Alcohol Healthwatch are excited to be joining E Tipu E Rea Whānau Services, Takanga A Fohe, Le Va, Ōtākou Whakaihu Waka | University of Otago, Health New Zealand | Te Whatu Ora, and the Australasian Professional Society on Alcohol and Other Drugs (APSAD) deliver a symposium on alcohol and mental health.
This symposium will take place at the Grand Hall in Parliament, and aims to:
– Hear from and build on promising practice in prevention, early intervention, and research.
– Facilitate meaningful relationships supporting the collective goal of taking action on the intersection between alcohol and mental health challenges.
– Produce an attendee-informed consensus statement reflecting people’s experiences to guide future efforts in this space.
Boasting a 150 strong audience of health and policy professionals, mental health and alcohol NGOs and importantly, individuals bringing lived experience, the symposium will be an opportunity to identify key action areas for prevention and early intervention in this important area.
Hosted by Aotearoa New Zealand’s first-ever Minister for Mental Health, Hon. Matt Doocey, the time to act has never been better. We will be bringing a range of people together including those with lived experience, young people, professionals, and community champions from the wide range of sectors impacted by alcohol and mental health challenges.
WASHINGTON — U.S. educators still suffer from too-low wages and a lack of professional respect, according to four new reports examining educator pay and school funding from pre-K through college.TheNational Education Association’sannual reports todayshow salaries continue to lagbehindinflation. These poor wages are not without consequence: Too-low pay exacerbates the national teacher shortage, making it difficult for school districts to attract and retain quality educators while also worsening educator morale.
Thanks to strong advocacy by NEA members and some elected leaders stepping up, teachers received the most significant year-over-year pay increase in more than a decade. States such as California, Colorado, Maryland, Nevada, New Mexico, and Oregon demonstrated significant progress in teacher pay, putting more money into educators’ pockets. Meanwhile, states like Montana and Rhode Island led the way in increasing pay for K-12 education support professionals. At the same time, Maryland, Nevada, and Wisconsin showed the largest increases in faculty pay at public four-year universities.
Despite this progress, much work remains to eliminate the teacher pay penalty, address inadequate pay for all educators, and finally make the investments necessary at the state and local levels to attract and retain quality educators in public schools. Additionally, in places like Arkansas, the increases in teacher pay were tied to legislation that took money out of public education and put it into the hands of billionaires eager to line their pockets, hurting students in the long run.
“In some states, educators are seeing long-overdue pay increases, thanks to union-led advocacy, but overall, educator pay is still not keeping up with inflation. This hard-won progress is now under threat from the Trump administration’s careless, callous, and reckless actions, and students will pay the price,” said NEA President Becky Pringle. “Their plans to gut public education will rip funding from public schools and roll back these very same gains to help provide competitive and professional pay to educators. These resources are desperately needed to ensure every student has access to every opportunity needed to succeed. What is happening at the federal level is not just an attack on educators—it’s an attack on every student and every family in every community of this country.”
The data released today includes “Rankings and Estimates,”a report NEA has produced since the 1960s, which is widely cited as an authoritative source on average teacher salaries and per-student expenditures. NEA’s“Teacher Salary Benchmark Report”provides information from over 12,000 school districts on starting teacher salaries and salaries at other points of the teaching career continuum. The“Education Support Professional Earnings Report”offers a pay breakdown for school support staff, also known as education support professionals, working in K-12 public schools and higher education. NEA’s“Higher Education Faculty Salary Analysis”examines full-time faculty and graduate assistant salaries at the national, state, and institutional levels. Additionally, NEA released financial snapshots for four demographics: teachers at the preK-12 level, higher education faculty, and support staff at both the preK-12 and higher education levels.
Data highlights and trends:
In 2023–2024, the national average public school teacher salary rose by 3.8% to $72,030, with a projected 3.0% increase for 2024–2025.
Despite these increases, average teacher pay has not kept up with inflation over the last decade, resulting in a5% decrease in real earnings.
The average starting teacher salary was $46,526, marking a 4.4% increase, the largest in 15 years, yet it’sstill $3,728 below 2008–2009 levels.
16.6% of U.S. school districts offer starting salaries less than $40,000, a drop of over 10 percentage points from the prior year. However, approximately 69.9% of school districts still pay starting salaries below $50,000.Only 20.7% of school districts offer teacher salaries over $100,000.
87% of teachers expressed concern over low pay, and 40% work extra jobs. Nearly 30% of full-time K-12 support professionals earn under $25,000.
Full-time faculty on 9- or 10-month contracts averaged $101,955, a 4.2% increase, yet6.8% below pre-pandemic levels after adjusting for inflation.
Faculty at Historically Black Colleges and Universities earn 75 cents for every dollar non-HBCU educators make.
Unionized teachers earn 24% more on average in states with collective bargaining, and education support professionals earn 7% more.
Starting salaries and top pay for teachers and support staff are higher in states with bargaining laws compared to those without.
“As Donald Trump and Elon Musk attempt to take a chainsaw to public education so that billionaires can get another tax cut, our students will pay the price,” added Pringle. “Parents and educators know what works. We need to invest in smaller class sizes, more tools and resources, and build on the progress educators, unions, and state leaders have recently made to increase educator pay. Those pay increases have also been instrumental in addressing and mitigating the educator shortages plaguing our public schools. America’s 50 million public school students deserve strong and well-funded public schools—not the chaos and destruction Trump and Musk are unleashing on their education.”
For additional information about Rankings and Estimates and related NEA salary data reports, please visit www.nea.org/educatorpay.
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The National Education Association is the nation’s largest professionalemployeeorganization, representing more than 3 million elementary and secondary teachers, higher education faculty, education support professionals, school administrators, retired educators, students preparing to become teachers, healthcare workers, and public employees. Learn more at www.nea.org.
Source: Novosibirsk State University – Novosibirsk State University –
On warm May evenings, observing celestial objects, meteor showers, and even deep space objects will be more comfortable than in the previous cold months. You will be able to see approaches (conjunctions) of the planets of the Solar System with the Moon, the Eta Aquarid meteor shower, the Andromeda Nebula, and the Orion Nebula.
Lunar eclipse
In Central Russia, a total lunar eclipse will be visible on the morning of May 5. During these morning hours, the rising Sun may slightly “spoil” the contrast of the event, but it will still be observable. The total lunar eclipse will begin at 5:14 Moscow time and will last until 6:22. The peak of the eclipse: the Moon will turn reddish due to the light reflected from the Sun will be at 5:53. In Novosibirsk, day will break, but opposite the Sun, you will be able to try to see the non-contrasting disk of the light orange Moon. The common name for the full Moon in May is the Flower Moon. It is associated with natural phenomena – the beginning of the flowering of the first spring flowers.
Conjunctions of the planets of the solar system
May 2: Neptune will approach bright, easy-to-spot Venus. Time of approach: 17:07 GMT for Novosibirsk 7 hours. Distance at approach: 2°06′.
On May 3, Mars will be close to the Moon. At this time, if you observe reddish Mars through a telescope, you can see bluish polar caps on it. Time of approach: 23:12 GMT, distance at the moment of approach: 2°06′. This event can be observed until 00:13 GMT on May 4, when the distance at the moment of approach will decrease to 1°59′.
May 12: Full Moon – Micro Moon; the Moon will appear 5% smaller and 10% dimmer than during a normal full moon.
On May 14, the nearly full Moon will be near Alpha Scorpius Antares. Time of approach: 04:10 GMT. Distance at approach: 0°18′. Antares is a dimly lit object, so it is best to use binoculars to observe it.
On May 22, the waning crescent Moon will be near the planet Saturn. Time of approach: 17:51 GMT, distance at approach: 2°30′. Saturn’s rings may not be as bright as at the moments of the planet’s maximum tilt, but they will still be clearly visible in a telescope or binoculars that provide sufficient resolution of closely spaced lines.
In addition to Saturn, on May 22, the small planet Neptune will be near the crescent Moon. Time of approach: 19:15 GMT. Distance at the time of approach: 1°53′.
Venus will be near the Moon on May 23. Time of approach: 21:13 GMT. Distance at approach: 3°33′.
Eta Aquarids Meteor Shower
May 5-6: The peak of the Eta Aquarid meteor shower, expected activity is up to 50 meteors per hour, but the greater illumination of the Moon on these 2 peak days will somewhat weaken the contrast of the observed meteors. This shower will be observed from April 19 to May 28, which will allow it to be seen on days when the Moon is not in the sky. Location of the radiant: the constellation Aquarius.
In Russia, the conditions for observing this shower are not very favorable, since its radiant rises at about 3 a.m., when the morning dawn has already begun. Thus, only a small window of relatively dark sky remains for observations from about 3:30 to 4:30 a.m., and the number of meteors is usually no more than a few per hour due to the low altitude of the radiant. However, these meteors are interesting in that they enter the Earth’s atmosphere at a very small angle, so they do not penetrate into the dense layers and can fly a long distance before burning out. Therefore, in early May, the Eta Aquarids at Russian latitudes produce a noticeable number of meteors, which are called grazers (from the English grazer – grazing, slightly touching), they can fly in the outer layers of the atmosphere for quite a long time, several seconds, and from the surface of the Earth this flight can look very impressive – like a meteor flying across the entire sky.
Andromeda and Orion Nebulae
On May 27, the Moon will no longer be visible, a new moon will occur, and the illuminated side of the Moon will be facing away from the Earth. This is the best time to observe stars, meteor showers, and deep-sky objects, since the Moon’s light will not illuminate the sky. Some of these objects can be seen in May. This is the bright Andromeda Galaxy (M31) – the closest to our galaxy, it will be visible in our northern hemisphere. It can be observed with the naked eye, but if you also use a telescope, you will be able to distinguish spiral arms and bright centers in this nebula. This nebula is easy to find – it is located halfway between the constellation Cassiopeia (graphically like the letter W) and the constellation Ursa Major.
The next nebula to observe in May is the Orion Nebula (M42). The constellation Orion is very extended and can be easily found by the line of 3 bright stars – Orion’s Belt. The Orion Nebula is located in Orion’s “sword”. It should be observed in early May, before the nebula goes below the horizon in the late night hours.
Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:
WASHINGTON D.C., United States of America, April 28, 2025/APO Group/ —
Jihad Azour, Director of the Middle East and Central Asia Department and Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, Economic Counsellor and Director of the Research Department of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) issued a statement today:
“Global shocks are adding to regional factors resulting in exceptionally uncertain economic environment for Middle East and North Africa (MENA) economies. Conflicts, trade tensions, volatile commodity prices, changing climate conditions, energy transitions, rapid technological advances are altering the economic landscape of the region, posing severe challenges but also presenting opportunities for bold reforms that safeguard macroeconomic stability, build resilience, and raise living standards for all. Economic research is essential to provide reliable analysis and develop workable and innovative policy responses.
“In this context, we are pleased to announce that the IMF will organize an annual Economic Research Conference on MENA, partnering with leading universities in the region. The aim is to establish a forum for dialogue on pressing economic issues, promote policy-oriented academic research tailored to the needs and unique challenges of the region. It will also provide a platform for the exchange of ideas and insights for academics, researchers, and policymakers in the MENA region and worldwide.
“The inaugural conference, Steering Macroeconomic and Structural Policies in A Shifting Global Economic Landscape, will be co-organized with Onsi Sawiris School of Business at The American University in Cairo and take place in Cairo on May 18-19, 2025. It will feature presentations and panel discussions by leading economists and policymakers. The conference details and agenda are available here.
“The IMF is a long-standing partner to countries in the MENA region in the quest for more inclusive and resilient growth. The IMF-MENA Annual Research Conference is another step forward to further strengthen that partnership and engagement with the region and its people.”
But they show indecision on two key matters – the legal framework and the agency that would be in charge.
The plan relates primarily to conventional carbon capture and storage technologies, which remove carbon dioxide from an industrial gas flow and dispose of it deep underground.
It also covers some methods of carbon dioxide removal, an emerging but as yet commercially untested suite of technologies such as enhanced rock weathering, bio-energy capture and direct air capture.
The latter technologies are not predicated on fossil fuel consumption and could operate in many different situations.
Neither kind of carbon removal is a simple answer to the climate challenge and the priority remains on cutting emissions. But we need to have regulatory frameworks in place for both reduction and removal technologies of all kinds, and soon.
Earning credits from emissions trading
Both types of technologies will benefit from the government’s decision to allow companies to get credits in the New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) for the disposal of carbon dioxide from any source. Credits will not be tied to any one technology, according to the released policy discussion documents.
It’s also a positive development that an operator can get credits as a separate removal activity, not merely as a reduction of an existing emissions liability (although official advice was initially against separate credits). This allows for diversity in the players and the systems for removals.
The government has decided it will assume liability for any carbon dioxide leaks from geological storage, but only after verification that fluids in the subsurface are behaving as expected after closure, and no sooner than 15 years after closure.
Leaks this long after injection are unlikely, but we nevertheless need strong regulation, financial assurance to guarantee remedial action and clear liability rules.
Companies will be able to earn credits for the permanent disposal of carbon dioxide. Shutterstock/VectorMine
The government also states ETS credits will only be available for removals that can be recognised internationally against New Zealand’s commitments to cut emissions. This would apply only to geological storage but not deep-ocean deposition or rock weathering.
But that’s not quite right. The general international rules already allow the inclusion in a national greenhouse gas inventory of removals from any process. Detailed methodologies for carbon dioxide removal are likely to become available within the next few years.
With change underway, New Zealand’s new regime should allow a wide range of removal methods to receive credits.
A new regulatory regime
The documents acknowledge that New Zealand needs a broader regulatory regime, beyond the ETS, to cover the entire process of carbon dioxide removal. The suitability of a disposal site must be verified, a detailed geological characterisation is required and the project design and operation need to be approved.
