The UK government’s proposed immigration reforms emphasise the need for migrants to learn English in order to integrate successfully.
Some of the new measures announced include raising the level of English language skills required from migrants that wish to work in the UK.
Those who wish to settle permanently will also need to demonstrate a stronger grasp of English. In the future they may also be asked to demonstrate how their command of the language has improved since they arrived.
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Yet in a press conference to launch the reforms, Keir Starmer adopted a different line. He argued that linguistic integration should be viewed as a matter of “fairness”.
“When people come to our country, they should also commit to integration, to learning our language, and our system should actively distinguish between those that do and those that don’t,” Starmer said. “I think that’s fair.”
In linking learning English with fairness, Starmer seems to be making a claim about the ethics of linguistic integration. However, his remarks frame this as a one-sided deal. Migrants must meet English language requirements to earn the right to stay in the UK.
No mention is made of the possibility that fairness in this context may also entail an obligation on government, or society more broadly, to take steps to ensure that learning English is a practical option for all migrants.
The government’s proposed reforms related to learning English adopt a similar approach. They include a series of steps that will be taken to increase the level of English competence expected from those settling in the UK.
But aside from a vague commitment to improve access to English language classes, the government has not proposed detailed measures to help migrants to meet these language demands.
This is despite the fact that researchers and practitioners working in the field of language education for migrants have long argued that access to learning English for speakers of other languages is highly uneven and chronically underfunded.
It is not unreasonable for a society to set out certain broad obligations for migrants as part of the integration process, such as learning a common public language. This is now relatively common across many European democracies.
What’s more, for those who settle in the UK from countries where English is not spoken, acquiring the language will support efforts to enter the labour market and simplify the challenge of navigating new health, social security, housing and education systems.
However, if Keir Starmer is concerned with fairness, then he should arguably consider how integration can be understood as a two-way process. This would mean acknowledging that there are roles and responsibilities for the government and citizens of the host society, as well as for migrants.
This is particularly relevant when considering the role of language in integration because applied linguistic research shows that second-language acquisition can be a difficult task. Success varies according to factors that are not necessarily within the control of individual learners, such as age, level of education and wealth.
Inclusive integration
More nuanced understandings of linguistic integration also stress that the process should not be viewed as one where the aim is for migrants simply to not stand out linguistically.
Rather, the aim should be to help migrants – many of whom may already be multilingual – to adjust their linguistic repertoires in a way that allows them to settle in their new communities.
Alongside opportunities to acquire languages deemed essential for employment and engagement with public bodies, this may also entail opportunities to access other languages that play a role in the social life of the host society.
For example, including the Welsh language as part of provision for speakers of other languages in Wales has been seen as a way to develop a distinct sense of belonging.
Furthermore, the process of linguistic integration should acknowledge the languages that migrants bring with them. As they build a new life, they should be afforded space to reflect on what role these languages will play in their social interactions.
This type of approach potentially offers a more inclusive route to linguistic integration. It affirms newcomers as valued members of society, not just as learners but also as contributors to the social and cultural life of their new communities.
Huw Lewis is currently contributing to a Leverhulme-funded research project entitled The Ethics of Linguistic Integration
Gwennan Higham is currently contributing to a Leverhulme-funded research project entitled The Ethics of Linguistic Integration
Leigh Oakes is currently the Principal Investigator on a Leverhulme-funded research project entitled the Ethics of Linguistic Integration
In our study we asked parents through an online survey and focus group discussions in Hamilton and Peel Region to tell us what they envision for a future national school food program.
Eighty-three per cent of the respondents were women; respondents self-identfied as South Asian (eight per cent), Black (five per cent), Indigenous (four per cent), Middle Eastern (four per cent), Southeast Asian (three per cent), Latino (three per cent), East Asian (three per cent) and white (70 per cent).
Forty-three per cent of households were classified as experiencing some level of food insecurity, with 41 per cent having an annual household income of less than $69,999.
Ninety-six per cent of survey respondents said they want their child to participate in a school food program, and 77 per cent said they would be willing to pay some amount for it. In parent focus groups, and teacher interviews, participants cited such benefits as:
Improving the nutritional quality of what students eat;
Reducing the consumption of highly processed foods;
Improving behaviour, learning, mental health and energy levels;
And connections to curriculum like nutrition and food literacy education.
Participants saw affordability as one of the major barriers to an accessible program. Suggestions for funding models ranged from universal free programs to government-funded programs subsidized by optional parent contributions, and corporate donor funding.
Most parents and teachers were adamant that programs be universally accessible with nutritious and diverse food options for all students regardless of ability to pay.
In Saskatchewan and Ontario, school food is severely underfunded relative to other provinces and territories. Saskatchewan and Ontario’s per capita investments are four times lower than the national median of 63 cents per student per day: Nova Scotia contributes $3.30 whereas Saskatchewan and Ontario are at the bottom of the pack at three and nine cents per student per day respectively. That’s based on an annual average of 190 school days per year across Canada.
Without significant funding increases from those provincial governments, none of the hopes and dreams for a National School Food Program in Saskatchewan and Ontario will come to fruition.
Challenges and opportunities ahead
While the need for more funding is paramount, there are also logistical issues to tackle. Without commercial-grade kitchens in elementary schools, some survey respondents suggested centralized food preparation models by upgrading existing neighbourhood or high school infrastructure, from which meals could be distributed to local schools.
Others were in favour of contracting local food businesses as providers. A few parents raised the concern that school boards might contract large food conglomerates, resulting in a situation where corporate profit compromises food quality.
Teachers voiced the need for adequate staffing and volunteer support so as not to unduly burden school staff. Some parents and teachers felt strongly about minimizing packaging waste. As one teacher stated:
“I would be concerned about the environmental impact, going from trying to conserve and be mindful of what we use, like reusable containers, to a disposable model … I think it would send a poor message to kids who we’re asking to protect their environment.”
The topic of how much time students have to eat arose frequently in discussions. In Ontario, many schools at the elementary level adhere to a two-break or balanced day model, where students have a “nutrition break” in the morning with recess, and another in early afternoon (instead of two short recesses and a mid-day window for lunch/recess). This may be a reason why parents and some teachers say that kids don’t have enough time to eat.
Diversity and inclusion
In addition to logistical operations and accessibility, parents and teachers voiced the need to consider social and cultural diversity and inclusion. They noted the diversity of student dietary requirements and preferences — from food allergies/intolerances and cultural and religious foods to concerns about what respondents referred to as their “picky eaters.”
Teachers pointed out that halal and/or vegetarian foods must be made available. The oversight of food safety and offering a diversity of healthy food choices was mentioned repeatedly by parents.
Meals and ingredients could be posted in weekly or monthly menus — like they are in in France, for example — to ensure students and their families are aware of what is being served.
Programs engaged with students, community
There was enthusiasm for exposing kids to culturally diverse menu options that would make students from all backgrounds feel included and welcome.
While some parents were concerned that their kids might not eat foods they’re unfamiliar with, others thought it would be great to expose them to new foods that they might eat at school even if they wouldn’t at home.
Some parents were excited about the prospect of community involvement, including volunteers but also students in food prep, distribution and cleanup. Beyond the school community, some proposed fostering partnerships with local farms, community gardens and local food providers.
In sum, participants voiced the need for flexible programs that could be tailored to specific school, family and community needs — with clear communication with all families and school staff about the school food programs’ goals and operations.
Much more work to do
We have a tremendous need and opportunity in Canada to strengthen our food system and food security with the National School Food Program.
We have just begun this project with the commitment of some federal, provincial and municipal funding, but there is much more work to do in developing school food programs in each part of the country.
No matter how these programs end up evolving, parents and teachers in Hamilton and Peel Region have clearly voiced their desire for equity — school food program accessibility, regardless of family income. They also want to see food offerings meeting students’ diverse dietary requirements, and the inclusion of student, family, educator and local community partners.
The University of Aberdeen Careers and Employability Service has been recognised for projects which significantly enhance graduate and student employability through smart use of resources.
The team has been shortlisted for the highly competitive Employability Impact Award at the upcoming AGCAS (Association of Graduate Careers Advisory Services) Awards for Excellence 2025.
This year’s shortlist for the Employability Impact Award includes just five ambitious initiatives from across the UK — among them the University of Aberdeen’s innovative ABDN Internship programme.
The ABDN Internship programme includes innovative part-time, term-time paid internships, funded by the University, which see students work for a total of 70 hours over the course of seven weeks on a project set by a local employer.
The programme also includes Interns with Impact (funded by The Wood Foundation) which are internships exclusively in the third sector as well as a Group Virtual internship which allows students to undertake an internship wherever they are based over the summer.
The Employability Impact Award aims to honour a single initiative that has meaningfully advanced student or graduate employability, placing emphasis on impact over scale or expenditure.
Tracey Innes, Head of Careers and Employability at Aberdeen, said: “Being shortlisted for the Employability Impact Award is testament to our team’s dedication to creating high quality and meaningful opportunities for our students. We’re extremely proud of the experiences created for our students.
“The ABDN Internship programme is a true partnership approach and we’d like to thank our wonderful host organisations as well as funders such as The Wood Foundation and Santander.
“This prestigious nomination highlights the University of Aberdeen’s ongoing commitment to equipping students and graduates for today’s dynamic job market, leveraging smart, inclusive and effective programmes to foster meaningful career outcomes.”
The winners will be unveiled at the AGCAS Awards for Excellence ceremony, held during the AGCAS Annual Conference on 17 June 2025 in Newcastle.
Any organisations interested in finding out more about the ABDN Internship programme or about hosting an internship please visit https://employers.careerhub.abdn.ac.uk/content/internships or contact employers@abdn.ac.uk.
Source: State University of Management – Official website of the State –
The lists of finalists and top 50 of the All-Russian competition “Startup as a Diploma”, operated by the State University of Management, have been published.
Two graduates from our university made it into the top 50: Danila Yakovlev and Mikhail Zorin.
Danila took 12th place with the project “Innovative glass pebbles”
Mikhail took 23rd place with the HolterTECH project and entered the top 50 participants of the competition, which allows him to receive a certificate, as well as an invitation to the final of the competition.
We sincerely congratulate our students on their excellent results and wish them further success in developing their own projects!
Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Dr Bhavini Gohel, Clinical Associate Professor, Cumming School of Medicine, University of Calgary
Wildfires are already burning in parts of Canada, and as they do, many communities are already facing the familiar thick haze as smoke drifts in.
Smoke from wildfires has already led Environment Canada to issue air quality warnings for much of Ontario. In Toronto, smoke led to the city briefly having the worst air quality in the world.
Anyone who has experienced wildfire smoke knows how it can leave you with a scratchy throat, stinging eyes and impact your lungs. However, smoke can also affect your brain. Tiny airborne pollutants found in smoke have been linked to increased risk of stroke, dementia and flare-ups in neurological diseases like multiple sclerosis (MS).
These effects can disproportionately impact older adults, people with disabilities, Indigenous Peoples and those living in low-income communities. This isn’t just about climate. It’s about equity, and health systems need to catch up.
Canada’s 2023 wildfire season was the worst on record, and as climate change worsens wildfires, it may be a sign of what’s to come.
Animation of Canada’s 2023 wildfire season by cartographer Peter Atwood, using NASA data to show the daily spread of fires and smoke across the country. (Peter Atwood)
A direct path to the brain
Alongside harmful gases and heavy metals, wildfire smoke contains fine particulate matter, also known as PM2.5. These tiny particles can travel deep into your lungs, slip into your bloodstream and even reach your brain. Some even bypass the lungs entirely, entering the brain directly through the nose.
After entering the brain, these toxins can cause inflammation and stress, damage nerve cells and even accelerate cognitive decline. Studies have linked exposure to air pollution to an increased risk of stroke and dementia. Even short-term spikes in smoke exposure, like those during wildfires, lead to a surge in emergency visits for strokes, especially among people over 65.
A 2022 experiment had thousands of adults participate in an online attention task under smoky conditions. It found that just a three-hour spike in fine particulate matter, typical of a heavy smoke episode, led to measurably worse attention scores. This fits other evidence that breathing smoke makes people mentally foggy, forgetful or fatigued.
Fine particulate matter in wildfire smoke can reach the brain via the lungs or nose, causing inflammation, neuronal damage, and raising the risk of stroke, dementia, cognitive decline, and MS flare-ups. (Muskaan Muse Laroyia)
For people already living with neurological conditions like MS or Parkinson’s disease, the stakes are even higher. Exposure to fine particulate pollution has been linked with increased hospital admissions for MS relapses, particularly in young patients. Other research points to worsening symptoms of epilepsy and cognitive decline under extreme heat and polluted air conditions.
Despite these mounting risks, neurological health considerations have been largely absent from wildfire preparedness initiatives and public health responses. That needs to change.
If you want to stay informed about local smoke exposure, tools like AQmap can help you track PM2.5 levels in real time across Canada.
Each of these groups faces unique and compounding challenges during smoke events. For example, older adults are more vulnerable to the cardiovascular and neurological effects of smoke. They also face greater barriers to accessing filtered environments.
People with disabilities or chronic illnesses, including those with neurological conditions, often can’t relocate during smoke events and may rely on power-dependent medical devices that can fail during climate emergencies.
Low-income families are more likely to live in housing without proper air filtration or cooling. These same communities often face higher baseline rates of neurological disease.
Children and adolescents are particularly susceptible to the harmful neurological effects of wildfires. Because their brains are still developing and they breathe more air per body weight than adults, children are especially vulnerable to harmful pollutants.
These populations aren’t just more exposed, they also have fewer resources to respond.
Rethinking Canada’s health systems
Recognizing these inequities, we are developing a climate-health equity framework for Canada, with a specific focus on neurological health. Our interdisciplinary team is asking: how can we build health systems that protect vulnerable brains during climate emergencies?
Health-care workers in Alberta Health Services have designed the Climate-Resilient Acute Care Clinical Operations Framework. This framework supports hospitals in becoming both greener and more resilient, ensuring care can continue during wildfires, floods and extreme heat events.
Importantly, it also centres the needs of equity-deserving populations, integrating climate adaptation into emergency care, supply chains, staffing and patient communication.
What needs to change?
Public awareness must expand beyond respiratory health. Neurological effects of smoke should be included in public health messaging, especially for high-risk groups.
Health systems must be climate-ready, with clean air shelters, evacuation protocols and services tailored to meet the needs of neurological patients.
Communities need support, from funding for air filtration to co-ordinated outreach during smoke events. Indigenous-led fire stewardship and community health initiatives should be part of national planning. Supporting Indigenous-led fire stewardship not only strengthens wildfire response but also respects Indigenous sovereignty and traditional ecological knowledge.
Clinicians must be empowered to address climate-related health risks. Training in environmental health, including its impact on the brain, is increasingly essential.
Wildfire season is back, and with it, an urgent need to protect more than just our lungs. The science is clear: breathing smoky air affects our minds, especially for those already facing health and social vulnerabilities.
Climate change is a brain health issue. Building a healthier, more equitable future requires us to treat it that way, starting now.
Dr Bhavini Gohel works for the Canadian Coalition for Green Healthcare.
Muskaan Muse Laroyia does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Sharice Davids (KS-3)
Today, Representative Sharice Davids led a moment of silenceon the U.S. House Floor in honor of Sarah Milgrim, a Prairie Village native, and her partner, Yaron Lischinsky, who were fatally shot outside the Capital Jewish Museum earlier this month. Milgrim was a 2017 graduate of Shawnee Mission East High School and earned her degree from the University of Kansas in 2021.
Read Davids’ full speechbelow:
Mr. Speaker, I rise today with a heavy heart to honor the lives of Sarah Milgrim and her partner, Yaron Lischinsky, who were tragically and senselessly killed in an antisemitic attack outside the Capital Jewish Museum here in D.C.
Sarah grew up in Prairie Village, Kansas, a community I have the honor of serving in Congress. She graduated from Shawnee Mission East and the University of Kansas. She was a devoted member of Congregation B’nai Jehudah and was dedicated to building understanding and connection between Israel and the United States. Her partner Yaron shared that commitment.
This hateful and targeted violence is heartbreaking. It’s unacceptable. Antisemitism has no place in our country, and yet we are seeing a deeply disturbing rise in these acts of hate.
To Sarah and Yaron, may your memories be a blessing. To the Jewish community in Kansas, Colorado, and across the nation, please know that I am standing with you. We mourn with you. We recommit to creating a world where no one fears for their safety because of who they are. And I can tell you, Sarah was committed to that.
Mr. Speaker, I now ask my colleagues to please rise and join me in a moment of silence to honor the lives lost.
Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
BEIJING, June 9 (Xinhua) — The 17th Mingde Strategic Dialogue, organized by the Chongyang Institute for Financial Research of Renmin University of China, was held in the Chinese capital on June 6.
