold revenues secured loyalty, but as the war has dragged on, internal fractures have deepened.

    Another ethnic-linked group is the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North. It has expanded its control in Kordofan and Blue Nile, two resource-rich regions in southern Sudan. The group allied with the RSF to push its own agenda, which includes securing greater autonomy for these regions and promoting a secular political framework that challenges Khartoum’s Islamist-leaning governance. Other ethnic militias also operate in eastern Sudan, supported by neighbouring countries such as Eritrea, further escalating the situation.

    Islamist-linked militias are also on the rise. The main example of these groups is El Baraa Ibn Malik Brigade, which emerged as a key player supporting the army against the RSF. Reports link the group to remnants of the Omar al-Bashir regime (1993-2019) – the dissolved Popular Defence Forces. This was a paramilitary group established in the mid-1980s to defend Arab tribes and support the military. It flourished under the al-Bashir regime.

    What next?

    While the RSF’s retreat from Khartoum is a major victory for the Sudanese army, it doesn’t mean stability is returning. Instead, Sudan is now facing a dangerous new reality: the rise of civilian militarisation.

    If not reined in, these groups could evolve and establish de facto warlord-run territories where local commanders wield unchecked power. This would undermine any prospects for centralised governance in Sudan.



    Read more:
    Sudan is burning and foreign powers are benefiting – what’s in it for the UAE

    With militias multiplying and no clear political solution, Sudan risks becoming a battlefield of warring factions.

    Meanwhile, international mediators are struggling to find a solution while foreign interference continues. The United Arab Emirates, a major RSF backer, still supports Hemedti financially, ensuring he remains active in Sudan’s gold trade.

    Mohamed Saad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Sudan’s war isn’t nearly over – armed civilian groups are rising – https://theconversation.com/sudans-war-isnt-nearly-over-armed-civilian-groups-are-rising-254100

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: South Africa’s coalition government is crumbling: why collapse would carry a heavy cost

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Vinothan Naidoo, Associate Professor of Public Policy and Administration, University of Cape Town

    South Africa’s multi-party government of national unity (GNU), which emerged in the wake of the May 2024 elections, marked a turning point in the country’s political history. It took South Africans back to the 1990s, when the country showed that political opponents could find common cause.

    The formation of the government of national unity expressed the hope that the country could do it again.

    But just nine months into its term, the good will and pragmatism which marked its formation have worn thin. A major budget impasse between the two major actors, the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), threatens the coalition.

    South Africans have long been accustomed to viewing the world of politics, governance and bureaucracy through the lens of a top-down “strong” state – a vicious apartheid state, an East Asia style developmental state, or a collusive “predatory state”.

    But as recent analyses we co-authored with others have detailed,
    the vision of a top-down politically cohesive state no longer fits South Africa’s realities.

    The government of national unity promised the hope that the country was embracing an approach that is key to success for almost all inclusive constitutional democracies. That is – abandon “all or nothing” confrontation, and instead pursue pragmatic bargains to achieve mutually agreeable policy outcomes.

    At the most basic level, the government of national unity achieved this, at least for a while. The sharing of cabinet ministries between multiple parties created a diverse platform for executive power-sharing that was not dictated by a single dominant party, and which prevented the risks of parties building institutional fiefdoms.

    In our view, failure to overcome deeply ingrained political differences could set off a downward spiral in the country.

    Achievements on the governance front

    On governance, the government of national unity created the space to pursue two sets of gains.

    The first comprises the potential benefit of bringing together unlikely bedfellows.

    The former opposition parties brought into a power-sharing arrangement were bound to be performance-driven, given the country’s long deteriorating government performance and ethical integrity. They had made “good governance” and criticism of the ANC central to their political brands.

    New “outsider” eyes brought into formerly cloistered and factionalised ANC-run departments created the possibility of a new urgency to perform.

    It’s too soon to tell whether this is happening, but anecdotal evidence suggests there are some green shoots.

    The second governance gain comprises the crucial task of building a capable and professional state bureaucracy. The challenges include being able to pay the public sector wage bill, fostering a culture of delivery, and consolidating the bloated network of government departments.

    Based on their party manifestos and public utterances, members of the government all aim to professionalise the public service.

    Detailed technical work is already happening on issues such as training and competency assessment, transferring powers of appointment from politicians to senior public servants, and instituting checks in the recruitment and selection process. The National Assembly’s recent adoption of the Public Service Commission Bill forms part of this agenda.

    But a prolonged legal dispute between the DA and ANC over the latter’s policy of “deploying” party members into state employment risks scuppering progress. It also leaves a key question unanswered: what role, if any, should political parties have in the recruitment and selection of public servants?

    Policy

    The government of national unity has struggled to create effective mechanisms to translate agreement on a broad agenda of policy priorities into specific outcomes. This came at a higher cost than expected.

    Still, it has made gains in challenging policy areas. These gains have repeatedly been undermined by the perverse determination of sections within both the ANC and the DA to engage in brinkmanship.

    On health, both parties agree on the principle of universalising access. They differ on how to achieve this. But at least one seemingly intractable sticking point has been resolved. Both sides agree that private medical aid schemes need to be retained as part of a broader strategy of pursuing health system reform.

    On basic education, the public spat over the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill overshadows the potential to agree on balancing the autonomy of school governing bodies with the oversight role of provincial departments.



    Read more:
    South Africa has a new education law: some love it, some hate it – education expert explains why

    On land expropriation, the emotive rhetoric which followed the signing of the Expropriation Bill and the unwelcome and toxic intervention of international actors has overshadowed technical concerns which can be resolved.

    On pro-growth policies: Operation Vulindlela, a joint Presidency and National Treasury initiative to unblock constraints in targeted economic sectors, has made significant strides. It has laid the groundwork for new rounds of growth-supporting infrastructural reforms and has the potential to build cohesion in the government of national unity. However, the DA’s attempt to lobby for a greater role in the strategic oversight of Operation Vulindlela in exchange for supporting the budget risks souring relations with the ANC.

    What now?

    A thriving inclusive society depends on powerful actors visibly committed to co-operation.

    For all of the challenges confronting the government of national unity, it was built on a foundation of pragmatism. For the sake of South Africa’s future, it remains vital to build on this foundation. Obsolete top-down governing approaches must go. Pathways to performance must be lifted above political grandstanding. Constructive solutions should supersede ideological rigidity. South Africa has done it before. It can do it again.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. South Africa’s coalition government is crumbling: why collapse would carry a heavy cost – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-coalition-government-is-crumbling-why-collapse-would-carry-a-heavy-cost-254302

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the Supreme Court’s ruling on man wrongly deported to El Salvador says about presidential authority and the rule of law

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jean Lantz Reisz, Clinical Associate Professor of Law, Co-Director, USC Immigration Clinic, University of Southern California

    People hold signs on April 4, 2025, supporting Kilmar Abrego Garcia, who was mistakenly deported to El Salvador. AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    The Supreme Court on April 10, 2025, unanimously upheld the lower court order directing the Trump administration to “facilitate” the return of Kilmar Abrego García, a Maryland man who was wrongly deported to a maximum security prison in El Salvador.

    The Supreme Court also directed the lower court to clarify aspects of the order.

    “The order properly requires the Government to ‘facilitate’ Abrego García’s release from custody in El Salvador and to ensure that his case is handled as it would have been had he not been improperly sent to El Salvador,” the Supreme Court order states.

    It is undisputed that the Trump administration made a mistake.

    The Justice Department admitted to deporting Abrego García to a maximum security prison in El Salvador even though an immigration judge in 2019 ordered that he not be deported. The judge did so under an immigration law called “withholding of removal,” which is a protection, like asylum, for people facing persecution in their home country.

    But the Trump administration has said a court cannot order it to fix its mistake and bring Abrego García back to the United States.

    According to the Trump administration, such an order would be “constitutionally intolerable.” The government has compared the court order to return Abrego García to an order to “‘effectuate’ the end of the war in Ukraine or return hostages from Gaza.”

    Abrego García should not have been deported

    Abrego García received this protective legal status six years ago. That’s when he proved to the court he was highly likely to be persecuted by the government or gangs in El Salvador due to a specific reason, as required under immigration law.

    Unlike asylum or refugee status, the status known as “withholding of removal” is not a pathway to citizenship. It allows a person to live and work in the U.S. indefinitely and not be deported to their country of nationality if they face persecution there.

    The government states it arrested and deported Abrego García on March 15 because he is a gang member. When Abrego García appealed his deportation, the federal district and appellate courts determined that the government provided no credible evidence of gang membership.

    That’s important, because the government failed to follow proper procedure to deport Abrego García based on gang membership. When someone is in “withholding of removal” status, the law requires the government to reopen immigration proceedings based on new evidence and seek to formally terminate the legal withholding status.

    Abrego García should have been notified of the government’s desire to deport him, and he should have had the opportunity to make his case at a court hearing. His summary deportation to El Salvador likely violated his right to due process under immigration law and the Constitution.

    Balance of powers are at stake

    The government did not follow the law, but it argues that the court cannot do anything about it.

    The crux of the government’s position is that a court does not have the power to order the release of a person in a foreign prison. That would interfere with the separation of powers among the executive and judicial branches. The president has the sole power to conduct foreign relations with El Salvador, and the government has argued that ordering the return of Abrego García interferes with that power.

    Prisoners watch as U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem visits the Terrorist Confinement Center in Tecoluca, El Salvador, on March 26, 2025.
    Alex Brandon/Pool/AFP via Getty Images

    The court cannot order the Salvadoran government to do anything, but it can order the U.S. government to take steps to return García Abrego if he was unlawfully arrested and deported. That’s because the judiciary has the power to determine whether the president’s actions are lawful.

    The district court’s order was based on its determination that the president has likely violated immigration law and the Constitution in arresting and deporting Abrego García. The appellate court agreed.

    The Supreme Court has now said the order to facilitate Abrego García’s return is proper. But the high court also said the district court judge should further clarify its order, being mindful of the president’s authority when it comes to conducting foreign relations.

    Who is detaining Abrego García?

    The Salvadoran government seems to be imprisoning Abrego García at the request of the U.S. government.

    Trump administration lawyers have suggested in their briefing to the Supreme Court that there could be reasons under El Salvador law for Abrego García’s imprisonment. The government has not identified any reasons and has not provided any evidence that Abrego García is charged with a crime in El Salvador, or that he is being held under Salvadoran law.

    The Department of Homeland Security routinely contracts with local jails and for-profit prison corporations to temporarily house immigrant detainees in the U.S. The government has reportedly agreed to pay El Salvador US$6 million to imprison certain U.S. immigrant detainees for one year. The details of this agreement are not known.

    Kristi Noem, the Homeland Security secretary, has said that the Salvadoran megaprison is “one of the tools in our tool kit that we will use.”

    The district and appellate courts determined in this case that the U.S. is using the Salvadoran prison like any other detention facility. Under those circumstances, the U.S. government, not El Salvador, has ultimate control over Abrego García.

    The Supreme Court ruled that the government should facilitate Abrego García’s return.
    Drew Angerer/Getty Images

    As an immigration law scholar, I believe that the government can take steps to return Abrego García.

    In fact, other appellate courts have ordered the government to return immigrants who had been removed from the U.S. but later won their appeals of their removal orders. Those people were not in foreign prisons.

    U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has created a formal policy for aiding the return of immigrants who were deported while their appeals were pending and then subsequently won their appeals.

    The government has argued that those situations are different. Here, it claims the court cannot demand the return of Abrego García, who is imprisoned in another country. The problem with the government’s argument is that it is the Trump administration that put Abrego García in a foreign prison.

    The Trump administration has also argued that Abrego García is not entitled to return to the U.S.. It has argued that even though it was a mistake to deport him to El Salvador under his withholding of removal status, Abrego García could have been removed to another country and has no right to return to the U.S..

    This would be true if Abrego García voluntarily left the U.S. or was deported to a country other than El Salvador, but that is not what happened. The government removed Abrego García to El Salvador in violation of U.S. law.

    The White House’s position in this matter is troubling because the president is supposed to enforce the law, not circumvent it.

    As Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in a separate statement published with the order and joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson: “The Government’s argument, moreover, implies that it could deport and incarcerate any person, including U.S. citizens, without legal consequence, so long as it does so before a court can intervene.”

    What steps the government will take to return Abrego García is unclear. The Supreme Court’s decision leaves open the question of how far the court can go to enforce his return.

    Jean Lantz Reisz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What the Supreme Court’s ruling on man wrongly deported to El Salvador says about presidential authority and the rule of law – https://theconversation.com/what-the-supreme-courts-ruling-on-man-wrongly-deported-to-el-salvador-says-about-presidential-authority-and-the-rule-of-law-254037

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why are so many second-generation South Asian and Chinese Canadians planning to vote Conservative?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Emine Fidan Elcioglu, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Toronto

    After months of political decline, the Liberal Party of Canada is showing signs of recovery, buoyed, some suggest, by a surge of national pride in the face of Donald Trump’s tariff war and threats to Canadian sovereignty.

    But this apparent rebound obscures a more surprising political shift: the growing appeal of the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) among immigrants and their children.

    Traditionally, immigrant and visible minority communities have supported the centrist Liberal Party. In the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), where over half of all residents identify as “visible minority” (the category used by stats can), Chinese and South Asian Canadians have long formed a key part of the Liberal base.

    Yet recent polling tells a different story. An October 2024 survey found that 45 per cent of immigrants had changed their political allegiances since arriving in Canada, with many now leaning Conservative.

    Meanwhile, another national survey from January 2025 found that a majority of East Asian (55 per cent) and South Asian (56 per cent) respondents expressed support for the Conservative Party, far outpacing support for the Liberals or the NDP.

    Nationally, racialized citizens now make up over 26 per cent of Canada’s population, with South Asians and Chinese Canadians the two largest groups.

    While detailed racial breakdowns remain rare in Canadian polling, the few available data points suggest a meaningful shift. This pattern also reflects a broader trend: South Asian and Chinese Canadians in the GTA are increasingly politically active, with rising turnout and growing partisan diversification.

    Ramping up outreach

    The Conservative Party, for its part, has taken notice. Under Pierre Poilievre’s leadership, the CPC has actively recruited racialized candidates and ramped up outreach in suburban swing ridings — particularly through ethnic media advertising and messaging focused on economic self-reliance and family values.

    This rightward shift among racialized voters may seem counter-intuitive. The Conservative Party has historically represented white, affluent voters, and under Stephen Harper (who led from 2006 to 2015), implemented policies that curtailed immigration, tightened citizenship rules and cut social programs in ways that disproportionately harmed racialized communities.

    Why, then, would racialized Canadians increasingly turn to the right?

    In a study I recently published, I interviewed 50 Canadian-born children of South Asian, Chinese and white immigrants living in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). I argue that this shift is not a contradiction but provides a window into how racialized groups navigate inequality, exclusion and the search for belonging.

    While there are many reasons 2nd-generation racialized Canadians may support the Conservative Party, this study highlights one under-documented explanation. Voting for a right-wing party that represents the interests of white, wealthy citizens can be a way for second-generation South Asian and Chinese Canadians to seek acceptance when power is linked to whiteness..



    Read more:
    Why are brown and Black people supporting the far right?

    The hidden costs of fitting in

    In other words, many of these racialized Canadians don’t vote Conservative because they’re unaware of inequality. They vote Conservative because they’re trying to navigate it.

    Growing up in precariously middle-class households, the young adults I interviewed watched their immigrant parents face deskilling and downward mobility despite arriving in Canada with professional credentials.

    They saw their families pressured to “Canadianize” their names and accents, only to be sidelined by employers who still favoured whiteness.

    And they were raised in a society where multiculturalism celebrates cultural symbols but often ignores structural racism.

    In this context, support for the Conservatives reflects not ignorance of marginalization, but a way to move through it. Aligning with the right becomes a signal of belonging.

    As one young South Asian Canadian man put it:

    “You’ve arrived. You’re a Canadian. So, start voting like one.”

    This desire to belong doesn’t emerge in a vacuum. It’s shaped by racial scripts that reward conformity and penalize dissent — most notably, the model minority stereotype.