Approval is also required for closure and post-closure plans, and systematic monitoring. Monitoring is everything; it must be accurate and verifiable but also cost effective. The operator will have to pay for monitoring for decades after site closure.
In agreeing on these features, the government is following the examples of many countries overseas, including Australia, Canada, the UK and the EU.
However, it is intriguing that the government hasn’t decided where this new regime should sit in the statute book, and who should manage it. Much of the apparently relevant text in the documents has been redacted.
Given that carbon dioxide would be stored underground, the Crown Minerals Act is one possibility. But this legislation is all about extraction, not disposal. Although the New Zealand petroleum and minerals unit at the Ministry for Business, Innovation and Employment has expertise in regulating subsurface operations, it focuses largely on oil and gas, not on innovative climate projects.
The Resource Management Act certainly provides a regulatory approval regime, but it is awaiting reform and would need much more than the currently proposed changes to deal with carbon capture and storage or removal properly. So would legislation covering activities within New Zealand’s exclusive economic zone.
Indeed each act would require a whole new part to be added, with its own principles and procedures. There is a lot to be said for a standalone new act, in a form that would fit with the emerging Natural Environment Act that will replace the Resource Management Act.
The new legislation and regulation regime could be administered by the Environmental Protection Authority, which is already involved in Resource Management Act call-ins and fast-track approvals, the legislation covering the exclusive economic zone and the ETS.
One can only guess there might be tensions between contending factions in government. What we should ask for is a legislative and institutional arrangement that allows carbon capture and storage or removal technologies to evolve and grow without being a mere offshoot of the oil and gas industry or any other existing sector.
As part of our efforts to reduce emissions, we must make sure all kinds of removal technologies are available that truly suit New Zealand.
Barry Barton is part of the project “Derisking Carbon Dioxide Removal at Megatonne Scale in Aotearoa” which is funded by the MBIE’s Endeavour Fund. In the past, he has received funding from MBIE and the gas industry for research on CCS legal issues.
He is a director of the Environmental Defence Society.
Just months ago, Canada’s Conservatives were leading the polls, surfing the wave of radical right ideas and rhetoric sweeping across the globe. But with the projected election victory of Mark Carney’s Liberal Party, Canada now stands out as a liberal anchor in a fractured West.
This election may not only shape Canada’s domestic trajectory, but also carries significant implications for its international partnerships amid rising geopolitical uncertainty.
As some European countries and the United States head towards isolationism, authoritarianism and turn to the East — even flirting with Russia — Canada’s continued Liberal leadership reinforces its position as a key ally for the European Union. Carney’s centrist and pro-EU attitude provides stability and relief for Europeans.
From defence to trade and climate, Canada and the EU share deep economic and strategic ties. With a Liberal government, these connections will strengthen, offering both sides what they need the most: a reliable, like-minded partner at a time of transatlantic unpredictability.
What does Carney’s victory mean specifically for the Canada-EU relationship?
Trade remains the foundation of the Canada-EU relationship, and both sides should aim to build on it. At the heart of this partnership is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which has increased EU-Canada trade by 65 per cent since 2017.
As the U.S. speeds toward toward economic nationalism, CETA has become more than a commercial agreement — it’s a strategic anchor in the global liberal order. One of the Liberal government’s early priorities is likely to consolidate and strengthen CETA. In doing so, Canada can position itself as an ambitious partner, ready to seize new opportunities as European countries seek to reduce their reliance on the American market.
Climate and energy: A balanced agenda
Climate and energy, too, offer new opportunities for co-operation. Both Canada and the EU are navigating the tensions between pursuing ambitious decarbonization goals and managing economic and inflationary pressures. After scrapping Canada’s carbon tax on his first day in office, Carney has already hinted at a more pragmatic environmental stance.
As Europe accelerates its green agenda and implements new sustainability rules, only countries with strong environmental standards qualify as long-term partners. Canada, provided it stays the course on climate policies, is well-positioned to be a key partner in Europe’s green transition.
This signal of rearmament reflects not only alignment with NATO expectations but also a broader understanding that liberal democracies must be prepared to defend themselves. Nowhere is this more pressing than in Ukraine, the epicentre of Europe’s geopolitical storm.
Canada has been among the most reliable supporters of Ukraine since the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, aligning itself with Europe’s most committed nations — France, Poland, the Baltics and, increasingly, Germany.
But as threats evolve, the battlefield also extends beyond Ukraine’s frontlines. Hybrid attacks — cyber, disinformation campaigns and foreign interference in democratic processes — now wash up on all shores. Canada’s National Cyber Threat Assessment 2025–26 identifies state-sponsored cyber operations as one of the most serious threats to democratic stability, particularly from Russia and China.
In strengthening its defence collaboration, Ottawa is hoping to get a seat in the fight against autocracies. The question is no longer whether to engage, but how to lead in this era of layered and compounding threats coming from rivals like Russia and China — and now from the U.S., a historical Canadian ally.
Under Carney’s leadership, Canada is likely to pursue a pragmatic and globally engaged liberalism definitively aligned with Europe. As Canada and the EU are both looking for reliable allies to weather the storm, this renewed western alliance could solidify around Ottawa and Brussels — anchored in shared democratic values and pragmatic leadership.
Katerina Sviderska receives funding from Fonds de Recherche du Québec and the Gates Cambridge Foundation.
Leandre Benoit receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fiona MacDonald, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Northern British Columbia
Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney is projected to have pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.
Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.
The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”
Poilievre’s messaging
The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.
This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.
The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.
The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.
Advance voting in a gendered election
Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.
Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.
While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?
This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.
Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.
The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.
These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.
Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.
Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.
Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.
Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.
This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.
These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.
Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Just months ago, Canada’s Conservatives were leading the polls, surfing the wave of radical right ideas and rhetoric sweeping across the globe. But with the projected election victory of Mark Carney’s Liberal Party, Canada now stands out as a liberal anchor in a fractured West.
This election may not only shape Canada’s domestic trajectory, but also carries significant implications for its international partnerships amid rising geopolitical uncertainty.
As some European countries and the United States head towards isolationism, authoritarianism and turn to the East — even flirting with Russia — Canada’s continued Liberal leadership reinforces its position as a key ally for the European Union. Carney’s centrist and pro-EU attitude provides stability and relief for Europeans.
From defence to trade and climate, Canada and the EU share deep economic and strategic ties. With a Liberal government, these connections will strengthen, offering both sides what they need the most: a reliable, like-minded partner at a time of transatlantic unpredictability.
What does Carney’s victory mean specifically for the Canada-EU relationship?
Trade remains the foundation of the Canada-EU relationship, and both sides should aim to build on it. At the heart of this partnership is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which has increased EU-Canada trade by 65 per cent since 2017.
As the U.S. speeds toward toward economic nationalism, CETA has become more than a commercial agreement — it’s a strategic anchor in the global liberal order. One of the Liberal government’s early priorities is likely to consolidate and strengthen CETA. In doing so, Canada can position itself as an ambitious partner, ready to seize new opportunities as European countries seek to reduce their reliance on the American market.
Climate and energy: A balanced agenda
Climate and energy, too, offer new opportunities for co-operation. Both Canada and the EU are navigating the tensions between pursuing ambitious decarbonization goals and managing economic and inflationary pressures. After scrapping Canada’s carbon tax on his first day in office, Carney has already hinted at a more pragmatic environmental stance.
As Europe accelerates its green agenda and implements new sustainability rules, only countries with strong environmental standards qualify as long-term partners. Canada, provided it stays the course on climate policies, is well-positioned to be a key partner in Europe’s green transition.
This signal of rearmament reflects not only alignment with NATO expectations but also a broader understanding that liberal democracies must be prepared to defend themselves. Nowhere is this more pressing than in Ukraine, the epicentre of Europe’s geopolitical storm.
Canada has been among the most reliable supporters of Ukraine since the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, aligning itself with Europe’s most committed nations — France, Poland, the Baltics and, increasingly, Germany.
But as threats evolve, the battlefield also extends beyond Ukraine’s frontlines. Hybrid attacks — cyber, disinformation campaigns and foreign interference in democratic processes — now wash up on all shores. Canada’s National Cyber Threat Assessment 2025–26 identifies state-sponsored cyber operations as one of the most serious threats to democratic stability, particularly from Russia and China.
In strengthening its defence collaboration, Ottawa is hoping to get a seat in the fight against autocracies. The question is no longer whether to engage, but how to lead in this era of layered and compounding threats coming from rivals like Russia and China — and now from the U.S., a historical Canadian ally.
Under Carney’s leadership, Canada is likely to pursue a pragmatic and globally engaged liberalism definitively aligned with Europe. As Canada and the EU are both looking for reliable allies to weather the storm, this renewed western alliance could solidify around Ottawa and Brussels — anchored in shared democratic values and pragmatic leadership.
Katerina Sviderska receives funding from Fonds de Recherche du Québec and the Gates Cambridge Foundation.
Leandre Benoit receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney is projected to have pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.
Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.
The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”
Poilievre’s messaging
The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.
This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.
The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.
The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.
Advance voting in a gendered election
Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.
Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.
While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?
This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.
Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.
The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.
These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.
Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.
Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.
Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.
Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.
This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.
These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.
Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This election not only shapes Canada’s domestic trajectory, but also carries significant implications for its international partnerships amid rising geopolitical uncertainty.
As some European countries and the United States head towards isolationism, authoritarianism and turn to the East — even flirting with Russia — Canada’s continued Liberal leadership reinforces its position as a key ally for the European Union. Carney’s centrist and pro-EU attitude provides stability and relief for Europeans.
From defence to trade and climate, Canada and the EU share deep economic and strategic ties. With a Liberal government, these connections will strengthen, offering both sides what they need the most: a reliable, like-minded partner at a time of transatlantic unpredictability.
What does Carney’s victory mean specifically for the Canada-EU relationship?
Trade remains the foundation of the Canada-EU relationship, and both sides should aim to build on it. At the heart of this partnership is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which has increased EU-Canada trade by 65 per cent since 2017.
As the U.S. speeds toward toward economic nationalism, CETA has become more than a commercial agreement — it’s a strategic anchor in the global liberal order. One of the Liberal government’s early priorities is likely to consolidate and strengthen CETA. In doing so, Canada can position itself as an ambitious partner, ready to seize new opportunities as European countries seek to reduce their reliance on the American market.
Climate and energy: A balanced agenda
Climate and energy, too, offer new opportunities for co-operation. Both Canada and the EU are navigating the tensions between pursuing ambitious decarbonization goals and managing economic and inflationary pressures. After scrapping Canada’s carbon tax on his first day in office, Carney has already hinted at a more pragmatic environmental stance.
As Europe accelerates its green agenda and implements new sustainability rules, only countries with strong environmental standards qualify as long-term partners. Canada, provided it stays the course on climate policies, is well-positioned to be a key partner in Europe’s green transition.
This signal of rearmament reflects not only alignment with NATO expectations but also a broader understanding that liberal democracies must be prepared to defend themselves. Nowhere is this more pressing than in Ukraine, the epicentre of Europe’s geopolitical storm.
Canada has been among the most reliable supporters of Ukraine since the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, aligning itself with Europe’s most committed nations — France, Poland, the Baltics and, increasingly, Germany.
But as threats evolve, the battlefield also extends beyond Ukraine’s frontlines. Hybrid attacks — cyber, disinformation campaigns and foreign interference in democratic processes — now wash up on all shores. Canada’s National Cyber Threat Assessment 2025–26 identifies state-sponsored cyber operations as one of the most serious threats to democratic stability, particularly from Russia and China.
In strengthening its defence collaboration, Ottawa is hoping to get a seat in the fight against autocracies. The question is no longer whether to engage, but how to lead in this era of layered and compounding threats coming from rivals like Russia and China — and now from the U.S., a historical Canadian ally.
Under Carney’s leadership, Canada is likely to pursue a pragmatic and globally engaged liberalism definitively aligned with Europe. As Canada and the EU are both looking for reliable allies to weather the storm, this renewed western alliance could solidify around Ottawa and Brussels — anchored in shared democratic values and pragmatic leadership.
Katerina Sviderska receives funding from Fonds de Recherche du Québec and the Gates Cambridge Foundation.
Leandre Benoit receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on April 29, 2025.
Why are political parties allowed to send spam texts? And how can we make them stop? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tegan Cohen, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Digital Media Research Centre, Queensland University of Technology Ti Wi / Unsplash Another election, another wave of unsolicited political texts. Over this campaign, our digital mailboxes have been stuffed with a slew of political appeals and promises, many from the new party
The Oscars have rolled out the red carpet for generative AI. And surprisingly, viewers don’t seem to mind Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Crosby, Senior Lecturer, Department of Economics, Macquarie University The Oscars have entered the age of artificial intelligence (AI). Last week the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences explicitly said, for the first time, films using generative AI tools will not be disqualified from the awards.