The discussion on “New Opportunities for Cooperation between Chinese and Russian Enterprises” was attended by Wang Wen, Dean of the Chongyang Institute and Dean of the College of Global Leadership at Renmin University of China, and Anastasia Likhacheva, Dean of the Faculty of World Economy and International Politics at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE, Russia), the Zhongguo Qingnianbao newspaper reported.
Wang Wen noted that economic cooperation between China and Russia has developed slowly over the past decade, but has shown rapid growth over the past three years, increasing by more than 30 percent annually, with trade turnover rising from $190 billion to $240 billion.
He stressed that the potential for economic cooperation between the two countries is limitless, citing as an example significant opportunities in Russia’s agricultural sector, where most land resources remain undeveloped. In his opinion, investment cooperation between China and Russia in agriculture is extremely promising, as is the development of bilateral partnership in energy, high technology and e-commerce.
A. Likhacheva agreed with this assessment, pointing to the complementarity of the economic structures of China and Russia, which creates the basis for expanding regional cooperation in various areas. In general, A. Likhacheva noted, Chinese companies are not yet sufficiently familiar with the Russian market, and the key task for stimulating Chinese investment in Russia is to find qualified personnel and reliable partners to identify common ground in cooperation.
A. Likhacheva added that as China’s rise accelerates, more and more Russian economists and international experts are paying attention to China’s experience of rapid development. Studying Chinese in Russian educational institutions is becoming a fashionable trend. More and more Russian students are showing interest in the Chinese legal system and other aspects of Chinese reality.
Wang Wen, for his part, expressed the opinion that Chinese students should consider Russia as an attractive destination for education, not limited to world university rankings or choosing exclusively Western countries, and called on the younger generation of the two countries to more actively show mutual interest. -0-
Delays at Manadon. We all know about them, we’ve all felt it.
Some days it can be absolutely fine; others it’s bit of a gamble. It’s not reliable.
And that’s just now. In the next few years, as the city grows with ambitious new housing targets, the growth of the hospital and the expansion of the dockyard, it’s going to get worse.
That’s why we’re bringing forward potential changes to the roundabout, to improve things not just now but in the future.
The graphic below has been developed from queue length data and shows how traffic queues will look in years to come in scenarios where we continue with the scheme and if we do nothing.
“The data is clear,” explains Councillor John Stephens, Cabinet Member for Transport. “Doing nothing, sitting on our hands, is simply not a viable option. Manadon needs investment so that we can provide the infrastructure we need for the expected growth of this city.
“I’d ask everyone who travels through Manadon to get involved in this engagement exercise. Give us your feedback and let us know what you think of the proposals.”
Manadon is at the heart of Plymouth’s transport network and is a key part of the journey to and from some of the busiest places in the city.
You’ve got an appointment at Derriford at 10am, but you’re still stuck queuing on the A38 at 9.40am. You thought you’d left enough time. It was fine when you came through Manadon last week but it’s just not moving today. You hope you don’t miss it.
University Hospitals Plymouth NHS Trust (UHP), who runs Derriford Hospital, the largest specialist teaching hospital in the south west peninsula and the region’s major trauma centre, continues to redevelop their facilities.
Stuart Windsor, Future Hospital Director, said: “Our Future Hospital Programme is transforming how care is delivered to improve lives across Plymouth, Devon and Cornwall through investing in our healthcare estate.
“This includes a new purpose-built Emergency Care Building at our Derriford site, which will double the space to care for the increasing numbers of patients with urgent and emergency conditions.
“Works that improve accessibility to Derriford Hospital will be hugely beneficial for our patients and colleagues, and are an important part of enabling our organisation to delivering its long-term goals.”
Argyle have got a crunch late-season game to secure promotion and by some miracle, you’ve bagged yourself a ticket. You left the house in good time – enough time for a pasty before the game. But you didn’t account for Manadon. There’s been a shunt somewhere else in the city, and everyone is using Manadon instead. It’s 2.40pm. You’ve still got to find somewhere to park once you get to Home Park. It’s not the start to the afternoon you had planned.
Meanwhile, every other week for most of the year at least 16,000 people descend on Home Park to cheer on Plymouth Argyle. Many of that crowd make their way through Manadon.
Christian Kent, Head of Venue, Hospitality & Events at Plymouth Argyle, said: “Supporters will be aware that Plymouth Argyle have worked hard on making Home Park more accessible over the past two seasons with additional transport and parking.
“The Manadon project ethos and aims are a step in the right direction in ensuring attending matches and events at Home Park is as efficient as possible.
“We’d very much encourage our fans to engage with the scheme, so the needs of our fanbase are considered.”
TORONTO, June 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Altus Group Limited (ʺAltus Group”) (TSX: AIF), a leading provider of commercial real estate (“CRE”) intelligence, today announced the winners of its 16th annual ARGUS University Challenge – a milestone that reflects both the longevity of the program and Altus Group’s continued leadership in the CRE sector during its 20th year as a public company.
The ARGUS University Challenge is an annual global competition organized by Altus Group to immerse university students in the complexities of CRE investment analysis. Students apply ARGUS software to tackle complex CRE investment cases, where they model financial projections, assess risk, and develop investment strategies for hypothetical CRE portfolios. Winners qualify for a scholarship and gain valuable industry exposure, along with the opportunity to showcase their skills to potential employers.
The 2025 winners were selected from more than 124 students representing 24 universities globally. The teams demonstrated their ability to identify and present compelling investment opportunities using industry-leading ARGUS Enterprise, now part of ARGUS Intelligence – which brings together data and advanced analytics for more powerful decision-making.
Each team was challenged to analyze a hypothetical real estate scenario and present a comprehensive investment case. Submissions were evaluated by a panel of industry experts on how effectively students applied ARGUS’ valuation modelling, discounted cash flow analysis, and performance forecasting capabilities – tools that shaped CRE performance analysis for over 30 years and are taught at more than 200 academic institutions worldwide.
“We’re proud to provide students with the opportunity to develop the real-world skills they’ll need as they enter the industry,” said Rich Sarkis, President of ARGUS Software and Data at Altus Group. “This year’s participants demonstrated how quality data and analytics are critical to effective investment decision-making. Our new ARGUS Intelligence platform was built with their generation in mind – designed for a new era of data-savvy professionals who demand deeper insights, faster workflows, and smarter decisions.”
The 2025 ARGUS University Challenge winners are:
1st place: IREBS, University of Regensburg
Team: Lea Lott, Leon Mayer, Maximilian von Berger, Moritz Kluge, Viola Schadde
Professor: Wolfgang Schaefers
2nd place: University of San Diego
Team: Jackson Gebhardt, Jason Santos, Rodrigo Soler, Ryan Groleau, Tom Sears
Professor: Charles Tu
3rd place: NYU Schack Institute of Real Estate
Team: Valeria Burga-Cisneros Vega, Lana Alexander, Colin Dallas-Wu, Sam Wimpfheimer, Thomas Jordan
Professor: Hillman Lam
4th place: London School of Economics and Political Science
Team: Stuart Teng, Eryu Ma, Jiani Zhang
Professor: Rebecca Campbell
The ARGUS University Challenge is part of Altus Group’s broader commitment to cultivating future CRE leaders. Through its academic program, Altus Group provides software and training to over 200 institutions globally, equipping students with the technical expertise and analytical mindset to thrive in a data-driven market.
Altus connects data, analytics, applications, and expertise to deliver the intelligence necessary to drive optimal CRE performance. The industry’s top leaders rely on our market-leading solutions and expertise to power performance and mitigate risk. Our global team of ~2,000 experts are making a lasting impact on an industry undergoing unprecedented change – helping shape the cities where we live, work, and build thriving communities. For more information about Altus (TSX: AIF) please visit www.altusgroup.com.
BINGHAMTON, N.Y., June 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Natrion, a leader in advanced battery technology, has been awarded a $150,000 R&D grant and a $100,000 SuperBoost grant from the National Science Foundation Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York. The funding will accelerate the commercialization of Natrion’s LISIC solid-state electrolyte separator technology, a breakthrough in lithium-ion battery safety, reliability, and thermal stability for electric mobility, grid storage, and aerospace applications.
Natrion’s proprietary LISIC solid electrolyte separator technology mitigates risks associated with thermal runaway, addressing one of the most significant safety challenges in lithium-ion batteries. By replacing porous separators containing flammable liquid electrolytes with its advanced non-porous solid-state separator, Natrion enhances battery safety while maintaining high energy density and stability. This transformative solution also integrates seamlessly with existing manufacturing processes, enabling cost-effective scaling.
“The energy storage industry has long sought safer, high-performance alternatives to conventional lithium-ion technology,” said Alex Kosyakov, CEO of Natrion. “This support from the NSF Energy Storage Engine is a game-changer for us, allowing us to accelerate the commercialization of our LISIC separator technology and bring it to real-world applications. By leveraging the world-class testing facilities at Rochester Institute of Technology, we are optimizing our platform for electric vehicles, aerospace, and beyond.”
The R&D grant will focus on enhancing the LISIC platform’s performance, cost-effectiveness, and manufacturability, while the SuperBoost grant will support rapid prototyping, quality control, and production automation efforts. Natrion will collaborate with RIT’s Battery Development Center, using its state-of-the-art facilities to validate the technology for cylindrical batteries, widely used in electric mobility, electronics, and grid applications.
The SuperBoost program, a core initiative of the NSF Energy Storage Engine, is designed to accelerate commercialization timelines — reducing the traditional five-plus-year development cycle to under two years. The program provides direct funding, strategic partnerships, and infrastructure access, helping early-stage companies bridge the gap between technological innovation and market deployment.
Fernando Gómez-Baquero, director of the Translation Pillar at the Energy Storage Engine, highlighted the critical role of Natrion’s advancements in battery safety: “Battery safety is paramount as the world moves toward widespread electrification. Natrion’s LISIC technology directly addresses one of the industry’s greatest challenges — thermal runaway — while enhancing energy density and manufacturability. SuperBoost isn’t just about funding; it’s about ensuring that companies like Natrion have the right ecosystem support to scale and succeed.”
The NSF Energy Storage Engine is at the forefront of creating a national energy storage ecosystem, leveraging its extensive network of testbeds, infrastructure, and research collaborations to help startups accelerate their path to market.
Meera Sampath, CEO of the NSF Energy Storage Engine, emphasized the Engine’s role in strengthening the U.S. energy supply chain: “The Engine is committed to fostering technology translation and commercialization through strategic investments like SuperBoost. By leveraging upstate New York’s unparalleled network of testbeds, manufacturing capabilities, and industry partnerships, we are strengthening the energy storage supply chain and positioning the region as a leader in battery innovation. Natrion’s advancements exemplify our mission to accelerate solutions that will drive U.S. energy independence and economic growth.”
Through the support of the NSF Energy Storage Engine, Natrion is well-positioned to accelerate its technology toward commercial deployment. By leveraging the Engine’s regional resources — including collaborations with RIT’s Battery Development Center and other key partners — the company is advancing its battery technology toward full-scale production. This initiative aligns with the Engine’s broader mission to transform upstate New York into America’s Battery Capital, fostering economic growth, national energy security, and technological leadership in next-generation energy storage.
AboutNatrion Natrion develops advanced battery technologies to deliver safe, scalable, and high-performance energy storage solutions for EVs, aviation, grid storage, and beyond. With a focus on innovation, cost-efficiency, and seamless integration into existing manufacturing, Natrion is redefining the future of energy storage.
AbouttheNSFEnergyStorageEngine in Upstate New York The NSF Energy Storage Engine in Upstate New York, led by Binghamton University, is a National Science Foundation-funded, place-based innovation program. The coalition of 40+ academic, industry, nonprofit, state, and community organizations includes Cornell University, Rochester Institute of Technology, Syracuse University, Launch-NY and NY-BEST as core partners. The Engine advances next-gen battery technology development and manufacturing to drive economic growth and bolster national security. Its vision is to transform upstate New York into America’s Battery Capital.
Ghana’s national agenda often focuses on the country’s large number of young people. In fact a less noticed demographic transformation is reshaping society: the country’s older population is growing rapidly. According to Ghana Statistical Service estimates,
people aged 60 and above are projected to make up over 12% of the total population by 2050, more than doubling the 2021 estimate of 6.8%.
And more of these older adults are ageing alone.
That’s because of Ghana’s transition from extended to nuclear family systems, coupled with rural–urban and international migration. Traditionally, older Ghanaians aged within multi-generational households, with care provided by children and extended family. But today, migration patterns have intensified, with over 50% of the population living in urban areas, leaving many elders behind in rural communities or isolated in city slums.
I recently conducted a study across six Ghanaian communities (urban and rural). Drawing from 52 interviews, I explored the emotional, social and economic implications of ageing alone.
The participants in the study echoed a common theme: the erosion of intergenerational family structures, leaving the elderly socially and emotionally isolated.
As a 73-year-old widow participant who lives in a city put it:
My daughter is in Canada. My son lives in Kumasi, but he rarely visits. I live alone, and if I fall sick, I just wait. Sometimes, I pray someone will notice.
Such stories are no longer anecdotal outliers. Nationally representative data from the Ghana Living Standards Survey and WHO SAGE Ghana Wave 2 also reveal an uptick in solitary living among older adults, particularly widowed women and those without formal pensions. Over 22% of older respondents in urban Ghana reported living alone, a sharp contrast to previous decades, where co-residence with adult children was the norm. Many older Ghanaians don’t have reliable caregivers.
As a PhD candidate in population studies at the University of Ghana, I focus on health-related quality of life among older adults. This article draws from my doctoral fieldwork in urban and rural Ghana, using qualitative interviews to uncover the lived realities of ageing alone.
The study highlights a gap in Ghana’s ageing policies: they overlook solitary elders who live without daily family support.
The paper calls for integrated social protection for older adults living alone. That would include subsidised healthcare, community outreach services, emergency care networks, and community-based mental health interventions.
What old people had to say
Focus group discussions revealed that older adults struggle with emotional loneliness, financial anxiety and health system constraints. Despite the presence of pension associations, many older adults feel forgotten. Spiritual activities and reading offer moments of solace, but limited National Health Insurance Scheme coverage, rising living costs, and declining family support deepen the hardship.
Focus groups revealed that older women were particularly vulnerable due to widowhood, land insecurity and declining support from children. Men, while respected, felt idle and underutilised. Participants spoke of finding strength in farming, faith and fellowship, but felt forgotten in national development planning.
Ghana’s National Ageing Policy (2010) promises integrated care, but older adults, especially women, are slipping into the cracks of urban anonymity.
Ageing here is not just biological, it is physical, psychological and economic. My broader research affirms that the majority of older adults in Ghana worked in the informal sector. They therefore have no access to formal pensions or post-retirement income security.
Participants in my most recent research shared how they felt:
I was a seamstress all my life. Now my eyes are failing. No pension, no money. I survive on cassava and prayer. – 66-year-old retired woman
Ageing in Ghana is like walking into a forest — you disappear quietly. No one sees you. — 69-year-old woman
This statement underscores the gendered experience of ageing, where women often face greater economic and emotional vulnerability due to widowhood, longer life expectancy, and social neglect.
We are not dying yet. We want to matter again. – 70-year-old man
We have houses, but not homes anymore. – 75-year-old man
What next
The implications of this neglect are staggering. According to the World Health Organization, loneliness and social isolation among the elderly are associated with a 50% increased risk of dementia, depression and premature death. In Ghana, there are added challenges of inaccessible health facilities and cultural stigma about ageing. Yet most people aren’t talking about it.
Ghana introduced the National Ageing Policy in 2010 to promote the health, security and participation of older people in national development. But many elderly people still live without affordable healthcare, age-friendly infrastructure or a regular income.
What Ghana needs now is not another grand policy document. It needs practical, community-rooted and state-supported action.
Decentralised community geriatric care: Train district-level health volunteers in geriatric care, and equip them with basic tools to support older people in their homes.
Pension and informal sector integration: Extend Ghana’s pension framework to informal sector workers.
Public awareness campaigns: Reframe ageing in national media not as decline but as contribution, highlighting elder wisdom, resilience, and ongoing social relevance.
Urban planning for ageing: Incorporate age-friendly elements like ramps, benches, toilets and signage into development plans.
None of this is charity. It is a strategic investment. In 2021, Ghana spent less than 0.5% of its national health budget on elderly-specific care. That is fiscally short-sighted. Healthier, engaged older adults reduce family burdens, boost social capital, and can even contribute economically by training and mentoring others.
In the communities I visited, I encountered grassroots interventions worth scaling up: church youth groups providing weekly food support, pensioners’ associations checking in on members, and intergenerational community storytelling sessions that rebuild emotional bonds.