    Read more:
    Searching for anti-racism agendas in South Asian Canadian communities

    The price of acceptance

    The model minority stereotype casts Asian Canadians as hardworking and quietly successful. On the surface, it sounds like praise. But in practice, it hides inequality and demands silence in exchange for conditional belonging.



    Read more:
    Model minority blues: The mental health consequences of being a model citizen — Don’t Call Me Resilient EP 9

    That acceptance is fragile. After Sept. 11, 2001, many South Asians, particularly those perceived as Muslim, were quickly recast as dangerous outsiders.

    A similar dynamic resurfaced during the COVID-19 pandemic, when Asian Canadians faced a sharp rise in racial harassment. In both cases, those once celebrated as “model” citizens were suddenly treated as threats.



    Read more:
    The model minority myth hides the racist and sexist violence experienced by Asian women

    In some contexts, political restraint, like staying quiet or avoiding protest, can function as a survival strategy. But that’s not what I observed in this study.

    The second-generation Canadians I interviewed were not politically quiet. They were vocal in their support for the Conservative Party. For them, voting Conservative was a way to assert they already belonged, not by asking for inclusion, but by showing they did not need to. Conservatism became a marker of success, self-reliance and alignment with those at the centre of Canadian life.

    Canada’s official embrace of multiculturalism reinforces this logic. While often praised as a national strength, multiculturalism can obscure how racism really works. Structural barriers are hidden behind feel-good narratives of inclusion.

    Rethinking belonging

    In Canada, ideas about who belongs are often shaped by race, class and respectability. Racialized people must not only prove they are hardworking and law-abiding, but also demonstrate that they’ve “fit in.” For some, voting Conservative becomes a way to show they’ve done just that — a way of saying: “I’m not like them. I’m one of you.”

    But this strategy comes at a cost. In reinforcing the very structures that marginalize them, racialized voters may gain individual recognition while deepening collective exclusion. And in rejecting equity-based platforms, they may forgo the policies that could build a more just society.

    This dynamic isn’t limited to the second generation. A recent CBC survey found that four in five newcomers believe Canada has accepted too many immigrants and international students without proper planning.

    Some immigrants are increasingly expressing exclusionary views, often toward those who arrived more recently. This, too, is a form of aspirational politics. And it shows just how deeply race, precarity and belonging are entangled in Canada today.

    None of this means that racialized Conservative voters are naïve. Their decisions often reflect a clear-eyed understanding of how power works.

    But if we want a fairer political future, we must reckon with the ways race, class and nationalism shape belonging — not just at the ballot box, but in the stories we tell about who gets to be “Canadian.”

    As sociologist Ruha Benjamin reminds us, inclusion shouldn’t be treated as an act of generosity. It’s not about “helping” the marginalized — it’s about understanding that we’re all connected. When fear shapes policy and public goods are stripped away, everyone suffers.

    Emine Fidan Elcioglu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why are so many second-generation South Asian and Chinese Canadians planning to vote Conservative? – https://theconversation.com/why-are-so-many-second-generation-south-asian-and-chinese-canadians-planning-to-vote-conservative-253820

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canadian retailers are seeing a surge in domestic sales amid the ‘Buy Canadian’ movement

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Melise Panetta, Lecturer of Marketing in the Lazaridis School of Business and Economics, Wilfrid Laurier University

    In recent months, the “Buy Canadian” movement has gained significant momentum, driven by a collective push to support domestic products and services, strengthen local businesses and reduce reliance on foreign imports.

    Escalating trade tensions and tariff disputes with the United States and threats from U.S. President Donald Trump to annex Canada have played a pivotal role in fuelling this shift toward economic nationalism.

    Though still in its early stages, the movement has already gained strong support from Canadians, with both consumers and businesses prioritizing homegrown products to strengthen the local economy.

    Early results are promising

    The “Buy Canadian” movement is already delivering promising results across the retail sector. Major retailers such as Loblaws Companies have reported a 10 per cent increase in sales of Canadian-made products. Sobey’s parent company Empire also noted a decline in sales of U.S.-sourced goods.

    Importantly, the shift isn’t limited to big retailers or headline product categories. Smaller retailers and established brands are also seeing tangible benefits.

    Ice cream producer Chapman’s, long known for its strong Canadian brand identity, has seen a 10 per cent increase in sales. E-commerce platform giant Shopify has reported a spike in sales for Canadian merchants across a long list of categories including mattresses, row boats, ribbons, armchairs and more.

    Some provinces have pulled U.S. alcohol from store shelves to prioritize selling homegrown options, putting Canadian wineries, breweries and distillers in a position to grow substantially.

    Though more data will emerge in the months ahead, early indications show that Canadians are backing the “Buy Canadian” movement not just in spirit, but with their wallets.

    Helping Canadians choose Canadian

    One of the most noticeable effects of the “Buy Canadian” campaign has been a nationwide effort to make it easier for consumers to identify Canadian-made products.

    Demand for clear labelling has surged, prompting the Canadian Food Inspection Agency to issue a notice to industry urging producers to improve transparency.

    Consumers are becoming increasingly proactive in educating themselves, with searches for “Buy Canadian” related terms skyrocketing in the past few months. Websites such as Madeinca.ca have seen a large uptick in traffic, peaking at 100,000 visits in a single day.

    Retailers have been offering more in-store and online signage highlighting Canadian products. Loblaws has introduced a “Swap & Shop” tool in its Optimum app that helps users find Canadian-made alternatives for items on their shopping list. It has seen a 75 per cent week-over-week growth.

    Home improvement retailer RONA has launched the “Well Made Here” campaign that provides staff training and partners with non-profits to educate consumers about Canadian-made alternatives.

    Celebrity endorsements have also amplified the movement. Actor and comedian Mike Myers showcased the colloquial expression “elbows up” on Saturday Night Live, while Michael Bublé used his platform at the Juno Awards to deliver the message that “Canada is not for sale.”

    #TheMoment ‘Elbows Up’ became a rally cry against Trump (CBC News).

    Pushing the movement forward

    Consumers have been turning to social media to further propel the Buy Canadian movement. Hashtags like #ShopLocalCanada and #MadeInCanada have gained significant traction, with nearly three million posts across major social media channels Facebook and Instagram.

    A newly launched web browser plug-in called Support Canadian is also gaining attention. It works by bringing Canadian products to the top of search results on retailers such as Amazon. In its first week, it attracted 500 users. Although these numbers may appear small, early analytics suggest it could keep over a million dollars inside the Canadian economy.

    Mobile apps designed to help consumers determine the origin of their purchases are gaining popularity. The BuyBeaver app, which crowd-sources product origins, reached 100,000 downloads in just five weeks.

    Meanwhile, OScanAda, which uses AI and barcode scanning to provide detailed insights into Canadian ownership and sourcing, has been downloaded 160,000 times. MapleScan, which currently is ranked second in the shopping category on the Apple App Store, uses AI to scan products and suggest Canadian alternatives.

    Brands are leveraging their Canadian roots

    In response to growing national sentiment, a number of Canadian brands are using marketing strategies to underscore their national identity for consumers.

    Kicking Horse Coffee, for example, has humorously rebranded the Americano as the “Canadiano” in a nod to Canadian pride. Black Diamond recently launched a campaign with the cheeky tagline “Made with 0% American Cheese.”

    Meanwhile, Moosehead Brewery has launched a limited-edition “Presidential Pack” containing 1,961 beers — one for each day of the U.S. presidential term.

    Other companies have modified existing campaigns to better align with the movement. Sobeys recently debuted a new “So Canadian” campaign, a new iteration of its long-running “So.be.it.” campaign.

    Healthy Planet has expanded its #Healthyplanetswap campaign to include #HealthyCanadianSwap, which focuses on providing domestically sourced options.

    Whether through packaging that clearly marks country of origin or marketing campaigns that play on national pride, Canadian brands are leveraging their national identity to resonate with consumers.

    A smart choice in uncertain times

    The early momentum behind the Buy Canadian movement is promising. While Canada was largely spared from Trump’s most recent tariffs under the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement, the unpredictability of U.S. trade policy and broader global tensions make it more important than ever to build long-term economic resilience at home.

    The early days of the movement show a strong desire among Canadians to support local industries, protect jobs and reinforce national self-sufficiency. Even as higher costs and global disruptions remain real challenges, buying Canadian serves as both a practical and symbolic choice, one that reduces dependency on volatile foreign markets and strengthens the domestic economy.

    This is a pivotal moment. The foundations of the movement are in place, and its early success is encouraging. For the “Buy Canadian” effort to have lasting impact, it needs sustained commitment from consumers, businesses and policymakers alike.

    By continuing to prioritize homegrown goods and services, Canadians can help shield their economy from future shocks and chart a more independent, stable path forward.

    Melise Panetta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canadian retailers are seeing a surge in domestic sales amid the ‘Buy Canadian’ movement – https://theconversation.com/canadian-retailers-are-seeing-a-surge-in-domestic-sales-amid-the-buy-canadian-movement-253502

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Drug pollution in water is making salmon take more risks – new research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jack Brand, Researcher in Behavioural and Movement Ecology, Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences

    An Atlantic salmon smolt, ready for its seaward migration. Jörgen Wiklund

    “Out of sight, out of mind” is how we often treat what is flushed down our toilets. But the drugs we take, from anxiety medications to antibiotics, don’t simply vanish after leaving our bodies. Many are not fully removed by wastewater treatment systems and end up in rivers, lakes and streams, where they can linger and affect wildlife in unexpected ways.

    In our new study, we investigated how a sedative called clobazam, commonly prescribed for sleep and anxiety disorders, influences the migration of juvenile Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) from the River Dal in central Sweden to the Baltic Sea.

    Our findings suggest that even tiny traces of drugs in the environment can alter animal behaviour in ways that may shape their survival and success in the wild.

    A recent global survey of the world’s rivers found drugs were contaminating waterways on every continent – even Antarctica. These substances enter aquatic ecosystems not only through our everyday use, as active compounds pass through our bodies and into sewage systems, but also due to improper disposal and industrial effluents.

    To date, almost 1,000 different active pharmaceutical substances have been detected in environments worldwide.

    Particularly worrying is the fact that the biological targets of many of these drugs, such as receptors in the human brain, are also present in a wide variety of other species. That means animals in the wild can also be affected.

    In fact, research over the last several decades has demonstrated that pharmaceutical pollutants can disrupt a wide range of traits in animals, including their physiology, development and reproduction.

    Pharmaceutical pollution in the wild

    The behavioural effects of pharmaceutical pollutants have received relatively less attention, but laboratory studies show that a variety of these contaminants can change brain function and behaviour in fish and other animals. This is a major cause for concern, given that actions critical to survival, including avoiding predators, foraging for food and social interaction, can all be disrupted.

    Lab-based research has provided useful insights, but experimental conditions rarely reflect the complexity of nature. Environments are dynamic and difficult to predict, and animals often behave differently than they do in controlled settings. That’s why we set out to test the effects of pharmaceutical exposure in the wild.

    As part of a large field study in central Sweden, we attached implants that slowly released clobazam (a common pharmaceutical pollutant) and also miniature tracking transmitters to juvenile Atlantic salmon on their seaward migration through the Dal.

    The Dal is a large river in central Sweden that flows into the Baltic Sea.
    Michael Bertram

    We found that clobazam increased the success of this river-to-sea migration, as more clobazam-treated salmon reached the Baltic Sea compared with untreated fish. These clobazam-exposed salmon also took less time to pass through two major hydropower dams that often delay or block salmon migration.

    To better understand these changes, we followed up with a laboratory experiment which revealed that clobazam also altered how fish group and move together – what scientists call shoaling behaviour – when faced with a predator.

    This suggests that the migration changes observed in the wild may stem from drug-induced shifts in social dynamics and risk-taking behaviour.

    What does this mean for wildlife?

    Our study is among the first to show that pharmaceutical pollution can affect not just behaviour in the lab, but outcomes for animals in their natural environment.

    While an increase in migration success might initially sound like a positive effect, any disruption to natural behaviour can have ripple effects across ecosystems.

    Even seemingly beneficial changes to animal behaviour, like faster passage through barriers, can come at a cost. Changes to the timing of migrations, for instance, might lead fish to arrive at the sea when conditions are not ideal, or expose them to new predators and risks. Over time, these subtle shifts could influence the dynamics of entire populations and threaten the balance of ecosystems.

    Pharmaceuticals are vital for keeping people and animals healthy. But the accumulation of these drugs in rivers and lakes demands smarter approaches to keeping waterways clean.

    One part of the solution is upgrading wastewater treatment plants. Some advanced methods such as ozonation, which involves bubbling ozone gas through wastewater to break down pollutants, can be effective at removing pharmaceuticals. But such advanced treatment systems are often prohibitively expensive to install and out of reach for many regions.

    Another promising avenue is green chemistry: designing drugs that break down more easily in the environment or become less toxic after use. Our team has recently highlighted this as a key step toward reducing pharmaceutical pollution in the environment.

    Stronger regulations and better drug disposal practices can also help to prevent medications from ending up in waterways in the first place.

    There’s no single fix, but by advancing and integrating science, technology and policy, we can help to protect wildlife from the unintended effects of pharmaceutical pollution.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Jack Brand receives funding from the Swedish Research Council Formas and the Carl Trygger Foundation.

    Michael Bertram receives funding from the Swedish Research Council Formas, the Kempe Foundations, the Marie-Claire Cronstedt Foundation, the ÅForsk Foundation, and the Baltic Salmon Foundation.

    – ref. Drug pollution in water is making salmon take more risks – new research – https://theconversation.com/drug-pollution-in-water-is-making-salmon-take-more-risks-new-research-254312

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cancer hijacks your brain and steals your motivation − new research in mice reveals how, offering potential avenues for treatment

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Adam Kepecs, Professor of Neuroscience and Psychiatry, Washington University in St. Louis

    Many patients with late-stage cancer slip into a profound apathy as the disease ravages their bodies − and brains. demaerre/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    A cruel consequence of advanced cancer is the profound apathy many patients experience as they lose interest in once-cherished activities. This symptom is part of a syndrome called cachexia, which affects about 80% of late-stage cancer patients, leading to severe muscle wasting and weight loss that leave patients bone thin despite adequate nutrition.

    This loss of motivation doesn’t just deepen patients’ suffering, it isolates them from family and friends. Because patients struggle to engage with demanding therapies that require effort and persistence, it also strains families and complicates treatment.

    Doctors typically assume that when late-stage cancer patients withdraw from life, it is an inevitable psychological response to physical deterioration. But what if apathy isn’t just a byproduct of physical decline but an integral part of the disease itself?

    In our newly published research, my colleagues and I have discovered something remarkable: Cancer doesn’t simply waste the body – it hijacks a specific brain circuit that controls motivation. Our findings, published in the journal Science, challenge decades of assumptions and suggest it might be possible to restore what many cancer patients describe as most devastating to lose – their will to engage with life.

    Untangling fatigue from physical decline

    To unravel the puzzle of apathy in cancer cachexia, we needed to trace the exact path inflammation takes in the body and peer inside a living brain while the disease is progressing – something impossible in people. However, neuroscientists have advanced technologies that make this possible in mice.

    Modern neuroscience equips us with a powerful arsenal of tools to probe how disease changes brain activity in mice. Scientists can map entire brains at the cellular level, track neural activity during behavior, and precisely switch neurons on or off. We used these neuroscience tools in a mouse model of cancer cachexia to study the effects of the disease on the brain and motivation.

    We identified a small brain region called the area postrema that acts as the brain’s inflammation detector. As a tumor grows, it releases cytokines − molecules that trigger inflammation − into the bloodstream. The area postrema lacks the typical blood-brain barrier that keeps out toxins, pathogens and other molecules from the body, allowing it to directly sample circulating inflammatory signals.

    When the area postrema detects a rise in inflammatory molecules, it triggers a neural cascade across multiple brain regions, ultimately suppressing dopamine release in the brain’s motivation center − the nucleus accumbens. While commonly misconstrued as a “pleasure chemical,” dopamine is actually associated with drive, or the willingness to put in effort to gain rewards: It tips the internal cost-benefit scale toward action.