Echidna ancestors lived watery lifestyles like platypuses 100 million years ago – new study Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sue Hand, Professor Emeritus, Palaeontology, UNSW Sydney Mary_May/Shutterstock As the world’s only surviving egg-laying mammals, Australasia’s platypus and four echidna species are among the most extraordinary animals on Earth. They are also very different from each other. The platypus is well adapted for a semi-aquatic lifestyle, spending
‘Do something about it before it gets worse’: young people want government action on gambling reform Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Hannah Pitt, Senior Research Fellow – Institute for Health Transformation, Deakin University David P. Smith/Shutterstock Do something about it before it gets worse. This was a response from a 16-year-old boy in one of our recent studies when asked what he would say to the prime minister
‘I’m always afraid for the future of my family’: why it’s too hard for some refugees to reunite with loved ones Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mary Anne Kenny, Associate Professor, School of Law, Murdoch University When refugees flee their home country due to war, violence, conflict or persecution, they are often forced to leave behind their families. For more than 30,000 people who have sought asylum in Australia since arriving more than
Major survey finds most people use AI regularly at work – but almost half admit to doing so inappropriately Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nicole Gillespie, Professor of Management; Chair in Trust, Melbourne Business School Matheus Bertelli/Pexels Have you ever used ChatGPT to draft a work email? Perhaps to summarise a report, research a topic or analyse data in a spreadsheet? If so, you certainly aren’t alone. Artificial intelligence (AI) tools
1 billion years ago, a meteorite struck Scotland and influenced life on Earth Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Kirkland, Professor of Geochronology, Curtin University Stoer Head lighthouse, Scotland. William Gale/Shutterstock We’ve discovered that a meteorite struck northwest Scotland 1 billion years ago, 200 million years later than previously thought. Our results are published today in the journal Geology. This impact now aligns with some
Arsenic is everywhere – but new detection methods could help save lives Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Magdalena Wajrak, Senior Lecturer in Chemistry, Edith Cowan University Arsenic is a nasty poison that once reigned as the ultimate weapon of deception. In the 18th century, it was the poison of choice for those wanting to kill their enemies and spouses, favoured for its undetectable nature
Forming new habits can take longer than you think. Here are 8 tips to help you stick with them Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ben Singh, Research Fellow, Allied Health & Human Performance, University of South Australia SarahMcEwan/Shutterstock If you’ve ever tried to build a new habit – whether that’s exercising more, eating healthier, or going to bed earlier – you may have heard the popular claim that it only takes
‘Complaining is career suicide’: the hidden mental health crisis turning our screen industry upside down Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Hegedus, Associate Professor, Griffith Film School, Griffith University Shutterstock The Australian screen industry is often associated with fun, creativity and perhaps even glamour. But our new Pressure Point Report reveals a more troubling reality: a pervasive mental health crisis, which could see the screen industry lose
New survey shows business outlook is weakening and uncertainty rising as the trade war bites Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Simon, Adjunct Fellow in Economics, Macquarie University Vivid Brands/Shutterstock Uncertainty is everywhere these days. There is even uncertainty about the uncertainty. The Reserve Bank of Australia, for example, noted in the minutes from its April 1 meeting: The most significant development in the period leading up
How ICE is becoming a secret police force under the Trump administration Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lee Morgenbesser, Associate Professor, School of Government and International Relations, Griffith University Secret police are a quintessential feature of authoritarian regimes. From Azerbaijan’s State Security Service to Zimbabwe’s Central Intelligence Organisation, these agencies typically target political opponents and dissidents through covert surveillance, imprisonment and physical violence. In
Democracy on display or a public eyesore? The case for cracking down on election corflutes Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrew Hughes, Lecturer in Marketing, Research School of Management, Australian National University In my time researching political advertising, one common communication method that often generates complaints is the proliferation of campaign corflutes. Politicians love them. Not so, many members of the general public. People are so fed
Here’s how to make your backyard safer and cooler next summer Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pui Kwan Cheung, Research Fellow in Urban Microclimates, The University of Melbourne Varavin88, Shutterstock Our backyards should be safe and inviting spaces all year round, including during the summer months. But the choices we make about garden design and maintenance, such as whether to have artificial turf
Five ways to make cities more resilient to climate change Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul O’Hare, Lecturer in Human Geography and Urban Development, Manchester Metropolitan University John_T/Shutterstock Climate breakdown poses immense threats to global economies, societies and ecosystems. Adapting to these impacts is urgent. But many cities and countries remain chronically unprepared in what the UN calls an “adaptation gap”. Building
Vanuatu communities growing climate resilience in wake of Cyclone Lola Communities in Vanuatu are learning to grow climate resilient crops, 18 months after Cyclone Lola devastated the country. The category 5 storm struck in October 2023, generating wind speeds of up to 215 kmph, which destroyed homes, schools, plantations, and left at least four people dead. It was all the worse for following twin cyclones
Election Diary: Labor to slash more consultant costs and increase visa charges to pay for fresh election commitments Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The government has dug out last-minute savings of more than A$7 billion, to ensure its election commitments are more than offset in every year of the forward estimates. Its costings, released Monday, include savings of $6.4 billion from further reducing
Big and small spending included in Labor costings, but off-budget items yet to be revealed Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Bartos, Professor of Economics, University of Canberra The federal budget will be stronger than suggested in last month’s budget, according to Treasurer Jim Chalmers who released Labor’s costings on Monday. Many of the policies included in the costings were already detailed in either the 2025 Budget
How much do election promises cost? And why have we had to wait so long to see the costings? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stephen Bartos, Professor of Economics, University of Canberra With the May 3 federal election less than a week away, voters have only just received Labor’s costings and are yet to hear from the Coalition. At the 2022 election, the costings were not released for nearly two months
Source: United States Senator Alex Padilla (D-Calif.)
Senators to DHS, State Department, ICE: “Students who have entered through our legal immigration system and followed the law remain unsure of what, if any, steps they may take to maintain their status and safeguard themselves from immigration enforcement”
WASHINGTON, D.C. — Today, U.S. Senators Alex Padilla, Ranking Member of the Senate Judiciary Immigration Subcommittee, and Adam Schiff (both D-Calif.), joined 34 Democrats in pressing the Trump Administration to reconsider recent decisions to revoke student visas. In their letter to Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Kristi Noem, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Acting Director Todd Lyons, the Senators urged the Administration to undo unlawful student visa revocations, citing a recent reversal of some student record terminations.
“We recently learned that your agencies have been revoking student visas and terminating Student Exchange and Visitor Information System (SEVIS) records across the country. These actions to end student status reflected an unannounced change in policy and were inconsistent with existing laws, regulations, policies, and agency guidance governing the maintenance and termination of student status—that is why we welcomed the news late last week that in response to litigation around the country, ICE has reversed these SEVIS terminations,” wrote the Senators. “We now urge you to undo other actions to end student status that are inconsistent with such laws, regulations, and agency guidance and ensure that all future actions to end student status fully comply with the law.”
The Senators continued by highlighting the lack of reasoning provided in many of these visa revocations after the Office of Student Exchange and Visitor Programs (SEVP) within ICE terminated at least 4,736 student visa holders’ SEVIS records.
“[S]tudents across the country—who by all accounts appear to have followed all of the applicable laws and agency guidance—have reported visa revocations with no clear explanation as to the basis to terminate status,” continued the Senators. “By DHS’s own admission, the statute and regulations do not provide SEVP the authority to terminate nonimmigrant status by terminating a SEVIS record. Your decision to reverse such terminations is therefore prudent and required by law.”
The Senators outlined the Trump Administration’s apparent violation of federal law in revoking these visas, emphasizing that the Administration may not have given legally required notice when terminating or revoking some students’ statuses. Many students were not given any information on possible reinstatement after they lost their student status when their SEVIS records were terminated. Some students received emails about their visa revocations along with self-deportation directions without the ability to appeal, and others were only informed that they lost their status after masked federal agents arrested them.
The Senators concluded by appealing to the Administration to reconsider these visa revocations and warning them to adhere to federal law, before making a series of immigration requests.
“Students who have entered through our legal immigration system and followed the law remain unsure of what, if any, steps they may take to maintain their status and safeguard themselves from immigration enforcement,” concluded the Senators. “While we are relieved that ICE has reversed these SEVIS terminations, we now urge you to undo other actions to end student status that are inconsistent with such laws, regulations, and agency guidance. Finally, we understand that you are contemplating additional actions to end student status. Any such changes must be consistent with applicable statutes, including requirements for notice with respect to changes that would deprive a student of their status and ability to live and study in the United States and place them at risk of detention.”
The letter was led by U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Ranking Member of the Senate Judiciary Committee. In addition to Padilla and Schiff, the letter was also signed by Senators Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), Michael Bennet (D-Colo.), Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Lisa Blunt Rochester (D-Del.), Cory Booker (D-N.J.), Chris Coons (D-Del.), Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.), Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), Maggie Hassan (D-N.H.), Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.), Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii), Tim Kaine (D-Va.), Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), Andy Kim (D-N.J.), Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), Ben Ray Luján (D-N.M.), Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), Patty Murray (D-Wash.), Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.), Jack Reed (D-R.I.), Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.), Tina Smith (D-Minn.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Mark Warner (D-Va.), Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), Peter Welch (D-Vt.), Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.).
In 2021, Senator Padilla led a group of 23 Senators in calling on the State Department to address the backlog of visas for international students. Padilla also chaired a hearing entitled “Strengthening our Workforce and Economy through Higher Education and Immigration” in 2022, highlighting the challenges undocumented students and international students face in seeking higher education and obtaining jobs in the United States.
Full text of the letter is available here and below:
Dear Secretary Noem, Secretary Rubio, and Acting Director Lyons: We recently learned that your agencies have been revoking student visas and terminating Student Exchange and Visitor Information System (SEVIS) records across the country. These actions to end student status reflected an unannounced change in policy and were inconsistent with existing laws, regulations, policies, and agency guidance governing the maintenance and termination of student status—that is why we welcomed the news late last week that in response to litigation around the country, ICE has reversed these SEVIS terminations. We now urge you to undo other actions to end student status that are inconsistent with such laws, regulations, and agency guidance and ensure that all future actions to end student status fully comply with the law.
Foreign students must navigate a complicated mix of agencies to maintain their status. Under current regulations and policy, students who enter into the United States on an F-1 student visa or J-1 exchange visitor visa are admitted to the United States for “duration of status.” This essentially means that F-1 and J-1 visa holders may be in good standing as long as they comply with the terms and conditions of their status, even if their visa has expired. Students who enter on an M-1 visa for vocational education are admitted for a fixed time period to complete their course of study. The Office of Student Exchange and Visitor Programs (SEVP), within the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), works with universities and program administrators to determine whether F-1 and M-1 students are meeting requirements for their visas and terminate SEVIS records as appropriate under SEVP regulations. The Department of State (DOS) Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs administers the J-1 exchange visitor visa, but their records are maintained by SEVIS. Existing regulations and agency guidance inform students and other visa holders of how they might lose their student status, including that they cannot be convicted of serious crimes, cannot work unless authorized by DHS, and must be completing the education or program related to their visa. However, students across the country—who by all accounts appear to have followed all of the applicable laws and agency guidance—have reported visa revocations with no clear explanation as to the basis to terminate status. SEVP has completed at least 4,736 total terminations of student visa holders’ SEVIS records. By DHS’s own admission, the statute and regulations do not provide SEVP the authority to terminate nonimmigrant status by terminating a SEVIS record. Your decision to reverse such terminations is therefore prudent and required by law.
Current laws, regulations, and agency guidance also require notice to be provided when a student’s status is being terminated or revoked. Here, it is not clear that students were provided the notice required by law. Many students were notified by universities that they have lost their student status when their SEVIS records have been terminated, without being provided any information about potential reinstatement. Some students received emails that their visas were revoked and were directed to self-deport, with no clear information as to the basis for their revocation or means by which they can appeal the revocation. Some students only learned about losing status when arrested by masked federal agents. These reports suggest that students were not given notice of the termination of their status in a manner consistent with existing laws, regulations, and agency guidance.
Once a student’s visa is revoked, although their status is not automatically terminated, removal proceedings may be initiated against them, allowing them to be detained at the discretion of DHS. Similarly, when a student’s SEVIS record is terminated, the student is no longer in an authorized period of stay in the United States, and students and their universities cannot regularly maintain student records in SEVIS, as is required to maintain student status. In addition, upon SEVIS record termination, the student must depart the United States or take other action to restore legal status, and DHS “may investigate to confirm the departure of the student.”
Students who have entered through our legal immigration system and followed the law remain unsure of what, if any, steps they may take to maintain their status and safeguard themselves from immigration enforcement. While we are relieved that ICE has reversed these SEVIS terminations, we now urge you to undo other actions to end student status that are inconsistent with such laws, regulations, and agency guidance. Finally, we understand that you are contemplating additional actions to end student status. Any such changes must be consistent with applicable statutes, including requirements for notice with respect to changes that would deprive a student of their status and ability to live and study in the United States and place them at risk of detention.
We also request information to better understand how your departments are implementing any new, unannounced policies with respect to identifying students for status revocation. Please provide the following information by May 12, 2025:
1. Any guidance issued by DOS and/or DHS governing the revocations of nonimmigrant visas, issued from January 20, 2025 to date.
2. Any guidance issued by DOS and/or DHS governing how nonimmigrants are to be notified of visa revocations, issued from January 20, 2025 to date.
3. Any guidance issued by DOS and/or DHS governing the terminations of SEVIS records, issued from January 20, 2025 to April 25, 2025.
4. Any guidance issued by DOS and/or DHS governing how student visa holders are to be notified of SEVIS terminations, issued from January 20, 2025 to April 25, 2025.
5. Any guidance issued by DOS, DHS, and/or the Department of Justice governing the initiation of removal proceedings or immigration enforcement against student visa holders and other nonimmigrants, issued from January 20, 2025 to date.
6. Any guidance issued by DOS and/or DHS regarding the use of artificial intelligence to search national databases, criminal records, and social media to identify nonimmigrants for visa revocation or to otherwise end status, issued from January 20, 2025 to date.
7. The total number of student visas (F-1, M-1, or J-1 visas) that have been revoked since January 20, 2025 to date, disaggregated by:
a. Student’s country of origin;
b. Consulate or embassy that issued the visa;
c. Visa category/Optional Practical Training (OPT);
d. Date of revocation;
e. University of study;
f. Type of degree or field of study;
g. Notice provided;
h. Legal basis for revocation;
i. Any grace period to allow students to make travel or other arrangements; and
j. Whether the student’s SEVIS record was also terminated.