In Ghana’s Akan tradition, elders are considered living libraries. Their absence from the communal space is not just a social loss, it is a cultural erasure.
If the elderly are neglected, anyone may wake up on the wrong side of the demographic line one day, wondering if they too will be forgotten.
Andrew Kweku Conduah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Philip Harrison, Professor School of Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand
South African president Cyril Ramaphosa met senior leaders of Johannesburg and Gauteng, the province it’s located in, in March 2025 to discuss ways to arrest the steep decline in South Africa’s largest city.
Ramaphosa announced a two-year-long presidential intervention to tackle some of the city’s most pressing issues. It is to be led by the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group with eight cross-governmental and multi-stakeholder workstreams.
Johannesburg was established 130 years ago, where the world’s largest-ever gold deposits were discovered. It grew rapidly in the early 20th century and became the country’s economic heartland and largest population centre. Like all South African cities, it was deeply scarred by apartheid policies. People were divided by racially defined groups. Good services and a strong economy benefited a minority, and a black majority were pushed into impoverished ghettos.
But, for about the first two decades of post-apartheid rule from 1994, Johannesburg led the country with innovation and progressive change. It pioneered the new local government system, institutional reforms, new practice on city strategy and planning, pro-poor service delivery, and modern transport infrastructure.
Today, however, the city is in a dire state. Over the past decade, roughly coinciding with the arrival of messy coalition governance in 2016, sound political leadership, administrative stability and financial management have crumbled. Underinvestment in infrastructure maintenance has led to collapsing services. Public trust is deteriorating among increasingly frustrated communities. This was evident in local election results. It also shows up in recent data released by the Gauteng City-Region Observatory on public trust in local government.
Corruption in many parts of the city is an endemic complicating factor.
The presidential intervention is designed to address this complex interplay between embedded legacies and failings post-apartheid. The workstreams involving city officials and concerned stakeholders are generating ideas for priority actions. There is also a new energy in the city government, with the executive mayor and members of his mayoral committee making turnaround promises.
This long overdue attention is heartening. But some caution is called for. While some “quick wins” are needed, there will be no easy turnaround. The best prospect is likely to be a process of recovery that will require patience and methodical attention over the long term. A city cannot be repaired in the way an automobile can. A city has a trillion moving parts and is in a constant state of makeover, as dynamics of economy, technology, demography, environment, society, politics, and more, interact and produce change.
The question is not whether a city is fixed – it can never finally be – but rather what trajectory it is on. For Johannesburg, the question is how to exit the downward spiral and begin the process of reconstruction.
We are a group who previously worked in the City of Johannesburg as officials, who are now academics with decades of experience observing local governance trends and dynamics, or scholars engaged in civil society coalitions or communities mobilising around the crisis. Some of us have been involved in the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group over the last few months.
Our view is that there are four areas needing urgent but sustained attention.
Focus areas
The first is the need for a joint effort across national, provincial and municipal government to resolve the crisis. We are pleased that this has begun. The political leadership in the city (and of the province) failed to grasp the opportunity provided by the post-2024 election national compromises to put together a broad-based government of local unity to lead reconstruction. There is no option now but to pursue an inter-governmental initiative led by national government with the committed involvement of the other spheres.
Only genuine collaboration will succeed.
In this respect, the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group holds promise. But what will be needed is careful, concerted work focused first on short-term priorities. Then, over years, on key structural challenges facing the city.
Second, the city needs civil society in all its forms to hold a careful balance between keeping up the pressure on municipal government, constantly holding it accountable to its residents, and working with government to help it solve problems. The Joburg Crisis Alliance, Jozi-my-Jozi, WaterCAN and similar initiatives are claiming well-recognised and respected voice in the affairs of the municipality.
Johannesburg needs a city government that is open to this scrutiny, accepting the need for transparency, and open to the help that civil society can offer.
To raise the level of accountability and collaboration, a clear programme of restoration has to be communicated openly to the public. Milestones and expenditure requirements need to be set that allow for constant monitoring. There must be open council meetings, and regular online and in-person briefings.
Also required are new mechanisms for citizen-based monitoring. These may include trained citizen monitors reporting on service delivery. Alternatively, the establishment of a sort of “Citizen’s Council” which meets regularly to receive reports from these monitors and the city administration.
International examples include the Bürgerrat model. This is now fully institutionalised in parts of Germany and Austria to strengthen local democracy and accountability. In this model, citizens are randomly selected to sit on a council which monitors performance of local government and provides new ideas.
Another approach could be for civil society organisations to be invited to a Citizen’s Council that would act in support of the oversight processes of the elected Municipal Council.
Third, there has to be a solution to unstable coalition governments. These seem to be structured to facilitate separate political fiefdoms where spoils can be divided in the allocation of portfolios. At minimum, the presidential intervention must provide for a check and balance on processes where bureaucratic appointments and budgetary allocations may serve the interests of cronyism. For example, there should be transparency and rigour in appointments to the boards of Johannesburg’s municipally owned companies.
Regulatory reforms are required in the political arena. This should include rules for the distribution of seats on the municipal executive and the election of mayors. Between January 2023 and August 2024 a tiny minority party held the mayoralty because the larger parties could not agree on a mayoral selection or, more cynically, to ensure that the executive mayor could not call large parties to account.
More importantly, though, there has to be a change in political culture. This is a longer-term process.
Fourth, the problems run far deeper than what bureaucratic reorganisation can achieve.
The longer-term project is to build a capable administration with clear political direction and oversight but insulated from personal agendas and factional battles. The administration became confused and demoralised because of the political instability over an extended period. There are, however, still many capable and committed public servants in the city bureaucracy. The focus should be on working with them to rebuild the administration, making it a place where talent and initiative are recognised and rewarded.
Restored political leadership and a rejuvenated administration is needed for a long term process, extending far beyond the quick wins. This process will involve refurbishing the decaying network infrastructure, restoring financial stability, reestablishing social trust and returning confidence to the city’s economy.
2025 marks 30 years since the first democratic local elections. National government is looking seriously at sweeping municipal reforms. And the next municipal election – likely to be held at the end of 2026 – is an opportunity to make a deep transformation effort. Citizens can ensure that parties contesting the election place Johannesburg’s recovery at the heart of their agenda.
Philip Harrison has received funding from South Africa’s National Research Foundation in support of the South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning.
The Gauteng City-Region Observatory receives core grant funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government.
Lorena Nunez Carrasco received funding from the National Research Foundation in support of research on the South African response on COVID-19
Rashid Seedat receives funding from Gauteng Provincial Government for the Gauteng City-Region Observatory. He is affiliated with the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation as a member of the Board of Trustees.
The Lancet has released its second global commission report on Adolescent Health and Wellbeing. Adolescents are defined as 10- to 24-year-olds. The report builds on the first one, done in 2016. The latest report presents substantial original research that supports actions it recommends to be taken across sectors as well as at global, regional, country and local level. The co-chairs of the commission, Sarah Baird, Alex Ezeh and Russell Viner, together with the youth commissioners lead, Shakira Choonara, give a guide to the report’s findings.
What were the key findings?
The report noted significant improvements in some aspects of adolescent health and wellbeing since the 2016 report. These include reductions in:
communicable, maternal and nutritional diseases, particularly among female adolescents
the burden of disease from injuries
substance use, specifically tobacco and alcohol
teenage pregnancy.
It also found that there had been an increase in age at first marriage and in education, especially for young women.
Despite this progress, adolescent health and wellbeing is said to be at a tipping point. Continued progress is being undermined by rapidly escalating rates of
non-communicable diseases and mental disorders, accompanied by threats from compounding and intersecting megatrends. These include climate change and environmental degradation, the growing power of commercial influences on health, rising conflict and displacement, rapid urbanisation, and the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.
These megatrends are outpacing responses from national governments and the international community.
What’s unique about today’s cohort of adolescents?
Born between 2000 and 2014, this is the first cohort of humans who will live their entire life in a time when the average annual global temperature has consistently been 0.5°C or higher above pre-industrial levels.
At roughly 2 billion adolescents, they are the largest cohort of adolescents in the history of humanity. And this number will not be surpassed as populations age and fertility rates fall in even the poorest countries.
They are the first generation of global digital natives. They live in a world of immense resources and opportunities, with unprecedented connectedness made possible by the rapid expansion of digital technologies. This is true even in the hardest-to-reach places.
Growing participation in secondary and tertiary education is equipping adolescents of all genders with new economic opportunities and providing pathways out of poverty.
These opportunities, however, are not being realised for most adolescents. Increasing numbers continue to grow up in settings with limited opportunities. In addition, investments in adolescent health and wellbeing continue to lag relative to their population share or their share of the global burden of disease.
Investments in adolescents accounted for only 2.4% of the total development assistance for health in 2016-2021. This was despite the fact that adolescents accounted for 25.2% of the global population in that period and 9.1% of the total burden of disease. We use development assistance as a measure because, while governments also invest in adolescents, it’s difficult to account for how much this is. For example, when a government supports a health facility, it serves the entire population.
Yet, the report provides evidence to show that the return on investments in adolescent health and wellbeing is highly cost-effective and at par with investments in children.
What’s the news for adolescents in Africa?
The report recognises the special place of Africa in the global future of adolescents. It notes that, by the end of this century, nearly half of all adolescents will live in Africa.
Currently, adolescents in Africa experience higher burdens of communicable, maternal and nutritional diseases, at more than double the global average for both male and female adolescents. They also have a higher prevalence of anaemia, adolescent childbearing, early marriage and HIV infection. They are much less likely to complete 12 years of schooling and more likely to not be in education, employment, or training.
Female adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa have the highest adolescent fertility rate at 99.4 births per 1,000 female adolescents aged 15-19 (the global average is 41.8). They have also experienced the slowest decline between 2016 and 2022.
Globally, there was progress in reducing child marriage between 2016 and 2022. But in eight countries in 2022, at least one in three female adolescents aged 15–19 years was married. All but one of these eight countries were in sub-Saharan Africa. Niger (50.2%) and Mali (40.6%) had the highest proportion of married female adolescents.
The practice of child marriage is declining in south Asia and becoming more concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa. As the report notes:
it continues because of cultural norms, fuelled by economic hardships, insurgency, conflict, ambiguous legal provisions, and lack of political will to enforce legal provisions.
What should be Africa’s focus areas?
Beyond adolescent sexual and reproductive health concerns in sub-Saharan Africa, obesity is increasing fastest in the region. This illustrates the vulnerability of adolescents to the power of commercial interests.
Since 1990, obesity and overweight has increased by 89% in prevalence among adolescents aged 15–19 years in sub-Saharan Africa. This is the largest regional increase.
The absence of data on adolescents is a problem. Adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa are absent in many data systems. For example, data on adolescent mental health in sub-Saharan Africa is virtually absent.
Stronger data systems are needed to understand and track progress on the complex set of determinants of adolescent health and wellbeing.
Another area of concern is the massive inequities within countries, often gendered or by geography. While female adolescents in Kenya are experiencing substantial declines in the burden of HIV and sexually transmitted infections, adolescent males are experiencing increasing burdens. In South Africa, years of healthy life lost to maternal disorders show more than 10-fold differences between the Western Cape and North West provinces.
Where there’s been strong political leadership, remarkable changes have been seen. Take the case of Benin Republic. The adolescent fertility rate in the country declined from 26% in 1996 to 20% in 2018 and child marriage from 39% to 31% over the same period. Strong political leadership has also led to substantial reductions in female genital mutilation or cutting. This fell from 12% of girls in Benin in 2001 to 2% in 2011–12 among 15–19-year-old girls in Benin Republic. Political leadership also facilitated the expansion, by the national parliament in 2021, of the grounds under which women, girls, and their families could access safe and legal abortion.
But for every country that takes positive steps to protect the health and wellbeing of adolescents, several others regress.
The last decade has witnessed regression in several countries. In 2024, The Gambia attempted to repeal a 2015 law criminalising all acts of female genital mutilation or cutting. In 2022, Nigeria’s federal government ordered the removal of sex education from the basic education curriculum.
What are the recommended courses of action?
The report calls for a multisectoral approach across multiple national ministries and agencies, including the office of the head of state, and within the UN system.
Coordination and accountability mechanisms for adolescent health and wellbeing also need to be strengthened.
Laws and policies are needed to protect the health and rights of adolescents, reduce the impact of the commercial determinants of health, and promote healthy use of digital and social media spaces and platforms.
Strong political leadership at local, national, and global levels is essential.
The report also calls for prioritised investments, the creation of enabling environments to transform adolescent health and wellbeing, and the development of innovative approaches to address complex and emerging health threats.
It calls for meaningful engagement of adolescents in policy, research, interventions and accountability mechanisms that affect them.
Without these concerted actions, we risk failing our young people and losing out on the investments being made in childhood at this second critical period in their development.
The current adverse international aid climate is particularly affecting adolescents as much development assistance relates to gender and sexual and reproductive health. Concerted action in addressing adolescent health and wellbeing is an urgent imperative for sub-Saharan Africa.
Alex Ezeh is a fellow at the Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study (Stias).
Russell Viner and Sarah Baird do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
South African president Cyril Ramaphosa met senior leaders of Johannesburg and Gauteng, the province it’s located in, in March 2025 to discuss ways to arrest the steep decline in South Africa’s largest city.
Ramaphosa announced a two-year-long presidential intervention to tackle some of the city’s most pressing issues. It is to be led by the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group with eight cross-governmental and multi-stakeholder workstreams.
Johannesburg was established 130 years ago, where the world’s largest-ever gold deposits were discovered. It grew rapidly in the early 20th century and became the country’s economic heartland and largest population centre. Like all South African cities, it was deeply scarred by apartheid policies. People were divided by racially defined groups. Good services and a strong economy benefited a minority, and a black majority were pushed into impoverished ghettos.
But, for about the first two decades of post-apartheid rule from 1994, Johannesburg led the country with innovation and progressive change. It pioneered the new local government system, institutional reforms, new practice on city strategy and planning, pro-poor service delivery, and modern transport infrastructure.
Today, however, the city is in a dire state. Over the past decade, roughly coinciding with the arrival of messy coalition governance in 2016, sound political leadership, administrative stability and financial management have crumbled. Underinvestment in infrastructure maintenance has led to collapsing services. Public trust is deteriorating among increasingly frustrated communities. This was evident in local election results. It also shows up in recent data released by the Gauteng City-Region Observatory on public trust in local government.
Corruption in many parts of the city is an endemic complicating factor.
The presidential intervention is designed to address this complex interplay between embedded legacies and failings post-apartheid. The workstreams involving city officials and concerned stakeholders are generating ideas for priority actions. There is also a new energy in the city government, with the executive mayor and members of his mayoral committee making turnaround promises.
This long overdue attention is heartening. But some caution is called for. While some “quick wins” are needed, there will be no easy turnaround. The best prospect is likely to be a process of recovery that will require patience and methodical attention over the long term. A city cannot be repaired in the way an automobile can. A city has a trillion moving parts and is in a constant state of makeover, as dynamics of economy, technology, demography, environment, society, politics, and more, interact and produce change.
The question is not whether a city is fixed – it can never finally be – but rather what trajectory it is on. For Johannesburg, the question is how to exit the downward spiral and begin the process of reconstruction.
We are a group who previously worked in the City of Johannesburg as officials, who are now academics with decades of experience observing local governance trends and dynamics, or scholars engaged in civil society coalitions or communities mobilising around the crisis. Some of us have been involved in the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group over the last few months.
Our view is that there are four areas needing urgent but sustained attention.
Focus areas
The first is the need for a joint effort across national, provincial and municipal government to resolve the crisis. We are pleased that this has begun. The political leadership in the city (and of the province) failed to grasp the opportunity provided by the post-2024 election national compromises to put together a broad-based government of local unity to lead reconstruction. There is no option now but to pursue an inter-governmental initiative led by national government with the committed involvement of the other spheres.
Only genuine collaboration will succeed.
In this respect, the Presidential Johannesburg Working Group holds promise. But what will be needed is careful, concerted work focused first on short-term priorities. Then, over years, on key structural challenges facing the city.
Second, the city needs civil society in all its forms to hold a careful balance between keeping up the pressure on municipal government, constantly holding it accountable to its residents, and working with government to help it solve problems. The Joburg Crisis Alliance, Jozi-my-Jozi, WaterCAN and similar initiatives are claiming well-recognised and respected voice in the affairs of the municipality.
Johannesburg needs a city government that is open to this scrutiny, accepting the need for transparency, and open to the help that civil society can offer.
To raise the level of accountability and collaboration, a clear programme of restoration has to be communicated openly to the public. Milestones and expenditure requirements need to be set that allow for constant monitoring. There must be open council meetings, and regular online and in-person briefings.