    Researchers measured effort through two tests.
    Reprinted with permission from XA Zu et al., Science 388:eadm8857 (2025)

    We directly observed this shift using two quantitative tests designed with behavioral economics principles to measure effort. In the first, mice repeatedly poked their noses into a food port, with progressively more pokes required to earn each food pellet. In the second task, mice repeatedly crossed a bridge between two water ports, each gradually depleting with use and forcing the mice to switch sides to replenish the supply, similar to picking berries until a bush is empty.

    As cancer progressed, mice still pursued easy rewards but quickly abandoned tasks requiring greater effort. Meanwhile, we watched dopamine levels fall in real time, precisely mirroring the mice’s decreasing willingness to work for rewards.

    Our findings suggest that cancer isn’t just generally “wearing out” the brain − it sends targeted inflammatory signals that the brain detects. The brain then responds by rapidly reducing dopamine levels to dial down motivation. This matches what patients describe: “Everything feels too hard.”

    Restoring motivation in late-stage disease

    Perhaps most exciting, we found several ways to restore motivation in mice suffering from cancer cachexia − even when the cancer itself continued progressing.

    First, by genetically switching off the inflammation-sensing neurons in the area postrema, or by directly stimulating neurons to release dopamine, we were able to restore normal motivation in mice.

    Second, we found that giving mice a drug that blocks a particular cytokine − working similarly to existing FDA-approved arthritis treatments − also proved effective. While the drug did not reverse physical wasting, it restored the mice’s willingness to work for rewards.

    While these results are based on mouse models, they suggest a treatment possibility for people: Targeting this specific inflammation-dopamine circuit could improve quality of life for cancer patients, even when the disease remains incurable.

    The boundary between physical and psychological symptoms is an artificially drawn line. Cancer ignores this division, using inflammation to commandeer the very circuits that drive a patient’s will to act. But our findings suggest these messages can be intercepted and the circuits restored.

    Cancer treatment can demand tremendous effort from patients.
    FG Trade/E+ via Getty Images

    Rethinking apathy in disease

    Our discovery has implications far beyond cancer. The inflammatory molecule driving loss of motivation in cancer is also involved in numerous other conditions − from autoimmune disorders such as rheumatoid arthritis to chronic infections and depression. This same brain circuit might explain the debilitating apathy that millions of people suffering from various chronic diseases experience.

    Apathy triggered by inflammation may have originally evolved as a protective mechanism. When early humans faced acute infections, dialing down motivation made sense − it conserved energy and directed resources toward recovery. But what once helped people survive short-term illnesses turns harmful when inflammation persists chronically, as it does in cancer and other diseases. Rather than aiding survival, prolonged apathy deepens suffering, worsening health outcomes and quality of life.

    While translating these findings into therapies for people requires more research, our discovery reveals a promising target for treatment. By intercepting inflammatory signals or modulating brain circuits, researchers may be able to restore a patient’s drive. For patients and families watching motivation slip away, that possibility offers something powerful: hope that even as disease progresses, the essence of who we are might be reclaimed.

    Adam Kepecs receives funding from the National Institutes of Health.

    – ref. Cancer hijacks your brain and steals your motivation − new research in mice reveals how, offering potential avenues for treatment – https://theconversation.com/cancer-hijacks-your-brain-and-steals-your-motivation-new-research-in-mice-reveals-how-offering-potential-avenues-for-treatment-254043

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Siena: The Rise of Painting, 1300-1350 at the National Gallery is a remarkable achievement

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Louise Bourdua, Professor of Art History, University of Warwick

    The Calling of the Apostles Peter and Andrew by Duccio (1308-1311). National Gallery of Art, Washington

    I had been looking forward to the National Gallery’s exhibition Siena: The Rise of Painting, 1300-1350 for several reasons.

    First, it was many years in the making. Its curator, Professor Emerita Joanna Cannon of the Courtauld Institute of Art, had been working on it for a decade or so. Duccio, one of the exhibition’s featured artists and one of the greatest Italian painters of the middle ages, had a major show in Siena in 2003. Another featured artist, Ambrogio Lorenzetti, had a smaller exhibition in the same city in 2017.

    Second, the National Gallery’s late medieval Italian paintings had not been seen for two years because of the refurbishment of the Sainsbury Wing. That is, except for a select few displayed in an excellent exhibition on Saint Francis of Assisi in 2023.

    Last, there was the publicity generated by the Metropolitan Museum’s iteration of this show – complete with a tantalising video tour by two of its curators.

    The National Gallery’s take on the most exciting 50 years of Siena’s artistic production makes the most of its ground floor gallery rooms, enabling conversations between objects and medium.

    The exhibition is a remarkable achievement: a pleasure for the eye and commendable for its ability to make medieval religious art accessible.

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    Britain’s love affair with Sienese painting is well documented from the late 19th century at least. But this exhibition focuses on much more than the celebrated four painters – Duccio, Simone Martini and Ambrogio Lorenzetti and his brother Pietro.

    The wealth of Siena’s visual culture is represented with illuminated manuscripts; sculptures in marble, ivory, terracotta and walnut; reliquaries (containers for holy relics) and croziers (hooked staves) made from gold and enamel; and rugs and silks.

    Panels with protagonists painted in bright reds, blues, pinks and greens with tiny brushstrokes using pigments mixed with egg on gilded backgrounds abound. But there are also frescoes, detached from their original mural setting, yet able to tell the story of their making and meaning.

    Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s Annunciation (1344) is defined only by lines brushed on wet plaster using a red pigment (sinoper). This was a common initial step to set the composition, over which another layer of plaster would be applied again with contours painted but now filled with colour.

    In another room, a beautifully modelled painted head of Jesus split into two, carved by Lando di Pietro (1338), is all that remains of a larger crucifix after bombing by allies in the second world war. It is the only known work of the sculptor. He was identified by the personal handwritten prayers concealed within the sculpture, which are displayed next to it.

    The showstoppers

    The curators have managed to do what could not be achieved in Siena in 2003: bring Duccio’s three triptychs into a single venue. The first two are shown just a few metres apart, to enable comparison and close viewing of all sides. Their painted backs and the geometric motifs behind their folding wings enable us to understand them as three-dimensional, portable objects.

    The Crucifixion triptych, bought by Prince Albert in 1845 and lent to the exhibition by King Charles, is not too far from the pair, inviting comparison.

    Duccio’s Healing of the Man Born Blind finds itself reunited with seven of its companions for the first time since 1777. This is the closest reconstruction we’ll ever get of the back predella (a box-like shelf with images that supported the main panels) of Siena cathedral’s enormous double-sided high altarpiece (known as the Maestà), which was carried in procession through the city streets in 1311.

    Originally painted on a massive horizontal poplar plank, the individual episodes depicting Jesus’s ministry were sold on the art market in the 19th century and dispersed across two continents. A ninth panel which probably started the narrative has never been found, although you wouldn’t know it from this display.

    Nothing can distract from close viewing – you’ll want to enjoy it for as long as you can stand. This privileged view is unusual in an exhibition and possibly comes close to that enjoyed by the clergy during processions or pilgrimages in Siena cathedral. A photo montage of the reconstructed altarpiece is tiny and displayed on the wall opposite the reconstructed predella, alongside the panels originally on the front predella.

    The other showstopper is Pietro Lorenzetti’s altarpiece. It’s usually on the high altar of the church of Santa Maria della Pieve in Arezzo, but has been lent by the diocese and placed on a low plinth. This allows us to imagine just how immense Duccio’s Maestà must have been.

    This altarpiece represents the most popular formula created in early 14th-century Siena. These were large polyptychs of five (or seven) vertical panels usually displaying the virgin and child in the centre, surrounded by saints relevant to the locality and patrons.

    Virgin and Child with Saints and the Annunciation (circa 1345 to 1350).
    The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, CC BY-SA

    The Arezzo polyptych is approximately three metres in height and width, with three registers but has lost its predella, having been dismantled and relocated several times. The type was so popular that it, and the Sienese painters who created it, were in demand throughout Tuscany and beyond.

    Each of the objects displayed in this exhibition merits a long look. Since there are over 100, my last reflection will be on another extraordinary reunion: a small gilded glass icon depicting once again the virgin, child and saints above the Annunciation (1347). Its double-sided reliquary frame still contains 17 relics.

    It’s conceived as a miniature altarpiece, imitating the basic shape of the larger Sienese altarpieces on display. It also uses the same materials in addition to glass that has been gilded, incised and painted in red, blue and green.

    Such precious materials and meticulous craft testify to the richness of Sienese art during the first half of the 14th century.

    Siena: The Rise of Painting, 1300-1350 is at the National Gallery until June 22.

    Louise Bourdua does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Siena: The Rise of Painting, 1300-1350 at the National Gallery is a remarkable achievement – https://theconversation.com/siena-the-rise-of-painting-1300-1350-at-the-national-gallery-is-a-remarkable-achievement-253981

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How trustworthy is your fitness tracker score?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cailbhe Doherty, Assistant Professor in the School of Public Health, Physiotherapy and Sports Science, University College Dublin

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Millions of people now start their day with a number — a “readiness” score, a “body battery”“ level or a measure of “strain”“ — delivered by the wearable device on their wrist or finger. But how much trust should we place in these scores?

    Composite health scores are increasingly used by digital fitness trackers to offer a single, daily number that reflects how your body is coping with recent demands. Whether it’s marketed as a measure of energy, recovery or resilience, the idea is the same: combine several internal signals into one clear indicator of how prepared you are to take on the day.

    The concept has clear appeal. It simplifies complex physiological data — things like heart rate, sleep and activity — into an actionable recommendation: push harder, take it easy, rest. But how solid is the science behind these scores? My colleagues and I recently conducted a systematic review of the most widely used composite health scores in wearable devices to find out.

    First, what goes into these scores? Typically, quite a lot – at least on paper.

    Most composite health scores pull data from several biometric signals — measurements from your body that indicate how it’s functioning. These include resting heart rate, heart rate variability (the variation in time between heartbeats), sleep quantity and quality, recent physical activity, and sometimes breathing rate, skin temperature and blood oxygen levels.

    On paper, that’s a rich dataset. These signals reflect how your body responds to stress, recovers overnight and balances exertion with rest. But while the inputs may be rooted in physiology, the final score can be less informative than it appears.

    One issue is sensor accuracy. These devices rely on optical sensors and motion tracking to estimate what’s going on inside your body, such as your sleep stages or daily stress levels.

    Even small inaccuracies in measuring heart rate or movement can distort the score. And since these metrics feed directly into the algorithm that calculates your “readiness” or “strain”, small errors can add up.

    Another challenge is transparency. Most companies don’t disclose how exactly they turn raw data into a final score.

    We don’t know which inputs matter most, how they’re combined or whether they’re adjusted for individual differences such as age or fitness level. Without that clarity, it’s difficult to evaluate how meaningful or personalised the number really is.

    A more subtle issue lies in the way certain physiological signals overlap. For instance, poor sleep is often followed by lower heart rate variability — a common sign of stress or incomplete recovery. But many health scores penalise you for both factors separately: once for the bad sleep and again for the resulting change in heart rate variability.

    Heart rate variability explained.

    This kind of double-dipping can exaggerate the effect of a single “stressor” (things that put pressure on your body or mind), making your body seem more run down than it truly is. It creates the illusion of a sophisticated analysis, but may actually be highlighting the same signal twice.

    Similarly, some scores penalise you for the activity you did yesterday, regardless of how well you’ve recovered from it. If your heart rate variability and resting heart rate suggest you’ve bounced back, that should be reflected in your score. But some algorithms still factor in recent exertion as a negative, even when your body is clearly coping well.

    To make these scores more personalised, many devices compare your daily data to your typical values — your baseline. If your sleep or recovery looks significantly different from your recent average, the score adjusts accordingly.

    That’s a sensible idea in theory. But there’s no standard for how these baselines are calculated. Some devices use seven days of data, others 28. Some exclude outliers; others include them. Each company defines it differently, which makes comparisons between devices impossible and raises questions about consistency.

    Should you stop using your wearable?

    Not at all. Fitness trackers can still offer valuable insights. Watching how your core physiological signals shift over time — from week to week or season to season — can help you spot patterns, improve habits and better understand your body’s response to stress and training.

    The problem is when we treat the daily score as a definitive measure of health. It’s not a diagnosis, and it doesn’t always reflect what’s really happening inside your body. So while it’s fine to glance at your readiness or recovery score, don’t let it dictate your decisions.

    Use your fitness tracker as a guide, but not as your coach, your doctor, or your judge.

    Cailbhe Doherty receives funding from the Health Research Board in Ireland (Grant ID: HRB ILP-PHR-2024-005) and Research Ireland (Grant IDs: 12/RC/2289_P2 and 22/NCF/FD/10949). There are no conflicts of interest to declare.

    – ref. How trustworthy is your fitness tracker score? – https://theconversation.com/how-trustworthy-is-your-fitness-tracker-score-253883

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Lab-grown meat: you may find it icky, but it could drive forward medical research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By James Hague, Senior Lecturer (in Theoretical Condensed Matter Physics and Biophysics), The Open University

    Lab-grown meat causes heated debates. Proponents see benefits for the climate and animal welfare. Opponents worry about a Frankenstein food they regard as risky and unnatural. Whatever your opinion, the technology underpinning cultivated meat is moving fast to create large pieces of muscle tissue.

    The fact that artificial meat starts as a living tissue means that, as it gets bigger and better, the technologies involved could have a huge impact on medical research.

    Lab-grown meat is a sort of engineered tissue. It aims to replicate the meat grown in an animal by dividing a small number of animal cells to create muscle. Meat is mostly made up of muscle cells (myocytes), plus a mix of fat cells (adipocytes) and cells that add structure through materials such as collagen (known as fibroblasts).

    The arrangements and proportions of these cells give meat its overall taste and texture. We call the meat grown in a bioreactor “cultivated meat”. Other common terms are “cultured meat”, “lab-grown meat” and “artificial meat”, and the production process is also called “cellular agriculture”.

    Cultivated meat is real meat grown in bioreactors rather than animals (it’s very different to plant-based products such as soya burgers). Some companies are also trying to grow other animal tissues, such as liver to replace foie gras. Key benefits of cultivated meat include avoiding animal slaughter and lower greenhouse gas emissions.

    The technologies for making cultivated meat were originally designed for growing engineered tissue for applications like organ transplant, regenerative medicine and pharmaceutical testing.

    One day, engineered tissue could be used to give us new livers, help to rebuild tissues damaged in accidents and select personalised treatments for cancers.

    Shared challenges

    Just like muscle, other tissues in the body such as organs also contain cells and things like collagen that give them structure.

    The cells in tissues are carefully organised according to their function. For example, in muscle, the cells are all lined up so they contract in the same direction during movement.

    A big difference between tissues cultivated for meat and those grown for medical applications is this tissue functionality. Cultivated meat does not need to be able to contract like muscle and, once grown, does not need to be kept alive. Meanwhile, engineered tissue for medical applications needs to work just like its counterpart in the body.

    Lab-grown meat is not just for eating…
    Oleksandra Naumenko/Shuttesrstock

    Despite this, some of the lessons learned from cultivated meat growth could be applied to regenerative medicine. Fibroblasts, the “structure” cells, are important during wound healing. Techniques to cultivate muscles and liver could be modified to grow working tissue.

    A shared design challenge when growing cultivated meat and engineered tissue is to control tissue organisation, which is essential to grow large cuts of meat such as steaks, but also for replacement tissue and organs for the body. Possibilities include holding the tissue under tension using tethers, adding scaffolds, and using 3D printing.

    The process of designing ways to control a tissue can take months or years of careful trial and error. Recent computer simulations of tissue growth, including those carried out by myself and colleagues, can help with the difficult task of controlling cell organisation to improve things like texture and production efficiency.

    Developing this control can help to engineer body tissues used in early pharmaceutical testing, which could improve success rates in clinical trials while reducing animal testing. This would be better for trial participants and could help to reduce drug development costs.