8. The total number of SEVIS record terminations that have been issued since January 20, 2025 to April 25, 2025, disaggregated by—
a. Student’s country of origin;
b. Visa category/Optional Practical Training (OPT);
c. Date of revocation;
d. University of study;
e. Type of degree or field of study;
f. Whether the termination was initiated by the university or by DHS;
g. Basis for termination;
h. Notice provided;
i. Any grace period to allow students to make travel or other arrangements; and
j. Whether the student’s visa was revoked.
9. The number of student visa holders on F-1, M-1, J-1 nonimmigrant status issued Form I862, Notice to Appear, initiating removal proceedings.
Thank you for your prompt attention to this critical matter.
Sincerely,
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fiona MacDonald, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Northern British Columbia
Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.
Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.
The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”
Poilievre’s messaging
The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.
This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.
The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.
The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.
Advance voting in a gendered election
Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.
Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.
While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?
This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.
Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.
The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.
These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.
Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.
Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.
Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.
Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.
This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.
These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.
Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
This election not only shapes Canada’s domestic trajectory, but also carries significant implications for its international partnerships amid rising geopolitical uncertainty.
As some European countries and the United States head towards isolationism, authoritarianism and turn to the East — even flirting with Russia — Canada’s continued Liberal leadership reinforces its position as a key ally for the European Union. Carney’s centrist and pro-EU attitude provides stability and relief for Europeans.
From defence to trade and climate, Canada and the EU share deep economic and strategic ties. With a Liberal government, these connections will strengthen, offering both sides what they need the most: a reliable, like-minded partner at a time of transatlantic unpredictability.
What does Carney’s victory mean specifically for the Canada-EU relationship?
Trade remains the foundation of the Canada-EU relationship, and both sides should aim to build on it. At the heart of this partnership is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which has increased EU-Canada trade by 65 per cent since 2017.
As the U.S. speeds toward toward economic nationalism, CETA has become more than a commercial agreement — it’s a strategic anchor in the global liberal order. One of the Liberal government’s early priorities is likely to consolidate and strengthen CETA. In doing so, Canada can position itself as an ambitious partner, ready to seize new opportunities as European countries seek to reduce their reliance on the American market.
Climate and energy: A balanced agenda
Climate and energy, too, offer new opportunities for co-operation. Both Canada and the EU are navigating the tensions between pursuing ambitious decarbonization goals and managing economic and inflationary pressures. After scrapping Canada’s carbon tax on his first day in office, Carney has already hinted at a more pragmatic environmental stance.
As Europe accelerates its green agenda and implements new sustainability rules, only countries with strong environmental standards qualify as long-term partners. Canada, provided it stays the course on climate policies, is well-positioned to be a key partner in Europe’s green transition.
This signal of rearmament reflects not only alignment with NATO expectations but also a broader understanding that liberal democracies must be prepared to defend themselves. Nowhere is this more pressing than in Ukraine, the epicentre of Europe’s geopolitical storm.
Canada has been among the most reliable supporters of Ukraine since the onset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, aligning itself with Europe’s most committed nations — France, Poland, the Baltics and, increasingly, Germany.
But as threats evolve, the battlefield also extends beyond Ukraine’s frontlines. Hybrid attacks — cyber, disinformation campaigns and foreign interference in democratic processes — now wash up on all shores. Canada’s National Cyber Threat Assessment 2025–26 identifies state-sponsored cyber operations as one of the most serious threats to democratic stability, particularly from Russia and China.
In strengthening its defence collaboration, Ottawa is hoping to get a seat in the fight against autocracies. The question is no longer whether to engage, but how to lead in this era of layered and compounding threats coming from rivals like Russia and China — and now from the U.S., a historical Canadian ally.
Under Carney’s leadership, Canada is likely to pursue a pragmatic and globally engaged liberalism definitively aligned with Europe. As Canada and the EU are both looking for reliable allies to weather the storm, this renewed western alliance could solidify around Ottawa and Brussels — anchored in shared democratic values and pragmatic leadership.
Katerina Sviderska receives funding from Fonds de Recherche du Québec and the Gates Cambridge Foundation.
Leandre Benoit receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fiona MacDonald, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Northern British Columbia
Canada’s 2025 federal election will be remembered as a game-changer. Liberal Leader Mark Carney pulled off a dramatic reversal of political fortunes after convincing voters he was the best candidate to fight annexation threats from United States President Donald Trump.
Yet Poilievre’s lead soon vanished due to shifting voter sentiments defined less by the official campaign period and more by the months that preceded it. Justin Trudeau’s early January resignation announcement and Carney’s confirmation that he was officially in the Liberal leadership race dramatically changed the political landscape.
The party went from being 20 percentage points behind the Conservatives to overtaking them, putting the party on track to secure its fourth consecutive victory. A shift described by longtime pollster Frank Graves as “unprecedented.”
Poilievre’s messaging
The emerging “Canada strong” and “elbows up” narratives, linked to the widespread anti-Trump sentiment, proved a major advantage for the Liberals, who made the most out of this political gift.
This shift, alongside Carney’s elimination of the carbon tax, left Poilievre on the back foot as his longstanding messaging on Trudeau and his “axe the tax” slogan became largely irrelevant.
The impact of these shifts in electoral fortunes extended beyond the two main parties. As the election became increasingly a two-party race between the Liberals and Conservatives, the smaller parties struggled for relevance.
The Bloc Québecois also lost ground, as did the Green Party of Canada and the People’s Party of Canada (PPC). Neither the Greens nor the PPC fielded full slates of candidates or participated in the leaders’ debates and therefore played comparatively limited roles in this election.
Advance voting in a gendered election
Another notable feature of this election was the record advance voting turnout, which surged to 7.3 million Canadians, up sharply from 5.8 million in 2021.
Early voting has now become a central part of party campaign strategy, with campaigns “getting out the vote” at every opportunity, not just on Election Day. This trend raises questions not only about whether overall turnout will rise, but also whether party platforms remain as influential given so many votes were cast before all parties released their platforms.
While many Canadians take in elections with a focus on party leaders and seat counts, there are other important ways to contemplate election outcomes in terms of inclusion and voice. What does this election tell us about gender and diversity representation in Canada’s Parliament?
This was a deeply gendered election. The major party leaders are all men, with the exception of Elizabeth May, the Green Party co-leader.
Preliminary candidate data showed a decrease in the number of women candidates compared to 2021.
The NDP nominated the highest proportion of women candidates — the majority of its candidates are women — and fielded the most diverse slate of candidates in terms of Indigenous people, Black people, racialized people and LGBTQ+ candidates. But the party’s dramatic losses mean these gains will not translate into more diverse representation in Parliament.
These decisions reverse previous efforts taken to institutionalize gender and diversity leadership in Canada’s Parliament.
Party platforms also reflected diverging approaches when it came to women. The Conservative platform only mentioned women four times, and three of those mentions were in the context of opposition to transgender rights.
Polling also revealed intersections of generation, gender and class are increasingly relevant. Like the last federal election, young working-class men are increasingly drawn to the Conservatives. This trend appears to be driven less by fiscal conservatism and more by concerns about rapid social change, a trend also observed in the 2024 American presidential election.
Many of these young men are expressing frustrations over housing affordability and job security, and what they view as the Liberal and NDP’s “woke culture,” which they view as eroding traditional values that have traditionally benefited men. In contrast, Canadian women of all ages continue to favour parties they view as more progressive — the Liberals and the NDP.
Theoretical explanations for this include young men feeling left behind by the Liberals, while the Conservatives have seemingly figured out a way to connect with them.
This may reflect campaign rhetoric about returning to traditional expectations and values around gender roles and men’s rights to well-paying jobs, an affordable home and taking care of their families.
These reforms are understood to be essential for enhancing the legitimacy, responsiveness and effectiveness of Canada’s parliamentary system. Research on gender-and diversity-sensitive parliaments consistently shows that when legislative bodies reflect the diversity of the societies they govern, they are more likely to produce policies that are equitable, inclusive and trusted by the public.
Overall, this Canadian election was characterized by transformative twists and turns that shed more light on important ongoing questions about representation and the potential need for democratic reform if Canadians want to avoid a two-party system.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tegan Cohen, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Digital Media Research Centre, Queensland University of Technology
Another election, another wave of unsolicited political texts. Over this campaign, our digital mailboxes have been stuffed with a slew of political appeals and promises, many from the new party Trumpet of Patriots (backed by Clive Palmer, a veteran of the mass text campaign).
The practice isn’t new, and it’s totally legal under current laws. It’s also non-partisan. Campaigns of all stripes have partaken. Behold, the Liberal Party’s last-minute SMS to voters about asylum seekers before the 2022 federal election, or Labor’s controversial “Mediscare” text before the 2016 poll. Despite multiple cycles of criticism, these tactics remain a persistent feature of Australian election campaigns.
A recent proposal to update decades-old rules could help change things – if a government would put it into practice.
What does the law say about political spam?
Several laws regulate spam and data collection in Australia.
First, there is the Spam Act. This legislation requires that organisations obtain our consent before sending us marketing emails, SMSs and instant messages. The unsubscribe links you see at the bottom of spam emails? Those are mandated by the Spam Act.
Second, the Do Not Call Register (DNCR) Act. This Act establishes a “do not call” register, managed by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA), which individuals can join to opt out of telemarketing calls.
Finally, there is the Privacy Act, which governs how organisations collect, use and disclose our personal information. Among other things, the Privacy Act requires that organisations tell us when and why they are collecting our personal information, and the purposes for which they intend to use it. It restricts organisations from re-purposing personal information collected for a particular purpose, unless an exception applies.
This trio of laws was designed to offer relief from unsolicited, unwanted direct marketing. It does not, however, stop the deluge of political spam at election time due to broad political exemptions sewn into the legislation decades ago.
The Spam Act and DNCR Act apply to marketing for goods and services but not election policies and promises, while the Privacy Act contains a carve-out for political parties, representatives and their contractors.
The upshot is that their campaigns are free to spam and target voters at will. Their only obligation is to disclose who authorised the message.
How do political campaigns get our information?
Secrecy about the nature and extent of campaign data operations, enabled by the exemptions, makes it difficult to pinpoint precisely where a campaign might have obtained your data from.
There are, however, a number of ways political campaigns can acquire our information.
One source is the electoral roll (though not for phone numbers, as the Australian Electoral Commission often points out). Incumbent candidates might build on this with information they obtain through contact with constituents which, thanks to the exemptions, they’re allowed to re-purpose for campaigning at election time.
Another source is data brokers – firms which harvest, analyse and sell large quantities of data and profiles.
We know the major parties have long maintained voter databases to support their targeting efforts, which have become increasingly sophisticated over the years.
Other outfits might take more haphazard approaches – former MP Craig Kelly, for example, claimed to use software to randomly generate numbers for his texting campaign in 2021.
What can be done?
Unwanted campaign texts are not only irritating to some. They can be misleading.
This year, there have been reports of “push polling” texts (pseudo surveys meant to persuade rather than gauge voter options) in the marginal seat of Kooyong. The AEC has warned about misleading postal vote applications being issued by parties via SMS.
This election campaign has seen a flood of texts from Trumpet of Patriots among others. The Conversation, CC BY-SA
Generative AI is hastening the ability to produce misleading content, cheaply and at scale, which can be quickly pushed out across an array of online social and instant messaging services.
In short, annoying texts are just one visible symptom of a wider vulnerability created by the political exemptions.
The basic argument for the political exemptions is to facilitate freedom of political communication, which is protected by the Constitution. As the High Court has said, that freedom is necessary to support informed electoral choice. It does not, however, guarantee speakers a captive audience.
In 2022, the Attorney-General’s Department proposed narrowing the political exemptions, as part of a suite of updates to the Privacy Act. Per the proposal, parties and representatives would need to be more transparent about their data operations, provide voters with an option to unsubscribe from targeted ads, refrain from targeting voters based on “sensitive information”, and handle data in a “fair and reasonable” manner.
The changes would be an overdue but welcome step, recognising the essential role of voter privacy in a functioning democratic system.
Unfortunately, the government has not committed to taking up the proposal.
A bipartisan lack of support is likely the biggest obstacle, even as the gap created by the political exemptions widens, and its rationale becomes flimsier, with each election cycle.
Tegan Cohen has received funding from the Australian Research Council (FT210100263). She has volunteered for not-for-profit groups and parties, including the Wilderness Society and the Australian Greens.
The Oscars have entered the age of artificial intelligence (AI). Last week the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences explicitly said, for the first time, films using generative AI tools will not be disqualified from the awards.
It’s a timely decision. As generative AI becomes more integrated into filmmaking, debates over creativity and authorship are intensifying. Writers’ strikes and fears of artistic displacement have dominated recent industry discussions.
But how do audiences feel about the use of AI in films? Our research suggests they may be more open to it than the industry might expect.
What the new rules say
The updated Oscars guidelines make it clear the use of generative AI will neither help, nor hinder, a film’s chances of nomination.
What matters is the degree to which people remain at the centre of the creative process. While AI tools can be part of the workflow, the judges will scrutinise the standard of human creative authorship in a given work.
This reflects broader shifts taking place in the film industry. AI tools are now embedded in many stages of production, including for high-profile and award-nominated films.
At this year’s Oscars, Adrien Brody won best actor for his performance in The Brutalist, which used generative AI to enhance the actor’s Hungarian dialogue. Emilia Pérez – the most nominated film, with 13 nods – also used AI-powered voice cloning in post-production.
The Oscars update isn’t introducing AI to Hollywood. It’s simply acknowledging the extent to which it is already in use.
Do audiences mind?
To understand how audiences respond to AI’s creative role in film, we conducted an experiment testing people’s reactions to AI-generated film ideas.