Also required are new mechanisms for citizen-based monitoring. These may include trained citizen monitors reporting on service delivery. Alternatively, the establishment of a sort of “Citizen’s Council” which meets regularly to receive reports from these monitors and the city administration.
International examples include the Bürgerrat model. This is now fully institutionalised in parts of Germany and Austria to strengthen local democracy and accountability. In this model, citizens are randomly selected to sit on a council which monitors performance of local government and provides new ideas.
Another approach could be for civil society organisations to be invited to a Citizen’s Council that would act in support of the oversight processes of the elected Municipal Council.
Third, there has to be a solution to unstable coalition governments. These seem to be structured to facilitate separate political fiefdoms where spoils can be divided in the allocation of portfolios. At minimum, the presidential intervention must provide for a check and balance on processes where bureaucratic appointments and budgetary allocations may serve the interests of cronyism. For example, there should be transparency and rigour in appointments to the boards of Johannesburg’s municipally owned companies.
Regulatory reforms are required in the political arena. This should include rules for the distribution of seats on the municipal executive and the election of mayors. Between January 2023 and August 2024 a tiny minority party held the mayoralty because the larger parties could not agree on a mayoral selection or, more cynically, to ensure that the executive mayor could not call large parties to account.
More importantly, though, there has to be a change in political culture. This is a longer-term process.
Fourth, the problems run far deeper than what bureaucratic reorganisation can achieve.
The longer-term project is to build a capable administration with clear political direction and oversight but insulated from personal agendas and factional battles. The administration became confused and demoralised because of the political instability over an extended period. There are, however, still many capable and committed public servants in the city bureaucracy. The focus should be on working with them to rebuild the administration, making it a place where talent and initiative are recognised and rewarded.
Restored political leadership and a rejuvenated administration is needed for a long term process, extending far beyond the quick wins. This process will involve refurbishing the decaying network infrastructure, restoring financial stability, reestablishing social trust and returning confidence to the city’s economy.
2025 marks 30 years since the first democratic local elections. National government is looking seriously at sweeping municipal reforms. And the next municipal election – likely to be held at the end of 2026 – is an opportunity to make a deep transformation effort. Citizens can ensure that parties contesting the election place Johannesburg’s recovery at the heart of their agenda.
Philip Harrison has received funding from South Africa’s National Research Foundation in support of the South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning.
The Gauteng City-Region Observatory receives core grant funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government.
Lorena Nunez Carrasco received funding from the National Research Foundation in support of research on the South African response on COVID-19
Rashid Seedat receives funding from Gauteng Provincial Government for the Gauteng City-Region Observatory. He is affiliated with the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation as a member of the Board of Trustees.
The West Indian Foundation praised Dr. Cato T, Laurencin for his longstanding activities, “Your unwavering dedication and commitment have played a significant role in advancing our mission and strengthening our community. Your generosity and consistent support have been a cornerstone of our ability to serve the community. Whenever the West Indian Foundation has faced challenges, you have always stepped forward, ensuring that we can continue our important work. Your selflessness and commitment have made a profound impact, allowing us to grow and extend our reach.”
Samuel J. Laurencin, M.D., Ph.D., the nephew of Dr. Cato T. Laurencin, accepted the award on Dr. Laurencin’s behalf. Dr. Samuel Laurencin is a board-certified orthopaedic surgeon who trained at UConn.
Dr. Cato T. Laurencin has a strong connection to the West Indian community as his father was born in St. Lucia. He was awarded a Lifetime Achievement Award by the West Indian Foundation in 2015. In 2025, Sir Cato T. Laurencin received Knighthood under the auspices of King Charles III of England through the Governor-General of St. Lucia.
The mission of the West Indian Foundation Inc. is to foster and strengthen a sense of unity within the West Indian community through strategic partnerships in the areas of health, education, business, and culture. The Foundation is dedicated to preserving the identity, history, and unique cultural heritage of the West Indian community while continuing to educate the community at large in these traditions.
At UConn Laurencin is the University Professor and Albert and Wilda Van Dusen Distinguished Endowed Professor of Orthopaedic Surgery at UConn School of Medicine, professor of Chemical Engineering, professor of Materials Science and Engineering, and professor of Biomedical Engineering at the University of Connecticut. He is chief executive officer of The Cato T. Laurencin Institute for Regenerative Engineering, a cross-university institute created and named in his honor at the University of Connecticut.
Laurencin is an expert in public health, especially as it pertains to racial and ethnic health and health disparities. Academically, he completed the Program in African American Studies at Princeton University. He is a core professor of Africana Studies at UConn and is the editor-in-chief of the Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities, published by Springer/Nature, the leading journal in the field. He has served as the chair of the National Academy of Sciences Roundtable on Black Men and Black Women in Science, Engineering, and Medicine. Laurencin co-founded the W. Montague Cobb/NMA Health Institute, dedicated to addressing racial health disparities, and served as its founding chair of the board. The W. Montague Cobb/NMA Institute and the National Medical Association created the Cato T. Laurencin Lifetime Research Achievement Award which is bestowed at the opening ceremonies of the National Medical Association’s annual meeting. Laurencin is the recipient of the Spingarn Medal, the highest honor of the NAACP. The medal is presented for the “highest or noblest achievement by a living African American during the preceding year or years in any honorable field.”
Laurencin received the 2014 Greater Hartford Torch of Liberty Award from the Anti-Defamation League in recognition of his commitment to social justice and public service. He received the Community Service Award from the Urban League of Greater Hartford. He has been honored by the Hartford Public School System and the Connecticut State Legislature for his work in the community and has been recognized as a Connecticut Health Care Hero by Connecticut Magazine.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese says his second term government is “focused on delivery” of its commitments, declaring this is important not only for the economy but also for Australians’ faith in our democracy.
In a speech to the National Press Club on Tuesday, partially released ahead of delivery, Albanese warns that the present era of global uncertainty reaches beyond just economic uncertainty.
“It is the more corrosive proposition that politics and government and democratic institutions, including a free media, are incapable of meeting the demands of this moment.
“Some simply dismiss such sentiment. Others cynically seek to harvest it. Our responsibility is to disprove it.
“To recognise that some of this frustration is drawn from people’s real experience with government – be it failures of service delivery, or falling through the cracks of a particular system.
“And to counter this, we have to offer the practical and positive alternative.To prove that a good, focused, reforming Labor government can make a real difference to people’s lives.”
Albanese’s speech comes ahead of his departure later this week for the G7 summit in Canada, where he is expected to meet US President Donald Trump on the sidelines.
Their talks are set to cover, in particular, the Albanese government’s bid for relief from the Trump tariffs and the president’s desire for Australia to significantly boost its spending on defence.
Australia is subject to both the general US 10% tariff and the separate tariff on steel and aluminium, which the president has just increased to 50%.
Australia will put on the table a proposal for arrangements on access to our critical minerals and rare earths, that will favour the US. The government has also been examining a way to give access to US beef, which currently faces an effective ban on biosecurity grounds.
Albanese has stressed that any change would not compromise Australian biosecurity.
The Trump administration has flagged it would like to see Australia boost defence spending to 3.5% of GDP. Albanese has said Australia makes its own defence decisions and that spending should be based on capability needs rather than a set percentage.
Albanese’s stress, in his speech, on “delivery” of commitments is partly to manage expectations in the wake of the government’s massive majority.
The unexpected election result has led to some pressures on the government to use its position to undertake a more radical agenda than the one it put at the election.
Albanese says: “Our government’s vision and ambition for Australia’s future was never dependent on the size of our majority.
“But you can only build for that future vision if you build confidence that you can deliver on urgent necessities.
“How you do that is important too – ensuring that the actions of today, anticipate and create conditions for further reform tomorrow.”
He says the government’s second-term agenda has been shaped by Australians’ lives, priorities and values.
“It is the mission and the measure of a Labor government to give those enduring ideals of fairness, aspiration and opportunity renewed and deeper meaning, for more Australians.
“To deliver reforms that hold no-one back – and drive progress that leaves no-one behind.
“This is no small task. It demands we aim high and requires us to build big.”
He points to the government’s promised big investment in Medicare as well as its commitments on housing and the energy transition.
“Our vision is for a society that is a microcosm for the world – where all are respected and valued and our diversity is recognised as a strength.
“Where our international relationships in the fastest growing region of the world in human history benefit us, but also provide a platform for us to play a stabilising global role in uncertain times.”
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Despite serving as crucial guardians of biodiversity, traditional communities continue to be systematically excluded from developing and managing protected areas. This often subtle, silent exclusion has fueled persistent, complex socio-environmental conflicts, harming both conservation and the welfare of Indigenous peoples, riverside populations, Afro-Brazilian quilombola communities, and smallholder farmers.
A recent study, “Socio-environmental Conflicts and Traditional Communities in Protected Areas: A Scientometric Analysis,” published in the Journal for Nature Conservation, mapped how scientific literature has examined these conflicts over time.
Researchers from the Federal University of Western Pará (UFOPA), the Federal University of Pará (UFPA), the University of International Integration of Afro-Brazilian Lusophony (UNILAB), and the Vale Institute of Technology (ITV) collaborated on the study as part of the National Institute of Science and Technology in Synthesis of Amazonian Biodiversity (INCT-SynBiAm) and the Eastern Amazon Biodiversity Research Program (PPBio-AmOr).
The team reviewed 263 scientific articles published worldwide between 1990 and August 2024, sourced from Scopus and Web of Science. Their analysis revealed significant gaps in research on this topic and offered recommendations for more just, inclusive, and effective management of protected territories.
What does science reveal about these conflicts?
The research shows not only a rise in conflicts involving traditional communities and protected zones, but also their diversity. The main sources of tension are:
1. Access to subsistence resources: Local prohibitions—often unilaterally enacted—restrict fishing, hunting, gathering, and subsistence agriculture, all vital for food and income. These constraints sever longstanding traditions of sustainable resource use, leading to food insecurity and marginalization.
2. Exclusionary management of protected areas: Community voices are rarely included in decisions about protected area creation or management. The absence of prior consultation and disregard for traditional knowledge often yield policies disconnected from local realities. Such centralized management breeds resentment and undermines conservation; participatory governance is essential to socio-environmental justice.
A study in Chile involving Aymaras, Atacameñas, and Mapuche-Huilliches communities found that while participatory practices and technical support from the CONAF forest agency improved perceptions, dissatisfaction persists due to initial exclusion. Many continue to assert ancestral land rights and demand meaningful input, highlighting the urgent need to build trust and align conservation with social justice.
3. Conflicts involving wildlife: Local communities contend with damaged crops, attacks on domestic animals, and even threats to personal safety. Large mammals such as elephants, lions, jaguars, and buffalo are the main culprits. Habitat loss and depleted food sources exacerbate these incidents. Peaceful coexistence requires inclusive, context-specific solutions.
4. Territorial disputes and land rights: Many protected areas overlap with territories long used by traditional peoples. Disavowed land rights provoke legal battles, forced displacement, and greater insecurity, compounding social challenges. Formal recognition of collective land title is key to reducing conflict and ensuring autonomy; these disputes exemplify the global fight for territorial justice.
In Mexico, a recent study documents the impact of land privatization, livestock expansion, plantations, and urbanization in the protected areas of Veracruz, Chiapas, and Morelos. It generated a land market that is disrupting Indigenous and peasant communities and threatening both their territories and forest conservation.
5. Cultural and socioeconomic disruption: Establishing protected areas can upend ways of life rooted in symbolic, generational relationships with nature. Prohibiting customary practices disrupts rituals, beliefs, and the intergenerational transmission of knowledge, silently eroding local cultures.
In the United States, Australia, and New Zealand, studies have noted frequent friction between Indigenous groups, recreational visitors, and managing agencies. Issues include access to sacred sites and resources on traditional lands, visitor infrastructure, permitted activities, and even place names.
6. Lack of recognition and real participation: When communities are denied a voice in decisions, historical inequities deepen, fueling conflict. Despite legal progress, many traditional groups remain excluded from governance. Without meaningful participation, environmental policy fails to address local needs—highlighting the urgent need for community leadership and real power-sharing in conservation.
Italy’s Monti Sibillini National Park in the Central Apennines offers an instructive case: rural depopulation has coincided with rising friction between environmental managers and locals. Imposed bureaucratic guidelines, unresponsiveness to community aspirations, and challenging collaboration between the park and municipalities have generated mutual frustration and hostility. This underscores the need for “knowledge democracy” and truly participatory stewardship that respects diverse ways of living on the land.
Within Brazil, the same types of socio-environmental strife observed worldwide are especially acute in national protected areas. Research shows that even in sustainably managed zones like Extractive Reserves, communities regularly face resource restrictions and limited decision-making power—a recipe for lingering resentment and compromised conservation. Centralized authority and denial of customary land rights often lead to drawn-out disputes, mirroring patterns across the Global South.
These findings highlight Brazil’s urgent need for strong co-management models—mechanisms that value local knowledge and foster territorial justice.
Such tensions cluster in nature reserves and national parks, where regulatory regimes often disregard local lifeways and worldviews. Although the law guarantees consultation and participation mechanisms like free, prior, and informed consultation, they are often ignored or implemented ineffectively.
Another key finding: 66.54% of studies focused on non-Indigenous populations, while only 16.73% examined Indigenous peoples exclusively. This imbalance exposes the under-representation of research attentive to the full range of traditional communities.
Such gaps hinder efforts to understand these peoples’ rich cultural and ecological realities—and in turn, weakens recognition of their expertise and the value of their knowledge for global biodiversity conservation. Scientific consensus now affirms the vital role these communities play in preservation, yet too often they are treated as problems to be managed, not as collaborative partners.
Why does conservation demand inclusion?
Ensuring traditional communities participate in planning and stewarding protected lands is not only a matter of justice, but fundamental to effective conservation. Sustainable outcomes depend on their involvement. This study underscores the urgent need for public policies that are both inclusive and tailored to local conditions, embedding traditional knowledge as an indispensable part of conservation solutions, not as an obstacle.
Worldwide, co-management experiments show that community involvement fosters compliance with conservation rules, improves governance, and delivers stronger socio-environmental benefits.
Shifting the focus to Amazonian science
While most studies reviewed focus on countries in the Global South—like Brazil and India—research production is dominated by institutions in the Global North. This reflects persistent “parachute science”: fieldwork by foreign scientists in rich biodiversity zones, often excluding local scientists and communities from the research process. Such projects often leave little local benefit, treating Amazonian residents as data collectors or study subjects.
To address this, efforts must shift toward empowering Amazonian scientific institutions and researchers, strengthening their role in shaping conservation and research agendas, and realizing epistemic justice. Investments are especially needed in institutions serving remote, often overlooked regions of the Amazon.
With robust support, these institutions can fill crucial gaps—producing research attuned to local realities, expanding our understanding of Amazonian ecosystems, and inspiring new generations of scientists.
Researchers living and working in the Amazon possess deep, context-sensitive knowledge of the territory, enabling them to pose more relevant questions and craft solutions suited to regional challenges and opportunities. Their scholarship, in ongoing dialogue with both environment and community, enriches global science and yields practical advances that matter for daily life in the forest.
Proximity to Indigenous, riverside, and urban populations also enables more authentic community participation in research. When research projects originate from local priorities and perspectives, they strengthen communities, help protect biodiversity, and affirm the possibility of uniting science, social justice, and climate action.
Leandro Juen has a productivity grant from the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), research projects funded by CNPq, the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES), the Amazon Foundation for Studies and Research (FAPESPA) and the BRC Biodiversity Consortium.
Everton Silva, Fernando Abreu Oliveira, Fernando Geraldo de Carvalho, James Ferreira Moura Junior, José Max B. Oliveira-Junior, Karina Dias-Silva e Mayerly Alexandra Guerrero Moreno não presta consultoria, trabalha, possui ações ou recebe financiamento de qualquer empresa ou organização que poderia se beneficiar com a publicação deste artigo e não revelou nenhum vínculo relevante além de seu cargo acadêmico.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Joshua Lens, Associate Professor of Instruction of Sport & Recreation Management, University of Iowa
Former Arizona State University swimmer Grant House is one of the plaintiffs in the class action lawsuit filed against the NCAA.Mike Comer/NCAA Photos via Getty Images
The business of college sports was upended after a federal judge approved a settlement between the NCAA and former college athletes on June 6, 2025.
After a lengthy litigation process, the NCAA has agreed to provide US$2.8 billion in back pay to former and current college athletes, while allowing schools to directly pay athletes for the first time.
Joshua Lens, whose scholarship centers on the intersection of sports, business and the law, tells the story of this settlement and explains its significance within the rapidly changing world of college sports.
What will change for players and schools with this settlement?
The terms of the settlement included the following changes:
The NCAA and conferences will distribute approximately $2.8 billion in media rights revenue back pay to thousands of athletes who competed since 2016.