    Another major unsolved problem for both cultivated meat and regenerative medicine is how to supply larger tissues as they grow. Smaller tissues can get the oxygen they need from the atmosphere, or grow in a nutrient bath. Steaks are too large for this and would need to be kept alive with vessels similar to arteries to deliver oxygen and nutrients.

    Natural blood vessels form branching networks to supply tissue. Computational techniques can predict this style of network and 3D bioprinting could be used to create similar vessels. Lessons learned by growing networks of vessels in steaks could be directly applied to tissues for regenerative medicine (and vice versa).

    I expect pressure for cheap, cultivated meat will decrease the price of currently expensive technologies, such as 3D bioprinting and bioreactors. This will ultimately benefit medical applications.

    Coming to a shop near you

    As these issues are solved, cultivated meat will become widely available and more like farmed meat. Since cultivated meat will ultimately be indistinguishable from farmed meat, there’s no reason to believe that one should be more or less healthy than the other. Currently, many products are undergoing regulatory processes.

    So far, a few countries have approved cultivated meat products for human consumption, and approval applications are being submitted worldwide. UK regulators recently announced a two-year timeline to approve (or not) cultivated meat for human consumption. Lab-grown meat is already approved for consumption by dogs.

    Overall, there are important links between cultivated meat and cultured tissue applications in medicine. Both applications have similar challenges, and the technologies developed for one field can push forward the other.

    Both fields can benefit animal welfare, removing the need for animal slaughter and reducing the need for animal testing.

    I expect cultivated meat will come to a supermarket near you within the next few years. Whether you want to buy it or not, think about how the technology used to create it could be a step towards better medicines and lab-grown organs for transplant.

    James Hague receives funding from STFC and EPSRC.

    – ref. Lab-grown meat: you may find it icky, but it could drive forward medical research – https://theconversation.com/lab-grown-meat-you-may-find-it-icky-but-it-could-drive-forward-medical-research-253565

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why the autism jigsaw puzzle piece is such a problematic symbol

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Aimee Grant, Senior Lecturer in Public Health and Wellcome Trust Career Development Fellow, Swansea University

    For decades, a jigsaw puzzle piece has been used to symbolise autism across the world. It has been used for charity logos and awareness ribbons, and even tattooed on to the bodies of well-meaning parents.

    But for many autistic adults, the puzzle piece isn’t just outdated – it’s offensive. Some consider it a hate symbol: a reminder of how autistic people have long been misunderstood, pathologised and excluded from conversations about their own lives.

    The puzzle piece first appeared in 1963, when the UK’s National Autistic Society adopted a logo designed by a non-autistic parent of an autistic child. It featured not just a puzzle piece but the image of a crying child, meant to depict autism as a puzzling condition that caused suffering.

    In 1999, the Autism Society of America introduced a ribbon covered in colourful puzzle pieces. This reinforced the idea that autism was something to be solved. The imagery gained even more prominence when the US-based organisation Autism Speaks, founded in 2005, adopted a blue puzzle piece as its logo.

    One autistic advocate described the symbol as a “red flag” – a warning sign that the person or organisation using it may not fully respect or understand autistic people.

    So why does the puzzle piece provoke such a strong reaction?

    To many, the symbol suggests that autistic people are incomplete, a mystery or a problem in need of fixing. This fits with the medical model of autism, which focuses on deficits and aims to make autistic people behave more like non-autistic people, rather than letting them live authentically.

    From deficit to difference

    Because of these criticisms of the medical model, some autistic people subscribe to a social model of autism. This sees autism not as a problem to be fixed, but as a difference to be understood. According to this view, many of the challenges autistic people face stem not from autism itself, but from a lack of understanding and acceptance in society.

    The social model is followed by a growing group of autism researchers, including through the Participatory Autism Research Collective. In 2022, the Welsh government affirmed its commitment to a social model of disability.

    However, it can be difficult to put this social model of disability in practice in under-resourced healthcare systems.

    It is closely tied to the “double empathy problem”. This is the idea that communication breakdowns between autistic and non-autistic people go both ways. In other words, if autistic people are “puzzling”, it’s often because the wider world hasn’t taken the time to understand them.



    Read more:
    How autistic and non-autistic people can understand each other better

    The neurodiversity movement goes one step further, arguing that neurological differences such as autism, ADHD and dyslexia are natural variations in the human population. Just as biodiversity is good for the environment, neurodiversity is arguably good for society.

    In recent years, several major autism organisations have taken steps to distance themselves from the puzzle piece. The National Autistic Society dropped the symbol in the early 2000s, and the Autism Society of America followed suit in 2023. The academic journal Autism removed the puzzle piece from its cover in 2018, in recognition of its harmful connotations.

    That said, the symbol is still frequently used, appearing in search engines and image databases.

    Why many autistic adults hate the jigsaw puzzle piece symbol.

    Research has found that puzzle piece imagery tends to evoke negative associations such as incompleteness and imperfection, whether it’s connected to autism or not. It’s no surprise, then, that many autistic people ask for something more positive, respectful and inclusive.

    One popular alternative is the rainbow infinity symbol, first developed by autistic advocates in 2005. It represents the diversity of the neurodivergent community, including autistic people.

    The gold infinity symbol, meanwhile, is used specifically to represent autism. The chemical symbol for gold is “Au”, the first two letters of autism.

    The puzzle piece was created in the 1960s by non-autistic people to represent a condition they saw as tragic and mysterious. But today, autistic people are speaking for themselves. The overwhelming message is clear – the puzzle piece doesn’t represent us.

    Aimee Grant receives funding from UKRI, the Wellcome Trust and the Morgan Advanced Studies Institute. She is a non-executive director of Disability Wales.

    – ref. Why the autism jigsaw puzzle piece is such a problematic symbol – https://theconversation.com/why-the-autism-jigsaw-puzzle-piece-is-such-a-problematic-symbol-253807

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Gender equality at the Oxford-Cambridge Boat Race has further to go

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andie Riches, PhD Candidate, School of Psychology, Sport and Sensory Science, Anglia Ruskin University

    In rowing, “catching a crab” is when an oar gets stuck in the water, stopping the boat’s momentum. Progress toward gender equality in the Oxford v Cambridge Boat Race has followed a similar rhythm, with periods of forward motion interrupted by moments of tension or pushback.

    This year marks a decade since one period of forward motion, when the women began racing on the same course, on the same day as the men – moving from Henley-on-Thames to the Tideway in London. At the time, the change was heralded as a watershed moment, with some rather boldly and wrongly stating that the move ended what they dubbed one of “the last bastions of gender inequality in sport”.

    The women’s race has become a firmly established part of the event. However, our ongoing research into the experiences of female boat race athletes over the last decade reveals that significant disparities persist.

    As one athlete told us: “Racing on the Tideway was still relatively new when we started, and we were aware of the struggles the women’s team had faced to be recognised and taken seriously.”

    But equality isn’t just about having a place in the race; it’s about having the same support, investment and opportunities as the men. As one rower put it: “We’ve moved forward, but we’re still playing catch-up.”

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    From Henley to the Tideway

    For decades, female rowers were held back by institutional barriers such as unequal funding, media coverage and a lack of sponsorship. Before 2015, the women raced on a two-kilometre stretch at Henley-on-Thames, a separate course from the men’s four-mile route on the Championship Course on the Tideway in London. One rower reflected that racing at Henley felt “secondary”, lacking the same recognition as the men’s race.

    The issue wasn’t the venue. It was the resource disparity, inadequate facilities and lack of media exposure. As one rower described, “We had no showers, no heating, and no space to stretch – just a cold shed. While the men had a better setup next door with basics like kettles and heating.” The lack of visibility at Henley reinforced the perception that the women’s race was secondary, diminishing their accomplishments.

    Even after moving to the Tideway, however, female rowers have faced rough waters, not just from the river itself when the Cambridge women’s boat famously sank, but also from having to challenge public perception.

    Consistent with broader research, our analysis of the media coverage during and after the 2015 women’s event revealed a consistent pattern of focusing on personal stories, emotional moments and the historic nature of the race. This storytelling often came at the expense of recognising the athletes’ performance and competitiveness.

    A 2019 study found that women’s sports received just 3.2% of televised sports news coverage. While coverage has increased in recent years, disparities persist.

    A 2024 Football Supporters’ Association survey found that only 31.8% of the fans felt there was sufficient mainstream media coverage of women’s football. That such calls remain necessary, even amid growing interest, highlights the continued marginalisation of women’s sport.

    This external perception also appears to be evident within the internal environment of the boat clubs. One rower recalled: “It just felt almost like you inconvenienced them to use their space”, referring to the men’s crews.

    This reflects a broader societal issue where women often feel they must justify their presence in spaces where they belong. Hence, the women’s crew not only face the physical challenge of the tideway’s choppy waters, but also an ongoing battle to prove their legitimacy.

    In recent years, rowers challenged the deeply rooted tradition of “weigh-in” with the women’s crews opting not be weighed on the basis that it subjects athletes to a public display of their body weight. Some viewed this as a challenge to a longstanding tradition, while others felt its removal was a positive step for athlete welfare, mental health and body image.

    Other issues also surfaced in 2021 when a former Oxford rower publicly criticised the university’s handling of her sexual assault allegation, arguing that the institution had failed to protect her. The university said at the time it was confident that in all cases it took considerable action to advise and support students who raise such concerns. Though not directly related to the Boat Race, such public cases have caused controversy and raised important questions about the environments in which these athletes train and compete.

    Despite these setbacks, the women’s race has gained momentum. Sponsorship has grown, more people are watching, and for younger rowers, racing on the Tideway is now the norm. In 2015, the women’s Boat Race drew 4.8 million viewers – close to the 6.2 million who watched the men’s race. This highlighted the growing appeal of women’s rowing.

    The race for gender equality in sport, like rowing, is a test of endurance. Short bursts of progress, like moving to the Tideway, are not enough. Lasting change takes continued effort.

    The women’s Boat Race has come a long way, but the journey isn’t over. True equality will only be reached when women’s sport is valued on its own terms, rather than being compared to the men.

    With each race, these women are not just competing for victory on the water but also helping to shape a more equal future for sport. The tide may be turning, but the finishing line in the race for equality is still ahead.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Gender equality at the Oxford-Cambridge Boat Race has further to go – https://theconversation.com/gender-equality-at-the-oxford-cambridge-boat-race-has-further-to-go-254111

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the spiralling trade war means for relations between the US and China

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tom Harper, Lecturer in International Relations, University of East London

    Donald Trump has partially walked back on his so-called “liberation day” tariffs on nearly all US imports after fears mounted that the move would result in a global recession and much higher borrowing costs for the US government.

    On Wednesday, April 9, a mere 13 hours after his higher rate of “reciprocal tariffs” had come into effect, Trump announced they would be paused for 90 days.

    “I thought that people were jumping a little bit out of line, they were getting yippy, you know … a little bit afraid,” Trump said to reporters outside the White House. Markets soared immediately upon hearing the news.

    But at the same time, a volatile new stage in America’s trade war with China has emerged. The White House has excluded China from the pause and has hiked tariffs on all Chinese imports to 125%. This, Trump says, is because Beijing has shown “disrespect” to Washington and global markets.

    Beijing, which has declared it will “fight to the end if the US side is bent on going down the wrong path”, was quick to respond. It has announced duties of 84% on American products and services, and has even floated the possibility of banning the import of Hollywood films.

    What China’s response has shown is that it is no longer the same country as it was in 2017, when Trump managed to obtain some trade concessions from it by imposing tariffs. Beijing seems more willing to strike back at Washington, as well as showing signs of being more proactive in its response to American measures.

    The impact of China’s response has not yet been fully realised, but tariffs have already raised the spectre of increased prices in the US. Many of the clothing and consumer electronics that Americans buy are shipped from China. It’s possible that far from boosting Trump’s popularity, these tariffs may eventually end up reversing it.

    At a fundraising dinner in Washington, less than a day before he shelved plans to hike tariffs on US trading partners, Trump insisted: “I know what the hell I’m doing.” But his subsequent loss of face in pausing tariffs for other countries may mean he has no option but to double down on a tit-for-tat trade war with China.

    China is his administration’s go-to villain, and any delay or reversal in responding to Chinese retaliation will be a humiliation to Trump’s strongman image. This suggests a tumultuous period ahead for relations between China and the US.

    Expect more hostility

    The tariffs will probably have a mobilising effect on the Chinese population. A 2022 survey on public opinion in China found that people born after 1990 are more likely to hold an unfavourable view of the US compared with previous generations. The survey concluded that Trump’s actions during his first term were much more to blame than propaganda.

    Beijing has also traditionally invoked the history of the “unequal treaties” forced upon its ailing Qing dynasty in the late 19th century as a means to mobilise its population against western policies. This has been aided by how the economic demands made by Trump to China are, in the mind of the Chinese leadership, reminiscent of the demands made by the western powers of that period.

    Fears of again falling prey to foreign powers play a significant role in Beijing’s policies, encapsulated by what is known as China’s “never again mentality”. This mentality could be used as a means to unify the Chinese population against an outside enemy, in a way similar to how many US politicians have attempted to cast China as a foe.

    Beijing appears to be banking on the Chinese population’s supposed ability to withstand greater hardships than western consumers as being able to give it a key advantage over Washington. However, with China’s prosperity being a comparatively recent development, this ability will be put to the test.

    Trump’s tariffs against traditional American allies will also play into Beijing’s hands on the international stage. Tokyo has discussed reducing its holdings of American treasuries, while simultaneously bolstering trade ties with China. These moves would have been unthinkable even a year ago – Japan has long been a key US ally and a regional rival of China.

    Equally unthinkable is the possibility that the EU will follow a similar path. Spain’s prime minister, Pedro Sanchez, has called on Brussels to review its relationship with China. Moves aimed at sidelining China may end up isolating the US instead.

    And, perhaps most concerningly, the tariffs may also undermine America’s ability to prevent a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. One of the key factors deterring an invasion was the threat of a 100% tariff on Chinese goods. With Trump’s tariffs on China already exceeding this, Beijing has less incentive to not go after Taipei.

    What liberation day has shown us is that the Chinese-American relationship has entered a stage of protracted competition, a phase that Beijing has been preparing for over the past decade. Faced with a choice between humiliation on the international stage or economic disaster at home, it would appear neither side is willing to back down.

    Tom Harper does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What the spiralling trade war means for relations between the US and China – https://theconversation.com/what-the-spiralling-trade-war-means-for-relations-between-the-us-and-china-254311

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hopes of a ‘Brexit benefit’ from tariffs were short-lived. Here’s what Trump’s pause means for the UK

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maha Rafi Atal, Adam Smith Senior Lecturer in Political Economy, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow

    The US has decided – again – to upend the global trading system. With the latest raft of tariffs just beginning to kick in, and after a week in which markets worldwide fell precipitously, the Trump administration announced that it would be suspending high tariffs on nearly 60 countries for 90 days.

    The announcement is only a partial reprieve. High tariffs on Mexico, Canada and China, as well as on global imports of steel, aluminium and automotives, remain, as does a 10% baseline tariff on all imports. US tariffs remain the highest they have been since the Great Depression, at levels unprecedented since the modern trade system was created after the second world war.

    Before the pause, the UK was already in line for the 10% rate – which some commentators described as a Brexit benefit when compared to the EU’s prospective 20%.

    While markets soared on the news of the pause, the damage is was already done. The subsequent rally is recouping some, but not all, losses incurred due to the tariffs already.

    Businesses that had prepared for tariffs by bulk-buying imported components ahead of time will have made cuts elsewhere to pay for it. They will not easily be able to reverse course.

    The implications for the UK of the latest developments are mixed. All the tariffs imposed on direct UK exports to the US (chiefly steel, automotives and aircrafts, pharmaceuticals and medical equipment) remain in place.

    While the US represents the second-largest market for UK goods, the majority of UK exports are in services (like banking and insurance), which the tariffs do not target. If tariffs were to hit direct UK-US goods trade only, the UK would likely be able to weather the shock.