For our study, published in the Journal of Cultural Economics, we asked 500 US-based participants to rate AI-generated film “pitches” in terms of their anticipated enjoyment and likelihood of watching the film across different formats (such as cinema, online rental, or streaming).
Half of the participants were explicitly told the ideas were generated by AI, while the other half were not. Each AI-generated pitch included a synopsis, director, top-billed cast, genre, rating and runtime.
The results were clear. There was no systematic bias against AI-generated pitches. Ratings of anticipated enjoyment and likelihood of watching the films were broadly similar, regardless of whether the participants knew AI was involved.
AI-assisted versus AI-produced
It’s important to note our research focused on audience reactions to ideas – the initial pitch for a film – and not the final product. This distinction matters.
AI’s role was limited in our experiment. Human directors and cast members were implicitly part of each pitch, and there was no suggestion AI had written the full screenplay or contributed in other ways to the production of the final film.
As we note in our paper, AI’s limited involvement likely shaped participants’ responses. There was an implicit understanding that human creativity would remain central to the final product.
This aligns with broader evidence from other creative sectors. In the case of music and visual art, audiences tend to respond less favourably when they believe a work has been fully AI-generated.
Together, these findings suggest the middle ground may be the best approach. While audiences may be accepting of AI’s contribution to creative tasks such as idea generation, editing, and visual and audio effects, they still value human authorship and authenticity in the final product.
That is also the balance the Academy Awards seems to be aiming for. The new rules do not disqualify films for using AI. However, they emphasise that awards will go to works where humans remain at the heart of the creative process. For now, audiences appear to be comfortable with that approach, too.
What it means for the industry
Generative tools are becoming part of the mainstream production toolkit. And this raises important questions about creative labour, credit and compensation.
While our research suggests audiences may be open to AI-generated content, this doesn’t mean the industry can move forward without careful deliberation. The question is no longer whether AI will shape the future of film, but how – and who gets to decide the terms.
If AI is to complement, rather than diminish, the filmmaking process, it will be important to maintain clear standards and ethical guidelines around AI use, as well as a clear role for human authorship.
This includes transparency around how AI tools are used, and appropriate recognition for creative contributions – including for those whose work has been used to train generative AI systems.
The real test will be whether the industry can embrace AI without losing sight of the creative values that define it.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Award winning South Australian architect Guy Maron AM is responsible for some of Adelaide’s most iconic buildings, including UniSA’s original City West campus and the Bicentennial Conservatory in the Adelaide Botanic Garden.
Yet his body of works also includes significant housing projects, educational facilities and commercial buildings.
The exhibition, shown in collaboration with UniSA’s Architecture Museum, will showcase photographs, drawings and writings from Maron’s extensive body of work. This includes prizewinning housing at Clovercrest from 1964 and the modern Australian Automobile Headquarters in Canberra, as well as many of Maron’s innovative competition entries for significant national buildings.
Maron played a major role in the foundation of UniSA’s City West campus, designed to promote interaction and the flow of ideas and knowledge between students and across disciplines.
He spent his early years in Sydney where he studied architecture at the University of Sydney before moving to North America where he lived and studied for four years.
“It’s the desire for any young architect to reach to the top of his profession and as new graduates we were inspired by the pioneers of modern architecture such Walter Gropius, Frank Lloyd Wright, le Corbusier and Mies van der Rohe who were leading the world at the time as hero-architects,” Maron says.
“Climate had a great deal of influence on me, and it became evident that the concept of shelter was of paramount importance in our environment. My parental home in Batavia (Djakarta) showed an ability to cope with the harshness of the tropical heat and humidity, which was a fortunate influence on me in dealing with the tropical environment where air-conditioning did not exist.
“This early awakening to the environment was of crucial importance to my realisation of the importance of shelter as a prime determinant of architecture. The concept of functionalism and the acceptance of its importance came naturally to me and was never an issue I took for granted during my studies of architecture.”
The Bicentennial Conservatory in the Adelaide Botanic Gardens.
Relocating to Adelaide in 1972, Maron became the principal in the firm Cheesman, Doley, Neighbour and Raffen. His career took off in the late 1980s and he completed his most famous building, the Bicentennial Conservatory in the Adelaide Botanic Gardens in 1989, which went on to win 10 national awards as well as international design awards, including the BHP Architecture of the Decade Award. He also designed the Mount Lofty Lookout in the Adelaide Hills.
Maron has said his architecture comes from ‘finding rational solutions to intricate problems’ with the credo ‘more for less’ informing his work, something evident across the photographs, drawings, and writings on display in this exhibition.
He reflects on the world’s expanding population and need for new buildings to accommodate new arrivals.
“The world is increasing by a net 200,000 new arrivals every day… meaning that we have a need for 50 million new buildings a year to accommodate our new arrivals. That must be achieved by one million registered architects worldwide. This is not possible,” Maron says.
“In my opinion we are due for another major engineering invention of some kind that will bring about a revolution. An attitudinal change will be required as well so that people can divorce themselves from accepted forms of design and construction and embrace a new world, a world that will build houses and housing on an endless belt as for motor cars today and build hundreds of houses per day.
“This engineering invention is overdue by a long time now and is urgent. It will be expected to cause the same revolution as reinforced concrete did.”
Enduring Rationalism: The Architecture of Guy Maron is showing at The Bob Hawke Prime Ministerial Centre’s Kerry Packer Civic Gallery at UniSA, located on Level 3 of the Hawke Building, 55 North Terrace, City West Campus, from 30 April to 30 May, Monday to Friday, 9am to 6pm. Free entry.
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
NAIROBI, April 28 — For centuries, China and Kenya have shared a history of exchanges and cooperation. Last week, their relationship entered a new stage as Chinese President Xi Jinping held talks with Kenyan President William Ruto in Beijing, agreeing to elevate bilateral ties to a China-Kenya community with a shared future in the new era.
Xi called on the two sides to enhance regular policy communication, build connectivity at a higher level, promote sustainable trade, explore diversified financial integration, carry forward the friendship forged through generations, and be leaders in advancing high-quality Belt and Road cooperation.
SKILLS TRAINING
Linet Wambui Kihoro, a 27-year-old railway safety engineer, works among tracks and equipment at the Mombasa-Nairobi Standard Gauge Railway, a flagship project under the Belt and Road Initiative. A graduate of Beijing Jiaotong University, Kihoro now applies her expertise to maintain the daily operation of Kenya’s railways.
In January 2024, Xi replied to a letter from Kenyan students and alumni of Beijing Jiaotong University, including Kihoro.
President Xi encouraged the Kenyan students to learn professional knowledge well, continue the traditional friendship and devote themselves to bilateral cooperation, she said.
“The China-Kenya community with a shared future in the new era is not only a cooperation intention at the governmental level, but is also reflected in various aspects such as people-to-people connectivity, youth exchanges and cultural mutual learning,” she said.
According to a joint statement released on Thursday, China and Kenya pledged to strengthen cooperation in such areas as industry, agriculture, higher education, vocational education and human resource training.
An increasing number of young people, like Kihoro, are benefiting from China-Africa cooperation in education and capacity building. From the Mombasa-Nairobi Railway to the Swak Dam, the Nairobi Expressway and the Garissa Solar Power Plant, high-quality Belt and Road projects have not only improved the daily lives of Kenyans but also provided opportunities to learn new skills and knowledge.
James Karimi Njuguna, a Kenyan engineer, participated in the upgrading of the Olkaria I power plant, Africa’s first geothermal plant, which had been struggling with corroded pipelines and outdated technology. “Chinese companies revitalized the geothermal fields by optimizing turbine structures and well layouts,” Njuguna said. “It was a technological revolution. They modernized the equipment, hired local employees and provided professional training, cultivating a new generation of technical experts in Kenya.”
A report by the Kenya-China Economic and Trade Association showed that between 2022 and 2023, Chinese enterprises employed more than 60,000 local workers in Kenya, with a localization rate exceeding 90 percent. This not only increased local employment but also contributed to transforming the technological landscape.
AGRICULTURAL COOPERATION
In Matangi Tisa Village in Kenya’s Nakuru County, home to Kenya’s first demonstration village for China-Africa agricultural development and poverty reduction, people are busy planting tomatoes with the help of Chinese experts.
For years, local tomato farming had been plagued by bacterial wilt, but villagers are hopeful of a bountiful harvest this season.
When the Chinese and Kenyan presidents met during the Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) held in Beijing last year, Xi said “the two sides should closely synergize the high-quality Belt and Road cooperation with Kenya Vision 2030, build an East African connectivity hub and industrial belt, and strengthen cooperation in such areas as digital economy, new energy, economy, trade, poverty reduction and agriculture development.”
Among the 10 partnership actions announced by Xi at the 2024 FOCAC Summit is the partnership action for agriculture and livelihoods. Under this initiative, China has committed to building 100,000 mu (about 6,670 hectares) of standardized agricultural demonstration areas, sending 500 agricultural experts, and establishing a China-Africa agricultural science and technology innovation alliance.
These commitments are injecting fresh momentum into Africa’s efforts toward agricultural modernization and poverty alleviation.
In a recent interview with Xinhua, President Ruto praised China’s success in lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty, calling China’s experience highly relevant for African countries still grappling with poverty. He expressed hope to leverage Chinese expertise to advance Kenya’s agricultural modernization and industrialization.
In Kenya’s Siaya County, 69-year-old farmer Peter Onyango was watching the clear waters flow through newly dug irrigation channels, eagerly anticipating a good harvest. Built by a Chinese company along the lower reaches of the Nzoia River, this irrigation project, the largest of its kind in Kenya, has significantly boosted local irrigation capacity.
Officially operational in April, the canal is expected to enhance food security. When visiting the project in January, Ruto said that the new infrastructure would play a major role in advancing Kenya’s economic transformation by boosting agricultural productivity.
STRENGTHENING ECONOMIC TIES
Rains in April have breathed new life into the rolling tea plantations of western Kenya. Near the C22 highway built by a Chinese company, several tea processing factories are working at full speed.
A few years ago, the road was little more than a muddy dirt track, often becoming impassable during the rainy season. “Truck wheels would get stuck, and sometimes water would seep into the tea boxes, ruining the harvest,” recalled driver John Murambi.
Since the road was upgraded to a paved highway, Murambi can now make multiple deliveries a day, which has greatly increased his income. “We no longer have to worry about tea spoiling on the road,” he said.
At the nearby Kipkebe Tea Factory, General Manager Silas Njibwakale said that since the completion of the road upgrading, transportation losses have dropped from about a quarter of total production to nearly zero. A once-impassable route has now become a major artery supporting local communities.
Across Kenya, Chinese-built roads, railways and ports are helping break transportation bottlenecks for key exports like tea, coffee, flowers and avocados, allowing these goods to reach global markets more quickly and reliably.
Thousands of miles away in Changsha, central China, the permanent exhibition hall of the China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo at Gaoqiao Grand Market is bustling with visitors. Launched by President Xi during the 2018 FOCAC Beijing Summit, the expo has become a vital platform showcasing African goods.
Huang Zinan, who specializes in China-Africa trade, said her company has recently imported a batch of Kenyan avocados and is now negotiating with a local tea brand to feature the fruit as a premium ingredient. Initially focused on Kenyan flowers, she now plans to expand her business to more “African treasures.”
“Products from Africa are gaining increasing recognition and popularity in China,” Huang said. “I hope to build not just a trade bridge, but also a bridge of culture and friendship across the seas.” Through something as simple as an avocado or a fresh flower, she hopes to tell the story of win-win cooperation between China, Kenya and the wider African continent.
International researchers are urging a critical rethink of digital technology in schools, warning that many classroom education tools are collecting student data in ways that could threaten privacy and wellbeing.
UniSA researcher and contributing author to the new book – Handbook of Children and Screens – Dr Jamie Manolev says the lack of transparency around education technologies (ed-tech) raises concerns.
“Edtech products have rapidly flooded classrooms worldwide, but this has outpaced regulation and research. As a result, many tools have been adopted without understanding their long-term educational or ethical impacts,” Dr Manolev says.
“Children shouldn’t just be taught with technologies, but about them, which centres on the knowledge and competencies of each teacher, who should be supported to understand the inner workings of the programs they use.
“While edtech does present new opportunities for engaging students, supporting personalised learning, improving access, and streamlining school processes, most tools are data-hungry, capturing information during every interaction from lessons and assessments to communication and monitoring.
“It risks turning students into datapoints, limiting their potential as human beings, and raising concerns about student wellbeing, privacy, and surveillance.
“Furthermore, while edtech is designed to level the playing field – especially for students in rural or remote areas – barriers like internet access, data bias, and cost can still leave many behind.”
Platforms like ClassDojo, GoGuardian and Gaggle are used in schools worldwide. However, these technologies often oversimplify student behaviour, reducing it to numerical scores without the necessary context.
Lead author, LSE’s Dr Velislava Hillman says that teachers need greater support to understand how education technologies work, including how data is collected and used, so they can make informed decisions in the classroom.
“We need to move beyond the idea that more tech is always better,” Dr Hillman says.
“The ed-tech sector is extremely fast, making it hard for teachers to keep up. And while teachers may try to engage in ongoing professional development, they need the time and support to be able to do so.
“Stronger regulation is essential to protect students and ensure that technology supports their learning without compromising their privacy or wellbeing. We must prioritise children’s interests to safeguard their future in a safe and ethical way, in an increasingly digitised school environment.”
Published in a landmark international volume on childhood studies, the chapter is part of growing calls for reform in how digital tools are used and understood in Australian classrooms.
*Contributing authors include Dr Velislava Hillman, London School of Economics and Political Science; Dr Jamie Manolev, University of South Australia; Dr Samantha-Kaye Johnston, University of Oxford; Dr Priya C. Kumar, Pennsylvania State University; Dr Florence Martin, North Carolina State University; Assist. Prof Elana Zeide University of Nebraska; Prof Dr Gergana Vladova, Humboldt University of Berlin; and Dr Rina Lai, University of Cambridge.