Universities will have the ability to enter name, image and likeness, or NIL, agreements with student-athletes. So schools can now, for example, pay them to appear in ads for the school or for public appearances.
Each university that opts in to the settlement can disburse up to $20.5 million to student-athletes in the 2025-26 academic year, a number that will likely rise in future academic years.
Athletes’ NIL agreements with certain individuals and entities will be subject to an evaluation that will determine whether the NIL compensation exceeds an acceptable range based on a perceived fair market value, which could result in the athlete having to restructure or forego the deal.
The NCAA’s maximum sport program scholarship limits will be replaced with maximum team roster size limits for universities that choose to be part of the settlement.
Why did the NCAA agree to settle with, rather than fight, the plaintiffs?
In 2020, roughly 14,000 current and former college athletes filed a class action lawsuit, House v. NCAA, seeking damages for past restrictions on their ability to earn money.
For decades, college athletics’ primary governing body, the NCAA, permitted universities whose athletics programs compete in Division I to provide their athletes with scholarships that would help cover their educational expenses, such as tuition, room and board, fees and books. By focusing only on educational expenses, the NCAA was able to reinforce the notion that collegiate athletes are amateurs who may not receive pay for participating in athletics, despite making money for their schools.
A year later, in 2021, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled in a separate case, Alston v. NCAA, that the NCAA violated antitrust laws by limiting the amount of education-related benefits, such as laptops, books and musical instruments, that universities could provide to their athletes. The ruling challenged the NCAA’s amateurism model while opening the door for future lawsuits tied to athlete compensation.
It also burnished the plaintiffs’ case in House v. NCAA, compelling college athletics’ governing body to take part in settlement talks.
What were some of the key changes that took place in college sports after the Supreme Court’s decision in Alston v. NCAA?
Following Alston, the NCAA permitted universities to dole out several thousand dollars in what’s called “education benefits pay” to student-athletes. This could include cash bonuses for maintaining a certain GPA or simply satisfying NCAA academic eligibility requirements.
But contrary to popular belief, the Supreme Court’s Alston decision didn’t let college athletes be paid via NIL deals. The NCAA continued to maintain that this would violate its principles of amateurism.
With over a dozen states looking to pass similar laws, the NCAA folded on June 30, 2021, changing its policy so athletes could accept NIL compensation for the first time.
Will colleges and universities be able to weather all of these financial commitments?
Universities and their athletics departments, on the other hand, will have to reallocate resources or cut spending. Some will cut back on travel expenses for some sports, others have paused facility renovations, while other athletic departments may resort to cutting sports whose revenue does not exceed their expenses.
As Texas A&M University athletic director Trev Alberts has explained, however, that college sports does not have a revenue problem – it has a spending problem. Even in the well-resourced Southeastern Conference, for example, many universities’ athletics expenses exceed its revenue.
Do you see any future conflicts on the horizon?
Many observers hope the settlement brings stability to the industry. But there’s always a chance that the settlement will be appealed.
More potential challenges could involve Title IX, the federal gender equity statute that prohibits discrimination based on sex in schools.
What if, for example, a university subject to the statute distributes the vast majority of revenue to male athletes? Such a scenario could violate Title IX.
NCAA President Charlie Baker, who has served in his role since 2023, has overseen major changes in conference governance and athlete compensation. David J. Griffin/Icon Sportswire via Getty Images
On the other hand, a university that more equitably distributes revenue among male and female athletes could face legal backlash from football athletes who argue that they should be entitled to more revenue, since their games earn the big bucks.
And as I pointed out in a recent law review article, an athlete or university may challenge
the new enforcement process that will attempt to limit athletes’ NIL compensation within an acceptable range that is based on a fair market valuation.
The NCAA and the conferences named in the lawsuit have hired the accountancy firm Deloitte to determine whether athletes’ compensation from NIL deals fall within an acceptable range based on a fair market valuation, looking to other collegiate and professional athletes to set a benchmark range. If athletes and universities have struck deals that are too generous, both could be penalized, according to the terms of the settlement.
Finally, the settlement does not address – let alone solve – issues facing international student-athletes who want to earn money via NIL. Most international student-athletes’ visas, and the laws regulating them, heavily limit their ability to accept compensation for work, including NIL pay. Some lawmakers have tried to address this issue in the past, but it hasn’t been a priority for the NCAA, as it has lobbied Congress for a federal NIL law.
Joshua Lens owns The Compliance Group, which provides NCAA compliance consulting services for universities and conferences.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kendall Deas, Assistant Professor of Education Policy, Law, and Politics, University of South Carolina
Originally developed as a tool to help Black children attend better schools, school voucher programs now serve a different purpose.Drazen via Getty Images
School voucher programs that allow families to use public funds to pay tuition to attend private schools have become increasingly popular.
The first vouchers were offered in the 1800s to help children in sparsely populated towns in rural Vermont and Maine attend classes in public and private schools in nearby districts.
After the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, in which justices ruled that separating children in public schools on the basis of race was unconstitutional, segregationists used vouchers to avoid school integration.
More recently, school voucher programs have been pitched as a tool to provide children from low-income families with quality education options.
As a scholar who specializes in education policy, law and politics, I can share how current policies have strayed from efforts to support low-income Black children.
History of school voucher programs
Over time, as school voucher policies grew in popularity, they evolved into education subsidies for middle-class families. Peter Dazeley/Getty Images
Research from education history scholars shows that more recent support for school choice was not anchored in an agenda to privatize public schools but rooted in a mission to support Black students.
Over time, as school voucher policies grew in popularity, they evolved into subsidies for middle-class families to send their children to private and parochial schools.
School choice policies have also expanded to include education savings account programs and vouchers funded by tax credit donations.
School voucher programs can negatively impact the quality of public schools serving Black students. Connect Images via Getty Images
States looking to add or expand school choice and voucher programs have adopted language from civil rights activists pushing for equal access to quality education for all children. For example, they contend that school choice is a civil right all families and students should have as U.S. citizens. But school voucher programs can exclude Black students and harm public schools serving Black students in a host of ways, research shows.
Since the Brown v. Board ruling, school voucher programs have been linked to racial segregation. These programs were at times used to circumvent integration efforts: They allowed white families to transfer their children out of diverse public schools into private schools.
For example, private schools that receive voucher funding are not always required to adopt the same antidiscrimination policies as public schools.
School voucher programs can also negatively impact the quality of public schools serving Black students.
As some of the best and brightest students leave to attend private or parochial ones, public schools in communities serving Black students often face declining enrollments and reduced resources.
In cities such as Macon, Georgia, families say that majority Black schools lack resources because so many families use the state’s voucher-style program to attend mostly white private schools.
Moreover, the cost of attending a private or parochial school can be so expensive that even with a school voucher, Black families still struggle to afford the cost of sending children to these schools.
Vouchers can siphon school funding
Voucher programs can disproportionately affect funding in majority Black school districts. kali9/Getty Images
Research from the Economic Policy Institute, a nonpartisan, nonprofit think tank based in Washington, D.C., shows that voucher programs in Ohio result in majority Black school systems such as the Cleveland Metropolitan School District losing millions in education funding.
Another example is the Marion County School District, a South Carolina system where about 77% of students are Black.
Marion County is in the heart of the region of the state known as the “Corridor of Shame,” known for its inadequate funding and its levels of poor student achievement. The 17 counties along the corridor are predominantly minority communities, with high poverty rates and poor public school funding because of the area’s low tax base due to a lack of industry.
On average, South Carolina school districts spent an estimated US$18,842 per student during the 2024-25 school year.
In Marion County, per-student funding was $16,463 during the 2024-2025 school year.
By comparison, in Charleston County, the most affluent in the state, per-student funding was more than $26,000.
Returning voucher policy to its roots
Rather than focus on school choice and voucher programs that take money away from public schools serving Black students, I argue that policymakers should address systemic inequities in education to ensure that all students have access to a quality education.
Establishing restrictions on the use of funds and requiring preferences for low-income Black students could help direct school voucher policies back toward their intent.
It would also be beneficial to expand and enforce civil rights laws to prevent discrimination against Black students.
These measures would help ensure all students, regardless of background, have access to quality education.
Kendall Deas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Yet as fascination with America’s founding endures, controversy colors how the revolution is taught across the United States. From contested efforts by The New York Times “1619 Project” to put slavery at the center of America’s story, to attempts to limit teaching about race and racism, partisanship surrounds the teaching of American history. Anniversaries can inspire public passion, but they can also open old wounds.
As an American historian and a naturalized citizen of the United States, I regard the American Revolution with both personal and professional interest. The fact that I grew up in the United Kingdom amuses my students to no end whenever we discuss the Revolutionary War. Sometimes, in my British-accented English, I remind them I did not personally grow up with King George. Teaching history is encouraging students to think critically about the past without dictating what emotions they should feel – patriotic or otherwise.
Sadly, in the U.S., the sort of objective historical knowledge once taken for granted now appears to be waning. According to the National Assessment of Educational Progress, just 13% of eighth graders in 2023 ranked “proficient” in American history. A 2010 survey found that 26% of adults could not identify from whom America declared its independence, with China, Mexico and France among the responses.
America divorcing France would have been news to Gilbert du Motier, better known as the Marquis de Lafayette. His commitment to the new country not only helped secure its independence, but it also helped solidify American identity decades later.
Key alliance
A privileged aristocrat who served in both the American and French revolutions, Lafayette went to war at age 19. Commissioning and equipping his own expedition across the Atlantic in 1777, he fought in many battles against the British, including decisive action at Yorktown. Earning George Washington’s confidence, Lafayette attained the rank of major general in the Continental Army.
‘The reception of Lafayette at Mount Vernon, home of Washington,’ painted by Herman Bencke around 1875. Bencke & Scott/Library of Congress
Lafayette’s enrollment in the U.S. military predated the 1778 alliance between his home country and the United States. Eventually, France’s alliance turned the tide against Great Britain on land and at sea. By the war’s end, the French had supplied some 12,000 soldiers, 22,000 sailors and dozens of warships to the American cause, plus huge financial resources. When Lafayette volunteered, however, he was one of just a few foreign volunteers – and the most acclaimed.
“Nowadays,” as historian Sarah Vowell conceded, Americans think of Lafayette as “a place, not a person.” But an abundance of cities, counties and thoroughfares named after the revolutionary hero attest to his former celebrity. During World War I, U.S. troops sailed to France under the slogan “Lafayette here we come,” promising to repay America’s debt of gratitude to France.
A growing country
Older Americans may recall the U.S. bicentennial of 1976, marked with much pageantry and even a state visit by Queen Elizabeth II. America’s semicentennial, however – the 50th anniversary of independence – played a far greater role shaping the idea of America in the minds of its citizens.
Lafayette starred in the buildup to this 1826 commemoration, the first of its kind at the national level. President James Monroe, a fellow veteran of the War of Independence, invited Lafayette to be “the guest of America,” honored as the last living major general of the Continental Army. Beginning in July 1824, at the age of 66, Lafayette embarked on a triumphal tour of all 24 states then comprising the union – nearly double the original 13.
As Lafayette headed west, borne by horse-drawn carriage, steamboat and canal barge, he journeyed across a changing America. Nowhere was America’s economic and demographic growth more evident than Cincinnati, where a crowd of 50,000 welcomed Lafayette in May 1825. Once a small frontier town, Cincinnati was growing faster than any comparably sized city in the nation: Its population increased from around 15,000 to roughly 115,000 in the quarter century following Lafayette’s visit.
He addressed his audience with emotion: “The highest reward that can be bestowed on a revolutionary veteran is to welcome him with a sight of the blessings which have issued from our struggle for independence, freedom and equal rights.”
Lafayette gave human face to America’s national commemoration. He granted citizens of frontier states like Ohio – hitherto excluded from the revolutionary narrative – license to celebrate themselves. High turnouts in western stops such as Cincinnati reflected enthusiasm for grand spectacles. They also reflected the growth of America’s print media, which had advertised his visit, and improved transportation in formerly remote regions of the country.
Lafayette’s tour culminated with a September 1825 state banquet in Washington, D.C., hosted by the new president, John Quincy Adams. Adams – the son of America’s second president, John Adams – praised “that tie of love, stronger than death,” connecting Lafayette “for the endless ages of time, with the name of Washington.”
Rose-colored glasses
The enthusiasm that welcomed Lafayette 200 years ago was authentic. But like all good history lessons, Lafayette’s legacy is open to interpretation.
His grand tour cemented the myth of “the Era of Good Feelings”: a golden age of American political harmony. In reality, the seeds of America’s civil war were already evident. Missouri’s 1820 admission to the union threatened the country’s precarious balance between states that opposed slavery and states that allowed it – a crisis Thomas Jefferson warned was “a fire bell in the night.”
Likewise, Lafayette’s lionization in the western United States coincided with the ongoing forced removal of Indigenous people. Ohio, for example, forcibly removed its last Native American tribe in 1843.
Despite the uses and abuses of historical memory and the aversion of modern historians toward hero-worship, Lafayette remains a charismatic figure – a “citizen of two worlds” who championed both abolitionism and women’s rights. I believe his fading public memory indicates a troubling amnesia. America’s anniversary offers the opportunity to reconsider his legacy, alongside revolutionary stories of Americans from all walks of life.
As Lafayette wrote home following the British army’s surrender in 1781: “Humanity has won its battle. Liberty now has a country.”
Matthew Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
When people use the term “Orwellian,” it’s not a good sign.
It usually characterizes an action, an individual or a society that is suppressing freedom, particularly the freedom of expression. It can also describe something perverted by tyrannical power.
It’s a term used primarily to describe the present, but whose implications inevitably connect to both the future and the past.
But while Orwell believed in the existence of an objective truth about history, he did not necessarily believe that truth would prevail.
President Donald Trump signed an executive order to determine whether ‘public monuments, memorials, statues, markers, or similar properties … have been removed or changed to perpetuate a false reconstruction of American history.’ Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images
Winners write the history
During World War II, the Nazis broadcast reports on German radio describing nonexistent air raids over Britain.
Orwell knew about those reports and wrote: “Now, we are aware that those raids did not happen. But what use would our knowledge be if the Germans conquered Britain? For the purposes of a future historian, did those raids happen, or didn’t they?”
The answer, Orwell wrote, was, “If Hitler survives, they happened, and if he falls, they didn’t happen. So with innumerable other events of the past ten or twenty years. … In no case do you get one answer which is universally accepted because it is true: in each case you get a number of totally incompatible answers, one of which is finally adopted as the result of a physical struggle. History is written by the winners.”
As Orwell wrote in “1984,” his final, dystopian novel, “Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the present controls the past.”
Power, Orwell appreciated, allowed those who possessed it to create their own historical narrative. It also allowed those in power to silence or censor opposing narratives, quashing the possibility of productive dialogue about history that could ultimately allow truth to come out.
The Ministry of Truth
The desire to eradicate counternarratives drives Winston Smith’s job at the ironically named Ministry of Truth in “1984.”
The novel is set in Oceania, a geographical entity covering North America and the British Isles and which governs much of the Global South.
Oceania is an absolute tyranny governed by Big Brother, the leader of a political party whose only goal is the perpetuation of its own power. In this society, truth is what Big Brother and the party say it is.
The regime imposes near total censorship so that not only dissident speech but subversive private reflection, or “thought crime,” is viciously prosecuted. In this way, it controls the present.
But it also controls the past. As the party’s protean policy evolves, Smith and his colleagues are tasked with systematically destroying any historical records that conflict with the current version of history. Smith literally disposes of artifacts of inexpedient history by throwing them down “memory holes,” where they are “wiped … out of existence and out of memory.”
At a key point in the novel, Smith recalls briefly holding on to a newspaper clipping that proved that an enemy of the regime had not actually committed the crime he had been accused of. Smith recognizes the power over the regime that this clipping gives him, but he simultaneously fears that power will make him a target. In the end, fear of retaliation leads him to drop the slip of newsprint down a memory hole.
The contemporary U.S. is a far cry from Orwell’s Oceania. Yet the Trump administration is doing its best to exert control over the present and the past.
As part of efforts to purge references to gay people, U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has ordered the removal of gay rights advocate Harvey Milk’s name from a Navy ship. Screenshot, Military.com
Other erasures have included the deletion of content on government sites related to the life of Harriet Tubman, the Maryland woman who escaped slavery and then played a pioneering role as a conductor of the Underground Railroad, helping enslaved people escape to freedom.
The administration also directed the removal of content concerning the Tuskegee Airmen, the group of African American pilots who flew missions in World War II.
Over the past several months, many of Trump’s opponents have bemoaned the fecklessness of the Democratic Party in mounting an effective opposition to the president’s agenda.