    Unfortunately, that’s not how trade works in the 21st century. Instead, two-thirds of trade takes place in what are known as “global value chains”. These are complex networks through which companies move the component parts of products between their own facilities around the world and those of their subcontractors.

    Many UK businesses supply components that are incorporated by companies overseas into finished goods ultimately destined for the US. When the US imposes tariffs on those goods, UK manufacturers suffer too – even if direct UK exports to the US remain unchanged.

    Global value chains will also reorient in response to trade barriers, as already took place in Asia during Trump’s first term. If businesses reroute their supply chains to avoid the tariff markets, the UK (which is not imposing retaliatory tariffs) could become a “sacrifice zone” (a place where cheaply made, poor-quality or environmentally harmful items are dumped or disposed of, “sacrificing” the wellbeing of local people) for excess supply, undercutting domestic producers.

    Yet choosing not to retaliate is key to the UK’s diplomatic strategy. It hopes to stay close to the US in the hope of preferential treatment.

    The UK’s pursuit of a US trade deal has been politically sensitive since the previous Trump administration.
    JessicaGirvan/Shutterstock

    So far, that strategy is yet to bear fruit. The UK hopes to avoid the tariffs through a US trade deal, an objective that the countries have pursued since the UK left the European Union.

    The US has repeatedly sought access to the UK agrifood market, a demand that has always been refused due to political opposition to importing American beef and chicken.

    The sticky Brexit issue

    Brexit adds to this complexity, as the Windsor framework requires food products sold in Northern Ireland to conform to European Union standards. The more standards in the rest of the UK diverge from those of the EU (as they would have to do to secure a US trade deal), the more onerous the checks in the Irish Sea would become.

    Keir Starmer’s government has also sought to renegotiate parts of the agreement with the EU, seeking tighter economic ties that will require closer regulatory alignment. Pursuing deregulation to meet US trade demands, however, makes that unlikely.

    The tariffs compound this dilemma. If the higher rates return after 90 days, Northern Irish exports to the US will face a lower rate than those from the Republic of Ireland. But US imports to Northern Ireland will be hit with EU tariffs while imports to the rest of the UK will remain tariff-free.

    That will create some opportunities. Businesses might choose to operate in Northern Ireland to access a lower tariff rate on their US exports while also producing goods for the EU market.

    But it also creates risks. With three different tariff regimes in Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, goods flowing across both the Irish Sea and the Irish land border could require additional checks. This would risk the very thing the Windsor Framework was meant to avoid.

    Given these risks, a 90-day reprieve is a window of opportunity. But with US government policy that can change on a dime (or a post), the UK risks being caught between the rival powers of the US and EU – and trampled in the crossfire.

    Maha Rafi Atal is a volunteer organizer with the US Democratic Party.

    – ref. Hopes of a ‘Brexit benefit’ from tariffs were short-lived. Here’s what Trump’s pause means for the UK – https://theconversation.com/hopes-of-a-brexit-benefit-from-tariffs-were-short-lived-heres-what-trumps-pause-means-for-the-uk-254307

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Measles outbreaks in US and Canada show that MMR vaccines are needed more than ever – an expert in children’s health explains

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Helen Bedford, Professor of Children’s Health, UCL

    Heather Hazzan, SELF Magazine

    Measles is one of the most challenging diseases to control. It requires a sustained uptake of well over 90% of two doses of a measles-containing vaccine such as MMR. But since the COVID pandemic, there has been a decline in uptake of routine vaccines in many countries including the US, Canada and Europe, resulting in outbreaks of the disease.

    For instance, despite eliminating measles in 2000, the US experienced an outbreak in April 2025. In Texas, the centre of this outbreak, 57 people were hospitalised and two unvaccinated school-aged children died.

    Canada has also exerienced its largest measles outbreak in 14 years, while last year, England experienced an outbreak of almost 3,000 confirmed cases and one death.

    Before the measles vaccine was introduced in the UK in 1968, virtually every child caught the highly infectious disease and hundreds of thousands of cases were reported each year. In a peak year, there were over 100 measles-related deaths.

    Twenty years after the introduction of a measles-only-vaccine, it was replaced with the combination vaccine MMR which also gives protection against mumps and rubella. The aim of this vaccine is to eliminate all three infections. There has been varying success in achieving this aim.

    Rubella – also known as German measles – is a very mild infection, but can be devastating if caught in the early stages of pregnancy. Fortunately, it is now a rare condition in the UK thanks to MMR.

    In rare cases, mumps can cause complications such as meningitis and hearing loss – but it too is now much less common than pre-MMR vaccine.

    Measles can be fatal and is highly contagious, so it’s much more difficult to control than most other infections. It has a high rate of complications, including pneumonia and inflammation of the brain.

    One vaccine dose gives about 95% protection against infection. But, because measles is so contagious, 95% uptake of two doses is needed to prevent outbreaks. Achieving such high uptake in all communities – and importantly, sustaining this high uptake once reached – is challenging.

    Vaccine hesitancy

    In 1998, research published in the medical journal The Lancet implied a link between the MMR vaccine and autism. This received intense media coverage and, not surprisingly, many parents decided not to have their children vaccinated.

    The research was subsequently discredited and the study formally retracted by The Lancet in 2010. Since then, many studies have found no link between the MMR vaccine and autism, but for some parents, these fears persist.

    Currently in England, vaccine uptake rates are too low. Only 89% of two-year-old children have had their first dose of MMR vaccine, and 83.9% have had two doses by the age of five. This means large numbers of unvaccinated children: more than 10% of children in each year group remain unprotected.

    Vaccine uptake varies widely around the country. In some parts of London, as many as half the children starting school at five years of age have not had the two doses of vaccine needed for best protection.

    Not only are current vaccine uptakes too low to prevent outbreaks of measles, but many years of less-than-optimal vaccine uptake – including among young adults who weren’t vaccinated as infants because of the autism scare – has resulted in a large number of unprotected people. The impact of COVID also resulted in many young children missing their vaccines.

    Many factors affect whether people are vaccinated or not, including how, where and when vaccination services are provided, as well as behavioural and social factors. For example, vaccine hesitancy, defined by the World Health Organization as a “delay in acceptance or refusal of vaccination despite availability of vaccination services”, is frequently blamed for people not getting vaccinated. Research suggests that vaccine hesitancy has increased since the COVID pandemic – even for vaccines such as MMR that have led to the near-eradication of some infectious diseases.

    In England, surveys are conducted regularly to investigate the views of parents of young children regarding vaccination. The most recent survey, conducted in 2023, showed that 84% of parents reported they considered vaccines to be safe – a [reduction from the previous year].

    These findings are reflected in other studies. Since COVID, some parents have reported that the pandemic has affected their views, either making them keener to have their children vaccinated or increasing their concerns about vaccination.

    Given the intense scrutiny and widespread discussion about vaccination that took place during the pandemic, this is not surprising. Unfortunately, due to pressures on general practice and other health services – resulting in a 40% reduction in the number of health visitors in England since 2015 – these trusted sources of advice about vaccination have become less easily available. In this context, people may turn to other sources of less reliable information, such as social media.



    Read more:
    Health misinformation is rampant on social media – here’s what it does, why it spreads and what people can do about it

    Although there is no robust evidence to show that health misinformation would stop a parent who was going to have their child vaccinated from doing so, it can be influential for people with existing concerns.

    Accessing services

    A large study using vaccination records of over ¾ million children born between 2000 and 2020 found that children born in the UK’s most deprived areas were less likely to receive the MMR vaccine. Parents also report having difficulty making or attending appointments as a barrier to vaccination.

    Addressing these obstacles requires a multi-pronged approach, ensuring parents are sent vaccination reminders and are able to attend appointments at suitable times and locations. This may mean holding vaccination clinics at places other than the general practice and at weekends and evenings.

    Work should be done with local communities to establish what works best for them to improve access to immunisation. Opportunistic immunisation is also important: when attending health services for another reason, unvaccinated children could be offered vaccines on the spot.

    Urgent action is needed to improve vaccine uptake – and it requires sustained commitment and increased funding.

    Helen Bedford receives funding from National Institute for Health and Care Research.

    – ref. Measles outbreaks in US and Canada show that MMR vaccines are needed more than ever – an expert in children’s health explains – https://theconversation.com/measles-outbreaks-in-us-and-canada-show-that-mmr-vaccines-are-needed-more-than-ever-an-expert-in-childrens-health-explains-221651

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why financial hardship is more likely if you’re disabled or sick

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By William E. Donald, Associate Professor of Sustainable Careers and Human Resource Management, University of Southampton

    Scharfsinn/Shutterstock

    If you have a long-term health condition or you’re a disabled person in the UK, you might be able to claim a benefit called personal independence payment (Pip). As the name suggests, Pip is designed to help with the additional costs of disability – regardless of employment status.

    But the government recently announced changes to the payment, which will make it harder for people to access support.

    As a disabled person, I know that it costs more to live with disability or illness. It has been calculated that disabled households need an extra £1,010 per month to maintain the same standard of living as non-disabled households. This gap arises from things like transport costs (because of inaccessible public transport), the need for expensive mobility aids, and water, electric and gas costs at home.

    The World Health Organization recommends a minimum indoor temperature of 18°C for healthy people and 20°C for those with chronic conditions. Yet, with soaring energy prices, many disabled people are forced to choose between heating their homes and other disability-related necessities.

    Despite these realities, the maximum annual Pip payment is £9,747.40, well below the additional £12,120 that disabled households typically need annually. Only those qualifying for the highest level of support receive this amount. Most get considerably less.

    So, what is the government’s justification for tightening eligibility? Together with changes to universal credit, it claims it will save £5 billion a year by the end of 2030 and get more people, including sick and disabled people, into work. But will it?

    Government figures from March 2024 show that 24% of people in the UK aged 16 to 64 are disabled. Within this group, the employment rate is 54.2%. For comparison, non-disabled adults of working age have an employment rate of 82%. Even when disabled people are employed, the disability pay gap is 12.7%. This gap reaches 27.9% for autistic workers and 26.9% for those with epilepsy.

    The same figures also show that 42.6% of disabled people are economically inactive. This is sometimes portrayed as people who are capable of working but choose not to. But this does not align with the facts.

    The latest figures on Pip claims show that last year the rate of fraud was so low that the Department for Work and Pensions recorded it as 0%.

    Anyone like me, who has experienced the lengthy and complicated Pip application process, will find these figures unsurprising. Cutting access to Pip will not push this group into employment but will plunge them deeper into financial hardship.

    The Resolution Foundation think tank estimates that up to 1.2 million disabled people could lose between £4,200 and £6,300 per year by 2029-30 due to these changes.

    The government is particularly focused on claimants with mental health conditions, especially younger people. As such, it is crucial to acknowledge the dire state of mental health services in the UK.

    Patients are waiting far longer for mental health treatment than for physical healthcare.
    chayanuphol/Shutterstock

    Eight times as many people wait more than 18 months for mental health treatment compared to physical healthcare.

    This crisis is compounded by broader challenges facing young people, who were disproportionately affected by COVID lockdowns. Three in four university students and recent graduates reported lower levels of wellbeing in September 2021 compared to pre-pandemic levels. These same young people face a competitive labour market, alongside soaring rent, energy and food costs.

    Noble goal but a harmful method

    Nevertheless, supporting disabled people and the long-term sick to access employment is a worthy goal. Government figures suggest 5.6% of disabled people are unemployed. Many of these people want to work. This is also true of many in the economically inactive group who simply cannot.

    The record £1 billion employment support measures announced in chancellor Rachel Reeves’ spring statement to help the disabled and long-term sick into work is obviously welcome.

    But we have to be realistic. Previous government schemes resulted in fewer than one in five people getting work. This highlights the systemic barriers that disabled people face in work beyond their agency. The new approach raises concerns that people might be pressured into unsuitable jobs simply to reduce unemployment figures.

    Even when disabled people find employment, they continue to face discrimination and workplace biases. The legal system places the burden on individuals to challenge unfair treatment and the disability wage gap just exacerbates inequalities.

    While remote work has been a game-changer for many disabled workers, the previous government pressured its own workforce of civil servants back into offices. Many business leaders continue to advocate for the same.

    Cutting Pip will not necessarily reduce the welfare bill. But it will drive more disabled people into poverty. Those with savings will exhaust them, ultimately qualifying for even more means-tested government assistance.

    Others will be priced out of work entirely. Many may end up needing more support from public services like the NHS, as their mental and physical health deteriorates. This means the claim of saving £5 billion a year is also likely flawed.

    So, what needs to change? Here are five ideas.

    1. Reverse Pip cuts and restrictive eligibility criteria. The government must listen to disability charities and ensure that financial support reflects the true cost of living with a disability.

    2. Hold employers accountable. Systemic barriers such as bias in the recruitment process must be removed, the disability pay gap addressed and remote work established as a long-term option.

    3. Increase disabled representation in decision-making. Disabled people must have a seat at the table in government and industry to ensure policies reflect real experiences.

    4. Integrate healthcare and social care. Linked to this, ensure essential utilities such as water, gas and electricity are always affordable for disabled and elderly people – perhaps via a government-backed special tariff.

    5. Pay carers fairly. Carer’s allowance is £83.30 per week for a minimum of 35 hours of care, just £2.38 per hour. This just exacerbates financial insecurity for disabled households.

    If these failures are not addressed, the consequences will be catastrophic. The government’s approach is making life harder, not easier, for disabled people. It is time for real action, not rhetoric and infantilising talk of “pocket money”. Disabled people deserve better. We all do.

    William E. Donald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why financial hardship is more likely if you’re disabled or sick – https://theconversation.com/why-financial-hardship-is-more-likely-if-youre-disabled-or-sick-253877

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump tariff backflip brings a US trade war with China into the crosshairs

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

    You have to marvel at Donald Trump’s prescience. After his announcement of America’s new tariffs regime on April 2, “liberation day”, the stock markets plummeted, causing faint hearts around the world to quail. Nerves fluttered particularly hard when bond yields started to rise rapidly this week, suggesting a growing lack of confidence in US 30-year debt – traditionally the gold standard for security.

    “I don’t want anything to go down,” Trump told a reporter at the weekend. “But sometimes, you have to take medicine to fix something.”

    The US president remained bullish on Wednesday morning, taking to his TruthSocial social media platform at 9.37am EDT to proclaim his confidence in US stocks.

    Sound advice, as it turned out (time shown is BST).
    TruthSocial

    And so it proved. Hours later, Trump announced to his followers that he had decided to pause the tariff hikes on all but China while keeping the 10% baseline tariff on all imports. The markets bounced back with alacrity, closing up 9.5% by the end of trading. (Incidentally, Trump Media and Technology Group, the parent company of TruthSocial, closed up 22.67%.)

    It just goes to show, faith may or may not be able to move mountains, but Donald Trump can certainly move markets.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    Now it’s all eyes on China to see how the world’s second-largest economy will react to a yet-higher tariff on its exports to the US of 145%.

    Announcing to the world he was targeting China, the US president wrote that he was basing his decision on the “lack of respect that China has shown to the World’s Markets”, and that “hopefully in the near future, China will realize that the days of ripping off the U.S.A., and other Countries, is no longer sustainable or acceptable”.

    But based on Beijing’s initial reaction, it’s unlikely that Xi Jinping will be joining all the other world leaders who Trump says queued up over the past couple of days to “kiss his ass”. The messages from China’s leadership are that two can play at that game, and that Trump’s gambit “will end in failure”.

    China had imposed an immediate 84% tariff on all US exports, while reassuring the White House that the “the door to dialogue is open”.

    China expert Tom Harper of the University of East London believes Xi is now a different, more confident Chinese president than the one who granted some small concessions to Trump when he first imposed tariffs on China in 2017. Harper sees the likelihood of a “tumultuous period ahead for relations between China and the US” – and warns that the Chinese people may be more resilient to the economic shock a trade war brings than the US public.

    Looking back at what China considers a period of humiliation at the hands of western powers (notably Great Britain) in the 19th century, Harper says there’s a strong sense of “never again” in the Chinese psyche, which may well be triggered by this latest US aggression.