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
BEIJING, April 28 — On the afternoon of April 25, the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee held its 20th group study session, which focused on strengthening the development and regulation of artificial intelligence (AI). While presiding over the session, Xi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, said in the face of the rapid evolution of new-generation AI technologies, China must fully leverage the strengths of the new system for mobilizing the resources nationwide, achieve self-reliance and strength in this regard, and prioritize practical application so as to promote the healthy and orderly development of AI in the country in a beneficial, safe and fair manner.
Zheng Nanning, a professor with Xi’an Jiaotong University, made a presentation and put forward suggestions. Members of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee listened attentively to the presentation and held discussions.
After hearing the presentation and discussions, Xi delivered an important speech, emphasizing that AI, as a strategic technology leading the new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, is profoundly reshaping people’s work and life. The CPC Central Committee attaches great importance to the development of AI. In recent years, efforts have been made to improve top-level design and strengthen overall planning, achieving systematic and comprehensive advancement of China’s AI capabilities. At the same time, deficiencies and weaknesses exist in areas such as basic theories and core technologies in key fields. Xi stressed the need to face up to the gaps and redouble efforts in order to comprehensively advance technological innovation, industrial development, and application empowerment in AI, improve regulatory systems and mechanisms, and firmly maintain the initiative in AI development and governance.
Xi stressed that to gain a head start and secure a competitive edge in AI, it is a must to achieve breakthroughs in basic theories, methodologies and tools. He called for concentrated efforts on basic research, integrated endeavors for breakthroughs in core technologies such as high-end chips and basic software, as well as building a basic AI software and hardware system that is autonomous, controllable and functioning collaboratively. By leveraging AI to drive the transformation of scientific research paradigms, we can speed up achieving breakthroughs in scientific and technological innovation in all sectors.
Xi noted that China has abundant data resources, a complete industrial system, vast application scenarios and huge market potential. He stressed the need to promote the deep integration of AI scientific and technological innovation with industrial innovation, build an enterprise-led synergistic innovation ecosystem that incorporates industries, universities, research institutes and end users, facilitate the transformation and upgrading of traditional industries, and open up new arenas in developing strategic emerging industries and future-oriented industries. He called for coordinated efforts to advance the construction of computing power infrastructure and promote the development, utilization and open sharing of data resources.
Xi emphasized that strong policy support is essential for the development of AI, a new technology and emerging field. He urged solid efforts to make integrated use of policies concerning intellectual property rights, fiscal and taxation incentives, government procurement, and the opening up of infrastructure, as well as better leverage the role of sci-tech financing. Efforts should be made to promote AI education across all academic stages and enhance public awareness across society to cultivate a steady stream of high-caliber personnel. It is necessary to improve mechanisms for AI research support, career development and talent evaluation, and to create platforms and favorable conditions for all types of talent to fully display their capabilities.
Xi noted that while AI presents unprecedented development opportunities, it also brings risks and challenges not seen before. He urged efforts to grasp the trends and regularity of AI development, accelerate formulation and improvement of laws and regulations, policies and systems, application norms and ethical guidelines, and establish systems for technical monitoring, early risk warning and emergency response, in a bid to guarantee its safety, reliability and controllability.
Xi highlighted AI as a global public good capable of benefiting the humanity. He called for extensive international cooperation on AI, as well as endeavors to help the Global South enhance its technological capacity building, and contribute China’s effort in the drive to bridge the global AI divide. He also encouraged efforts to engage all parties for further alignment and coordination of development strategies, governance rules as well as technical standards, and work toward an early formation of a consensus-based framework and standards for global governance.
When refugees flee their home country due to war, violence, conflict or persecution, they are often forced to leave behind their families.
For more than 30,000 people who have sought asylum in Australia since arriving more than a decade ago, that separation has stretched into more than a decade. This group of people – known in policy circles as “the legacy caseload” – need a clear pathway to reunite with family members.
Refugees separated from family are plagued by guilt and worry for their family members’ safety. This makes it extremely difficult to focus on education, work or getting settled.
The right to family unity is a basic human right and vital to any humane refugee policy.
However, tensions arise between refugees’ conceptions of family and the restrictive definitions embedded in Australian law.
High costs, complex administrative requirements, and lengthy processing times often delay or prevent families from reuniting.
The legacy caseload: more than a decade in limbo
The so-called “legacy caseload” refers to approximately 30,000 people who arrived by boat between 2012 and 2014, and who were placed on Temporary Protection Visas.
For more than a decade, they were denied a pathway to permanency and barred from sponsoring family members to join them in Australia.
That policy made life so unbearable, more than 6,500 people from this group “chose” to return home despite the risks they face. This raises serious concerns about whether they were genuinely able to make a free choice, or were pushed into returning to danger.
Since the Albanese government’s 2022 commitment to end temporary protection, almost 20,000 people have been eligible to transition to permanent visas through the Resolution of Status process.
This is a crucial step. Without a permanent visa, they could not sponsor family members.
Even with permanency, however, family reunion remains out of reach for many “legacy caseload” refugees. This is due to outdated laws, harsh policies and bureaucratic delays.
Many of these refugees have not seen their spouses or children since before their arrival. Because they arrived by boat, they are barred from proposing family members through the humanitarian visa program and must use the family migration program.
That’s significant because the humanitarian program has a much broader definition of “family”, and grants people access to settlement services after they arrive.
Still unresolved is the fate of some 7,000 people who were refused protection under the flawed fast track system (a now abandoned policy that was supposed to speed up processing but actually introduced delays and unfairness).
The main barriers to family reunification for refugees include:
high visa fees (partner visa application charges, when they include children, can cost more than A$20,000)
strict legal definitions (children over 23 are not classified as “dependents”; a child who was 12 when their parent fled may now be 24 — legally an adult, but still dependent and at risk)
barriers to documentation (war and instability can make it difficult or dangerous to obtain documents, such as passports or identity papers)
limited access to embassies
technical issues with online applications
repeated health checks (there is a visa requirement health checks but they are only valid for 12 months, so may need to be repeated if visa processing is delayed)
unclear rules around exemptions.
These uncertainties further delay the process and add emotional and financial strain.
introducing visa application charge concessions for refugees
allowing people to pay fees in instalments
adapting visa processing to reflect realities faced by refugee and humanitarian visa applicants, such as challenges obtaining identity documents
establishing a dedicated unit in the Department of Home Affairs for processing visas from refugee families
prioritising families where children may “age out”.
They have also called for changes to the legal definitions of “dependent” and “member of the family unit”. This is to reflect the diverse familial structures in many refugee communities.
For many refugees, family extends beyond the Western concept of the nuclear family. It may also encompass, for instance, adult daughters and parents (who often play pivotal care-giving roles).
Another big issue for many refugee families is single young women in Afghanistan being left behind because they have aged out.
Reuniting families
Australia can learn from other countries.
Canada’s refugee sponsorship program actively supports family reunification.
New Zealand offers a more affordable and flexible system. Their definitions of family are broader and visa fees are lower.
Without family reunion, a refugee’s safety remains incomplete.
I’m partly safer [in Australia], but inside I’m not safe […] I’m always afraid for the future of my family.
Thousands of refugees in Australia are still waiting. Their families remain in danger. The legal and policy tools to fix this already exist. What’s missing, for now, is the political will.
Reforming Australia’s family reunion system would mean more efficient refugee resettlement and integration, ultimately benefiting broader Australian society.
Mary Anne Kenny is a member of the Migration Institute of Australia and the Law Council of Australia and an affiliate of the UNSW Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law. She was on the Ministerial Council on Asylum Seekers and Detention (an independent advisory body) between 2012 and 2018.
This was a response from a 16-year-old boy in one of our recent studies when asked what he would say to the prime minister about gambling in Australia.
Even before they can legally gamble at the age of 18, young people recognise the harms that the gambling industry (and those who profit from gambling, such as sporting codes) can cause to Australians.
And they are frustrated by a lack of government action to protect them from these harms.
They tell us that rather than prioritising the wellbeing of the community, the government is prioritising the profits of a harmful business.
Politicians are also hearing concerns about gambling from the young people they represent in their communities.
Talk to parents and young people. They’ll name all the gambling companies. They’ll be able to recite odds. They’ll talk about the odds for the upcoming games of their favourite teams. What I’m hearing from people here in the ACT that I represent is that this is not the direction they want to go in.
Gambling has become a costly pastime for many young Australians.
Starting young
For more than a decade, our team has been talking to young people and their parents about the normalisation of gambling in Australia. We have carried out multiple studies that show how pervasive marketing tactics are normalising gambling for young Australians.
Young people tell us they see innovative marketing strategies for different gambling products (including betting, lotteries and casinos) everywhere, including during family-friendly television shows, through watching and attending sport and even while walking down the street.
They increasingly see promotions on social media sites such as TikTok and Snapchat.
They can name multiple gambling brands from a young age, and think gambling gives you a reason to watch sport.
When asked why, they say gambling adds to the fun and excitement of the game. Some tell us they would be convinced to gamble if they got a good “deal” from a company.
Newer forms of app-based gambling also make it is easier for young people to gamble anywhere, anytime when they turn 18.
As an example, a young person couldn’t sit in a classroom and drink alcohol when they reach the legal age, but it is not unusual for young people to tell us that classmates use apps to bet on major events while at school.
Some researchers have also documented the extent to which young people gamble before the age of 18.
One study found 31% of 12- to 17-year-olds had ever gambled and 6% had gambled in the past month. They found 8% were at some level of risk of gambling harm.
It’s no wonder parents are worried.
Their concern about the risks of gambling are similar to their concerns about alcohol: 70% are at least somewhat concerned about the risks associated with gambling for their children, and 27.7% are extremely concerned.
They comment that gambling products are “highly accessible”, “attractive” and “in your face”.
When parents try to talk to their children about gambling, they say it is almost impossible to “get the message across” given the constant exposure to ads that their children see in their everyday lives. As one father told us:
It’s advertised to children every day of the week when they watch their favourite sport stars, so they think it’s normal.
It’s time to act
Government decisions about how to respond to the gambling industry will have a major impact on young people’s futures. But young people have rarely (if ever) been given an opportunity by the government to put forward their views.
Research shows when they are given the opportunity to comment on gambling policy (and gambling industry tactics), they carefully consider the issues. They are also able to use their own experiences to suggest strategies that would help protect them and other young people from gambling industry harm.
Young people have been central actors in the climate justice movement, and have been key stakeholders in initiatives to respond to the tactics of the junk food and tobacco industries.
While we talk a lot about the impact of the gambling industry on young people, governments rarely consult them about the policies that are needed to protect them from harm.
Yet their message to the government in our research is clear. They:
are concerned about the influence of gambling marketing on the normalisation of gambling for young people, and its short and long-term impacts
believe current restrictions aimed at protecting young people are ineffective
are critical of the overwhelmingly positive messages about gambling they are exposed to, with very limited information about the risks and harms associated with the industry and its products.
The wellbeing of the population is more important than the revenue that comes in from these sorts of businesses.
Dr Hannah Pitt has received funding from the Australian Research Council, Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, VicHealth, NSW Office of Responsible Gambling, Department of Social Services, ACT Office of Gambling and Racing Commission, and Deakin University. She is currently a member of the Editorial Board of Health Promotion International.
Grace Arnot has received funding for gambling related research from the ACT Office of Gambling and Racing Commission, VicHealth, and Deakin University. Grace is currently a member of the Editorial Board of the journal Health Promotion International.
Professor Samantha Thomas has received funding for gambling and related research from the Australian Research Council, ACT Office of Gaming and Racing, Department of Social Services, VicHealth, Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, Healthway, NSW Office of Responsible Gambling, Deakin University. She is currently Editor in Chief for Health Promotion International, an Oxford University Press journal. She receives an honorarium for this role.
Dr Simone McCarthy has received funding for gambling and related research from ACT Office of Gaming and Racing Commision, the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, VicHealth, Department of Social Services, and Deakin University. She is currently a member of the Editorial Board of Health Promotion International.
We’ve discovered that a meteorite struck northwest Scotland 1 billion years ago, 200 million years later than previously thought. Our results are published today in the journal Geology.
This impact now aligns with some of Earth’s earliest known, land based, non-marine microbial fossils, and offers new insights into how meteorite strikes may have shaped our planet’s environment and life.
A rocky treasure trove
The Torridonian rocks of northwest Scotland are treasured by geologists as some of the finest archives of the ancient lakes and river systems that existed a billion years ago.
Those water bodies were home to microbial ecosystems consisting of eukaryotes. Eukaryotes are single-celled organisms with complex internal structures that are the ancestors of all plants and animals.
But the Torridonian environments and their associated microbial communities were dramatically disrupted when a meteor slammed into the planet.
A drone’s-eye view of the Stac Fada Member reveals towering blocks of sandstone preserving a meteorite impact frozen in time. Look closely and you’ll spot figures for scale, dwarfed by the chaotic jumble of rock fragments encased in impact-smashed debris. Tony Prave
The record of this event is preserved in a geological unit known as the Stac Fada Member. It is comprised of unusual layers of rock fragments broken and melted by the impact.
Also, crucially, there are shock-altered minerals that closely resemble those found in famous impact sites such as Chicxulub (Mexico) and Sudbury (Canada).
In the case of the Stac Fada, these minerals were engulfed in high-energy, ground-hugging flows of smashed rock triggered by the impact that spread across the ancient landscape.
What is exciting about our new date for the Stac Fada impact is that it now overlaps in age with microfossils preserved elsewhere in the Torridonian rocks.