Current proponents of the “anti-woke” agenda at both the federaland state level are focused on reshaping educational curricula in a way that will make it inconceivable for future generations to question their historical claims.
Orwell’s “1984” ends with an appendix on the history of “Newspeak,” Oceania’s official language, which, while it had not yet superseded “Oldspeak” or standard English, was rapidly gaining ground as both a written and spoken dialect.
According to the appendix, “The purpose of Newspeak was not only to provide a medium of expression for the worldview and mental habits proper to the devotees of [the Party], but to make all other modes of thought impossible.”
Orwell, as so often in his writing, makes the abstract theory concrete: “The word free still existed in Newspeak, but it could only be used in such statements as ‘This dog is free from lice’ or ‘This field is free from weeds.’ … political and intellectual freedom no longer existed even as concepts.”
The goal of this language streamlining was total control over past, present and future.
If it is illegal to even speak of systemic racism, for example, let alone discuss its causes and possible remedies, it constrains the potential for, even prohibits, social change.
It has become a cliché that those who do not understand history are bound to repeat it. As George Orwell appreciated, the correlate is that social and historical progress require an awareness of, and receptivity to, both historical fact and competing historical narratives.
Laura Beers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
While many Americans do not trust national news, they still say they have faith in local news. iStock/Getty Images Plus
Many Americans say they have lost trust in national news – but most still believe they can rely on the accuracy of local news.
In 2023, trust in national newspapers, TV and radio reached historic lows. Just 32% of Americans said they have a “great deal” or “fair amount” of trust in these news sources. In 1976, by comparison, 72% of Americans said they had a “great deal” or “fair amount” of trust in mass media, including newspapers, TV and radio.
And in 2021, the United States ranked last among 46 countries in the trust citizens placed in news outlets.
Yet even as the local news industry is declining in the U.S. – more than 3,200 local and regional newspapers have closed since 2005 – Americans still place much more trust in local news than they do in national news.
In 2024, 74% of Americans said they had “a lot of” or “some” trust in their local news organizations, and 85% believed their local news outlets are at least somewhat important to their community.
Despite their trust in local news, many Americans are not willing to pay for it. Only 23% of Americans who say they pay for online news report paying for a local or regional newspaper.
News organizations in the U.S. have long relied on commercial business practices – such as advertising from companies and subscriptions from readers – that have not been financially sustainable since the mid-2000s.
Newspapers’ advertising revenue peaked around 2005 and has since rapidly declined from more than $49 billion a year in 2005 to less than $10 billion in 2020, according to the Pew Research Center. This drop was driven by the rise of the internet.
As a result, the U.S. has lost more than a third of its local and regional newspapers since 2004.
Now, “news deserts” have become more common. This term describes places where there are not enough reliable news sources to help people get information about their local communities.
Of the local newspapers that remain, 80% are weeklies, as opposed to the daily local newspapers that were more common in the past.
Americans also read local newspapers less than they once did. Since 2015, print and digital circulation numbers have dropped 40% for weekday news editions and 45% for Sunday editions among locally focused daily newspapers and their websites.
Despite local news’ problems with declining revenue and readership, Americans still trust local news – and this trust crosses partisan lines.
A 2024 Pew Research Center survey found that both Republicans and Democrats think local journalists are in touch with their local communities. The majority of Democrats and Republicans in this survey agreed that local news media “report news accurately,” “are transparent about their reporting,” “cover the most important stories/issues” and “keep an eye on local political leaders.”
This might be because local newspapers can focus on issues people encounter in their day-to-day lives rather than on national politics. In many cases, readers are also able to more easily connect with local journalists in their communities and share story ideas or feedback.
Local news gives constituents information they need to monitor whether their local leaders are implementing campaign promises. People who regularly follow local news are more likely to participate in politics, including voting in local elections, contacting a local public official and attending a town hall meeting.
A man reads the New York Post, a local New York City paper, on Nov. 5, 2008, in Grand Central Station. Don Emmert/AFP via Getty Images
Some Americans started relying more heavily on national news when local newspapers shut down, which research shows led to increases in political polarization. My research found that when people trust a partisan-leaning national news source, for example, they’re very likely to agree with the partisan-slanted news stories published by that source.
As nonpartisan local newspapers have vanished or downsized, partisan-leaning online local news content has cropped up over the past several years. These sites publish news stories that are focused on local issues but approach it with a partisan bent. As a result, people looking for local news information may take in unreliable information that is presented as local news and interpret it as trustworthy.
Verifying the origins and intentions of information continues to be paramount for news consumers to make sure they are receiving accurate information – including when it comes to local news.
While the local news industry continues to face financial problems, research shows that local journalists could consider new content ideas to increase readers’ interest, such as engaging with community members by answering their specific questions.
Meanwhile, I believe that news consumers should consider whether they are willing to pay for and continuously support the local news they say that they trust. Without that support, their trusted local news source may disappear.
Jennifer Hoewe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael A. Little, Distinguished Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Binghamton University, State University of New York
If people stopped having babies, how long would it be before humans were all gone? – Jeffrey
Very few people live beyond a century. So, if no one had babies anymore, there would probably be no humans left on Earth within 100 years. But first, the population would shrink as older folks died and no one was being born.
Even if all births were to suddenly cease, this decline would start slowly.
Eventually there would not be enough young people coming of age to do essential work, causing societies throughout the world to quickly fall apart. Some of these breakdowns would be in humanity’s ability to produce food, provide health care and do everything else we all rely on.
Food would become scarce even though there would be fewer people to feed.
As an anthropology professor who has spent his career studying human behavior, biology and cultures, I readily admit that this would not be a pretty picture. Eventually, civilization would crumble. It’s likely that there would not be many people left within 70 or 80 years, rather than 100, due to shortages of food, clean water, prescription drugs and everything else that you can easily buy today and need to survive.
Sudden change could follow a catastrophe
To be sure, an abrupt halt in births is highly unlikely unless there’s a global catastrophe. Here’s one potential scenario, which writer Kurt Vonnegut explored in his novel “Galapagos”: A highly contagious disease could render all people of reproductive age infertile – meaning that no one would be capable of having babies anymore.
A lot of these works are science fiction involving a lot of space travel. Others seek to predict a less fanciful Earth-bound future where people can no longer reproduce easily, causing collective despair and the loss of personal freedom for those who are capable of having babies.
Two of my favorite books along these lines are “The Handmaid’s Tale,” by Canadian writer Margaret Atwood, and “The Children of Men,” by British writer P.D. James. They are dystopian stories, meaning that they take place in an unpleasant future with a great deal of human suffering and disorder. And both have become the basis of television series and movies.
In the 1960s and 1970s, many people also worried that there would be too many people on Earth, which would cause different kinds of catastrophes. Those scenarios also became the focus of dystopian books and movies.
‘The Last Man on Earth’ is an American postapocalyptic comedy television series about what might happen after a deadly virus wipes out most of the people in the world.
Heading toward 10 billion people
To be sure, the number of people in the world is still growing, even though the pace of that growth has slowed down. Experts who study population changes predict that the total will peak at 10 billion in the 2080s, up from 8 billion today and 4 billion in 1974.
The U.S. population currently stands at 342 million. That’s about 200 million more people than were here when I was born in the 1930s. This is a lot of people, but both worldwide and in the U.S. these numbers could gradually fall if more people die than are born.
One thing that will be important as these patterns change is whether there’s a manageable balance between young people and older people. That’s because the young often are the engine of society. They tend to be the ones to implement new ideas and produce everything we use.
Also, many older people need help from younger people with basic activities, like cooking and getting dressed. And a wide range of jobs are more appropriate for people under 65 rather than those who have reached the typical age for retirement.
Declining birth rates
In many countries, women are having fewer children throughout their reproductive lives than used to be the case. That reduction is the most stark in several countries, including India and South Korea.
The declines in birth rates occurring today are largely caused by people choosing not to have any children or as many as their parents did. That kind of population decline can be kept manageable through immigration from other countries, but cultural and political concerns often stop that from happening.
At the same time, many men are becoming less able to father children due to fertility problems. If that situation gets much worse, it could contribute to a steep decline in population.
Neanderthals went extinct
Our species, Homo sapiens, has been around for at least 200,000 years. That’s a long time, but like all animals on Earth we are at risk of becoming extinct.
Consider what happened to the Neanderthals, a close relative of Homo sapiens. They first appeared at least 400,000 years ago. Our modern human ancestors overlapped for a while with the Neanderthals, who gradually declined to become extinct about 40,000 years ago.
Some scientists have found evidence that modern humans were more successful at reproducing our numbers than the Neanderthal people. This occurred when Homo sapiens became more successful at providing food for their families and also having more babies than the Neanderthals.
If humans were to go extinct, it could open up opportunities for other animals to flourish on Earth. On the other hand, it would be sad for humans to go away because we would lose all of the great achievements people have made, including in the arts and science.
In my view, we need to take certain steps to ensure that we have a long future on our own planet. These include controlling climate change and avoiding wars. Also, we need to appreciate the fact that having a wide array of animals and plants makes the planet healthy for all creatures, including our own species.
Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.
And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.
Michael A. Little does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Imagine finding out your friends hosted a dinner party and didn’t invite you, or that you were passed over for a job you were excited about. These moments hurt, and people often describe rejection in the language of physical pain.
While rejection can be emotionally painful, it can also teach us something.
I am a social psychology researcher, and research my colleagues and I have conducted shows that rejection can serve as a learning signal – shaping how people navigate relationships and decide whom to attempt to connect with in the future.
But why does being excluded hurt so much? From an evolutionary standpoint, our brains likely evolved to treat social rejection as a threat. For our ancestors, losing social bonds meant losing access to protection, resources, and cooperation – making social connection and belonging a fundamental human need. In other words, rejection hurts to alert you that your welfare is in danger.
Early neuroscience studies seemed to support this idea. When people were left out of a simple virtual ball-tossing game, their brain activity mirrored the response to physical pain, showing activation of a brain region called the anterior cingulate cortex.
Later studies suggested a different explanation: Perhaps it wasn’t just the pain of rejection that triggered this brain activity, but also the surprise of it. In this view, the brain responded differently to negative feedback and unexpected feedback. What might your brain do with this unexpected feedback?
Social lives aren’t defined by isolated moments of rejection. You learn through interactions: You get to know people, read their intentions, revise your assumptions and try to make sense of mixed signals. People might turn you down for all sorts of reasons – some understandable, others harder to accept. You then reflect on what these experiences mean, adjustyour behavior, and if you cross paths with them again, you get another chance to decide how you want to engage.
This is where our research takes a next step: We examine how people learn from social rejection and acceptance over time and how they use these past experiences to build future connections, deciding on whom to invest in building relationships with and whom to let go.
Rejection as an experience to learn from
My colleagues and I designed a dynamic experiment that mimics the structure of real social decisions. Using behavioral tests, brain imaging and computational modeling, we studied how people learn from repeated social feedback.
Our college-aged participants played a multi-round economic game while undergoing brain scans. First, they created personal profiles for themselves answering questions about times they were honest and trustworthy, and were told that other players would read these profiles to get to know them better. These other players, who assumed the role of “Deciders,” would then rank participants – “Responders” – in the order they wanted to play with them.
In each round, Responders were either accepted or rejected by Deciders. This depended on two things: how highly they had been ranked and how many slots the computer had allowed for that round. In reality, Responders weren’t paired with real people; the Deciders’ rankings and number of slots were generated by the computer.
Participants could receive a high rank but still get rejected if there were not enough slots. That scenario is like not receiving an invitation to a wedding due to a very tight budget – the outcome is disappointing but understandable because you know you were excluded due to circumstances and that your friend still values you. Or participants could receive a poor rank but still get accepted if there were a lot of slots. This would be similar to being picked last for a team – still getting a chance to play despite knowing you were not as desired.
This unique design allowed us to tease apart how people learn from two types of feedback. When you’re accepted, your brain notes that feeling included results in a rewarding experience. Your brain also calculates relational value, which indicates how much you think others value you. In the case of our study, relational value was indicated by how highly Responders were ranked by the Decider.
If accepted by a Decider, Responders would receive a pot of money that would triple. Responders would then get to decide whether to give half of the tripled amount back to the Decider or keep all to themselves, putting trust and reciprocity to test.
We found that Responders were more likely to choose Deciders who had accepted them and rated them highly, learning from both kinds of feedback. With neuroimaging, we identified that these learning mechanisms were distinctly tracked by different regions in the brain.
Brain areas that researchers previously foundto be active in social rejection studies, like the anterior cingulate cortex, were also activated when participants received feedback about how much they were valued. Interestingly, this activity didn’t just reflect pain or surprise; it reflected a recalibration of their perceived social worth, as this brain activity occurred when participants changed their beliefs about how others rank them.
Together, these findings suggest that the brain is doing more than reacting to rejection or reward – it’s in fact learning from it. Each social interaction helps people update internal models of who values them and who doesn’t, shaping future decisions about whom to trust, approach or avoid.
When it comes to social relationships, the two learning systems we studied here – how people respond to rewards and how they track relational value – serve an important role in interpreting social interactions and adjusting behavior. To maintain healthy relationships, you need to disentangle social rewards from how much you think others value you.
You sometimes need to recognize that your friend still values you even if they might disappoint you, like missing a birthday party for a valid reason. Without this kind of understanding, relationships can become unstable.
In fact, some mental health conditions reflect problems in these very processes. For example, borderline personality disorder is often marked by volatile relationships and intense reactions to both kindness and perceived slights.
By unpacking how people learn from acceptance and rejection, our study offers a foundation to better understand both healthy social behavior and the struggle to connect.
Begüm Babür does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
BEIJING, June 9 (Xinhua) — Chinese and Russian scientists have agreed to step up cooperation in the field of organosilicon polymers, according to the official website of Shandong University, which is located in Jinan, the capital of Shandong Province (East China).
From June 4 to 6, the university hosted a Chinese-Russian symposium on green organosilicon polymers. The ceremony was held by Feng Shengyu, a professor at the university’s Institute of Chemistry and Chemical Industry, and Aziz Muzafarov, an academician at the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAS).
The event was attended by more than one hundred people, including academicians and corresponding members of the Russian Academy of Sciences, professors from Zhejiang University, Nankai University, the Institute of Chemistry of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, as well as representatives of business circles.
“A favorable foundation for cooperation has been laid between Shandong University and the Russian Academy of Sciences. The two sides should jointly promote innovative development in the field of research on polyorganosiloxanes and high-molecular polyorganosiloxanes,” said Shandong University Rector Li Shucai, speaking at the opening ceremony of the symposium.
A. Muzafarov called on the parties to deepen exchanges and jointly solve technological problems in order to further expand the application areas of polyorganosiloxanes.
Research between China and Russia in the field of polyorganosiloxanes is complementary, Feng Shengyu noted, expressing hope that experts from both sides will make important contributions to global innovation in materials science.
Silicones are widely used in the automotive industry, aerospace, construction, electronics and medicine. The unique and universal set of properties, biological inertness and recyclability of silicones into raw materials allow them to be considered one of the most promising materials of the future. According to data, since the beginning of the 21st century, silicone production has been growing at a rate of 5-7 percent per year. -0-
Paddy Hill spent more than 16 years in prison for murders he did not commit. One of the so-called Birmingham Six who were wrongfully convicted for the Birmingham pub bombings in 1974, he was proof that exoneration and financial compensation do not fix a miscarriage of justice.
When I met him in July 2023, more than 30 years after his release from prison, his ordeal continued to haunt him. He was in his late 70s, looking frail and far from the “12 and a half stone” man he was in Parkhurst Prison. He had very little appetite and was in poor health. The little sleep he was able snatch was marred by screaming nightmares.
Neither of us knew it at the time, but this was to be his final interview. He died aged 80, on December 30 2024. I sat down to talk with Hill in his living room. Struggling to control his emotions, he told me: “Sometimes I sit in the bedroom … and I’m crying my eyes out like a child and I don’t know what the fuck happened … I’ve been so fucking screwed up.”
The ITV docudrama Mr Bates vs the Post Office thrust wrongful convictions into mainstream consciousness in January 2024 – a quarter of a century after the Post Office began prosecuting sub-postmasters and mistresses for fraud, theft, and false accounting and 15 years after Rebecca Thomson’s Computer Weekly article exposing the Horizon IT system as the potential culprit.
Now the public could finally see the human impact of miscarriages of justice on these upstanding – and, more importantly, innocent – members of their communities. Public outrage followed.
But despite the mass quashing of hundreds of convictions, and amid promises of speedy financial compensation, progress has been pitiful. While collecting a National Television Award in September 2024, former sub-postmistress Jo Hamilton confirmed that out of the “555 group”, those involved in the litigation which exposed the Horizon scandal, “more than 300 haven’t been paid yet, including Sir Alan Bates”.