    Read more:
    What the spiralling trade war means for relations between the US and China

    But why roll back on the tariffs on the rest of the world? Australian economists James Giesecke and Robert Waschik believe the answer is simple: the harm that would have been done to the US economy. Their modelling suggests that “the US would have faced steep and immediate losses in employment, investment, growth and, most importantly, real consumption, the best measure of household living standards”.

    Giesecke and Waschik conclude the damage would have been serious and long term, increasing US unemployment by two-thirds and reducing US long-term GDP, resulting in a “permanent reduction in US global economic power”.



    Read more:
    This chart explains why Trump backflipped on tariffs. The economic damage would have been huge

    The aim of the Trump administration in introducing tariffs is to stimulate a return of manufacturing to the US – which is why they applied them to goods only while ignoring services. James Scott of King’s College London believes a lot of countries fetishise manufacturing as a sort of deeply ingrained throwback to when “pre-historic experiences of finding food, fuel and shelter dominated all other activities”.

    But most western economies have developed beyond heavy goods manufacturing, for the simple reason that countries with larger and lower-paid workforces are able to produce and ship goods at a fraction of the cost. Tik-Tok user Ben Lau posted this disturbingly funny vision of the return of large-scale manufacturing to the US.

    Scott believes it’s highly unlikely to come to this – and in any case, that it’s pointless to blame globalisation for the loss of US manufacturing jobs when rising productivity in other countries and automation have had much more impact.

    The lesson from history, writes Scott, is that with the retreat of colonialism came the industrialisation of the countries that had been major markets for manufactured goods produced by the western powers. In short, he concludes: “President Trump is mistaken if he really believes that tariffs will bring a new golden age of manufacturing. The world has changed.”



    Read more:
    Trump thinks tariffs can bring back the glory days of US manufacturing. Here’s why he’s wrong

    The diplomatic front

    Iran has had a rough 18 months or so. Its economy is on the floor thanks to western sanctions, the “real” currency rate (the rate you get on the street) is now close to 1 million rials to the US dollar, and large sections of the population are very unhappy with their leadership.

    So, when Iran’s foreign minister arrives in Oman for talks with the US at the weekend, there’s plenty of incentive to strike some kind of deal – even without the US president’s warning that Iran will be in “great danger” if the negotiations fail to deliver an agreement for Tehran to scrap its nuclear programme.

    Ali Bilgic, a Middle East specialist at Loughborough University, writes that while both sides have their reasons for wanting progress at the talks, things are likely to be hampered by a lack of trust on both sides. And it’s no coincidence that while Trump announced the talks after a meeting with Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, the Iranian deputy foreign minister travelled to Moscow this week, where he met his counterparts from China and Russia. With hardliners currently in the ascendancy in Tehran and the Trump-Netanyahu axis very much in evidence in Washington, a lot could go wrong.



    Read more:
    Iran and US to enter high-stakes nuclear negotiations – hampered by a lack of trust

    America’s other allies, Nato, gathered in Brussels at the end of last week for a foreign ministers meeting ahead of June’s summit at The Hague. As Amelia Hadfield – a defence and security policy expert at the University of Surrey – reports, there’s a growing air of urgency among the allies that they need to find a way to avoid a unilateral withdrawal of the US from the alliance, and that they’ll need at least some answers before meeting at The Hague.

    Hadfield walks us through the gradual but growing distance between Washington and the rest of the alliance, which has come to a head under Trump but has been some years in the making.



    Read more:
    Why Nato is struggling to rebuild itself in an increasingly threatening world

    Cry, the beloved country

    Since the incoming Trump administration announced it was freezing most USAID programmes as of January 20 for at least 90 days, vital lifelines keeping many thousands, if not millions, of desperate people in the poorest countries around the world have been cut off.

    One such country is Sudan, where a bitter and bloody civil war has raged for two years, leading to the situation being described by the United Nations as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

    Naomi Ruth Pendle, an expert in humanitarian development at the University of Bath, works closely with aid workers in South Kordofan, a region on the border with South Sudan which is collapsing under the weight of refugees from the civil war – and which faces a bitter famine unless the aid freeze is lifted immediately.

    Her moving account of the plight of the Sudanese people is made more vivid by accounts provided by people working on the ground in South Kordofan, where the aid freeze couldn’t have come at a worse time. January, when the freeze was announced, is usually the best time to increase the flow of humanitarian aid in the region – as the supplies from last year’s harvest begin to dwindle, and just before the rains make roads impassable.

    Pendle writes: “I’m now getting reports from South Kordofan of households not lighting a fire for up to four days at a time, which means the family is not eating. And, as ever, it is the children and the elderly who are particularly vulnerable.”



    Read more:
    USAID: the human cost of Donald Trump’s aid freeze for a war-torn part of Sudan

    I spent a happy year living in Khartoum in the mid-1980s teaching English at the university there. During that time, I was able to travel widely around Sudan and developed an enduring affection for the people and respect for their resilience and ingenuity in the face of often terrible hardships.

    So I found Justin Willis’s account of the decades of conflict that have riven Sudan particularly compelling. Willis, a professor of history at Durham University, looks back through the country’s history – from its foundation through conquest in the 19th century by the Egyptian branch of the Ottoman empire, via British control, to independence. And after independence, pretty much non-stop wars.

    Willis believes that Sudan’s main problem is that its army commanders have always believed they are the natural rulers of the country. The current conflict is between two rival army commanders and their followers.

    The official army, the Sudanese Armed Forces, recaptured Khartoum at the end of March. There have been reports of savage violence against civilians in the fortnight since. Meanwhile, the rival Rapid Support Forces continue to murder with seeming impunity in Darfur in western Sudan – where I once spent an unforgettable week trekking in the extinct volcano, Jebel Marra.



    Read more:
    Sudan civil war: despite appearances this is not a failed state – yet

    World Affairs Briefing from The Conversation UK is available as a weekly email newsletter. Click here to get updates directly in your inbox.

    – ref. Trump tariff backflip brings a US trade war with China into the crosshairs – https://theconversation.com/trump-tariff-backflip-brings-a-us-trade-war-with-china-into-the-crosshairs-254326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Pierre Poilievre’s proposals on intimate partner violence will do little to stop it

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Walter S. DeKeseredy, Anna Deane Carlson Endowed Chair of Social Sciences, Director of the Research Center on Violence, and Professor of Sociology, West Virginia University

    Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre recently announced that if elected in Canada’s upcoming federal election, his party would enact tougher sentences for anyone accused of intimate partner violence.

    He has also vowed to institute a three-strikes policy for anyone who commits three serious offences, with a minimum 10-year prison sentence with no eligibility for parole.

    The proposed actions include creating a new offence of “assault of an intimate partner,” requiring stricter bail conditions for anyone accused of intimate partner violence and ensuring first-degree murder convictions for anyone who kills their partner.

    There are many steps policymakers who are concerned about victims could take. For example, they could fund a variety of effective prevention programs. However, the approach articulated by Poilievre does not appear to centre the victim, but rather the offender.

    Punishment is often ineffective

    Although government policies in Canada and other countries have emphasized punitive actions towards men who abuse their partners, relatively few of these men are arrested, incarcerated or treated.

    This is due in large part to the fact that most perpetrators are not reported to the police. In fact, one important factor hindering women from reporting their abuse to law enforcement is that officers often express distrust of victims.

    Starting with this survey in 1992, studies repeatedly show that at least one out of every four Canadian female undergraduate students will experience at least one type of sexual assault during their time at university.

    Furthermore, at least 11 per cent of Canadian women in marital or cohabiting relationships are physically abused by their male partners in a year, and in the mid-1990s, there was evidence showing that Canadian men appeared to have higher rates of physical violence towards female intimates than their U.S. counterparts.

    The prevalence of such violence is unlikely to decrease much if all the men who have beaten, raped or killed their partners are arrested and locked up. Decades of research shows that punishment is ineffective in reducing crimes like violence against women.

    Prison and other harsh legal sanctions do not deter abusive men from injuring their female partners any more than they deter the myriad of violent crimes that occur outside domestic or intimate contexts. This has been the conclusion of the majority of deterrence studies conducted in the past 50 years.

    Legal scholar Michelle Alexander and sociologists like Loic Wacquant and Bruce Western have outlined how incarceration can actually increase crime and exacerbate other social problems like unemployment and poverty.

    This information has been available to virtually every Canadian politician for many years, yet they have lacked the political will to act on this information. However, calls to institute more severe sentences often play into public desires to see those accused of crimes punished.

    Improve lives, not punish more

    Violence against women is often a key symptom of structured social inequality. Those who want to reduce it must find ways of reducing social inequality. Governments often compartmentalize social problems like violence against women along bureaucratic lines.

    In other words, some government departments are expected to handle economic issues and find ways to cut spending. However, those working for these departments rarely consider how reductions in unemployment or cuts to social programs and so on affect rates of abuse.

    Rather, the police and courts are often left to respond to male-to-female violence after it has happened. Yet, in real life, jobs, welfare, housing, employment equity, child care, gender inequality and a host of other factors affect the ways men treat women.

    It is time that we move beyond the well-worn path of using after-the-fact approaches to dealing with violence against women.
    (Shutterstock)

    It should be noted that police, courts, prisons and treatment programs play an important role in responding to violence against women. Nevertheless, neither the criminal justice system nor battered women’s shelters should be solely, or even primarily, responsible for dealing with violence against women. Relying only on them to make women’s lives safer is tantamount to “closing the barn doors after the horses have left.”

    Calling the police after a beating, rape or femicide does not prevent the crime from taking place. And although shelters are undoubtedly necessary in our society, shelter workers cannot be expected to solve the problem of woman abuse single-handedly.

    Therefore, it is time that we move beyond the well-worn path of using after-the-fact approaches. Hopefully, if implemented sensitively, what legal professor Leigh Goodmark refers to as a balanced policy approach will result in major reductions in violence against women.

    This approach entails using initiatives such as: putting cash resources directly in the hands of abused women, providing affordable housing and childcare, creating an anti-poverty movement, increased funding for the development and evaluation of community-based prevention programs and encouraging progressive men to be part of the solution.

    Will these strategies make a difference? As criminologist Elliott Currie puts it:

    “We have tried moral exhortation. We have tried neglect. We have tried punishment. We have even grudgingly, tried treatment. We have tried everything but improving lives.”

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Pierre Poilievre’s proposals on intimate partner violence will do little to stop it – https://theconversation.com/pierre-poilievres-proposals-on-intimate-partner-violence-will-do-little-to-stop-it-254014

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Adolescence’ on Netflix: Evidence-based ways parents can support boys around masculinity norms

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Deinera Exner-Cortens, Associate Professor of Psychology and Tier 2 Canada Research Chair (Childhood Health Promotion), University of Calgary

    Teenage boys may retreat into a wall of silence as they detect gendered norms. Parents’ persistence to talk with them about their experiences, beliefs and emotions matters. (Netflix)

    This story contains spoilers about Netflix’s ‘Adolescence.’

    Since its release in mid-March 2025, Adolescence has been streamed almost 100 million times worldwide. The show tells the story of a 13-year-old boy who murders a female classmate after being radicalized by the manosphere.

    There has been mass public discussion about the series, including among parents. As stated by one commenter on the subreddit r/Parenting: “I have a fairly standard 15-year-old boy … After watching this on Netflix, I’ve got terrible anxiety about it all … ”

    As a developmental psychologist with a focus on adolescent boys, I believe this discourse is important, but the intense discussion can make it seem like these are new issues. Yet, psychologists and feminist scholars have been studying masculinities since at least the 1960s, including among adolescent boys.

    We have also learned how to create supportive spaces for boys through research on gender-transformative interventions. These interventions address issues like poor mental health, substance use and use of violence by focusing on how strict adherence to patriarchal masculine norms (such as emotional restriction, homophobia and aggression) can harm boys’ health and the health of those around them.

    Here, I offer three key takeaways parents and caregivers can learn from this research, and additional resources to explore.

    1. Curiosity is key.

    Many gender-transformative programs use ideas of transformational learning, where the experiences, beliefs and perspectives of boys are used to support critical reflection and change. Put simply, this means when boys say they like “that Andrew Tate shite” (Episode 2), adults respond with curiosity and not condemnation (for example, saying something like: “Why does that idea feel true to you?”).



    Read more:
    ‘Adolescence’ on Netflix: A painful wake-up call about unregulated internet use for teens

    Curiosity, however, does not equal agreement. By demonstrating that we are authentically engaged with what our teen is sharing, we can also (gently) push them to consider how these ideas might harm themselves or others (for instance: “How do you think that idea might make the girls around you feel?”). It is also OK to express disagreement when ideas cross a line, but explain why (for instance: “I am not OK with you calling girls bitches. Do you know where that word comes from?”).

    Another thing we have learned is that this style of engagement — while effective — is not a one-and-done. Effective gender-transformative intervention strategies take time to work, and these conversations need to be consistent and ongoing, ideally starting well before adolescence (though it is never too late to start).

    Adolescents may also not be the first to engage, so it’s important to regularly and intentionally create space for them to share their ideas and experiences. If you get a wall of silence, try again another time. One idea is to look for natural opportunities for moments of conversation, like on the way to an extracurricular activity, or when eating a meal together (like the lead detective does with his son in the second episode). Also look for activities you can do alongside your child, and where they can teach you something (for example, playing a video game together).

    This is hard work, and so finding support among like-minded parents (whether in-person or online) can be helpful.

    2. Masculinity is not ‘toxic’.

    Many pieces on Adolescence refer to “toxic masculinity.” However, this is a phrase to avoid, because for boys, this suggets there is something inherently flawed with a core aspect of their identity, making manosphere messages that celebrate misogynistic forms of masculinity all the more enticing. Instead, we can talk with boys about how they feel they are expected to act as a boy in their world, and the ways they might find some of these expectations restricting.

    For example, many boys want to share their emotions, and indeed do so until adolescence. But, as families, schools, peers and society start to place stricter expectations on the norm of boys suppressing their emotions, boys may retreat from this sharing.

    Yet, boys who are able to resist this norm — with the support of their families, peers and schools — do much better psychologically and socially.

    Parents and caregivers can support this resistance by actively asking boys about their emotions (and sharing our own), and giving boys words to label what they are feeling.

    For example, in Adolescence, Jamie’s dad does show emotional vulnerability several times, but never in front of Jamie. Instead, Jamie recounts a memory of his dad having a “proper rager” and the type of language we hear Eddie use when yelling at boys who tagged his van (“I’ll slap that f-king smile off your face … Listen to me, you little twat”) is mirrored by Jamie when he yells at the psychologist (“I don’t f-king wanna sit down! … Look at me now!”). In sum, what we say, do and share is key for boys’ positive development.

    3. Boys are individuals.

    As one boy in our research shared: “To be a guy is to be human, it’s OK to be sad or upset or nervous and stuff. It’s also good to be happy so it’s OK to show how you feel and that.” Yet, that essential opportunity to be human is often curtailed for boys by the gendered expectations and pressures they feel.

    In Adolescence, we learn Jamie once loved to draw, but at some point he stopped. Comparatively, another detective, who is a woman, discusses how she was helped to survive a tough school environment when a teacher supported her drawing. Jamie’s dad talks about how he encouraged Jamie to be “sporty,” while, by contrast, Jamie relays he is not good at sports, and knew his dad was ashamed of this. The messages Jamie received told him that he needed to be a certain way, and when he failed to live up to those expectations, he turned to online manosphere spaces for acceptance.

    Similarly, in our research with former incels, we learned that participants found the community when they were looking for online help for their struggles meeting masculinity norms. So, if boys are struggling, parents can help them find supportive spaces that promote messages about the many ways to be a guy in the world, and that match their needs and interests.

    Resources for parents and caregivers

    • Gender-transformative interventions in the U.S. and Canada with evidence of effectiveness include Coaching Boys Into Men, Manhood 2.0 and WiseGuyz

    • Books: Masculinity Workbook for Teens; Raising Cain: Protecting the Emotional Life of Boys

    • Podcast: On Boys

    • Canadian non-profit Next Gen Men, dedicated to changing how the world sees, acts and thinks about masculinity.