This raises some interesting questions. For example, how did the meteorite strike influence the environmental conditions those early non-marine microbial ecosystems relied on?
Finding out the date
Determining when a meteorite struck is no easy task.
We can use minerals to constrain the age, but they have to be the right kind. In this case it means something that wasn’t overly altered by the intense heat, pressure and fluids generated by the impact, yet robust enough to survive the ravages of deep geological time.
Suitable minerals are extremely rare, but we found a few in the Stac Fada rocks. One was reidite, a mineral that only forms under extreme pressure. The other was granular zircon, a uranium-bearing mineral formed by immense impact temperatures.
Electron microscope image of a shocked zircon: blue is granular zircon, red is reidite formed under extreme pressure from a meteorite impact. Timmons Erickson
These minerals are, in effect, tiny stopwatches whose clocks start “ticking” at the time they form. Although these clocks are often damaged during the impact and the ensuing pulse of heat, we used mathematical modelling to determine the most probable time of impact.
Together, these techniques consistently pointed to an event 1 billion years old, not 1.2 billion years old as previously suggested. Given such vast spans of time, a 20% change in age might not seem dramatic.
However, the new age shows the timing of the impact coincides with early non-marine eukaryotic fossils. It also lines up with a major mountain-building event. This means the Torridonian lifeforms had to cope with significant, environment-altering phenomena.
Why this is important for you, me, and life in general
The origin of life is a deeply complex process that likely began with a series of pre-biotic chemical reactions.
While much remains unknown, it is intriguing that two ancient meteorite impacts, the 3.5-billion-year-old North Pole impact in Western Australia and now the 1-billion-year-old Stac Fada deposit in northwest Scotland, occur close in time to major milestones in the fossil record.
The North Pole impact occurs in a sequence of rocks containing stromatolites, some of the oldest-known fossils considered to be indicative of microbial life.
These rippled layers in the Torridon rocks were built by ancient microbial communities, evidence of some of the earliest life on land. Tony Prave
All life requires energy. The earliest forms of life are thought to be associated with volcanic hydrothermal springs. Impacts offer a plausible alternative. The immediate aftermath of a meteorite strike is extreme and hostile, and would ruin your day. But the long-term effects could support key biological processes.
Meteorite strikes fracture rocks, generate long-lived hydrothermal systems and form crater lakes that enable the concentration of important ingredients for life, such as clays, organic molecules and phosphorus. The latter is a key element for all forms of life.
In Scotland, the Stac Fada impact lies within an ancient river and lake environment that housed microbial ecosystems colonising the land. What makes the Stac Fada impact deposits fascinating is that, unlike most other impacts on Earth, they preserve the environments in which those pioneering organisms lived immediately prior to the impact.
Further, the impact deposits were subsequently buried as non-marine microbial habitats became reestablished. So, the Stac Fada rocks provide an opportunity to see how microbial life recovered from impact.
Extraterrestrial visitors in the form of meteorite collisions may not just have scarred Earth’s surface, but shaped its future, turning catastrophic events into natural crater-cradles of life.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Have you ever used ChatGPT to draft a work email? Perhaps to summarise a report, research a topic or analyse data in a spreadsheet? If so, you certainly aren’t alone.
Artificial intelligence (AI) tools are rapidly transforming the world of work. Released today, our global study of more than 32,000 workers from 47 countries shows that 58% of employees intentionally use AI at work – with a third using it weekly or daily.
Most employees who use it say they’ve gained some real productivity and performance benefits from adopting AI tools.
However, a concerning number are using AI in highly risky ways – such as uploading sensitive information into public tools, relying on AI answers without checking them, and hiding their use of it.
There’s an urgent need for policies, training and governance on responsible use of AI, to ensure it enhances – not undermines – how work is done.
Most employees report performance benefits from AI adoption at work. These include improvements in:
efficiency (67%)
information access (61%)
innovation (59%)
work quality (58%).
These findings echo prior research demonstrating AI can drive productivity gains for employees and organisations.
We found general-purpose generative AI tools, such as ChatGPT, are by far the most widely used. About 70% of employees rely on free, public tools, rather than AI solutions provided by their employer (42%).
However, almost half the employees we surveyed who use AI say they have done so in ways that could be considered inappropriate (47%) and even more (63%) have seen other employees using AI inappropriately.
One key concern surrounding AI tools in the workplace is the handling of sensitive company information – such as financial, sales or customer information.
Nearly half (48%) of employees have uploaded sensitive company or customer information into public generative AI tools, and 44% admit to having used AI at work in ways that go against organisational policies.
This aligns with other research showing 27% of content put into AI tools by employees is sensitive.
Check your answer
We found complacent use of AI is also widespread, with 66% of respondents saying they have relied on AI output without evaluating it. It is unsurprising then that a majority (56%) have made mistakes in their work due to AI.
Younger employees (aged 18-34 years) are more likely to engage in inappropriate and complacent use than older employees (aged 35 or older).
About a third (35%) of employees say the use of AI tools in their workplace has increased privacy and compliance risks.
‘Shadow’ AI use
When employees aren’t transparent about how they use AI, the risks become even more challenging to manage.
We found most employees have avoided revealing when they use AI (61%), presented AI-generated content as their own (55%), and used AI tools without knowing if it is allowed (66%).
This invisible or “shadow AI” use doesn’t just exacerbate risks – it also severely hampers an organisation’s ability to detect, manage and mitigate risks.
A lack of training, guidance and governance appears to be fuelling this complacent use. Despite their prevalence, only a third of employees (34%) say their organisation has a policy guiding the use of generative AI tools, with 6% saying their organisation bans it.
Pressure to adopt AI may also fuel complacent use, with half of employees fearing they will be left behind if they do not.
Almost half of respondents said they had uploaded company financial, sales or customer information into public AI tools. Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock
Better literacy and oversight
Collectively, our findings reveal a significant gap in the governance of AI tools and an urgent need for organisations to guide and manage how employees use them in their everyday work. Addressing this will require a proactive and deliberate approach.
Investing in responsible AI training and developing employees’ AI literacy is key. Our modelling shows self-reported AI literacy – including training, knowledge, and efficacy – predicts not only whether employees adopt AI tools but also whether they critically engage with them.
This includes how well they verify the tools’ output, and consider their limitations before making decisions.
We found AI literacy is also associated with greater trust in AI use at work and more performance benefits from its use.
Despite this, less than half of employees (47%) report having received AI training or related education.
Organisations also need to put in place clear policies, guidelines and guardrails, systems of accountability and oversight, and data privacy and security measures.
There are many resources to help organisations develop robust AI governance systems and support responsible AI use.
The right culture
On top of this, it’s crucial to create a psychologically safe work environment, where employees feel comfortable to share how and when they are using AI tools.
The benefits of such a culture go beyond better oversight and risk management. It is also central to developing a culture of shared learning and experimentation that supports responsible diffusion of AI use and innovation.
AI has the potential to improve the way we work. But it takes an AI-literate workforce, robust governance and clear guidance, and a culture that supports safe, transparent and accountable use. Without these elements, AI becomes just another unmanaged liability.
This research was supported by the Chair in Trust research partnership between the University of Melbourne and KPMG Australia and funding from KPMG International. The research was conducted independently by Professor Nicole Gillespie and Dr Steve Lockey and their research team at Melbourne Business School, The University of Melbourne, and published in collaboration with KPMG.
The challenges faced by journalists covering the climate emergency will be at the heart of a public symposium at Auckland University of Technology (AUT) next month.
The symposium, titled Framing the Emergency: Climate Journalism in Aotearoa New Zealand, will explore how journalists report on the climate crisis, what more they can do, and how more climate stories might be told.
Speakers will include leading journalists Eloise Gibson (RNZ), Marc Daalder (Newsroom), and Miriama Kamo (TVNZ).
Experts and activists in the line-up include Russel Norman (Greenpeace), Jessica Palairet (Lawyers for Climate Action), and Joe Nagera (Pacific Climate Warriors).
The symposium convenor, Professor Geoffrey Craig, said New Zealand climate journalists had a challenging job relating how the planetary crisis was impacting the nation.
They needed to “traverse the complexities of governmental policies and emission trading schemes, the power of corporations and the technicality of scientific research”, he said.
“They must cover the politics of land and water management, the advocacy of activists, and the struggles of citizens responding to disasters and building greater sustainability in their communities and everyday lives.”
Journalists also face the challenge of reporting independently on the “actions and discourses of stakeholders” who frame climate issues in different ways, based on their interests.
The climate emergency could be said to transforming our understanding of the relationships between economy, environment and society.
“Yet some might argue there is little sense of an ’emergency’ in our public responses to the climate crisis,” he said.
“Do we need other climate stories in our media where the mahi and hope of communities point the way forward?”
Auckland University of Technology (AUT) is one of the world’s best modern universities. Home to 28,000 students across three campuses, AUT has more than 60 research centres and institutes delivering leading research – from artificial intelligence to robotics, and ecology to public health. As a contemporary university, AUT is connected to an extraordinary range of organisations sharing expertise and resources, collaborating on ground-breaking research, and connecting students with industry leaders and employers.
The global energy system may be faced with an inescapable trade-off between urgently addressing climate change versus avoiding an energy shortfall, according to a new energy scenario tool developed by University of South Australia researchers and published in the open access journal Energies.
The Global Renewable Energy and Sectoral Electrification model, dubbed ‘GREaSE’, has been developed by UniSA Associate Professor James Hopeward with three civil engineering graduates.
‘In essence, it’s an exploratory tool, designed to be simple and easy for anyone to use, to test what-if scenarios that aren’t covered by conventional energy and climate models,’ Assoc Prof Hopeward says.
Three Honours students – Shannon O’Connor, Richard Davis and Peter Akiki – started working on the model in 2023, hoping to answer a critical gap in the energy and climate debate.
‘When we hear about climate change, we’re typically presented with two opposing scenario archetypes,’ Assoc Prof Hopeward says.
“On the one hand, there are scenarios of unchecked growth in fossil fuels, leading to climate disaster, while on the other hand there are utopian scenarios of renewable energy abundance.”
The students posed the question: what if the more likely reality is somewhere in between the two extremes? And if it is, what might we be missing in terms of risks to people and the planet?
After graduating, the team continued to work with Assoc Prof Hopeward to develop and refine the model, culminating in the publication of ‘GREaSE’ in Energies.
Using the model, the researchers have simulated a range of plausible future scenarios including rapid curtailment of fossil fuels, high and low per-capita demand, and different scenarios of electrification.
According to Richard Davis, “a striking similarity across scenarios is the inevitable transition to renewable energy – whether it’s proactive to address carbon emissions, or reactive because fossil fuels start running short.”
But achieving the rapid cuts necessary to meet the 1.5°C targets set out in the Paris Agreement presents a serious challenge.
As Ms O’Connor points out, “even with today’s rapid expansion of renewable energy, the modelling suggests it can’t expand fast enough to fill the gap left by the phase-out of fossil fuels, creating a 20 to 30-year gap between demand and supply.
“By 2050 or so, we could potentially expect renewable supply to catch up, meaning future demand could largely be met by renewables, but while we’re building that new system, we might need to rebalance our expectations around how much energy we’re going to have to power our economies.”
The modelling does not show that emissions targets should be abandoned in favour of scaling up fossil fuels. The researchers say this would “push the transition a few more years down the road”.
Assoc Prof Hopeward says it is also unlikely that nuclear power could fill the gap, due to its small global potential.
“Even if the world’s recoverable uranium resources were much larger, it would scale up even more slowly than renewables like solar and wind,” he says.
“We have to face facts: our long-term energy future is dominated by renewables. We could transition now and take the hit in terms of energy supply, or we could transition later, once we’ve burned the last of the fossil fuel. We would still have to deal with essentially the same transformation, just in the midst of potentially catastrophic climate change.
“It’s a bit like being told by your doctor to eat healthier and start exercising. You’ve got the choice to avoid making the tough changes now, and just take your chances with surviving the heart attack later, or you get on with what you know you need to do. We would argue that we really need to put our global energy consumption on a diet, ASAP.”
The researchers have designed the model to be simple, free and open source, in the hope that it sparks a wider conversation around energy and climate futures.
Full paper details:
Hopeward, J., Davis, R., O’Connor, S. and Akiki, P. (2025) The Global Renewable Energy and Sectoral Electrification (GREaSE) Model for Rapid Energy Transition Scenarios, Energies18(9). https://www.mdpi.com/1996-1073/18/9/2205
Canada’s recent launch of a new Africa Strategy comes at a moment of profound geopolitical change and growing shifts in global development co-operation.
As the western-led order and development model faces increasing scrutiny, countries like China are expanding their reach in Africa by linking development co-operation with commercial and strategic interests.
These approaches resonate with many African governments, while others raise concerns, prompting an important question: How well does Canada’s new strategy respond to these concerns?
Africa’s fast-growing population, expanding middle class and continent-wide integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) offer real opportunities for commercial engagement.
While historic, Canada’s new Africa Strategy would benefit from a clearer alignment between Africa’s economic prospects and Canada’s domestic economic challenges, such as labour shortages and trade diversification. Without a stronger economic dimension, Canada risks being perceived as all talk and little commitment.
That said, Canada’s emphasis on “mutually beneficial partnerships” — echoing China’s language on Africa — is notable, especially as western donors pull back. However, without a coherent development focus, this principle may be viewed as transactional rather than strategic.
The strategy provides a foundation to build from, but it enters a competitive arena. To build meaningful partnerships in Africa, Canada will need a more focused approach grounded in robust market research, sharper priorities and an informed understanding of Africa’s political and economic realities as well as its geopolitical context.
Backed by state financing, Chinese firms have built roads, ports, railways, dams and telecom infrastructure across the continent. This presence is no accident: for the past 30 years, every Chinese foreign minister’s first trip abroad has been to Africa.