Sadly, this timescale is far from unusual. In July 2023, Andrew Malkinson finally had his 2003 rape conviction overturned after several unsuccessful appeals, including unsuccessful applications in 2012 and 2020 to the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC), the independent body which investigates potential miscarriages of justice.
Crucially, the CCRC did not commission the DNA testing that finally exonerated him and did not review police files which would have shown that Greater Manchester Police had withheld crucial evidence at his trial.
Malkinson spent 17 years in prison maintaining his innocence. Perversely, he could have been released sooner had he falsely confessed. He was eventually exonerated thanks to the help of the charity Appeal, which commissioned those crucial DNA tests and unearthed the disclosure failures.
The CCRC has since acknowledged in an independent review that it “failed Mr Malkinson” with chairperson Helen Pitcher OBE (whose recent resignation was welcomed by the Ministry of Justice) eventually expressing “sincere regret and an unreserved apology on behalf of the commission”. All of this happened 12 months after Malkinson called on the CCRC to apologise to him. Malkinson said it was “shameful” that the CCRC has kept private the names of those responsible for his ordeal and delayed the publishing of the report highlighting its mishandling of his case.
The true number of miscarriages of justice is unknown. In the UK, the CCRC referral rate averages 2% including appeals of sentence. In the US, estimates of wrongful conviction and imprisonment range from 6% to 15.4%.
The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.
Inevitably, some innocent people will have their appeals denied and will remain convicted for the rest of their lives. The trauma of remaining legally guilty of a crime you did not commit cannot be overstated.
But persistent psychological ill-effects can be seen even in those who have been formally exonerated, including long-term effects on their employment and relationships.
I’ve been examining cases like this as part of a research project into the experiences of people who suffer grave miscarriages of justice. Working with Dr Mandy Winterton at Edinburgh Napier University, I interviewed several men who have been imprisoned for crimes they did not commit.
As academics with psychology and sociology backgrounds, we were predominantly interested in how victims were affected by such injustices. Previous research has documented the litany of mental health and social effects on those who have been wrongfully convicted and exonerated, and the flaws in the criminal justice system that are to blame. But little attention has been paid to individual experiences. While there were clear commonalities in the men’s stories, they all had unique perspectives.
Of the people we spoke to, Hill and a man called Jimmy Boyle spoke to us on the record and specifically requested that they be named. I have given the other men featured here pseudonyms to protect their anonymity.
Paddy Hill
Hill’s story is particularly harrowing. On November 21 1974, shortly after 8pm, bombs exploded in two pubs in Birmingham, England, killing 21 people and injuring around 200 others. They were attributed to the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), which had detonated many bombs in the West Midlands in the previous year.
Hill and his friends were arrested at Heysham Docks as they were boarding the ferry to Belfast to attend the funeral of an old friend who had been a member of the IRA. Hill said that they were initially interviewed at Morecambe police station in Lancashire, and the West Midlands Police took over their questioning the next day.
Hill and his co-accused were, says Hill, tortured by the West Midlands serious crime squad. They were subjected to anti-Irish verbal abuse, hours-long beatings over several days, mock executions, were burned with cigarettes, and deprived of sleep, food and drink. Unable to withstand this, four of the six men eventually signed false confessions, condemning them all to life imprisonment in 1975 for the murders. The six men brought a civil action against the West Midlands Police which was thrown out in 1980 by Lord Denning.
These shocking revelations eventually reached the public consciousness thanks to investigative journalist and former Labour MP Chris Mullin, who uncovered evidence of police wrongdoing and corruption. His work informed the group’s court of appeal hearing in 1987. However, the convictions were upheld by Lord Chief Justice Lane. It was only at their second appeal in 1991, after Mullin had uncovered more evidence of their innocence, that they were finally exonerated.
Despite other lines of enquiry which could have led to the real bombers – including a confession and several named suspects – the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) decided in 2023 that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute, denying justice to the families of those killed and injured.
The impact on Hill’s family was enormous. With such public vitriol for the Birmingham Six, his wife and children had to move house regularly and change their names to avoid being recognised. He told me:
Everywhere they went, sooner or later somebody found out who they were and then they’d pick on them. And sometimes my kids were going to school and they couldn’t even remember what fucking name they were supposed to be using, they were that confused.
Hill’s marriage ended while he was in prison. “I told her to divorce me. I said: ‘Meet someone, you want to get married, don’t worry about me.’ And that was it.”
He later remarried, but his relationship with his children was irretrievably destroyed. “Along the way I lost my own kids, because I came out of jail and I didn’t feel nothing for my kids. I still don’t … I’ve spent more time here with you than I have done in the last 20 fucking years with my kids.”
Though he was referred to psychologists for support, he told me none were able to help him. Over and above the pains of imprisonment, the wrongfully convicted are betrayed by the very people that we are led to believe are there to protect us. The justice system has wrought on them the worst injustice, and many will suffer from enduring anger and mistrust of authorities.
When we met, Hill was still consumed by his anger and felt badly let down: “Over the years I realised I was never going to get any professional help from the government, even though we have it in writing that they have a duty of care towards us – but they’ve never done nothing to help us … If they did, they would acknowledge what they’ve done wrong.”
Up until his death, Hill had spent much of the past 30 years helping other survivors of miscarriages of justice. Initially intending to spend his first 12 months of freedom campaigning, he “got involved with the families, and it was then I realised how bad the families had it … That’s what kept me going, coming out and campaigning.”
He established the Miscarriages of Justice Organisation (Mojo), a Glasgow-based charity dedicated to supporting the wrongfully convicted. It provides advocacy for clients in prison, aftercare and reintegration services, and dedicated psychological support offered pro-bono by a clinical psychologist.
But the demand far exceeds Mojo’s ability to help, and it may take several months for a case to be assessed. Euan McIlvride, the organisation’s legal officer, told me it typically receives “250 applications a year, and we will probably support only ten of those because the rest of them don’t meet the requirements for our support … We have finite resources.”
For Hill, keeping busy provided some relief from thinking about his ordeal.
…When you aren’t doing something, all you’re going to do is sit there and think … about things you don’t fucking want to think about. I don’t know what happens to me when I go to sleep … [My wife] hears me screaming … kicking and punching everything … I’ll be watching television and all of a sudden … BANG! It’s like a non-stop video going through your head all the time.
Chained to a radiator
The Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (Pace), which came to effect in 1986, aimed to reduce miscarriages of justice by balancing the powers of the police and the public. Pace provides safeguards for suspects during questioning, puts a limit on how long suspects can be questioned for, and insists that interviews be recorded.
This makes it easier to detect when protocols have not been followed or there may have been mistreatment or intimidation.
It doesn’t prevent such wrongdoing, however.
I spoke with one man, who I am calling Mark, who was wrongfully convicted of murder in 1988. He told me there were over one hundred breaches of Pace in his case, including being handcuffed to a hot radiator, being denied food and water, and being denied a solicitor.
One of his co-accused, a vulnerable adult, had also falsely confessed to the crime. Mark lost his first appeal in 1990 but his case went to the CCRC when it was established in 1997. The CCRC brought in another police force to investigate. He said:
When I saw [their] report … I nearly fell off my chair and nearly choked on my coffee … Everything I had said all those years ago … the handcuffing to the radiators, they proved it. All the breaches of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act … that we were interviewed off the record … Making up notes and stuff like that. I couldn’t believe it. I knew we were going home.
He subsequently pursued a civil action against the police which was settled out of court, with the force insisting the settlement did not mean it was admitting liability.
Mark also suffered a marital breakdown, after he and his wife lost their baby daughter while he was on remand:
It ripped the guts out of my marriage, you know. My wife was only 17-18, same age as me … She had a husband inside and she lost a child. And you’ve got to look at the economical impact and the mental impact it had on her … She was just as much a victim as what I was.
He started taking drugs in prison: “I didn’t care if I lived or died because I had lost everything, as far as I was concerned.”
But Mark turned himself around, got off drugs and availed himself of all the education he had access to, including law and human rights, to build the strongest possible case for his appeal. With the aid of a human rights lawyer the CCRC referred his conviction in 1998, which was then quashed by the Court of Appeal in 1999. He had spent 11 years in prison as a convicted murderer.
‘The innocence test’
After his exoneration, Mark was successful in securing over £600,000 compensation for his ordeal, though he had over £37,000 deducted for “saved living expenses”. A House of Lords ruling in 2007 deemed that those receiving compensation for a miscarriage of justice can have the amount reduced to account for “savings” made while in prison – for costs such as food, housing and other bills that they would have had to pay had they not been wrongfully incarcerated.
Considering the difficulties people face accessing any financial compensation for their wrongful imprisonment, this adds further insult to injury. The rule has since been scrapped following the high-profile Malkinson case – but deductions made prior to this are not being reimbursed.
Mark was given no financial counselling or support, and he rapidly spent the money – more than he had ever had in his life – while trying to block out his pain:
By the time six months had gone, I’d spent the hundred grand [interim payment] on wine, women, drugs … ’cause I couldn’t cope with what was going on … That was my way of blotting out all the things I saw in prison.
The money also caused a rift in his family – something echoed by others I have spoken to. After the death of his mother, his family “went their own ways”.
Nowadays, only a small proportion of those exonerated will ever receive financial compensation due to the requirements of the so-called “innocence test”.
The Criminal Justice Act 1988 made it difficult for applicants to receive compensation because there had to be a newly discovered fact – not available at the time of their original trial – that they could use to make the case that they had suffered a miscarriage of justice.
The definition of what constitutes a miscarriage of justice has become more restrictive over time, meaning an applicant now must provide evidence, beyond reasonable doubt, of their innocence. In the absence of a key witness admitting to falsifying their statement or DNA evidence proving innocence, this is unlikely.
Like Hill, Mark struggled to adjust after his exoneration and release, and found support to be woefully lacking:
I had nobody to talk to, no money, no job, no house. I didn’t have any prospects. I phoned up my solicitor … I remember saying: ‘Why did you get me out?’ It was difficult to adjust … I slept with a hammer … under my pillow – I was very paranoid … All they did was give me tablets and told me to get on with my life. No counselling. Nothing. They didn’t know what to do with people like me.
Mark still suffers with post-traumatic stress disorder and depression, and has never been able to work a normal job. He continues to campaign for the wrongfully convicted and to increase awareness of miscarriages of justice. He credits this work with giving him a sense of purpose.
Jimmy Boyle – not innocent enough?
I also spoke to James Boyle, who was acquitted at retrial of historical sexual offences after he had spent five years in prison. Boyle, from Rutherglen, who likes to be known as Jimmy, has always maintained these offences never happened.
From the outset, Boyle found processes quite at odds from how we are told they are supposed to be. He said: “Things that you should have: for example, presumption of innocence – nonsense, it doesn’t exist. None of these rights exist in reality.” He claims that lines of evidence undermining the allegations against him were not investigated. Further, he encountered professionals in the criminal justice system who he says were incompetent and even “malicious” and “criminal”.
To add further insult, he was later told that he was not considered exonerated because he did not provide evidence proving his innocence (he failed the “innocence test”). As a result, the General Teaching Council for Scotland did not reinstate him and he was unable to return to his teaching career which he had found enormously fulfilling.
Like others I have spoken to, Boyle, now in his 60s, hasn’t been able to work since his release:
There was so much involved, and fighting with the Teaching Council – you know, it was full time. It really was full time when you’re dealing with these agencies … I do plenty [at Mojo] – I’ve spoken at a number of events … But I had to continue fighting my own fight.
Martin: total lack of victim support
Miscarriages of justice have a huge effect on a person’s mental health. But my research found the impact begins long before a conviction – with effects such as anxiety, trauma and depression resulting from the wrongful allegation.
Martin (not his real name) detailed the difficulties he experienced from his initial wrongful allegation of rape – including isolation, lack of advice, and a lack of appropriate mental health support. He said:
I kept [the rape allegations] to myself and it was horrific, because I didn’t know what was going to happen … Once I was charged … I went to my GP because I was severely depressed. I could barely function. [Counselling] was actually making things worse rather than better … I had looked online … There’s victim support and there’s witness support, but if you’ve been accused there is absolutely nothing.
It took over three years from the initial allegation to court proceedings, during which time two other allegations of rape and indecent assault were made and charges were brought. Martin kept the allegations from his employers and friends:
You don’t mention it because if you mention it, you’re opening the box and then that becomes a big thing – and God help how you’re going to feel at the end of that conversation.
Convicted of rape and indecent assault (the second and third charges), he was sentenced to four years in prison, but successfully appealed on the basis that the Moorov doctrine was misapplied.
Moorov is a principle of Scottish law which allows evidence of one crime to corroborate evidence of another. As the charges against him were considered to corroborate one another, having been acquitted of the key (first) charge he should have been acquitted of all. Instead, he spent about a year in prison – yet he considers himself fortunate.
The guy [Andrew Malkinson] that won his appeal the other day spent 17 years in prison. I only spent one. And although I shouldn’t have spent any, it could have been a hell of a lot worse. There are a lot of people that haven’t been able to clear their names, there are a lot of people that have spent a long time in prison. I spent one year and managed to clear my name, so I should be thankful for what little happiness I’ve managed to get out of it.
Martin was fortunate in that he’d had a good education and had taken detailed notes during his trial, which assisted his appeal. He also helped other prisoners who were struggling to complete required forms for themselves, and managed to get a job in the prison kitchen.
Since his release, he has pursued a law degree, eager to use his experience for positive change in the justice system. “I think it’s given me a new perspective really … You know what, life’s too short – let’s just get on with it.”
What needs to be done?
People wrongly accused of crimes are in dire need of support from the moment the initial allegation is made, to help them navigate the complex legal processes and challenging psychological effects of being wrongly accused.
Currently there is woefully inadequate mental health support at all stages, from initial allegation to post-release.
Of course, there are many guilty people in prison who protest their innocence – but support should not be denied to those who maintain their innocence.
Reforms are needed to make it easier for an innocent person to appeal their conviction. The CCRC has suffered a decline in funding, from £9.24 million in 2004 to £6 million in 2022. Over this period, the workload has more than doubled while the Ministry of Justice has reduced CCRC commissioners’ terms of employment from full-time salaried positions to one-day-a-week contracts, making the workload unsustainable.
People may also face significant barriers in accessing evidence that would exonerate them such as police files, without which they have little hope of a successful appeal. This was evident in the Malkinson case, where the charity Appeal accessed the police files the CCRC had refused to look at.
The lack of accountability and consequences for those who purposely harm innocent people causes further anger and distress to the wrongfully accused and convicted. Yet those affected rarely even receive an apology. This needs to change.
Finally, there needs to be greater public awareness of wrongful convictions and allegations, their causes and consequences, and an understanding of their devastating and long-term effects. As Hill told me the year before he died:
People think you come out and they give you a few quid … [then you] walk off into the sunset and live happily ever after. If only. I would love to go to bed at night like an ordinary fucking person … without waking up so angry and tense.
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This work was supported by the BA/Leverhulme Trust grant SRG1819190884. Many thanks to Dr Mandy Winterton, co-Investigator on this research, and to the Miscarriages of Justice Organisation (MOJO) for supporting us by facilitating access to clients.
Faye Skelton is affiliated with the Miscarriages of Justice Organisation having joined the Board of Directors in April 2025.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Victoria Mapplebeck, Professor in Digital Arts, Royal Holloway University of London
Ten years ago I was at a preview screening at the British Film Institute (BFI) of short films shot and set in London. My smartphone-filmed short, 160 Characters, was part of the programme and told the story of me raising my son Jim alone.
I was excited to have my film included, but by the end of the night I was a little less euphoric. I was one of only a handful of women directors screening work that night and almost every film in the programme was set on a council estate, featuring one-dimensional characters who were either mad, bad or sad.
At the post-screening drinks, I met some of the male directors who’d written and directed those films. Several of them had put between £20,000 and £40,000 of their own money into their productions, hoping their short would be the calling card to their first feature. Having a “day job” was not a concept they seemed to have come across.
Flash forward a decade and I’m at a Reclaim The Frame preview screening of Daisy May Hudson’s feature drama Lollipop, watching her receive a standing ovation from an audience who – like me – were bowled over by the authenticity and power of her storytelling .
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Lollipop is a BBC Films-funded feature drama which tells the story of Molly (Posy Sterling), recently out of a prison after serving a four-month sentence. She comes out to find she has lost her council housing and custody of her kids. Molly finds herself in the mother of all catch-22s: she can’t get housing because she doesn’t have her kids living with her, but she can’t get them back without a roof over her head.
On the surface, this film could read like another council estate melodrama. But Lollipop is the polar opposite of middle class fantasies of working class life. When Hudson was writing it she drew on her own experience of homelessness, explored in her debut feature documentary, Half Way (2015).