    • Common Sense Media has great guides and information, though for some content, a paid subscription is required.

    Deinera Exner-Cortens receives funding from the Public Health Agency of Canada. She has also been the lead evaluator for the WiseGuyz program since 2016.

    – ref. ‘Adolescence’ on Netflix: Evidence-based ways parents can support boys around masculinity norms – https://theconversation.com/adolescence-on-netflix-evidence-based-ways-parents-can-support-boys-around-masculinity-norms-253724

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Foreign interference threats in Canada’s federal election are both old and new

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Chris Tenove, Assistant director, Centre for the Study of Democratic Institutions, University of British Columbia

    Fears of foreign interference loom over the Canadian election. The federal inquiry on foreign interference revealed that entities aligned with India and China interfered in recent elections, albeit without major impact on the results, and concluded that disinformation campaigns pose the greatest threat to Canada’s long-term democratic health.

    Now, with a Canada-bashing American president adding to those foreign interference risks, Canada’s election integrity seems to be in an unprecedented state of fragility.

    However, foreign interference has a longstanding history in Canadian elections. Understanding what is and is not new about current efforts may help to turn down the heat and focus more on how Canadians can make their own decisions this election.



    Read more:
    Thanks to social media platforms, election interference is more insidious and pervasive than ever

    Covert techniques

    For starters, what is foreign interference?

    The commission, following established practice, defined it as an action whereby “states pursue their global interests using covert, corrupt, illegal or coercive techniques.” That means public comments on our election by foreign politicians is not interference, as Canadian government officials have made clear.

    While we largely agree with the commission’s definition, we argue that the interfering entity isn’t necessarily a state. Foreign corporations, crime syndicates and terrorist networks can also interfere in our elections.

    Elon Musk is a tricky case. He is a Canadian citizen, but his current role with the United States government may mean that he can be considered a “foreign entity” according to Canada’s election law, as legal scholar Eve Gaumond has pointed out.

    U.S. interference isn’t new

    History reveals a long menu of options for foreign interference, ranging from bribery to espionage and polling assistance.

    In the 1872 election campaign, Sir Hugh Allan, a Montréal shipping and railroad magnate, successfully used more than $350,000 of mostly U.S. funds to pressure John A. Macdonald and other Conservative party members to award Allan and his allies the contract to build the Canadian Pacific Railway. This was bribery to advance corporate aims.

    After these machinations became public in 1873, Macdonald eventually resigned over what became known as the Pacific Scandal, and Allan lost the Canadian Pacific Railway contract. Today his actions would be a violation of campaign finance laws, which prohibit foreign funding of electioneering. But until the late 19th century, such donations weren’t uncommon.

    Foreign policy has shaped Canadian elections before, even if the last Canadian election that focused almost primarily on tariffs with the U.S. was in 1911. But concerns about relations with other countries are different from foreign interference.

    To date, the most significant foreign interference came in Canada’s 1962 and 1963 elections. Again, Americans were behind it. The John F. Kennedy administration was frustrated by positions taken by Prime Minister John Diefenbaker.

    The Conservative government continued to trade with Cuba despite American sanctions, had made a deal to sell grain to the People’s Republic of China, and — most importantly — had not agreed to a U.S. proposal to station air defence missiles with nuclear warheads on Canadian soil.

    Rather than bribery, the U.S. provided Lester B. Pearson’s Liberal Party with assistance from pollster Lou Harris. Harris was a key figure both in Kennedy’s 1960 election win and in the nascent use of computer-assisted analysis of opinion polls to target specific demographic groups.

    The Kennedy administration went further in 1963 and issued a press release in the midst of the election, calling Diefenbaker a liar and disputing his positions on air defence. Neither of these actions was illegal at the time, though the secret provision of in-kind assistance to the 1962 Liberal campaign would now run afoul of the prohibition on foreign support for electioneering.

    Soviet, American interference

    The Soviets too were interested in Canadian politics, with some Canadians allegedly recruited as spies, according to Igor Gouzenko, a cipher clerk based at the Soviet embassy in Ottawa who defected to Canada in 1945.

    The revelations even led to the arrest of one member of Parliament, Fred Rose.

    In fact, American and Russian interference in general elections around the world was common in the 20th century. Political scientist Dov Levin has estimated that from 1946 to 2000, the U.S. and Soviet Union (Russia after 1991) intervened in 11.3 per cent of all global national elections.

    New digital techniques

    All these techniques can be pursued today, but there are at least three new forms of interference.

    First, foreign interference can include threats made against party leaders or other candidates. As in the past, these can come through clandestine networks or hired thugs. But today, an insult or false accusation from Trump, Musk or others with huge, hostile followings can expose politicians and others to a blizzard of online threats and abuse.

    Second, foreign interference can occur by providing money for electioneering. Rather than a single bundled sum offered to John A. Macdonald, funds are more likely to come through online donations, possibly including crypto-currency transfers that are difficult to monitor.

    For instance, in Romania’s 2024 election, the far-right, Russia-supporting candidate Calin Georgescu was accused of receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in illegal campaign support. In late March, a crypto-currency businessman was arrested and accused of using TikTok’s “gifts” feature to provide US$879,000 to induce 265 people to vote for Georgescu.

    Such acts would be illegal in Canada. More ambiguous is whether social media platforms use their algorithms to amplify some views and diminish others.

    There is no doubt that X, Facebook and TikTok platforms have the capability to do this. While government officials said such actions would be investigated, it is less clear whether they could be detected or what the government would do in response.

    Finally, foreign interference can occur by trying to influence Canadians’ voting choices by threatening illegal or coercive actions or promoting misinformation.

    Trump has already violated trade agreements with Canada and threatened future illegal activities, even going as far as to threaten annexation. Any comments that link these threats to voting outcomes — for example, if Trump said something like “if Canadians choose Carney, they will see tariffs like they have never seen before” — would constitute interference.



    Read more:
    Forget booing the anthem, Canada must employ strategic communications to fight Trump’s lies

    What can be done?

    There are systems in place to detect foreign interference.

    Canadian intelligence agencies and law enforcement are monitoring for foreign interference, and a panel of five senior bureaucrats makes non-partisan decisions about whether to alert the public.

    Global Affairs Canada’s Rapid Response Mechanism is monitoring the online information environment for foreign interference. Elections Canada is also monitoring for violations of election law.

    Members of the public can help. Anyone can share cases of manipulated images and other misleading information related to the election with the Digital Threats Tipline, created by the Canadian Digital Media Research Network. (Our Centre for the Study of Democratic Institutions at the University of British Columbia is a member of this McGill University-based network.)

    These monitoring efforts will help us keep an eye on social media platforms. The companies have agreed to act on interference in the election, but experts are skeptical of their commitment.

    If platforms are pipelines of election interference, they should be more tightly regulated. For instance, the European Union’s Digital Services Act has enabled investigations and potential accountability measures in response to interference in Romania’s election.

    The most important thing Canadians can do is vote in this election based on their own well-informed priorities, worries and aspirations.

    While remaining alert to foreign interference, Canadians can perhaps take some comfort in the resilience of our democratic institutions in the face of a long history of attempts to undermine elections.

    Chris Tenove receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council to research global policies to address online interference in elections.

    Heidi J. S. Tworek receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Canada Research Chair programe. She is a senior fellow with the Centre for International Governance Innovation and testified before the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in October 2024.

    – ref. Foreign interference threats in Canada’s federal election are both old and new – https://theconversation.com/foreign-interference-threats-in-canadas-federal-election-are-both-old-and-new-253600

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Infertility Support 101: What women want to hear (and what they don’t)

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ashley A Balsom, Assistant Professor in Clinical Psychology, Memorial University of Newfoundland

    By making small but intentional shifts in how we communicate, we can help ensure that individuals experiencing infertility feel supported. (Shutterstock)

    Infertility is more than a medical condition — it is an emotional journey that can leave people feeling isolated and misunderstood. For the one in six couples affected, experiencing infertility can be the most upsetting period of their lives.

    Even when loved ones try to offer support, their words sometimes miss the mark, inadvertently deepening feelings of loneliness.

    To better understand these experiences, we set out to explore what people with infertility find helpful versus unhelpful in social interactions. This question became especially relevant during the COVID-19 pandemic when fertility treatments were put on hold, heightening feelings of uncertainty and loss.

    We surveyed 80 women from Canada and the United States whose fertility treatments had been cancelled during the pandemic. By examining the kinds of comments people facing infertility received, we identified six meaningful ways to offer support.

    What helps: Meaningful ways to show support

    One of the most striking findings from our study was that the most appreciated form of support was simply being listened to without interruption. This aligns with research on other health conditions, such as cancer and chronic pain, where empathetic listening has been shown to improve well-being.

    Participants valued hopeful statements that didn’t dismiss their emotions. They also appreciated shared lived experiences and encouragement to engage in activities beyond fertility treatments. Practical support — whether emotional support (for example, “I’m here for you”) or tangible help (assisting with appointments or finances) — was particularly meaningful.

    One of the most striking findings from our study was that the most appreciated form of support was simply being listened to without interruption.
    (Freepik), FAL

    What hurts? Commonly harmful comments

    Despite good intentions, certain types of comments often left participants feeling worse. Some interactions, while meant to encourage, came across as dismissive or intrusive.

    A key example was toxic positivity, where statements like “Just stay positive” or “Everything happens for a reason” were perceived as minimizing real pain. Similarly, unsolicited advice — such as “Just relax and it will happen” — was frustrating because it overlooked the complexity of infertility and placed blame on the individual.

    Repeated prying about fertility treatments or pregnancy updates was also widely reported as distressing. Being asked “Any news yet?” or “Are you pregnant?” created a sense of pressure and invasion of privacy during an already vulnerable time.

    A model for providing support

    These findings formed the basis of LIFTED and DOWN — models designed to help loved ones offer support in ways that are both compassionate and helpful. Each of these strategies aligns with the interactions participants in our study found most helpful, offering a clear, research-backed guide for those who want to support someone experiencing infertility.

    LIFTED stands for Listening without judgment, Inspiring hope, Finding common ground, Tangible support, Emotional validation and Distraction encouragement. Together, these points embody helpful methods for supporting those facing infertility, as outlined by the participants in our study.

    DOWN stands for Dismissive positivity, Overbearing advice, Withholding validation and Nosy prying. These make up the main routes to avoiding taking when comforting those with infertility struggles. For example, offering solutions to issues without being asked and minimizing real emotions were regarded as unhelpful by participants.

    Fine line between encouraging, dismissing

    An important distinction our study identified was between inspiring hope and engaging in dismissive positivity.

    Hopeful statements were often perceived as helpful, but only when paired with emotional validation. For example, “I know this is incredibly difficult, and it’s OK to feel upset. But no matter what, you are not alone” conveys both acknowledgement of distress and encouragement.

    In contrast, statements like “Just be positive!” or “It will happen when you stop stressing” felt dismissive and invalidating. The key difference is whether the person’s emotions are recognized or disregarded.

    Similarly, distraction can be a valuable coping tool — but only when it aligns with the individual’s values and needs. Encouraging someone to engage in meaningful activities, such as exercise, creative hobbies or community engagement, can be helpful. However, saying “Just keep busy” or “Think happy thoughts” risks coming across as minimizing their experience.

    Shared understanding and self-education

    Another key takeaway from our study is that individuals struggling with infertility often found the most comfort in speaking with others who had gone through similar experiences. Lived experience provided a rare sense of understanding, reducing feelings of isolation.

    However, even those without direct experience can still play a meaningful role in providing support. Self-education — reading firsthand accounts, watching documentaries or following advocacy organizations — can help loved ones gain insight into the emotional impact of infertility.

    Educating oneself can also prevent unintentional harm by reducing the likelihood of saying something dismissive, offering unhelpful advice or making assumptions about the person’s experience.

    Shifting support to be more meaningful

    If someone in your life is facing infertility, the most meaningful support may be simple.

    It’s not about coming up with the perfect thing to say or having all the right answers, it’s about being present, listening without judgment and validating their emotions.

    By making small but intentional shifts in how we communicate, we can help ensure that individuals experiencing infertility feel supported rather than dismissed, heard rather than pressured and uplifted rather than brought down.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Infertility Support 101: What women want to hear (and what they don’t) – https://theconversation.com/infertility-support-101-what-women-want-to-hear-and-what-they-dont-250747

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Tax Day highlights the costs of single living – but demographics are forcing financial change

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Peter McGraw, Professor of Marketing and Psychology, University of Colorado Boulder

    Tax Day is right around the corner – an annual reminder that without the option to file jointly, singles pay more per dollar earned than married people. Tax advantages are just one of over 1,000 legal and economic benefits married couples enjoy, a disparity worsened by marketplace and employer practices.

    Despite its disadvantages, single living is on the rise. While the average age of first marriage was just 21 in 1960, today it has risen to 29. Half the adults in the U.S. are unmarried, and half of them aren’t seeking a relationship. As many as a third of Zoomers may never tie the knot.

    But this shift is more than cultural – it’s redefining the rules of personal finance. Freed from the constraints of shared decision-making, single people are earning, spending and investing on their own terms.

    And as a behavioral economist who studies single living, I think this could mean big things for the future of money. As more people opt out of marriage, I expect that governments, businesses and financial systems will adapt – just as they did in response to women’s economic independence.

    The price of singlehood

    As a lifelong bachelor, I have a cheeky response when filing my taxes: “That’s the price of freedom.”

    For many singles, the price is too steep. More than half of singles over 30 feel financially insecure, one survey found, and their economic reality backs it up. For example, singles spend about US$5,500 more annually than their married peers – which adds up to more than $200,000 over a 40-year career.

    Some of the challenge is mathematical. Married couples split major expenses like housing, transportation and travel, and rely on dual incomes as a buffer against job loss or disability.

    Policy amplifies the financial burdens. One-person households are the most common type in the U.S., yet developers still prioritize building large single-family houses – driving up apartment and condo costs. Retirement presents another stark contrast. Singles can’t claim spousal or survivor Social Security benefits and solely fund their retirement.

    Employers design benefits around families – offering spousal coverage, dependent tax breaks and family leave. Single employees tend to shoulder more responsibilities yet receive 3.6 fewer paid days off per year than their married peers.

    In the marketplace – from travel to tech and insurance – businesses often price goods and services with couples and families in mind. Solo travelers often pay single supplements on cruises and tours. Streaming, phone and retail memberships offer “family plans” with no option for solo users subscribing as part of a group. Even auto insurance penalizes solo drivers – two-door cars cost 16% more to insure.

    The costs add up – but the news for singles isn’t all bad.

    Peter McGraw discusses living single in a financial system built for two.

    The financial upside of going solo

    I study how singles build financial security through the hallmarks of single living: autonomy and adaptability.

    An obvious financial factor is the cost of children. While some singles are parents, they’re far less likely than married couples to shoulder the expense of raising a child – an outlay of more than $300,000 per child before college.

    A key advantage: Singles have complete financial control. They choose how to earn, save and spend. There’s less risk of absorbing a partner’s credit card or student loan debt, covering for reckless spending, or facing the financial fallout of divorce.

    Career flexibility is another key advantage. Singles can more easily relocate for higher-paying jobs or lower-cost locales – freedom that enables powerful financial arbitrage. Many digital nomads, most of them single, choose countries with lower costs and better quality of life.

    Singles also have greater control over when and how they retire. Unlike couples, who must coordinate timing and strategies, singles have more freedom to retire early, ride out a down market, or ease into semiretirement.

    Building a financial system for everyone

    As a business school professor, I’ve seen how slow business and government can be to respond to demographic shifts. The tax system won’t change overnight – governments have long used the tax code to promote marriage – but other policies and practices will evolve. I believe the rise of singles – and the power of their votes and dollars – will make the status quo unsustainable.

    Scandinavia and parts of Asia are setting precedents. In Sweden, solo adults are recognized as a “family of one,” with access to housing support, parental leave and pension benefits – no marriage required. Smart companies will also adapt to recruit and retain singles, who make up a large portion of the labor force. I expect to see an expansion of single-inclusive offerings like caregiving leave, flexible work arrangements and individual-friendly health plans.