Notably, while China is often criticized in western media, its image in Africa is more positive. Many African leaders and citizens see China as a pragmatic partner that delivers visible infrastructure and investment.
Canada should take these dynamics seriously. The narrative of “countering China” in Africa, often promoted by western governments, is ineffective. It overlooks African agency, reduces the continent to a site of great power rivalry and fails to acknowledge that African governments are actively pursuing their choice of partners, instead of a single partner of choice.
Rather than compete with China, Canada can be different. While Chinese infrastructure projects often align with African priorities, my own work on Chinese engagement in Ghana’s energy projects shows that these projects are often negotiated behind closed doors, with few accountability mechanisms and scant transparency in financing. These gaps create space for Canada to offer a distinct and credible alternative.
Canada’s approach can be different, but it should be no less strategic. It may not match China in scale, but it can offer commercial partnerships rooted in transparency, accountability and collaboration with partners, including those from China.
Many African governments and civil society entities are calling for exactly this kind of engagement, particularly as citizens demand greater scrutiny over foreign investment. By focusing on responsible business practices, labour standards, environmental safeguards and good governance, Canada can develop a values-based model of economic engagement.
Despite this potential, Canada’s new Africa Strategy lacks financial commitment. Canada’s 2022 Indo-Pacific Strategy was backed by a $2.3 billion envelope. The Africa Strategy’s success will ultimately depend on its ability to mobilize concrete resources and sustained engagement.
The strategy rightly points to Africa’s economic potential, but stronger links to Canada’s domestic priorities, such as a workforce strategy, a trade road map and implementation tools, would enhance its impact.
References to the AfCFTA are promising, but Canadian businesses need clearer guidance and support. Realizing the strategy’s goals will require measurable targets, dedicated programming and sustained investment.
A different kind of engagement
Canada’s past engagement in Africa has been rooted in diplomacy, development co-operation and peacekeeping. These remain valuable, but today’s African leaders are also seeking trade, investment and private-sector partnerships.
To become a trusted economic partner, Canada should engage with purpose by introducing targeted financing tools — such as credit lines or investment guarantees — to help Canadian businesses manage risk and seize opportunities aligned with AfCFTA.
It should also focus on strategic sectors where it already has strengths, like clean energy, health innovation, fintech, agri-business and infrastructure.
By investing in robust research and in dialogue with the African diaspora, business leaders and governance institutions, Canada strengthens commercial ties while prioritizing transparency, accountability and collaboration. Co-operation in innovation (for example, joint research on climate-smart agriculture or vaccines) could also yield benefits for both sides.
In an increasing multipolar environment, Africa is not waiting for Canada. It’s assessing and comparing competing external partners. Canada’s ability to position itself as a viable alternative depends not on replicating China’s scale, but on seeing Africa as a true partner and offering mutual partnerships that appeal to Africans and Canadian alike.
The new Africa Strategy sets an important tone for renewed engagement, but its success will depend on real investment and implementation, which so far lacks dedicated funding. Filling these gaps should be the next step, regardless of who wins Monday’s election.
Isaac Odoom does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A downtown Waterbury landmark has entered the next phase of its history as the new home of several UConn academic and research programs, complementing and expanding the wide range of offerings at the adjacent UConn Waterbury campus.
It also has a new name: The Neil O’Leary Building, honoring the former longtime Waterbury mayor who shepherded the 130-year-old Odd Fellows Hall from ruin to renaissance in partnership with UConn, local and state officials, and the building’s owners.
About 200 people, including scores of lifelong Waterbury residents, gathered last Thursday night at the building for the renaming and a ribbon-cutting event.
It included an open house and dedication ceremony with welcoming remarks from local and regional leaders including Lt. Gov. Susan Bysiewicz, U.S. Rep. Jahana Hayes, Waterbury Mayor Paul Pernerewski Jr., and several others.
“This is such an exciting time for UConn and our beautiful state, and this building is a testament to what’s possible,” Bysiewicz said of the six-story building, which had been unused and deteriorating for about 15 years before the restoration.
Lt Gov. Susan Bysiewicz speaks at the dedication of the newly renovated historic building (Steve Bustamante / University of Connecticut)
Green Hub Development III LLC purchased and renovated the landmark building through a public-private partnership, in which O’Leary was one of the most enthusiastic proponents. UConn is leasing about 26,300 square feet to expand the University’s offerings in nursing, allied health, and other programs.
Thursday night’s event celebrated not only UConn Waterbury’s growing downtown presence, but also O’Leary’s vision as the driving force in the rescue, restoration, and reuse of the once-crumbling historic structure.
“Mayor O’Leary recognized the potential of this structure when many considered it beyond saving,” said Fumiko Hoeft, UConn Waterbury’s dean and chief administrative officer.
“His vision – combined with the University’s leadership and strong partners – brought it back to life. Today, it stands ready to serve the community and generations of UConn students.”
Just a few years ago, O’Leary knew it might be a hard sell to convince others of the potential he’d long seen in the structure.
He laughed Thursday as he recalled shepherding UConn leaders through its dank, crumbling hallways – all wearing hard hats and face masks, led by flashlights, and carrying umbrellas to shield them from the rain that came in through the roof’s many holes.
Today, the building is pristine, bright, and welcoming.
It’s home to UConn’s clinic-style nursing and health care simulation rooms, research facilities, study lounges, office and administrative space, a spacious former banquet room, and other areas suitable for maker space, incubator studios, classes, and large gatherings.
The building also houses Access Rehab Centers, which held an open house during Thursday night’s event; and is home to the Waterbury Robotics Institute, a collaboration between UConn and Waterbury Public Schools.
Although speaker after speaker at Thursday night’s event lauded O’Leary, he said credit also goes to a wide range of partners that include Hoeft, UConn President Radenka Maric, UConn trustees Tom Ritter and Marilda Gandara, Waterbury’s current administration and legislative delegation, and many others.
“At the end of the day, what’s important is what we can do for the city’s and the state’s greatest assets – and that’s our students,” O’Leary said. “We must do everything in our power to support our rising students, and our partnership between our city and UConn is so strong.”
The six-story building, originally built for the local chapter of the International Order of Odd Fellows social group, is in a prime downtown location and dates to 1895.
UConn Waterbury Campus Dean Fumiko Hoeft (Steve Bustamante / University of Connecticut)
Its renovation was funded through a state grant to the City of Waterbury along with Green Hub’s private funding. It was modernized for today’s needs while retaining key elements of its history, including Venetian Gothic exterior features overlooking the Waterbury Green and the ornate ceiling in its former banquet hall.
UConn’s plan to expand its nursing education programs into the building is particularly noteworthy given the high demand in that profession, both statewide and specifically in Waterbury and the Naugatuck Valley region.
Maric, a frequent and enthusiastic visitor to UConn Waterbury, said Thursday night that the connections between the University and community go beyond the renovation of the Neil O’Leary Building.
“This is about vision, community, and unity … There’s something very special about this place, as a working-class community whose residents care deeply for each other,” Maric said.
The growth of UConn Waterbury’s campus and academic offerings also complements the UConn Strategic Plan, which includes ensuring that the campuses in Waterbury, Hartford, Stamford, and Avery Point offer signature programs that are destinations within UConn.
UConn’s Board of Trustees approved the expansion plans in 2023, which are part of a larger commitment to strengthen the University’s presence and partnerships in the Naugatuck Valley.
They include UConn’s deep involvement in the Waterbury Promise scholarship program, under which many dozens of Waterbury graduates are attending the University; and the establishment and growth of the allied health sciences major on the campus.
UConn Waterbury also prides itself on providing a tight-knit community that serves students’ individual needs while ensuring they can access world-class UConn programs in undergraduate and graduate-level fields that lead to strong, satisfying career paths.
UConn Waterbury’s new space in the Neil O’Leary Building will be ideal for serving current students while also advancing community partnerships with schools, the City of Waterbury, the regional business community, and other groups.
The 26,000 square feet of academic, research, and community space that UConn is leasing also provides resources for humanities and social sciences.
That includes the HACER Lab, a hub for humanistic inquiry, research, and pedagogy developed in collaboration with Waterbury students and community partners; the Ideas + Impact initiative; and other learning communities focused on social impact, sustainability, and health-related projects.
These facilities will be used by programs in nursing, allied health, psychological sciences, urban and community studies, humanities and social sciences, business, and community partnerships.
Former Waterbury Mayor Neil O’Leary. (Steve Bustamante / University of Connecticut)
Additionally, it will serve as the home for the Haskins Global Literacy Hub, a newly formed partnership between Yale, UConn Global Affairs, and UConn Waterbury focused on promoting education and conducting innovative research to enhance literacy globally.
The Odd Fellows Building has a rich history in the City of Waterbury, and its restoration and use by UConn carries strong emotional and economic significance to the area.
Built at a cost of $100,000 and said to be among the finest of its time in the region, the building’s opening in 1895 drew more than 5,000 members of the group from around the East Coast and was featured in the New York Times.
In fact, the opening was marked by a parade and the event was so important to the city that all factories and schools were closed for the day, and all business shut down at noon, according to another Times article.
A clothing store occupied the first floor for about its first five years in addition to the meeting rooms and social spaces used by the Odd Fellows and others on the higher floors. Later, the popular Grieve, Bissett & Holland department store was in the building from 1902 until the mid-1960s.
Pernerewski, who joked that his role as Waterbury’s current mayor includes many ribbon-cuttings at projects that O’Leary initiated during his tenure, said Thursday that the building’s revival is symbolic: Just as O’Leary envisioned a promising future for a crumbling building, that building now provides a promising future for those who will use it.
“Where others saw obstacles, Neil always saw potential. That’s exactly what he saw in this building: a structure that had seen better days, but which could be brought back to life and serve this community in a powerful way,” Pernerewski said.
“This building and all it’s going to bring to UConn Waterbury and to our city is a reflection of Neil’s vision for Waterbury: bold, hopeful, and committed to progress.”
The Australian screen industry is often associated with fun, creativity and perhaps even glamour. But our new Pressure Point Report reveals a more troubling reality: a pervasive mental health crisis, which could see the screen industry lose a significant number of workers in the near future.
The two-year study led by Griffith University found burnout levels mirroring those found among healthcare workers.
Of the 864 survey responses we analysed, 72% said the screen industry is not a mentally healthy place to work, 36% frequently considered quitting in the past six months, and 25% said they would likely quit within the next six months.
The human toll of creativity
Working in film and television industry has been glamourised, with many aspiring creatives willing to endure difficult conditions to be part of making screen magic.
In a fast-paced environment, where budgets and timelines are squeezed, half of the survey respondents reported facing constant unreasonable deadlines, and 57% described themselves as completely drained by the end of the day.
Even more alarming, 59% struggled with work-life balance, having “little to no life outside of work”, and 62% felt pressured to not claim basic entitlements such as sick leave or holiday pay.
As one participant told us:
I’ve missed birthdays, weddings, and my kid’s school events because of impossible deadlines that could have been managed better with proper planning.
Historically, the industry has relied on workers’ passion to offset poor conditions. However, we’re now seeing a breaking point where even the most dedicated professionals are questioning if it’s worth the personal cost.
A culture of silence
The concerning statistics from our study uncover an underlying culture of misconduct by both practitioners and supervisors. Almost half of respondents experienced bullying in the past year, while 35% encountered sexual harassment or discrimination.
More troubling still, 36% of victims never formally reported incidents. They feared career damage, or that nothing would be done.
One respondent confided:
after witnessing how others were treated when they spoke up, I decided to stay quiet about my own experiences. It feels like complaining is career suicide in this industry.
This response echoes many of the other voices we heard from. Such experiences can lead to a toxic cycle in which unchecked workplace behaviours further damage people’s mental health across the industry.
Inequality compounds the problem
Our research demonstrates the mental health burden falls disproportionately on already marginalised groups.
Women face higher rates of unmanageable workload (54% compared to 38% for men) and poorer work/life balance. They also reported sexual harassment at more than triple the rate of men.
LGBTQIA+ practitioners are significantly worse off, too. They experience elevated rates of depression and sleep issues.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, culturally and linguistically diverse practitioners, and those living with a disability also face significantly higher rates of negative experiences.
The highest rates of adverse interactions were experienced by neurodivergent professionals and those with pre-existing mental health conditions. Many of them told us that others routinely disregard their professional opinions.
Beyond ‘wellness workshops’
“This industry needs more than a quick fix — it needs real, lasting change,” one veteran crew member emphasised. “That means calling out toxic behaviour, backing workers with proper support, and creating fair conditions where people are treated with respect.”
Our study highlights that surface-level solutions, such as isolated mental health workshops, can’t address the industry’s systemic problems.
Three-quarters of industry workers reported needing mental health support specifically because of their work. We have also found deep flaws in how productions are structured – and a need for the entire industry to see film sets as workplaces just like any other.
Genuine structural change is needed to stop the talent drain currently facing the screen industry.
The summit discussed potential reform models from other high-stress industries, including the construction industry’s MATES program and the UK Film and TV Charity’s Whole Picture Toolkit.
Doing more for Australia’s screen industry matters, not just because it produces entertainment for us — but because it captures our national identity and gives us a global voice.
An exodus of talent would threaten both the quantity and quality of local content. Australia has worked hard to position itself as a global production hub, attracting major international projects and Hollywood blockbusters that create jobs and build expertise.
If nearly a quarter of the workforce exits, the industry would severely diminish its capacity to capitalise on these opportunities.
Peter Hegedus receives funding from Screen Queensland for developing and producing documentaries.
Bobbi-Lea Dionysius receives funding from Screen Queensland for developing and producing documentaries and VR projects. She is affiliated with Women in Film & TV (WIFT).