In Half Way, Hudson, her mum and her kid sister find themselves stuck in “half way” hostels in an endless battle with council bureaucrats who meet their escalating housing crisis with a continual chorus of “computer says no”.
There’s a great scene in which Hudson’s sister complains that the film is too heavy and that she’s sick of talking about their “trauma”. She jokes: “I was thinking we need to liven this documentary up, it’s really dull and miserable and boring, we just talk about doom and gloom stuff.” She goes on to mimic Hudson’s line of questions about how they’re all “feeling”.
Hudson’s decision to keep that scene in gave us a much needed reminder of how many documentary directors fall into the trap of “poverty porn” in which the money shot is the tear rolling down your protagonist’s cheek.
The trailer for Lollipop.
Watching Lollipop with an audience of mainly women, there were a lot of tears but also lots of laughter. Hudson continues to see the importance of humour in her stories as a way of enriching and empowering her characters. She explains in the film’s production notes: “Although Lollipop is grounded in real-life, I never want to see women as victims on screen, because we’re so full of life, there’s so much about us.”
In Hudson’s entirely female cast, Molly and her best mate Amina (Idil Ahmed) are fierce single mums who transform the challenges they face into laugh-out-loud moments of comedy. The film is about the power of their friendship, their love for their kids and their sense of humour.
When it came to casting, Hudson wanted to work with women actors – professionals and first timers – who could relate to what the characters were going through. In the film’s production notes, Hudson explains:
I come from a lived experience background, and it was really important to me that I worked with women with lived experience … women who felt full and rounded, not perfect. Every woman you see in the film is someone trying to do their best. We’re humans. We’re messy, and our beauty is in our messiness.
Hudson’s work is part of a new wave of film and TV drama and comedy written and directed by women who are empowered rather than disempowered by their messiness.
Cash Carraway’s Rain Dogs (2023), Sophie Willan’s Alma’s Not Normal (2020), Michelle de Swarte’s Spent (2024) and Charlotte Regan’s debut feature drama, Scrapper (2023) are all part of an emerging genre of stories in which we finally see working class characters who are well written and relatable. Every one of these directors has mined the highs and lows of their own lives to create these funny, flawed, complex and ultimately believable characters.
The trailer for Rain Dogs.
Rain Dogs*, for instance,* follows the roller-coaster journey of Costello (Daisy May Cooper), a single mum battling to find a permanent home for her and her nine-year-old daughter. Carraway has said of her series:
We don’t see interesting single mothers in TV. We don’t really see that many interesting people living in poverty. If we do, it’s always politicised. I wanted to make it entertaining.
Hudson echoes these sentiments. Speaking to me over the phone, she explains:
Lollipop isn’t issue-led. I don’t want to shout from the rooftops and talk about everything that’s wrong with the world. Yes, the context is these things that I care strongly about. But ultimately, I want audiences to come away, feeling: Wow, isn’t love a magical thing?“
Hudson’s mantra in both life and film is to: “Turn your pain into power and into medicine.” Her women characters have an alchemy and agency we rarely see in the black and white council estate films that became such a staple of UK independent films in the 80s and 90s. Hudson’s women aren’t victims or martyrs, the magic of Lollipop is that she has created fascinating real characters – and captured them in glorious technicolour.
Victoria Mapplebeck does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
When I started horse riding lessons at the age of eight, I was told that if a horse had its ears forward that was a good sign, and if horse had its ears back it wasn’t happy. Those riding lessons sparked a fascination with equine behaviour that is still with me and inspires my research.
Yet when I carried out my new study into horse facial expressions I was still surprised at how complex equine communication can be.
Horses are a social species with wild and feral populations living in complex societies. They form relatively stable herds or “bands”, typically made up of a stallion protecting his group of mares. The ranges of these bands overlap, and the need to share space and resources means that effective communication is essential for horses.
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We also know that facial expressions are an important method of communication for horses. In a 2016 study, equine cognition researcher Jen Wathan and her colleagues demonstrated this when they showed a group of horses images of another horse.
The horse in the images was displaying one of three different facial expressions: aggression, positive attention and relaxation. Horses were more likely to approach the images of the horse showing positive attention and relaxation. They tended to avoid the horse showing aggression. This shows that horses can use the expression of another horse to infer that animal’s intent.
Equine facial communication is therefore, understandably, of significant interest to those working with and around horses. Go to any stables, as I did when I was young, and you will hear talk of which signals to look out for. You will quickly learn that the ears are important. However, in recent years, scientists have become interested in the more subtle cues that are often overlooked.
Research into horse facial expressions began in 2014 with identifying indicators of pain to try and improve horse welfare. More recently, there have been a number of studies that have looked at facial expressions outside of pain contexts. These have, however, been restricted to a small number of usually human-created, contexts.
For example, in 2024 animal behaviour researchers Romane Phelipon and colleagues examined the facial expressions of horses when they were being led towards a bucket of feed and allowed to eat. They were also shown the bucket of feed and then prevented from eating it.
In the positive situation, horses had a lower neck position, their ears forward, and their upper lip extended forwards. In the more frustrating situation, horses held their neck higher, with their ears backward or to the side.
My team wanted to extend what we know about equine facial behaviour into contexts that don’t involve humans, and to identify the expressions that horses use when communicating with each other.
To do this we used something called the equine facial action coding system (EquiFACS). This involves two types of code: action units, which correspond to the contraction of particular facial muscles; and action descriptors, which correspond to more general facial movements.
There are already similar codes for a variety of primate and domestic species, including cats and dogs. This makes them useful for making comparisons between species and for studying the evolution of facial behaviour.
We observed groups of domestic horses out at pasture. Whenever they interacted with one another we would hit record on our video camera and film the facial expressions they made. This gave us a bank of 805 expressions, which were coded using EquiFACS.
We categorised the expressions based on the behaviour they were associated with, such as a kick threat or friendly contact. Then we used network analysis techniques to assess how the individual action units and action descriptors work together to create the overall facial expression. Network analysis is a statistical method usually used to study social networks, but which also works well for understanding how the different areas of the face work together.
This created a catalogue that identified 22 discrete facial expressions. These included expressions from a range of aggressive, friendly, playful and alert interactions. Some movements are used across several contexts, for instance rotated and flattened ears which can indicate aggression or playfulness.
When making a threat, horses have their ears rotated backwards and flattened downwards. They often lower their head, raise the inner corner of their brow, and/or flare their nostrils.
Most interesting are facial expressions during play, which are highly dynamic. They involve a range of different facial movements, often in quick succession. Movements include depressed lower lips, raised chins, parted lips, wide-open mouths, rotated and flattened ears, increased visibility of eye whites, and noses pushed forward.
We also identified similarities between the facial expressions horses make during play and the play faces used by primates and carnivores. Primates and carnivores often use an open-mouthed expression to indicate that an interaction is playful. This can help prevent misunderstandings about the intent of an interaction, and is particularly useful during rough-and-tumble play. The fact that this expression is also used by horses suggests that it evolved much further back than scientists believed.
Anyone who needs a way to assess a horse’s subjective experience can benefit from our catalogue, from researchers through to those working with horses. I certainly wish I had had it over the many years I spent riding, and later working, at my local riding school.
Our results also highlight the importance of looking beyond our primate cousins if we are to gain a comprehensive understanding of facial expressions and their evolutionary origins.
Kate Lewis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Clear, Lecturer in Constitutional and Administrative Law, and Public Procurement, Bangor University
Since returning to office, Donald Trump has often called the US legal system into question. He has criticised judges as activists, challenged the role of the courts and insisted some firms do free legal work in support of his administration’s causes to make up for working for some of his political opponents.
Meanwhile, Vice-President J.D. Vance has advised US Supreme Court chief justice John Roberts that he ought to be “checking the excesses” of the lower courts.
And Stephen Miller, deputy White House chief of staff, said: “We are living under a judicial tyranny,” after the US Court of International Trade ruled the president didn’t have the power to impose international trade tariffs. Meanwhile, judges are asking for more security to protect them from threats.
Trump’s federal investigations and volley of executive orders (presidential directives that don’t require legislative approval by Congress) have also put enormous pressure on law firms. And a recent report shows that both trust in law firms’ independence, and even the rule of law itself, is perceived as under threat in the US. But what does this mean, and why is it important?
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The president has taken action against law firms in two prominent ways:
First, by federal investigation. Specifically, letters to a group of 20 law firms from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. These demanded information about their diversity, equality and inclusion (DEI) policies, based on the proposition that any sort of treatment of underrepresented groups that appeared preferential to them in policy, or practice, was unequal treatment for other groups, and, consequently, discriminatory.
Second, the president has passed numerous executive orders introducing punitive measures on specific law firms that previously represented clients opposing his administration, or employed attorneys involved in past investigations against him. His administration has also revoked government contracts and suspended security clearance from buildings. In practice, the orders would prevent attorneys from accessing from where they work, such as courthouses and federal agencies.
In response, some prominent law firms have sought to mitigate the fallout with the Trump administration by entering into agreements with it. These have included pledging US$1 billion (£730,000,000) in pro bono (free) legal services supporting causes aligned with Trump’s agenda.
For example, support for veterans, representing police officers, and antisemitism prevention. Noteworthy is that law firm Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison have now agreed to discontinue certain DEI policies, in addition to committing US$40 million (£29.4 million) in pro bono work for the president’s causes. In response the Trump administration has now lifted restrictions against them.
Judges say they are under threat.
More broadly, it has been reported that 70% of the US Justice Department civil rights division’s attorneys are leaving their posts. The mass exodus is believed to be part of attempts to reshape the division into one focused on enforcing executive orders.
The consequences of these developments are that the president’s actions have led to a significant realignment in the legal professions. Some US attorneys have reported that law firms are now more hesitant to engage in pro bono work that could be viewed as opposing the administration’s policies.
By contrast, some lawyers are now trying to establish independent firms aimed at defending civil servants and challenging federal overreach, ensuring at least some, albeit less resourced, support for underrepresented groups.
Trump criticizes judges and legal activists.
Other lawyers have sought legal action against the orders as unconstitutional interference. Some of these have led to success. For example, Perkins Coie challenged theirs and got it struck down. The concern here centred around their representation of Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. In arriving at the decision, the district judge ruled the president’s actions to be an “overt attempt to suppress and punish certain viewpoints”.
Why this matters
These developments call into question the balance between governmental influence and the independence of lawyers in upholding the rule of law. Lawyers must be impartial in representing their clients in order to effectively represent their interests, and allow the judiciary to fulfil their duty of checks and balances on the government’s decisions.
When unfettered power is wielded by the government, and the law is undermined, scope for monitoring the constitutionality of decision making is compromised.
The rule of law is a foundational principle of western democracies. It means that everyone is subject to the law, including governments. Laws must be applied equally, fairly and consistently, and no one is above them.
In essence, laws govern the nation, not arbitrary decisions by individuals in power. In that sense, following the rule of law helps prevent tyranny, protect people’s rights and liberties, and ensures a stable and predictable society.
In order to deliver these objectives, an independent legal sector is needed. Trump’s actions are a threat to achieving this cornerstone US constitutional principle. Some have gone as far as to suggest that by entering into agreements with Trump, law firms have become subsidiaries of his administration.
A recent study on trust in the rule of law found that Americans’ trust in lawyers was already undermined, even before the second Trump administration.
The results, based on public attitudes in 2024, compared public perceptions in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Italy, Norway, the UK and the US. Norway and the UK ranked highest in respect of trust in the rule of law (81% and 74% respectively), and Spain and Italy were least trusted (49% and 43%).
The results for the US are interesting. Around 71% of American respondents stated that they had a high level of trust in the rule of law. Yet the country came third from the bottom under the metric “you feel like you are in good hands in US courts”.
The reasons for this are implied in the responses to the other questions in the survey. The US performed second worst (just behind Spain) in respect of belief that judges could be biased. The US also performed worst of all in the category where the public were asked if lawyers were impartial (just 41% agreed).
In interpreting these results it is important to note that the survey was conducted in 2024, prior to Trump’s second term. But anti-elite and anti-judge rhetoric pointing to arguments for more presidential power and less judicial oversight had already been prominent in the first Trump term, and the 2024 campaign.
The results expose the already fragile nature of trust in the legal sector in the US, and underline how this could be ramped up further after the announcements in recent weeks.
Stephen Clear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Fitness enthusiasts have debated the question for decades: is it better to do cardio before or after lifting weights? Until recently, the answer has largely been down to preference – with some enjoying a jog to warm up before hitting the weights, while others believe lifting first is better for burning fat.
But a new study may have finally answered this long disputed question.
According to the study, the order of your workout does significantly affect how much fat you lose. Participants who performed weight training before cardio lost significantly more fat and became more physically active throughout the day compared to those who did cardio first.
The researchers recruited 45 young men aged 18-30 years who were classified as obese. The researchers split participants into three groups for 12 weeks. One group was a control group. This meant they stuck to their usual lifestyle habits and didn’t make any changes to their exercise regime.
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The other two groups exercised for 60 minutes three times weekly. Participants were also given sports watches to objectively track daily movement. This helped the researchers avoid reliance on self-reporting, which can often be inaccurate.
Both exercise groups followed identical training programmes, differing only in exercise sequence. Strength training involved actual weights, with participants performing exercises such as the bench press, deadlift, bicep curl and squat. The cardio sessions involved 30 minutes of stationary cycling.
Participants in both groups experienced improvements in their cardiovascular fitness, muscle strength and body composition – specifically, they lost fat mass while gaining lean muscle mass. Interestingly, cardiovascular fitness improvements were similar regardless of sequence – echoing recent findings that exercise order has limited impact on cardiovascular adaptations.
But the real differences emerged when it came to fat loss and muscle performance. Participants who lifted weights first experienced significantly greater reductions in overall body fat and visceral fat – the type of fat most strongly linked to cardiovascular disease risk.
They also increased their daily step count by approximately 3,500 steps compared to just 1,600 steps for the cardio-first group. Additionally, the weights-first approach enhanced muscular endurance and explosive strength.
Why exercise sequence matters
The reason behind these findings is tied to how your body uses energy.
Resistance training depletes muscle glycogen stores – the sugar that’s stored in the muscles which acts as your body’s quick-access fuel. Imagine glycogen as petrol in your car’s fuel tank. When you lift weights first, you effectively drain this fuel tank, forcing your body to switch energy sources.
With glycogen stores already low, when you transition to cardio, your body must rely more heavily on fat reserves for energy. It’s akin to a hybrid car switching to battery power once the petrol runs low. This metabolic shift helps explain the greater fat loss seen in the weights-first group.
This recent study’s findings align with broader research. A comprehensive systematic review published in 2022 found resistance training alone can significantly reduce body fat and visceral fat, the type linked to chronic diseases. Muscles are metabolically active tissues, continuously burning calories even at rest, which amplifies these effects.
Conversely, performing cardio first might compromise your strength training effectiveness. Cardio uses up glycogen stores, leaving muscles partially depleted before you even lift a weight. It also induces fatigue and may reduce your muscles’ ability to produce explosive power and strength.
A recent systematic review on concurrent training (the practice of combining both resistance and aerobic exercise within the same program) supports this – highlighting that explosive strength gains might diminish if aerobic and strength training occur in the same session, especially if cardio is performed first.
These findings align with other research on concurrent training. A systematic review and meta-analysis examining exercise sequence effects found that resistance-first protocols produced significantly superior strength improvements compared to endurance-first training.
The American Heart Association’s 2023 statement on resistance training confirmed resistance exercise significantly improves lean body mass and reduces fat, especially when combined with other exercise types. However, resistance training alone was found less effective in improving cardiovascular health. This underscores the importance of including cardio in your exercise routine.
However, it is worth noting the study’s limitations. As it only involved obese young men, this means we don’t know how the results will apply to women, older adults or those with different body compositions. A 2024 review suggests adaptations may differ by sex, indicating the need for further research involving diverse populations.
The 12-week duration also may not capture long-term changes. Results also specifically only apply to concurrent training – performing both exercises in the same session.
Moreover, the study did not account for nutritional intake, sleep patterns or stress levels, all of which can significantly influence body composition outcomes. Future research should incorporate these factors to offer even more comprehensive guidance.
Workout sequence
Whether you prefer to do cardio before or after lifting weights, the message is clear: both will improve overall health. The only difference is that weight training before cardio provides advantages for fat loss, abdominal fat reduction and increased daily physical activity.
Interestingly, resistance training boosts confidence and energy levels, naturally encouraging more movement throughout the day, further aiding fat loss.
If cardiovascular fitness is your primary goal, the sequence matters less, as both ways equally boost aerobic fitness. However, if fat loss and optimising daily activity are your main objectives, evidence strongly supports placing resistance training first.
Jack McNamara does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