    Singles also build lifelong support systems outside marriage. Sweden again offers a glimpse of what might be: A landmark court case recently granted life insurance benefits to a platonic partner, proving that legal protections don’t have to hinge on romance.

    Housing remains another legacy system built for couples. While most new developments still prioritize single-family homes, markets like Japan and
    Hong Kong have embraced lower-cost micro-apartments with shared community spaces – an appealing model for solo dwellers. Some U.S. cities are beginning to experiment with similar designs, signaling a shift toward more inclusive urban housing.

    China’s celebration of solo living, Singles’ Day – held every year on 11/11 – is now the world’s largest e-commerce holiday, generating more sales than Black Friday and Cyber Monday combined. The company that created it, Alibaba, promotes deals on single-serve appliances, one-way flights and self-care bundles.

    Western companies are catching on: Travel brands are waiving singles supplements, restaurants are welcoming solo diners with dedicated seating, and telecom companies are rolling out “friends and family” plans that don’t require a romantic partner.

    Finally, I believe wealth management will respond to the rise of singles. While I’ve found that most financial advice still assumes that people will eventually marry, solo earners need different strategies, such as bigger emergency funds, flexible housing options and proactive estate planning. Expect a wave of financial products designed for solo living, from retirement tools to mortgages built for one.

    As singles become the majority in many countries, governments, businesses and financial institutions will adapt by necessity.

    The bottom line

    As an advocate for singles, I am an optimist. Yes, singles pay more on Tax Day – among other challenges. But they also have one undeniable advantage: financial freedom. Singles can do more than survive in a system built for two – they can thrive.

    Americans are not going back to the 1960s. As solo living becomes the norm, financial systems will evolve. Governments will face pressure to modernize policy, businesses will launch products and services for one-person households, and financial professionals will adapt to better serve solo earners.

    The institutions that recognize this shift first will shape the future – for everyone.

    I have a book (“Solo: Building a Remarkable Life of Your Own”) and a podcast (“Solo – The Single Person’s Guide to a Remarkable Life”) that are relevant to this article.

    – ref. Tax Day highlights the costs of single living – but demographics are forcing financial change – https://theconversation.com/tax-day-highlights-the-costs-of-single-living-but-demographics-are-forcing-financial-change-254035

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Black Americans are more likely than other racial groups to express their faith in the workplace

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Elaine Howard Ecklund, Professor of Sociology, Rice University

    Many Black Americans want to bring their faith to work but face discrimination. Keeproll/E+ via Getty Images

    Nearly 40% of Black workers feel comfortable talking about their faith with people at work, the highest of any U.S. racial group, our two recent studies found. But they also risk facing religious discrimination.

    For the past 15 years, we have been studying religion in workplaces. Recently we conducted two studies, including two online surveys involving 15,000 workers and in-depth interviews with nearly 300. Our respondents included Christian, Jewish, Muslim and nonreligious individuals.

    The majority of Black Americans – nearly 8 in 10 – identify as Christians. And we found that Black workers from all faiths are more likely than other racial groups to use their traditions to find meaning and purpose in their work and to feel “called” to their work.

    Although not all Black Americans are religious or want their faith to intersect with their work, we found that many Black Americans very much want to bring their religious beliefs to work. This goes beyond just talking about them at work, such as their holiday celebrations or the importance of their church in their lives. In addition, Black Americans are more likely than other racial groups to display or wear religious symbols, such as jewelry or head coverings.

    Why it matters?

    Scholars have often focused on racial discrimination in workplaces. However, the potential overlap between racial and religious marginalization has not been studied as much.

    Some Black Christians told us that when they mention faith at work, they fear they will be discriminated against because of their race and because of their faith – what we call “double marginalization.”

    For example, we interviewed a Black Christian woman who worked as an assistant professor of English. She told us she was reluctant to describe the challenges she faced in academia as religious discrimination but said the humanities “tend to not always be welcoming toward religious people and Christians specifically.” She recalled several instances when she was treated differently due to her faith.

    Black people can feel negatively judged on account of their faith.
    Andrey Popov/iStock Getty Images Plus

    Black Christians we interviewed said that co-workers stereotyped them as narrow-minded or sanctimonious in ways that felt marginalizing. For example, some said the term “holy” – which might seem positive in certain kinds of contexts – can be applied in pejorative ways to Black Christians. A man we interviewed who attends a majority Black congregation said he talks about his faith openly in the workplace and often feels negatively judged.

    Members of minority religions may feel even more at risk. The largest group of Muslims in the U.S. are Black Americans. Black Muslim female workers, for example, feel three times marginalized – feeling at risk for gender, racial and religious discrimination – our study found.

    Their faith sometimes makes Black Americans less likely to address inequality in their workplaces. We found they sometimes draw on religious values like forgiveness and their belief that “God is in control” to justify remaining quiet about religious and racial discrimination.

    What’s next

    This contrasts with our previous work, where we argued that religion can be used to address inequalities at work. We need more research that examines the inextricable link between religion and race in workplaces. Workplace leaders who care about lessening inequality need to understand that racial and religious identities are often deeply intertwined.

    The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

    Elaine Howard Ecklund receives funding from the Lilly Endowment Inc., the Templeton Religion Trust, and the Arthur Vining Davis Foundation.

    Christopher P. Scheitle receives funding from the National Science Foundation and the John Templeton Foundation.

    Denise Daniels receives funding from the Lilly Endowment Inc.

    – ref. Black Americans are more likely than other racial groups to express their faith in the workplace – https://theconversation.com/black-americans-are-more-likely-than-other-racial-groups-to-express-their-faith-in-the-workplace-253203

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Schools are harnessing artificial intelligence to revolutionize courses in hospitality management

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Betsy Pudliner, PhD, Associate Professor of Hospitality and Technology Innovation, University of Wisconsin-Stout

    Generative AI helps create dynamic simulations that provide students with hands-on, project-based learning experiences. Matt Bird/Getty Images

    Uncommon Courses is an occasional series from The Conversation U.S. highlighting unconventional approaches to teaching.

    Title of course:

    Hospitality Employee Relations

    What prompted the idea for the course?

    The idea came from my frustration with traditional methods used to teach hospitality management. As a professor and industry professional, I saw the need to bridge the gap between theoretical knowledge and real-world skills.

    Internships and fieldwork are valuable. But they may not be available to students, especially those in online or hybrid programs. I wanted to offer students an opportunity to gain hands-on learning experiences.

    Using Articulate’s Rise 360 – an e-learning development platform – I created dynamic simulations based on stories from my own experiences, as well as from other industry professionals.

    For example, an interactive lost wallet scenario I created with my instructional design team involves a person who realizes they’ve left their wallet behind after visiting a nursing home. It includes decision points that enhance critical thinking and decision-making through the use of concept art.

    AI-driven prompts aid in transforming industry experiences into online course content. The Pinnacle Golf Resort, a made-up resort I created using Rise 360, engages students with dynamic cause-and-effect decision trees with realistic managerial challenges.

    What does the course explore?

    Students engage with real-world challenges, such as:

    • Managing guest complaints

    • Handling staffing issues

    • Dealing with financial challenges

    • Implementing operational solutions

    • Moral and ethical issues and conflict resolution

    Students are tasked with making decisions that affect the outcome of each scenario, with immediate feedback on their choices. That provides personalized learning experiences tailored to their progress.

    The course focuses on connecting theory to practice, such as application of leadership styles − autocratic, democratic or different types of power − to solve problems and improve guest satisfaction.

    One scene in the Pinnacle Golf Resort simulation involves a restaurant manager handling a disruptive guest during a high-profile event. I realized I needed a decision-rating scale to assess the student’s choices. Generative AI refined decision options and aided in the construction of that decision-rating scale.

    This ensures that choices − such as offering a goodwill gesture or removal of the guest − have realistic consequences. Therefore, the total number of points affixed would determine whether the restaurant manager would be promoted or need more training.

    Why is this course relevant now?

    As the hospitality industry becomes more competitive and complex − with higher turnover rates and shifting workforce expectations − effective decision-making and problem-solving skills become crucial in managing guest experiences.

    Traditional internships and fieldwork are valuable.

    But online and hybrid programs may struggle to provide these opportunities. As hospitality programs shift to online and hybrid formats, the demand for scalable, hands-on learning tools has increased.

    What’s a critical lesson from the course?

    A key lesson is the importance of adaptive decision-making and understanding the consequences of one’s actions. Through simulations created with the help of generative AI, students see firsthand how their decisions impact multiple areas of a hospitality business.

    These scenarios allow students to experience real-world challenges. And this helps them practice making decisions in a dynamic environment.

    By participating in the simulations, students learn that there is no one-size-fits-all approach in hospitality management. They must adapt their leadership style based on the situation and the individuals involved.

    What materials does the course feature?

    The course creates interactive simulations using Articulate 360 and Rise 360.

    These simulations replicate real-world hospitality situations such as managing guest complaints or financial decision-making.

    The class uses stories drawn from the instructor’s own industry experience. This exposes students to the complexities of hospitality management.

    Feedback is generated based on the student’s decisions in the simulations, developed with the help of ChatGPT. This fosters self-reflection and promoting continual improvement in their leadership abilities.

    What will the course prepare students to do?

    Upon completion, students will be able to:

    • Navigate complex guest relations and manage complaints in real time.

    • Make informed operational decisions while balancing guest satisfaction, employee performance and financial considerations.

    • Apply various leadership styles to motivate teams, resolve conflicts and ensure high service standards.

    • Assess their leadership style and adapt it to different situations in hospitality management.

    Betsy A. Pudliner is affiliated with ICHRIE-International Council of Hospitality, Restaurant and Institutional Educators.

    – ref. Schools are harnessing artificial intelligence to revolutionize courses in hospitality management – https://theconversation.com/schools-are-harnessing-artificial-intelligence-to-revolutionize-courses-in-hospitality-management-249423

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Fill-in-the-blank training primes AI to interpret health data from smartwatches and fitness trackers

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Eloy Geenjaar, Ph.D. Student in Electrical Engineering & Computer Engineering, Georgia Institute of Technology

    AI promises to help wearable devices like smart watches better monitor your health. adamkaz/E+ via Getty Images

    The human body constantly generates a variety of signals that can be measured from outside the body with wearable devices. These bio-signals – ranging from heart rate to sleep state and blood oxygen levels – can indicate whether someone is having mood swings or can be used to diagnose a variety of body or brain disorders.

    It can be relatively cheap to gather a lot of bio-signal data. Researchers can organize a study and ask participants to use a wearable device akin to a smartwatch for a few days. However, to teach a machine learning algorithm to find a relationship between a specific bio-signal and a health disorder, you first need to teach the algorithm to recognize that disorder. That’s where computer engineers like myself come in.

    Many commercial smartwatches, such as ones by Apple, AliveCor, Google and Samsung, currently support atrial fibrillation detection. Atrial fibrillation is a common type of irregular heart rhythm, and leaving it untreated can lead to a stroke. One way to automatically detect atrial fibrillation is to train a machine learning algorithm to recognize what atrial fibrillation looks like in the data.

    This machine learning approach requires large bio-signal datasets in which instances of atrial fibrillation are labeled. The algorithm can use the labeled instances to learn to recognize a relationship between the bio-signal and atrial fibrillation.

    The labeling process can be quite expensive because it requires experts, such as cardiologists, to go through millions of data points and label each instance of atrial fibrillation. The same problem extends to many other bio-signals and disorders.

    To resolve this issue, researchers have been developing new ways to train machine learning algorithms with fewer labels. By first training a machine learning model to fill in the blanks of large-scale unlabeled bio-signal data, the machine learning model is primed to learn the relationship between a bio-signal and a disorder with fewer labels. This is called pretraining. Pretraining even helps a machine learning model learn a relationship between a bio-signal and a disorder when it is pretrained on a completely unrelated bio-signal.

    Bio-signals are found all over the body and provide information about different bodily functions. Each of these is a bio-signal that measures a specific physiological signal in a noninvasive way.
    Eloy Geenjaar

    Challenges of working with bio-signals

    Finding relationships between bio-signals and disorders can be difficult because of noise , or irrelevant data, differences between people’s bio-signals, and because the relationship between a bio-signal and disorder may not be clear.

    First, bio-signals contain a lot of noise. For example, when you’re wearing a smartwatch while running, the watch will move around. This causes the sensor for the bio-signal to record at different locations during the run. Since the locations vary across the run, swings in the bio-signal value may now be due to variations in the recording location instead of due to physiological processes.

    Second, everyone’s bio-signals are unique. The location of veins, for example, often differ between people. This means that even if smartwatches are worn at exactly the same place on everyone’s wrists, the bio-signal related to those veins is recorded differently from one person to the next. The same underlying signal, such as someone’s heart rate, will lead to different bio-signal values.

    The underlying signal itself can also be unique for people or groups of people. The resting heart rate of an average person is around 60-80 beats per minute, but athletes can have resting heart rates as low as 30-40 beats per minute.

    Lastly, the relationship between a bio-signal and a disorder is often complex. This means that the disorder is not immediately obvious from looking at the bio-signal.

    Machine learning algorithms allow researchers to learn from data and account for the complexity, noise and variability of people. By using large bio-signal datasets, machine learning algorithms are able to find clear relationships that apply to everyone.

    Learning to fill in the blanks

    Researchers can use unlabeled bio-signal data as a warmup for the machine learning algorithm. This warmup, or pre-training, primes the machine learning algorithm to find a relationship between the bio-signal and a disorder. This is a bit like walking around a park to get the lay of the land before working out a route to go running.

    There are many ways to pretrain a machine learning algorithm. In my research with Dolby Laboratories researcher Lie Lu and previous research, the machine learning algorithm is taught to fill in the blanks.

    To do this, we take a bio-signal and artificially create gaps of a certain length – for example, one second. We then teach the machine learning algorithm to fill in the missing piece of bio-signal. This is possible because the machine learning algorithm sees what the bio-signal looks like before and after the gap.

    If the heart rate of a person is around 60 beats per minute before the gap, there will likely be a heartbeat in the one-second gap. In this case, we’re training the machine learning algorithm to predict when that heartbeat will occur.

    Once we have trained the machine learning algorithm to do this, it will have found a relationship between someone’s heart rate and when the next beat should occur. We can now train the machine learning algorithm with this relationship between a normal heart rate and bio-signal already learned. This makes it easier for the algorithm to learn the relationship between heart rate and atrial fibrillation. Since atrial fibrillation is characterized by fast and irregular heartbeats, and the algorithm is now good at predicting when a heartbeat will happen, it can quickly learn to detect these irregularities.

    Machine learning pre-training on filling in the blanks of a heart bio-signal.
    Eloy Geenjaar

    The idea of filling in the blanks can be generalized to other bio-signals as well. Previous research has shown, and our work reconfirmed, that pretraining a model on one bio-signal without any labels allows it to learn clinically useful relationships from other bio-signals with few labels. This shortcut means that researchers can pretrain on bio-signals that are easy to gather and use the machine learning model on ones that are hard to gather and label.

    Faster disorder detection development

    By improving pretraining, researchers can make machine learning algorithms better and more efficient at detecting diseases and disorders. Pretraining improvements reduce cost and time spent by experts labeling.

    A recent example of machine learning algorithms used for early detection is Google’s Loss of Pulse smartwatch feature. The emerging field of bio-signal pretraining can help enable faster development of similar features using a wider range of bio-signals and for a wider range of disorders.

    With increasing types of bio-signals and more data, researchers may be able to discover relationships that dramatically improve early detection of disease and disorders. The earlier many diseases and disorders are found, the better a treatment plan works for patients.

    Eloy Geenjaar receives funding from the National Institute of Health and the National Science Foundation, and performed bio-signal research during an internship at Dolby Laboratories.

    – ref. Fill-in-the-blank training primes AI to interpret health data from smartwatches and fitness trackers – https://theconversation.com/fill-in-the-blank-training-primes-ai-to-interpret-health-data-from-smartwatches-and-fitness-trackers-251890

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –